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STONE
GORGIAS UGARITIC STUDIES
1
General Editor
N. Wyatt
Word of Tree and Whisper of Stone
And Other Papers on Ugaritian Thought
N. WYATT
GORGIAS PRESS
2007
First Gorgias Press Edition, 2007
Copyright © 2007 by Gorgias Press LLC
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Table of Contents v
Preface vii
Acknowledgments ix
Abbreviations xi
1 A New Look at Ugaritic Šdmt 1
2 The Titles of the Ugaritic Storm-God 7
3 The Pruning of the Vine in KTU 1.23 41
4 Understanding Polytheism: Structure and Dynamic in a West Semitic
Pantheon 47
Introduction ..................................................................................................47
The Experience of Polytheism ...................................................................49
The Experience of Divine Images.............................................................57
Polytheism as a Religious Norm ................................................................59
Dynamics of the Pantheon .........................................................................62
Terms for the Pantheon of Ugarit, and Possible Divisions within it...63
The Existence of Demons in a Polytheistic Culture...............................79
The Theory of a “Crisis of Polytheism” ...................................................81
The Problem of the Origins of Monotheism...........................................83
5 Religion at Ugarit: an overview 85
1 Introduction .........................................................................................85
2 Cosmology............................................................................................87
3 Theology ...............................................................................................93
4 Mythology...........................................................................................106
5 The Royal Ideology of Ugarit..........................................................115
6 Ritual ..................................................................................................119
7 Family Life and its Religious Expression.......................................123
8 Other Religious Manifestations.......................................................125
9 Sickness ...............................................................................................131
10 Death and its Rites ............................................................................133
11 Non-Literary Dimensions in Ugaritian Religion ..........................136
v
VI WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
12 Conclusion 141
6 Epic in Ugaritic Literature 143
Introduction ................................................................................................143
Poems concerning Baal .............................................................................145
The Story of Keret .......................................................................................147
The Story of Aqhat .....................................................................................149
Ilimilku’s Motives .......................................................................................150
7 “May Horon Smash Your Head!”: a Curse Formula from Ugarit 155
Word of Tree and Whisper of Stone: El’s Oracle to King Keret (Kirta),
and the Problem of the Mechanics of its Utterance 167
I Introduction .......................................................................................167
II The Oracle in Keret (Kirta) ................................................................170
III An Oracular Formula in Baal and its Implications for
Ugaritian and Biblical Thought .......................................................181
Bibliography of Works Cited 193
Index 227
PREFACE
I have Steve Wiggins to thank for the acceptance of this volume not only by
Gorgias Press, but in a new monograph series of which I have also been
invited to serve as honorary editor. It is the fourth in a series of collections
I have made (the others being Wyatt 2005a, 2005b and 2008). In these, as in
the present volume, I have sought to bring to a wider readership past pa-
pers of mine which I consider to have been important stages in my intellec-
tual development, and which I hope have also offered something of value
to scholarship. The present volume is devoted entirely to Ugaritic matters,
but in my view shows the relevance of what may appear to many to be a
rather arcane discipline, to both biblical and classical scholarship, and
through these and their heritage, to the wider field of the history of human
culture, with reference to the contribution of the ancient Near East to our
own traditions.
N. Wyatt
London
July 2007
vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author acknowledges with gratitude the generosity of the editors of the
following periodicals and publishing houses for permission to reprint vari-
ous chapters, as follows:
Journal of Semitic Studies, chapter 1; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster, chapters 2, 3
and 7; Journal of Higher Criticism, chapter 4; Basil Blackwell, chapter 5; Aula
Orientalis, chapter 6; and Koninklijke Brill N. V., chapters 5 and 8.
ix
ABBREVIATIONS
BZ Biblische Zeitschrift
BZAW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
CAD I. J. Gelb et al. (eds) The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute
of the University of Chicago (Chicago: Chicago Oriental Institute;
Glückstadt: J. and J. Augustin Verlag, 1956—).
CDA J. Black, A. George and N. Postgate (eds), A Concise Dictionary
of Akkadian (SANTAG 5, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2nd cor-
rected imprint, 2000).
CPU J.-L. Cunchillos and J.-P. Vita Concordancia de palabras ugaríticas en
morfología desplegada. Banco de datos filológicos semíticos noroccidentales
(BDFSN). Datos ugaríticos (3 vols, Madrid: CSIC, Institución
Fernando el Católico 1995).
CRRAI Comptes Rendus du Rencontre Assyriologique International
CRAIBL Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres
CRB Cahiers de la Revue Biblique
CSSA Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology
CTA A. Herdner, Corpus des tablettes en cunéiformes alphabétiques décou-
vertes à Ras Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 à 1939 2 volumes (BAH 79,
MRS 10, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Geuthner 1963).
DDD K. Van der Toorn, B. Becking and P. W. van der Horst (eds)
Dictionary of deities and demons in the Bible (Leiden: Brill 1995). 2nd
edition 1999.
DMOA Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui
DUL G. del Olmo Lete and J. Sanmartín, A Dictionary of the Ugaritic
Language in the Alphabetic Tradition (ET by W.G.E. Watson, Lei-
den: Brill, second edition 2004).
EPROER Études préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’Empire
romain
FARG Forschungen zur Anthropologie und Religions-geschichte
FAT Forschungen zum Alten Testament
FTL Forum Theologicae Linguisticae
GM Göttinger Miszellen
HALOT L. Koehler and W. Baumgartner Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of
the Old Testament (rev. W. Baumgartner and J.J. Stamm. ET
M.E.J. Richardson Leiden: Brill 1994–2000, 5 vols.).
HCANE (Studies in the) History and Culture of the Ancient Near East
HdO Handbuch der Orientalistik
ABBREVIATIONS XIII
HS Horae Soderblomianae
HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs
HSS Harvard Semitic Studies
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
IR Iconography of Religions
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JEOL Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JNSL Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JS Journal des Savants
JSOTS Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements
JSSM Journal of Semitic Studies Monographs
KTU KTU 1 = M. Dietrich, O. Loretz and J. Sanmartín Die keilalpha-
betischen Texte aus Ugarit (AOAT 24/1, Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon and Bercker
1976). KTU 2 = The Cuneiform alphabetic texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn
Hani and other places (ALASP 8, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag 1995).
KTU (Roman) used for text references.
LBA Late Bronze Age
LAPO Littératures anciennes du Proche-Orient
MARI Mari: Annales des Recherches Interdisciplinaires
MÄS Münchner Ägyptologische Studien
MCAAS Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences
MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschungen
MRS Mission de Ras Shamra
MS Melammu Symposia
NABU Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis
OTL Old Testament Library
OTS Oudtestamentische Studien
PIBA Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association
POLO Proche-Orient et Littérature Ougaritique
POS Pretoria Oriental Series
PRU Palais royal d’Ugarit
PRU 2. C. Virolleaud Textes en cunéiformes alphabétiques des archives est,
ouest et du petit palais (MRS 7, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klinksieck 1965).
XIV WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
PRU 3. J. Nougayrol Textes accadiens et hourrites des archives est, ouest et cen-
trales (MRS 6, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klinksieck 1955).
PRU 4. J. Nougayrol Textes accadiens des archives sud (MRS 9, Paris: Im-
primerie Nationale, Klinksieck 1956).
PRU 5. C. Virolleaud Textes en cunéiformes alphabétiques des archives sud,
sud-ouest et centrales (MRS 11, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klinksieck 1965).
PRU 6. J. Nougayrol Textes en cunéiformes babyloniennes des archives du
grand palais et du palais sud d’Ugarit (MRS 12, Paris:Imprimerie Nationale,
Klinksieck 1970).
RA Revue d’Assyriologie
RB Revue Biblique
RBL Review of Biblical Literature
RdE Revue d’Egyptologie
RES Revue des Etudes Sémitiques
RHR Revue de l’Histoire des Religions
RS Ras Shamra
RSO Ras-Shamra—Ougarit
SAA State Archives of Assyria
SAAS State Archives of Assyria Studies
SANTAG SANTAG Arbeiten und Untersuchungen zur Keilschriftkunde
SBLRBS SBL Resources for Biblical Study
SBLSS SBL Symposium Series
SBLWAW SBL Writings from the Ancient World
SHCANE Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East
SEÅ Svensk Exegetisk Årsbok
SEL Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici
SJOT Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament
SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo Anatolici
SMSR Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni
SO Studia Orientalia
SPIB Scripta Pontifici Instituti Biblici
SS Studi Semitici
SSLL Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics
SSR Studi Storico-Religiosi
ST Studia Theologica
SVT Supplements to Vetus Testamentum
TMO Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient
ABBREVIATIONS XV
1 De Moor 1971, 125; id. 1987, 54. J.C.L. Gibson also has “terraces”—1978, 42, 158; and S.
Segert 1986, 218, has “vineyard terraces”. Other translations are as follows: “fields”, Gordon
1977, 72; id. 1969, 488, §2588, also “vinevard(s)”, del Olmo Lete 1981, 175, 627, “fallow
fields”, Aistleitner 1964, 50; cf. id. 1974, 505 §2587 (root šdm): “I am sorry”. Many transla-
tors take refuge in the damaged state of the text.
1
2 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
lence suggested by the parallelism šdmt || gpn. Gaster’s interpretation in 1961, 421 is altogether
too free to be useful. Cf. also Caquot et al., 1974, 570 n. j: “vineyard”; so also Driver 1956,
121.
5 De Moor 1971, 75. See the discussion in Lloyd 1990.
1 A NEW LOOK AT UGARITIC ŠDMT 3
6 As commonly understood in the biblical context, and argued in detail in Lehmann 1983.
Cf. also Croatto and Soggin 1962.
7 See J.B. Curtis 1937; Lewis 1989, 145–58; Heider 1985; Day 1989.
8 Day 1989, 40–41.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD
1 For the most developed forms of the theory, see Gaster 1961 and de Moor 1971, and more
recently 1987. For a succinct demolition of de Moor’s argument see Grabbe 1976. See also
Smith 1986; Wyatt 1996, 144–55.
2 Pope 1955; Oldenburg 1969. See the reaction of L’Heureux 1979.
7
8 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
1 aliy(n)
While this certainly appears in formulae §§2 and 3, there may be two unrec-
ognized instances in which it appears independently. The first of these is
KTU 1.4 iv 43–4, where the final n of the supposed aliy[n] is missing, and is
usually restored along with a word-divider (after KTU 1.3 v 32–3). This is
towards the end for the line (bʿl appears afterwards, on the edge) and the
tablet surface is poor, though without the certainty of lost signs. There is
the possibility that the n is not to be restored, in which case we have a title
3 See for instance Petersen and Woodward 1977; Parker 1977; Wyatt 1989.
4 See Pope 1987.
5 On the significance of ilib see most recently Lewis 1989, 56–59.
6 Whitaker 1972. See also Cunchillos and Vita 1995.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 9
independent of §2, though I would not press this.7 If we restore the n, then
it is an independent use of the first element of §3.
The passage is normally read as a bicolon, with three words in each co-
lon:
mlkn aliy[n] bʿl Our king is Valiant Baal,
tpṭn win d ʿlnh our ruler, and there is none above him!
I suggest that it may instead be a tricolon, which produces a more ele-
gant stichometry than the above:
mlkn aliy[n] Our king is Valiant,
bʿl tpṭn Baal is our ruler,
win dʿlnh and there is none above him!
This alternative stichometry is to be entertained even if the new title is
not accepted, though it is anomalous in dividing the two parts of the bino-
mial aliyn bʿl between the cola. On the usual bicolonic interpretation, we
have two titles of Baal in the first colon—one a binomial—balancing, or
rather failing to balance, the single title of the second colon. On my pro-
posal, two titles balance two titles, in cola without verbs, and also have a
chiastic structure, the first and fourth (both titles of office carrying a pos-
sessive suffix) framing the divided binomial; the pseudo-verbal third colon
then summarizes the theological implications of this fourfold naming of
Baal: he is supreme. This use of four titles appears elsewhere with reference
to Baal (cf. KTU 1.2 i 18–19, 34, 1.5 vi 23–24, 1.6 i 6–7, all with four differ-
ent titles, and 1.10 iii 32–36, 1.12 i 38–41, involving three titles, discussed
below). The same stichometry would also hold true for the second instance,
1.3 v 32–33, which is substantially identical with our present passage (only
having the n and lacking the w). It could be argued that this other passage
has the n because of scribal carelessness, expecting the much commoner
formula aliyn bʿl, just as readily as simply solving the present problem with
the provision of the n. But since the independent form is hypothetical, and
is part of the following two, we need say no more of it here. If it be re-
jected, we still have aliyn appearing independently in the poetic division of
the binomial, on my understanding of the stichometry. If it be argued that
7 Gordon read aliy b ʿl at KTU 1.5 v 17, Gordon 1969, §1342, though in the text section he
read it as aliyn(!)bʿl. A Herdner read aliy bʿl, 1963 i 36 n. 2, but corrected it to aliyn bʿl in the
text. KTU 1, 2 simply read it with the n . A textual error seems more probable here than a
variant.
10 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
2 aliy qrdm
This title, containing the above element without the post-formative n of §3,
occurs seven times. There has been some debate concerning the term qrdm,
which in this context is generally agreed to be a plural form related to Ak-
kadian qarradu or quradu, meaning “hero” or “warrior”.8 The title is to be
translated as “Mightiest (most valiant) of Heroes”, or similarly. Clearly this
is an honorific alluding to Baal’s mythological role in overcoming Yam and
Mot, the chaotic powers who would irrupt into the world and destroy its
stability. Even an acceptance of the etymology cited need not involve a re-
jection of associations with the term qrdm, “axe”, since this may well be an
intentional overtone. As in many ancient Near Eastern cosmologies, the
theme of conflict is dominant, which is probably due as much to political
ideologies—the perpetual warfare of rival kings—as to cosmological con-
siderations, though the two themes are inseparable.9
3 aliyn b‛l 10
This title occurs sixty-eight times (seventy if §1 be rejected). It is the com-
monest title of the weather-god after the simple bʿl. Despite early doubts as
to the identity of Aliyan Baal and Baal, Kapelrud demonstrated their iden-
tity. 11 The first element is usually explained as elative from √lʾy “be
8 I reexamined this term and the problem of qrdm = “axe”, and proposed a further occur-
rence of the latter, in Wyatt 1990c.
9 See in particular Wyatt 1990c, and also 1998 = 2005b, 151–89, and literature cited.
10 Kapelrud 1952, 47–50; van Zijl 1972, 341–45; Cooper 1981, 428–31.
11 Virolleaud 1931; id., 1934; Dussaud 1932; id., 1935; Kapelrud 1952, 47–50; van Zijl 1972,
342. The sole reference to aliyn bn bʿl in KTU 1.5 ii 17 is to be explained most satisfactorily
as a scribal error, as against the arguments of Eissfeldt 1951, 21 n. 5; Hvidberg 1962, 60; and
de Langhe 1945, 34 n. 90. J. Gray’s use of it, 1965, 164, to argue that there was an assimila-
tion of a vegetation deity Baal with the weather god Hadad, is unnecessary.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 11
strong” 12 (cf. §16 below). As with aliy qrdm, the title alludes to Baal’s charac-
teristically violent nature and victory in conflict. It is to be noted that this
idea of Baal as the “cosmic policeman”, perhaps creating 13 and certainly
maintaining the cosmos against hostile disruptive powers, far outweighs in
literary significance his role as storm-god. That is not to be played down,
but we are warned against unifunctional views of the gods. We are constitu-
tionally in constant danger of underestimating the complexity and subtlety
of polytheistic thought!14
4 il hd
This occurs seven times. On hd see §12 below. The identification of hd with
Baal is clear from the parallelism of KTU 1.4 vii 35–36, 1.5 i 22–23, ii 22
(restored), iv 6–7, 1.12 i 40–1 and 1.101.1–2. The purpose of the title ap-
pears to be prosodic rather than conveying any distinctive theological point.
5 bn il
In KTU 1.17 vi 28–29 the following bicolon occurs:
ašsprk ʿm bʿl šnt
ʿm bn il tspr yr m
The form bn may conceivably be construct plural or singular. The par-
allelism requires the latter sense,15 in spite of claims to the contrary.16 Ac-
cordingly, it is to be translated in this way:
I shall make you count with Baal the years;
with the son of El will you count the months.
Since on purely linguistic grounds plural or singular translations are
possible, the issue must be resolved on other grounds. I see the parallelism
12 See del Olmo Lete 1981, 513. Note however the caution of van Zijl 1972, 343, with dis-
cussion of other proposals.
13 There has been a lively debate on the issue of whether, or in what sense, Baal is a creator-
deity. Cf. Fisher 1965; Wakeman 1973; Clifford 1984; Day 1985; Wyatt, 1985c; Kloos 1986.
14 See now chapter 4.
15 So Driver 1956, 55; de Moor 1987, 238 (he cross-referred to 15, n. 75, where he insisted
that Baal is El’s son-in-law—thus implicitly retaining his filial relation with Dagan—see bn
dgn ); Aitken 1990, 45. Del Olmo Lete 1981, 377, hedged his bets, allowing either translation.
16 See for instance Caquot 1974, 432; Gibson 1978, 109 (though with n. 4 he allowed the
singular as a possibility).
12 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
as sufficient reason, but clearly those taking the plural line do not accept the
force of this. The real issue may be the matter of parentage of Baal, as rec-
ognized by Driver.17 This will be dealt with more fully in §6, but we may
here note that my provisional translation18 is consonant with KTU 1.4 iv
47–48, which employs the following formula and appears to allude to Baal:
[an] y lyṣ tr il abh
il mlk dyknnh
In spite of the lack of a dative l before il—and before atr in the follow-
ing line in this and other occurrences of the plea formula, we should trans-
late this, as is generally agreed, in this fashion:
[Groan]ing he cries to Bull El his father,
to [E]l the king who begot 19 him.
In this one passage it is certain that it is Baal who is crying out. The
same may be true in KTU 1.4 i 4–5, though the language is formulaic,20 and
may apply here rather to Kothar, who was summoned in 1.3 vi 1–25. It de-
pends on what we are to make of forty missing lines in between. I do not
think that we are to construe the bicolon as meaning that El cries out,
though this is grammatically possible.21 Such an interpretation would clash
with the contextual point that El is being petitioned. But even were such an
17 Driver 1956, 6 n. 3.
18 Cf. Wyatt 2002, 273:
I shall make you number (your) years with Baal:
with the son of El you shall number months.
19 The parallel with ab requires the sense of “begetting” for kwn here, and not “establishing”.
(Cf. HALOT ii 465, of Hebrew kwn, polel form, sense d),“to create”, following Aistleitner
and Gordon, recognized in Job 31:15, where the overtone “procreate” is implicit:
h al ōʾ-babbeṭen ʿōśēnî ʿāśā hû Did not he who made me in the womb make him,
way ekunennû bāre em ʾe ād and did (not) one create us ( both)? *
(*or possibly “did he [not] create us in one womb?”—sc. that of Mother Earth: cf. Job 1:21,
10:9, 10:18–19, 32:14–15; Genesis 2:7 and Wyatt 2005a, 254. The sense is of paternity.)
20 The formula refers to Anat in KTU 1.1 ii 18–19, 1.3 v 10, 35–36, to Kothar in 1.1 iii 5f., as
well as perhaps 1.4 i 4–5, and to Shapsh in 1.6 iv l0–11. But its conventional nature can
hardly be used to deny El’s paternity of Baal.
21 So for example Gordon 1977, 83.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 13
interpretation conceded, the fact would remain that the language treats El
as Baal’s father. The only objection to this would be the supposition, ex-
pressed by many, that the title bn dgn (§6) means that Baal is not among the
sons of El.
Before we turn to this issue, there is a further point to make about the
expression bn il. Let us consider the following formulations in KTU 1.40
(with reconstructions, occurring in lines 7–8, 16–17, 25, 33–34 and 42–43):
ab bn il... dr bn il... mp rt bn il .
I am not concerned here with the theological niceties of these expres-
sions,22 but with the significance of the phrase bn il. While the expressions
mean literally “Father of the sons of El” (sc. a title of El), “family of the
sons of El” and “assembly of the sons of El” respectively, the first is clearly
tautologous in Ugaritic just as in English, and is more appropriately trans-
lated as “Father of the gods”. The other two are similarly to be translated
respectively as “the family of the gods” and “the assembly of the gods”.
While the familial image is present, it has become something of a dead
metaphor. Perhaps we too often read ancient texts au pied de la lettre, without
acknowledging the idiomatic ordinariness of some expressions. I am pre-
pared to accept its literal meaning, that is, as stating that Baal is El’s son, in
a mythological passage like KTU 1.17 vi 28–29—and even here we are up
against problems of genre as soon as we incautiously use such language23—
but would not press it, and am happy to accept a “reduced” sense. This is
all the more interesting a prospect for the use of the phrase with regard to
kings, such as Keret in KTU 1.16 i 20, ii 48. While on the level of poetic
construction we have to balance the terms bn and šp , bn il nevertheless
does constitute a unity, as is clear from the formulae cited, and just means
“god”. Ergo, the possibility that Keret is or is not a god is at issue.24
the biblical tradition, it is all too often dismissed as purely metaphorical. That is, the idea that
it may actually be claiming a kind of divinity for the king is not addressed. ( We have become
locked in ontological categories of our own which we import into ancient texts). Similarly,
the expression benê ʾēlîm occurring in Psalms 29:1 and 89:7 (EVV 6) or benê ʾ elōhîm occurring
in Genesis 6:1, 2, Job 2:1 and 38:7, does not mean “angels”—a typical gloss put on it by a
14 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
6 bn dgn26
I have considered this title in a previous discussion.27 My conclusion then,
which I have seen no reason to change, was that this is not a statement of
filiation, but uses bn in the functional sense just discussed, the title having
the sense “Rainy One”, or more prosaically, “member of the category
‘rain(y)’”. There is reason to suppose that Baal and Dagan are actually di-
vergent forms of the common Semitic storm-god. If its usual understand-
ing, “son of Dagan”, be retained, we have not only a doublet of another
supposed filiation term, tk dgn, for which another explanation is also avail-
able and preferable—see §14 below—but a contradiction of both bn il and
its correlative tr il abh, discussed at §5 above. If it be objected that Baal and
Dagan appear as distinct deities in the pantheon lists KTU 1.47, 1.118 and
RS 20.24, then it may be countered that Baal himself appears under a num-
ber of apparently distinct hypostases (§7). But Baal and Dagan appear in-
deed to have become distinct in Ugarit, just as we also discern the process
of mergence of Anat with Athtart. All our texts are merely synchronic
cross-sectional slices through Ugarit’s religious history, and appear, under
their glass cover-slips, to have frozen what in reality was an unceasing proc-
ess of modifications, amalgamations and differentiations. But nowhere do
we have any evidence which independently corroborates Baal’s alleged son-
ship of Dagan.28 On the other hand, there are numerous expressions of the
role of El (ab) and Athirat (qnyt ilm) in the extended metaphor of the pan-
theon as their children (šbʿm bn atrt, dr bn il ).
7 bʿl 29
By far the commonest designation of the storm-god, this title means “mas-
ter”, “owner”, “husband” or “lord”. Its application to him is to be inferred
from the context, with either the theme of a narrative, as in the Baal cycle,
or the use of other epithets in parallel, such as bʿl ||hd, confirming the sup-
position that this is indeed the deity concerned. But it must not be assumed
that it always has this reference. There is certainly no evidence at all from
the numerous biblical passages in which the Canaanite cult of Baal is pillo-
ried that it is always a question of the weather-god. The issue has gone by
default. But within the restricted area of Ugarit and its dependent territory,
there is more likelihood of the title, where not otherwise specified, being
applied to the same god, and given the weather-god’s prestige in Ugarit, it is
probable that bʿl normally, if not always, denotes him.
There is an interesting question which arises from the various pan-
theon lists. They all list seven Baals, the first distinguished by the genitive
ṣpn as bʿl ṣpn, in the Akkadian version (RS 20.24.5) in the extended form
dAdad bel uršan azi. There is a partial explanation of this if we consider
the provenance of Baal,30 but for the present we may note simply the idea
of a single god having multiple forms, perhaps as a figure for his wide-
ranging activities and epiphanies. Since the Akkadian text enumerates them,
after the first, as dAdad II–VII, it is clear that they are different forms of the
28 Fontenrose cut the Gordian knot of the problem by identifying Dagan and El: 1957, 277–
79.
29 Kapelrud 1952, 43–47; Cooper 1981, 347–61.
30 See Wyatt 1987a and 1988a for arguments concerning an Indo-European contribution to
the person of Baal. There is ample evidence of Indo-European presence in the Near East in
the Late Bronze Age, not least in Ugarit, which may even allude to Baal’s Vedic counterpart
Indra in the personal name bn idr .
16 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
same god, and not merely a group of similar gods. Since bʿl, like bn, may
have a functional sense in Ugaritic, as in Hebrew, there always remains the
possibility that any individual form “bʿl x” may be quite independent of the
multiple manifestations of the storm-god. In most, if not all, such cases, we
simply cannot be sure. On the other hand, if Egypt may be used for com-
parison, there are many “Horus gods”, that is gods with the element r as
part of the name, such as the ram-headed god Heryshef ( ry-š.f : “the One
over his Lake”), whose only real connection with Horus the falcon god is
the word-play of r( y) “on” with r(w) “exalted”. Mere phonetic fancy may
often lead to profound theological consequences (as with Exodus 3:13).
8 bʿl ugrt
The hesitation expressed in §7 above relates to titles such as this, occurring
in KTU 1.41.[42] and 1.46.[16*] (restored), 1.65.10, 1.105.19*, 1.109.1*, 16,
35–36, 1.119.3, 12, and 21–22, where it is most likely that the storm-god is
meant. In the asterisked cases the wording is bt bʿl ugrt, which may alterna-
tively be translated as “the temple of Baal (in) Ugarit”, while in 1.109.16 bʿl
ugrt is followed immediately by bʿl lb, “Baal of Aleppo”, showing that we
are dealing with a city god, who may or may not be the storm-god, though
in the case of Ugarit he probably was, given that the latter had a temple
there. It appears that in West Semitic usage, bʿl functions rather like dIštar in
Akkadian, which may denote goddesses in general, as well as Ishtar herself,
and even in her case has many distinct hypostases, such as Ishtar of
Niniveh and Ishtar of Arbela. In KTU 1.47 and parallel texts we have seen
a number of Baals, who appear to be distinct forms of the god, perhaps for
liturgical purposes (cf. KTU 1.65.10).
9 bʿl ṣpn 31
Baal is in this title declared to be the lord or master of the sacred mountain,
ṣpn, lying some miles to the north of the city.32 We should note that because
10 gmr hd
This apparent title of Baal appears in one instance, in the damaged passage
KTU 1.2 i 46. De Moor translates it as “Haddu the champion”,34 Dahood
as “Avenger”.35
Gordon 1969, §592; Cooper 1981, 444–45; van Zijl 1972, 346–47.
18 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
11 dmrn
This word occurs once or twice: in KTU 1.92.30 it may appear, if the initial
d is to be restored, as by de Moor,36 though the context remains too dam-
aged for any certain interpretation; and once in the Baal cycle, in KTU 1.4
vii 39, where the reading is secure, but interpretation has been less so, and it
has only with some reluctance been accepted as a title of Baal.37 The whole
section is difficult, but for the moment we are concerned simply with the
bicolon in 38–39:
ib hd 38 m t š Enemies of Hadd, why do you fear,
lm t š ntq dmrn why do you fear the weapons of dmrn?
The clue to the reference of the term dmrn has been recognized as the
divine name Demarous (Δη ο ) occurring in Eusebius’ Praeparatio
Evangelica 1.10 (§§15, 19, 21 [37a, 38a, c]).39
In the first of these passages we read that a concubine of Ouranos
(Epigeios), who is already pregnant, is given to Dagon (“ό έ ω ”)
and subsequently bears Demarous. In the second Demarous is said to be
the father of Melkathros (sc. Melqart) who is also called Herakles, and is
said, in alliance with Ouranos, to have fought Pontos (sc. Yam). In the third
a triad of deities, Astarte (sc. Athtart), Zeus Demarous and “Adodos king
of (the) gods” (sc. Hadad) are said to rule the country (sc. Phoenicia) with
the consent of Kronos.40
36 Herrmann 1969, 9, 14; he took it to be a title of Baal. De Moor 1985, 228, translated it as
“place of perdition”. KTU did not attempt to fill the lacuna. KTU2, 110 confidently read the
whole phrase, and in Wyatt 2002, 373 I translated “the Mighty One would possess her (Ath-
tart’s) beauty”.
37 See discussion in Pope 1955, 47 n. 95; Dahood 1965, 483; Astour 1967, 40, 387; Olden-
burg 1969, 59 n. 1; de Moor 1971, 166–67; Margalit 1980, 65; Gibson 1978, 65 n. 10; del
Olmo Lete 1981, 537. Among these scholars de Moor and Margalit resist the consensus.
38 Omit the t of the text (CTA, KTU) with de Moor 1971, 166, or read it as hdm with Margalit
1980, 63. Driver 1956, 100, interpreted the t as deictic with vocative force, or as an error for
d (so also del Olmo Lete 1981, 209), while Gibson 1978, 65, just ignored it.
39 The linking of Demarous with Baal-Hadad was already made by Gruppe, 1887, 360, and
linked with the dmrn of KTU 1.14 vii 39 by Cassuto 1949, 65–67; both cited with approval
by Pope 1955, 47 n. 95.
40 Gifford 1903, i 41–43.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 19
see Wyatt 1978), show that El, here identified with Yahweh, is the combatant of Yam. The
same is true of Psalm 106:21.
44 Oldenburg’s translation of Ζ Δη ο Α ω ο by “Zeus Dema-
rous, even Adodos, the King of the Gods”, (1969, 59—contrast the translation he offered
on p. 43!) while correct in its results, seems to me unwarranted, and disguises the fact that
Eusebius is specifically referring to a triad, including the preceding Astarte, even if he is
expanding a dyad.
45 Aistleitner 1974, §762.
20 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
ments of the meanings of mr (r ) see also Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartín 1973, 119–122;
Pardee 1978.
51 Del Olmo Lete 1981, 537.
52 Caquot et al . 1974, 217.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 21
12 hd , hdd 53
With or without il, this title appears twenty-two times as hd, and twice as
hdd. These appear to be variants of one another, though the former may
represent a West Semitic form *had(du)54, the latter to be vocalized hadad(u),
and representing the Akkadian form adad (sc. Adad). It also appears three
times in the form add, presumably a straight transcription of the Akkadian
form, in KTU 1.65.9 (il add )55 and KTU 1.70.5, 17.56 All these forms are
perhaps best explained as an onomatopoeic formation imitating the sound
of thunder.57 The use of this title, in whatever form, may well be a deliberate
poetic device to evoke the wider associations of Adad as an international
deity, but we need not go so far as Kapelrud in supposing that two distinct
gods are being identified in such usage. We are speaking of different cult
titles of the same deity. While the text is too damaged for a coherent trans-
lation, we have in one fragment the juxtaposition of hdd ( pn hdd: “the face
of Had[ad]”?58), ṣ ǵ r hd (“the youth Hadad”, “the young Hadad”59) and zbl
bʿl ǵlm (“Prince Baal the young god”60) (KTU 1.9.13, 18, 17, respectively).
1972, 350).
58 ( In Wyatt 2002, 153, I translated this as “... before Hadd...”.)
59 Van Zijl 1972, 347. ( But see now Wyatt 2002, 154 and n. 11. My revised translation is “a
youngster of Hadd”, that is, another person independent of the storm-god himself.)
60 The term ǵlm needs further analysis. It is always used, with divine reference, of attendants
on the chief deities. With human reference it is used of kings, heirs to the throne, and in the
feminine (ǵlmt ) of a figure performing a sacred marriage, where the reference is ritually hu-
man but mythologically divine. Cf. also theʿalmâ in Isaiah 7:14. It appears to have associa-
tions of youth and (sexual) vigour (cf. BDB’s explanation—761). I have tentatively associ-
ated it with ṣelem : Wyatt 1990, 23 = 2005b, 63. (See now Wyatt 2002, 58 n. 99. On p. 154, I
translated this as “ Prince Baal [ ] an heir”, implicitly differentiating between Baal and his
heir.)
22 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
13 hmlt
It is a new proposal of mine to recognize in some cases of the occurrence
of this phoneme a further title of Baal. It is dependent on two factors: a
new stichometry for KTU 1.5 vi 23–25 (in which El speaks—we have sub-
stantially the same words by Anat [with nrd for ard ] in KTU 1.6 i 6–8) and
the recognition of lim (§17 below) as a divine title. We shall leave this latter
point till then. As for the former, let us consider the following passage (ini-
tially arranged as on the tablet):
bʿl mt my lim bn dgn
my hmlt atr bʿl nrd
arṣ...
This is a well-known crux. Let us cite a few examples of modern trans-
lations. The majority view is typified by Coogan’s version:
Baal is dead: what will happen to the peoples?
Dagon’s son: what will happen to the masses?
I will go down into the earth in Baal’s place.61
Caquot read:
Baʿal est mort!
Que va devenir le peuple du Fils de Dagan?
Que va devenir la multitude?
Sur les traces de Baʿal, je vais descendre en terre.62
Gaster had:
Baal is dead!
What will now become of the clan of Dagan’s son?
What will now become of the multitudes of Baal’s posterity?
I will go down into the earth.63
If the possibility is considered that lim is a divine title, then a spanner is
thrown into the works of the passage, which is perhaps not a bad thing,
given the problems scholars have obviously faced. I propose the following
stichometry and translation:
61 Coogan 1978, 109. Substantially the same line was taken by Jirku; Aistleitner; Clear; del
Olmo Lete 1981, 222, Ginsberg, ANET 139; van Zijl 1972, 177.
62 Caquot 1974 i 251. He was followed by Gibson 1978, 73–74.
63 Gaster 1961, 213. De Moor 1971, 190, id., 1987, 81, took the same approach.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 23
64 Or: “Who is . . . ? ” The bicolon looks as though it may have an independent origin from
the formula bʿl mt ||ard barṣ . On the liturgical question, to which the response is the acclama-
tion of the divine name, cf. Psalm 24:8, 10. If this is the sense here, then the poet has skil-
fully interlocked cultic formulations of different genre. This would have less effect in the
context of the common interpretation of the bicolon rejected above.
65 For this translation see §17 below.
66 Del Olmo Lete 1981, 570.
67 BDB 242b. (Cf. HALOT i 251a, “(tumultuous) crowd”, while classifying under Arabic
√hamala , “rain heavily”). A case of disjointed thinking? See also DUL i 342, referring to this
paper.
68 Rin 1963, 27 = 1976 xv.
24 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
form of √hmh (< √*hmy), meaning “murmur”, “roar”. Del Olmo Lete
linked the Ugaritic and Hebrew terms with Akkadian amelutu, 69 sc. “peo-
ple”, while W.G.E. Watson has suggested to me orally that the Akkadian
cognate is perhaps not this, but ummilu (√[w]amalu) = “disturber”.70 Perhaps
the best test of an alternative theory for the usage in KTU 1.5 vi 24 and 1.6
i 7 is to consider other contexts in which the phoneme occurs. Let us there-
fore consider KTU 1.2 i 18–19 and its repetition at 34–35:
tn ilm dtqh
dtqyn hmlt
tn bʿl wʿnnh
bn dgn artm pdh
Gibson understood this as follows:
Give up, gods, him whom you protect,
him whom you protect, O multitude,
give up Baal and his lackeys,
the son of Dagan, that I may possess his gold.
This at least preserves the parallelism implicit in ilm, hmlt, but makes
the latter term refer to gods. Note too that Gibson translated the two forms
dtqlh and dtqyn as having substantially the same syntax. This may be con-
trasted with del Olmo Lete’s approach:
Entregad, dioses, a quien rendís pleitesia,
a quien rinden pleitesía las multitudes,
entregad a Baʿlu y a sus servidores,
al hijo de Daganu de cuyo oro pueda apoderarme.71
In preserving the human reference of hmlt, he construed the two verbs
as second person plural and third person plural forms respectively, but
thereby introduced a further element into the passage (a tetracolon devel-
oped from two constituent bicola) which is unnecessary on Gibson’s ap-
proach, and as we shall see, on mine, and is best therefore avoided. I take it
to mean this:
Give up the god whom you obey, 72
72 The radical is √yq y . Gibson looked to Arabic waqa ( y) = “protect”, 1978, 148, as did
Gordon 1969, §1143; I prefer to see the term related to Hebrew √yqh (< √* yq y ) = “obey”.
Del Olmo Lete referred to both cognates, 1981, 561.
73 I construe dtqh in the previous colon as d relative with 2nd. pl. G form yqtl , with h 3rd. m.
sg. object suffix, and dtqyn in the same way, mutatis mutandis ; n is also a 3rd. m. sg. object
suffix, and I take it that it is the phonetic influence of this which has caused the y to be re-
tained with the verb. Both verbs could also be contrued as 3rd. f. sg. or pl.
74 Far better than “retinue” or the like, though this may be alluded to through paronomasia.
ʿnn appears to mean “cloud” in KTU 1.10 ii 33. Cf. Hebrew ʿnn, which BDB 778a noted is
used “esp. of theophanic cloud (58 t.)”. Cf. HALOT ii 857–58. The clouds are not inani-
mate, being in effect subordinate manifestations of the god, and numbered as seven in 1.5 v
6–9.
75 Following Gaster 1950, 12; Gordon 1969, §2023; del Olmo Lete 1981, 609. Discussion by
Sasson 1972, 437 (§III 97 ). I am uneasy about this, and would be happier if we could detect
in pd an equivalent to the mythological figures lurking in ʿnn . Thus “clouds” could be seen as
Baal’s possession, which Yam would seize. In the Vedic tradition, clouds are seen as cattle,
property par excellence . The seizure of gold is however also perhaps a figure for victory over
an enemy. (Cf. Wyatt 2002, 59 [and nn. 104–07 ]:
Give up the god whom you obey,
the one whom you obey, Tempest!
Give up Baal [and his retinue],
the Son of Dagan, whose gold I shall seize!’”)
26 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
14 ḥtk dgn
This epithet occurs once, in KTU 1.10 iii 32–36:
ql lbʿl ttnn She spoke to Baal:
bšrt il [bšr b]ʿl Receive wonderful tidings, Baal,
w bšr tk dgn yea, hear the good news, Ruler 76 of the Rain!
kibr lbʿl yld For a steer is born to Baal,
wrum lrkb ʿrpt and a wild bull to the Charioteer of the Clouds!
The double parallelism of the divine titles should be noted here:
bʿl || tk dgn, bʿl || rkb ʿrpt
In such an arrangement, we may expect a balance between the parts,
so that in effect bʿl= bʿl (obviously), but more informatively, tk dgn = rkb
ʿrpt ; that is, there should be some semantic balance between the two terms.
This would not be achieved if tk dgn were construed as “Scion of Da-
gan”—which in any case is not convincing if we reject bn dgn as meaning
“Son of Dagan”, discussed above,77 but is achieved if the former title means
“Ruler of the Rain”. Indeed it draws attention to the regal element which is
implicit in, if not generally recognized of, the corresponding rkb ʿrpt . This
puts Baal not merely in the martial sphere, but more particularly in the royal
sphere (for which see § 20, and cf. §§18 and 21). The term tk is construed
on this understanding as relating to the verb of this form, occurring in He-
brew with the sense of “divide”, “determine”.78 A noun from the same base
may occur in KTU 1.108.23, 25, interpreted by de Moor as “sway”79 or “pa-
tronage”.80 The occurrence of this term in KTU 1.108 may have a bearing
on the problem of the identity of rpu, discussed below (§22).
Lete 1981, 544. To the second meaning, “disease”, cf. Tsevat 1954, 322.
84 I would reject any idea of the wholesale use of the Baal myths as they are narrated in
KTU1.1 to 6 within the cult, as envisaged for instance by Gaster and de Moor among recent
commentators. But given that the poet(s) are bound to have been dealing in stereotyped
language, traditional forms and cultic clichés, it should come as no surprise to find echoes of
the cult in odd snatches from time to time.
28 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
10 is repeated verbatim at 1.6 i 41–43 (mt aliyn bʿl, lq zbl bʿl arṣ ), and the
formula clearly belongs with the slight variations of 1.6 iii 2–3 (whm y aliyn
bʿl, hm it zbl bʿl arṣ ), 1.6 iii 8–9 = 1.6 iii 20–21 (k y aliyn bʿl, kit zbl bʿl arṣ ),
and 1.6 iv 4–5 = 15–16 ( iy aliyn bʿl, iy zbl bʿl arṣ) within some liturgical con-
text, presumably a rite of mourning Baal’s death and celebrating his resur-
rection. These latter passages all deal therefore with the mythological con-
flict between Baal and Mot. The contexts of both usages, these and that at
KTU 1.3 i 3, seem to me to support the view that the overall sense of the
conflicts is a cosmological rather than an agricultural one. The fight be-
tween the three gods concerns the lordship of the ordinary world of living
beings.
16 liy
In a number of administrative texts the element liy occurs in strings of per-
sonal names, appearing either as a hypocoristic, or in a full form as bn liy . In
the absence of other likely candidates, we are justified in understanding liy
provisionally as a further title of Baal, cognate with and corresponding to
aliy(n) dealt with in §§1–3 above.
17 lim
We noted above a problem with the understanding of lim in KTU 1.5 vi 23
and 1.6 i 6. Most scholars have understood it as the equivalent of Hebrew
leʾōm, meaning “people”.85 We have seen however (§13 above) that the par-
allel term hmlt is not to be interpreted in this way. We must of course avoid
a circular argument by making each word’s meaning dependent on the
other’s, and we intentionally left lim out of account in determining the
meaning of hmlt.
There is also a plausible alternative for lim. A deity by this name ap-
pears in the Mari texts, and it is interpreted by G. Dossin as the Amorite
translation of Dagan, which he took to be Sumerian.86 He was wrong on the
85 Driver 1956, 158: in the formula ybmt limm , he interpreted lim as “ruler”, translating the
expression as “the sister-in-law of rulers” (55 etc.).
86 Dossin 1950, 49–50. On Lim’s importance at Mari see Dahood 1958, 68. See also Röllig
1968, 126. Lipiński saw Lim as a form of the sun god: 1967, 151–60, cit. Margalit 1980, 134
n. 5.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 29
latter point,87 but the important elements in his argument with which we
may agree are firstly the West Semitic nature of the divine name, and sec-
ondly his equivalence with Dagan. We have seen above (§6) that Dagan and
Baal appear to be divergent forms of the same deity, so that their equiva-
lence in Mari—anticipating for a moment that lim is a title of Baal—is to be
expected.
Recognition of lim in the Ugaritic texts as an allusion to a deity appears
to be to the credit of de Moor,88 though he rejected this explanation of limm,
that is, with a further m. Indeed he appears to have changed his mind on
the former immediately afterwards.89 I am happy however to accept his ini-
tial insight.
We cannot discuss lim without some consideration of the formula used
of Anat on a number of occasions. This is spelt in various ways: on five
occasions it appears as ybmt limm, on one as ymmt limm, and on four is re-
stored in broken contexts.90 While the spelling ybmt has the strongest sup-
port, it hardly has a monopoly, and so close are b and m phonetically (plo-
sive and fricative forms of the same voiced labial articulation91) that we may
credit either a scribal mishearing on one or more instances, if the texts were
dictated, or an etymological equivalence of two terms, to be seen as variants
of each other. As to meaning, we have some extraordinary offerings, from
“Sister-in-law of Peoples”92 to “Wanton Widow of the Nations”93. The very
implausibility of these ought to have encouraged further enquiries. But if lim
is a divine title, then it is at least possible that limm is a variant form, and de
1987, 81–82.
90 See Whitaker 1972, 395. The references in KTU are as follows: ybmt : KTU 1.3 ii 33, 1.4 ii
15–16, 1.10 iii 3, 1.17 vi 19, 25; ymmt : 1.3 iii 12; [ ]: 1.3 iv 22, (CTA 7 ii 13 left blank), 1.10 i
15, 1.101.15–16. (Cf. Cunchillos and Vita 1995, II.1 902–03, 959.)
91 Cf. Ugaritic špš with Hebrew šemeš , Akkadian šamaš , and in spite of the gutturals, the gen-
tilics ʾrm and ʿrb . Løkkegaard, 1953, 226, cautiously cited m and b, meaning “from”.
92 Albright 1938, 19 n. 6, explained the title as “ Progenitress of peoples”. Caquot et al . 1974,
e.g. 161, left the formula untranslated in their text, but had a preference for “ le vocabulaire
des relations de parenté ”, 91–92.
93 De Moor 1987, 7 and n. 35. In id., 1969, 183 and id., 1971, 97, he decided on “Nubile
Moor’s protestation that this is unlikely, when he actually cited the analogue
of amrr, is unconvincing.94
The proposal of Obermann 95 and Løkkegaard 96 that ymmt is the pri-
mary form―though neither followed it up in this way―allows comparison
with Arabic yamamat, “pigeon”, “dove”, with which Sarna in turn 97 com-
pared Hebrew yemimah , name of a daughter of Job in Job 42:14. On the
basis of the equivalence of b and m, there is no reason why the same sense
should not be discerned in ybmt too. Accordingly, we may interpret Anat’s
title as “Dove of Limm”, where the overtones of all bird-language ad-
dressed to women are present. Anat is Lim’s (Baal’s) Beloved.98 In addition
to this there is the tradition of Anat as a bird, or at any rate as winged. Con-
sider for instance KTU 1.10 ii 10:
tšu knp btltʿn[t ] Virgin Anat lifted up her wing(s),
It is obvious ... that the two women react to the double meaning of El’s perform-
ance: the stick ( penis) will enter the innocent bird (girl, almost universal imagery, e.g.
Hebrew yonâ ) ...
Note the English phrase “lovey-dovey”(!), and verbs like “billing and cooing”. Girls are
commonly birds, chicks, hens, ducks, “(dem)oiselles” etc. I am sure that some political car-
toonist has even portrayed Mrs Thatcher as a vulture! A remarkable passage in the Odes of
Solomon, 24.1, reads:
The Dove fluttered over the head of our Lord Messiah,
because he was her Head;
and she sang over Him
and her voice was heard ...
(Charlesworth 1983–85 ii 757)
While this is no doubt an allusion to the baptism of Jesus, the feminine nature of the dove
almost demands a recognition of a mythological dimension, and it is hard to escape the sense
that Anat hovering protectively over Baal lies in the remote past behind the present image.
(Cf. too avian imagery in the iconogram of Horus and Horon hovering protectively over the
Pharaoh. See chapter 7 below.)
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 31
tšu knp wtr bʿp she lifted up her wings and flew away.
There is also the following passage in KTU 1.108.8–9:
w ʿnt di<y> And Anat the kite, (read dit ?)
dit r pt [bšm] rm<m> the kite hovering in the high heaven.
and the goddess’ words in KTU 1.18 iv 21–22:
bn nšrm ar p ank between the falcons I shall myself hover.
There is also some circumstantial iconographic evidence.99 So the bird-
metaphor of ybmt (variant ymmt ) is consistent with a general conception of
the goddess.
As for the divine name lim, it is to be construed as a further example
of √lʾy , which appeared in aliy(n) (§§1–3) and liy (§16). So lim is to be under-
stood as “powerful” or “potent”, whence my translation as “the Potent”.
The additional m (limm instead of lim) may be explained as enclitic, mima-
tion,100 intensive, or plural of majesty.101
18 mlk
Three gods, El, Athtar and Baal are all called king, while Yam and Mot have
royal qualities, Yam being given coronation titles (KTU 1.1 iv 14–20102) and
Mot ruling a city (1.4 viii l0–14 103). Mot is also described as “the king of
terrors” in Job 18:14. We seem to have more than a plenitude of potentates.
Here we may note that becoming a king is in Baal’s case a corollary of his
victory over Yam, and that the need for the palace (sc. temple) is the logical
outcome of his declared kingship.
99 See Yon 1991, 291–93, 329 (fig. 9 c), for the stela of a goddess from Ugarit whose long
skirt is in the form of a wing. In the ivory panel from the royal bed, a winged goddess (sc.
Athirat?) suckles two sons (sc. Shahar and Shalem as royal gods). See Caquot and Sznycer
1980, pl. xxixb.
100 Gordon 1969, §8.2, claimed that the mimation is defunct in Ugaritic. But surely it sur-
vives, for instance, in the title of Mot, bn ilm , to which cf. biblical benê ʾēlîm , where the divine
name ( El) is genitive sg.?
101 So Gray 1965, 43, though he saw the term as meaning “prince”.
102 See Wyatt 1985b, 121–25 = 2005b, 18–22.
103 Cf. n. 42.
32 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
19 ʿly
This term, of which the familiar biblical and common West Semitic form
ʿelyôn is an extension, with post-formative n, appears twice, in KTU 1.16 iii
6, 8. Immediately following nearly forty lines of missing text at the end of
16 ii and the beginning of 1.16 iii, the title appears to come in the context of
a rite being performed by an unidentified person (perhaps Ilhu?) to over-
come an apparent curse on the land accompanying Keret’s sickness. We can
see from the context that the title belongs to Baal:
To the earth (may there come) the rain of Baal,
to the steppe the rain of the Most High!
Pleasant to the earth (would be) the rain of Baal,
and to the steppe the rain of the Most High! 104
This appears, like some other formulaic passages in the text, to be a
quotation from a liturgy, which would explain why the epithet is found no-
where else in the Baal cycle: that is, it belongs to the liturgical, but not the
broader poetic repertoire.
20 rkb ʿrpt105
This title is found sixteen times, ten times in the Baal cycle (KTU 1.1–6),
and three in 1.10, once in Aqhat (1.19), and twice in 1.92, which appears to
be a fragment of mythology. It seems to be a specifically poetic title, there-
fore, no doubt used in liturgical contexts—though there is no reason to
interpret any of these as such—but not to designate Baal in sacrificial lists.
104 Gordon 1949, 80; id., 1969, §1855; Kapelrud 1952, 62; Bronner 1968, 101, misconstrued
the title, which is followed in both instances by the word n ʿm , as ʿly n ʿm , “the exalted good
one”. Cf. van Zijl 1972, 282.
(Cf. Wyatt 2002, 231:
To the earth let the rain of Baal speak ,
and to the steppe the rain of the Most High!
Pleasant to the earth (would be) the rain of Baal ,
and to the steppe the rain of the Most High! )
105 Kapelrud 1952, 61–62.
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 33
Two senses have been proposed for the title: “Rider of the Clouds”106 or
“Charioteer of the Clouds”107. The precise form rkb gives no certain clue as
to which of these is to be preferred, since the basic sense appears to be “to
mount and ride”, that is, a mechanical or animal vehicle, or even, in effect,
“to climb”108. The nub is whether in the case of the title the riding is of an
animal (which is never specified or identified) or of a vehicle drawn by one
or more animals. There are two aspects to the problem: whether or not
people actually rode animals at the period in history from which the Uga-
ritic texts date, and the iconographic traditions concerning the storm-god.
The answer to the first issue is that they evidently did. We have the in-
ternal evidence of the Baal cycle, which describes the preparation of Athi-
rat’s donkey, and Qadesh-and-Amurru lifting the goddess bodily onto the
animal’s back (KTU 1.4 iv 1–15). In addition we have numerous illustra-
tions of Athtart riding bareback on a horse, all dating from the Late
Bronze. 109 Indeed, illustrations collected by Littauer and Crouwel 110 show
that the riding of animals was an ancient art, though horses (equus caballus
caballus) appear to have been used in this way only relatively recently. Early
horse-remains from the region belong, where identifiable, to other sub-
species (the hemippus, equus hemippus, the onager, equus hemionus onager and
the ass, equus asinus africanus 111). The earliest “true horse” remains belong to
the second millennium, and were apparently introduced from Asia. 112 They
106 Gaster 1961, 161; Cassuto 1970, 59; Driver 1956, 81; Jirku 1962, 24 (“Wolkenreiter”);
Gordon 1969, §2331; de Moor 1971, 98 (but see his discussion: “ The divine charioteer [sic]
could be designated as rakibu ʿurpati , ‘Driver of the Rain-clouds’ or as rakubu ʿurpati , ‘ Rider
on the Rain-clouds’ ...”; cf. the similar ambiguity in id., 1987, 7); Caquot 1974, 74
(“Chevaucheur”); Gibson 1978, 43; Margalit 1980, 37.
107 Aistleitner 1964, 15 (“der auf Wolken Einherfahrende”); del Olmo Lete 1981, 624
(“Auriga”); Xella 1982, 87 (“Auriga”); Wyatt 1980, 378. Cf. Kapelrud 1952, 62 (“Driver”).
108 Cf. the use of the verb by itself in KTU 1.14 ii 21 and 1.14 iv 3, meaning “to climb up to
third millennium).
112 Littauer and Crouwel 1979, 56–57.
34 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
Āryans of the mid-second millennium.115 We may note that there are clear
Indo-European tradition introduced to the region by the Proto-Indo-
links between West Semitic Baal and Indra, who is not only clearly attested
in the Mittanno-Hittite treaty of the mid-fourteenth century, 116 but is
probably to be identified behind the idr appearing in some Ugaritic personal
names,117 and if so, is present himself in Ugarit. It follows that there may
well be Proto-Indo-Āryan elements in both the mythological and cultic, and
in the iconographic traditions of Baal. Indra appears commonly in Vedic
tradition as a chariot-rider,118 the Maruts (cf. the maryannu as a military caste,
and Baal’s helpers119) being his companions. The organization of the mili-
tary use of chariots which finds expression in the phrase occurs several
times in Keret,
tlt sswm mrkbt charioteers with horse-drawn chariots120
loc.].)
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 35
and is best construed as indicating by tlt the third member of a team, the
archers tnnm, sc. “second men”) being mentioned with them in the descrip-
tion of Keret’s army:
tlt mat rbt a million charioteers,
pt dbl spr mercenaries without number,
tnn dbl hg archers beyond reckoning.121
The first member of such a team, and in control of it, was a spear-
wielding warrior, and it is in this guise that I believe Baal was imagined un-
der his title rkb ʿrpt. The argument relies on circumstantial evidence, to be
sure, but is clinched by two points. Firstly, a small bronze survives of a pair
of deities, a god and a goddess, in a chariot.122 The goddess has a quiver on
her back and wears the Atef crown, two features which allow us to identify
her with some confidence as Anat.123 It follows that her companion is most
probably Baal. Secondly, since in the later period the only animal on which
the god stands is a bull—as at Hazor 124—and the bull is never indicated as a
theriomorphic metaphor for clouds, it is clear that there is no evidence for
this particular epithet meaning riding on an animal, while there is evidence
for him riding in a vehicle. The clouds constitute the vehicle.
It is possible that we also have the seeds of another iconogram, of
great importance in later times, in the designation of Baal’s assistants, Gu-
panu and Ugaru—most scholars understand them to be a pair125—or assis-
tant Gupan-and-Ugar (“Vine-and Field”?). On the analogy of Qadesh-and-
Amurru and Kothar-and-Hasis, I see no reason to insist on the duality of
121 KTU 1.14 ii 36–38 etc. The “million” of the first colon is 100 ¯ 10,000. The tlt (“chario-
teer”) is the “third” member of the team. (On the philology see Wyatt 2002, 190, nn. 62–64.)
122 See Negbi 1976, pl. 5, fig. 22 (Louvre AO 22265). Negbi took the figure in the Atef
crown to be a god. It is rather this figure’s companion who is a god. Cf. Wyatt 1984, 332
(§5).
123 On the iconography of Anat see Wyatt 1984.
124 See Yadin 1975, 84–85.
125 The only clue from the syntax of the text is perhaps atm bštm in KTU 1.3 iv 33, which
appears to be second person plural or dual pronoun and verb, and y ʿdbkm in 1.4 viii 17 (tqrb
in this passage could be singular, dual or plural). If I am right on the matter of the analogy of
other binomials, then each of the m affixes above would need to be construed as enclitic,
which is by no means impossible. Against the pairing of the two gods we have the fact of
Baal’s seven cloud-companions (n. 69 above).
36 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
Gupan-and-Ugar. The point here is that the term ʿnn (see n. 68) is used to
designate him (them) on four occasions:126
tn bʿl w ʿnnh Give up Baal and his Cloud(s),
bn dgn artm pdh the Rainy One: I shall seize his gold!127
(KTU 1.2 i 18–19, 35)
21 tpṭ
The term most usually applied to the Ugaritic sea-god in his poetically
paired titles zbl ym, tpṭ nhr is applied to Baal twice in substantial repetitions
of the same formula in KTU 1.3 v 32–33 and 1.4 iv 43–44, noted above
under §1. In the first two lines of the tricolon,
mlkn aliy(n) Our king is Valiant,
bʿl tpṭn Baal is our ruler
the full political content of the term tpṭ is evident in its balance with mlkn in
the a b b a structure of the stich. As in its use in early Israel, attested in the
126 One is duplicated (KTU 1.2 i 18, 35). The same designation may occur in 1.10 ii 33,
though del Olmo Lete translated the word there as a verb: 1981, 470.
127See n. 75.
128 Wyatt 2002, 82: “Go, go! attendants of the gods!”
129 Wyatt 2002, 113: “But take care, attendants of the god...”
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 37
Book of Judges, and in later Carthage, where the Punic term “suffete” (sc.
šopeṭ) is frequently translated in Greek and Latin texts by their equivalents
for mlk , and rex. The formula partially quoted, together with the
attached line and the following bicolon, appears to be a quotation from a
hymn to the god. Neither mlk nor tpṭ is used absolutely with Baal, but with
the possessive suffix.
2 2 bʿl knp
Occurring once in KTU 1.46.6, this apparent divine title was mentioned by
Kapelrud in his treatment of Baal’s titles.131 He wondered whether it may
relate to Baal’s treatment of the eagles (that is, falcons) in the Aqhat story
(KTU 1.19 iii 1–45). There does not seem to me to be any strong reason to
link the two, and while Xella translated it as “‘winged’ Baal”,132 Kühne and
de Tarragon both treated knp as a toponym.133 On such an interpretation
the divine title would have the same formal quality as bʿl ugrt (§8 above).
But while “the Lord of Ugarit” may with some confidence be linked with
the storm-god who featured so prominently in the city’s mythology and
cult, in the case of a city of Kanap(u?), we know nothing of the place but its
name, and are hardly in a position to characterize its putative patron deity.
24 rpu
Who is the deity designated by this title in text KTU 1.108? There is no
consensus and the evidence is such that no firm conclusion can be reached.
Among many proposals, Parker considered him to be an autonomous deity,
“Rapiu”,134 others have identified him with El,135 while de Moor took him to
be Baal in his healing role, thus providing a further epithet—indeed, a fur-
134 Parker 1972. On p. 104 he toyed with the equation Rapiu = Mot, but reached no deci-
sion. Cf. Pope 1977, 170–71, for an identity with Molek . Heider also discussed this option,
1985, 118–23.
135 See Parker 1972, 98 n. 15 for references (Virolleaud, Gese, Fisher, Blau and Greenfield).
2 THE TITLES OF THE UGARITIC STORM-GOD 39
ther hypostasis—of the storm-god.136 If we accepted the last view, mlk ʿlm,
the epithet of Rapiu in KTU 1.108.1, would be yet another title.
25 hdr‛y
In KTU 1.108.2–3 we have the following intriguing bicolon:
il ytb bʿttrt
il tpẓ bhdrʿy
B. Margulis (Margalit) proposed137 that there was a reference here to
two toponyms from Transjordan, Ashtarot and Edrei, cities of Og king of
Bashan.138 This view was challenged by C. L’Heureux139 and J.C. de Moor,140
who saw an allusion to Athtart (ʿttrt ) in the first colon, and to “Hadd the
shepherd” in the second, thus constituting a further title. However, de
Moor later changed his mind, and in 1987 141 he followed Margalit’s line.
This view may now be regarded as vindicated.142
We may therefore translate the bicolon as follows:
The god enthroned in Athtarat,
the god who rules in Edrei.143
It is therefore not a title after all.
136 De Moor 1987, 187 n. 1. Contrast id., 1969, 175–76, where in his translation he appeared
to distinguish the two deities:
the god who is sitting with Haddu,
the Shepherd who sings and plays ...
but in his commentary suggested that “it is possible that he represents the chthonic aspect of
Baal”. Cf. Margalit 1989, 251–60, who in analysing Danil’s epithets mt rpi and mt hrnmy con-
cluded that the former is a toponym (“ Man of [= from] Rapiʾu ” ), while the latter involves a
further epithet of Baal, sc. “Rainmaker” (√hr [r ] + my). The latter proposal in particular is
very attractive, and prompts the suggestion that, pace Margalit, mt rpi is in synonymous paral-
lelism with mt hrnmy , and therefore also designates Baal. ( However, Annus’ 1999 explanation
is to be preferred.)
137 Margulis 1970.
138 Deuteronomy 1:4, 3:1, 10; Numbers 21:33, Joshua 12:4, 13:12, 31, 19:37.
139 L’Heureux 1979, 172–74.
140 De Moor 1976, 326; id., 1972 ii 25 n. 105.
141 De Moor 1987, 187.
142See discussion in Heider 1985, 118–23.
143 Wyatt 2002, 395. See also Wyatt forthcoming.
40 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
41
42 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
formed before the hieros gamos takes place between El and his wives, it is to
be understood as in some way preparatory to what ensues.
Running against the stream of modern studies of circumcision, which
have tended to look for edifying, spiritual meanings behind the Jewish rite,
far removed from any “pagan” associations and “fertility cult” elements,
Eilberg-Schwarz argued cogently for the rite’s overwhelming concern with
fecundity, 4 a view with which I have concurred in previous discussions. 5
One of his sharpest observations was that “the removal of the foreskin
symbolically readies the organ for reproduction”. 6 He then explored the
meaning of circumcision imagery as applied in biblical passages to plants.
Young fruit trees are referred to as “uncircumcised” (e.g. Leviticus 19:23), a
remarkable figure, whose purpose is to prevent farmers from overstraining
immature fruit trees by demanding maximal yield before the tree is capable
of producing it.7 The reverse of this imagery is that when the first “legiti-
mate” fruit is taken from the tree, or it is pruned in preparation for a fruit-
ful harvest, it is understood to be “circumcised”: “cutting away the foreskin
is like pruning a fruit tree”.8
It should be remembered in the context that Ugaritic uses the term
“tree” (ʿṣ) to denote the vine in the phrase “the blood of trees” (dm ʿṣm),
meaning the juice of (grapes from) vines. 9 The vine, Eilberg-Schwarz
noted,10 is also classified as a tree in Judges 9:13, Joel 1:12, 2:22 and Ezekiel
15:2 and 6. “We know”, he observed, “that Israelites regularly pruned at
least one kind of fruit ‘tree’ in order to maximize its yield”.11 While we are
12 I take it as axiomatic that the Canaanites performed circumcision. The Philistines alone are
singled out as “uncircumcised” in biblical allusions (e.g. 2 Samuel 1:20, || “Philistines”, and
cf. 1 Samuel 18:25–27. On the Horites of Shechem see chapter 2. On the evidence of KTU
1.24, a text with Hurrian aspects, for the practice in Ugarit see Allan 1999.)
13 Wyatt 1977.
14 Thus Tsumura 1973, 407–08. Cf. de Moor 1987, 120. Del Olmo Lete 1981, 441, left the
phrase untranslated. Cutler and Macdonald 192, 40, remarked on the other hand that “there
is no reason why mt should not simply mean ‘death’ here”. Cf. Gaster 1961, “Death and
Rot”. This represents a change of view from his 1946 article.
15 Cf. Gaster 1946, 51, 56 n. 9.
16 I am happy to recognize a wordplay here too, in the light of my discussion in chapter 2: in
the story in Genesis 34 the point is the symbolic equivalence of death and circumcision.
44 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
infertile plant, transparently a metaphor for his penis,17 which after the ritual
he will address to its proper function. In addressing El as “husband” in l.
40, the goddesses also refer to his “staff”, ṭ, and perhaps significantly, the
word is used in synonymous parallelism with mṭ :
O husband, husband! Lowered is your staff ( ṭ ),
drooping the rod (mṭ ) of your penis/hand ( yd )18
The term mṭ is no doubt selected because of its assonance with mt
“husband”, but also plays cleverly on the association of ideas that the “rod”
(“sceptre”) is a phallus, the epitome of a husband. The Hebrew equivalent,
maṭṭeh, has a sociological meaning in addition to its phytological meaning, as
“tribe”. Furthermore, in Ezekiel 19:11–14 it is used of the branches of a
vine, in addition to possible overtones of rule, as suggested by (the
glossed?) ʾel šibṭê mōš elîm of v. 11. Whether either sense was present in the
Ugaritic word, we cannot of course tell with certainty, but it is a reasonable
supposition.
A final point is the matter of circumcision at Ugarit. We have so far no
further evidence of the performance of the rite, so that such an interpreta-
tion for the present text is a matter of inference from the context.19 If it was
an age-old practice universally performed, we should not expect to have any
mention of it in the genres of texts which survive, except by way of inciden-
tal reference. The reason for its constant appearance in biblical texts lies not
so much in an obsession with phallic imagery in the context, as on its im-
portant secondary symbolism, as a mark of covenant membership. The only
substantial argument that the Canaanites did not practise circumcision is
based on the common reading of Genesis 34. But I have argued20 not only
17 Gaster 1946, 59, though he does not proceed to the conclusion that circumcision is in-
volved, thinking rather in terms of castration. This would isolate the vine-pruning from any
ritual context in connection with the ensuing marriage.
18 The term yd must surely play on the double senses of “hand” and “penis” (cf. Wyatt 2002,
331 n. 40). Note that the expression is construct, mṭ ydk, though with the former nuance we
might expect “the rod in your hand”. Again, the wordplay cleverly evokes the ritual scene.
We may suppose that the initiant into circumcision holds his penis in his hand at the begin-
ning of the rite.
19 Though see now Allan 1999, noted above.
20 Wyatt 1990.
3 THE PRUNING OF THE VINE IN KTU 1.23 45
that the “Hivites” (= Horites) did practise the rite, but that they were not in
any case Canaanites. Whether the Ugaritians were Canaanites is another
problem! (See chapter 4, n. 1 below).
4 UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM: STRUCTURE
AND DYNAMIC IN A WEST SEMITIC PANTHEON
INTRODUCTION
While our record of religious life in the Late Bronze Age city of Ugarit is far
from complete, it is immeasurably richer in many ways than our direct in-
formation concerning religious life in Iron Age Palestine. It allows the cor-
rection of many of the wilful distortions of “Canaanite”1 religious life put
out by biblical propagandists, which are still unfortunately taken at face
value by many scholars. In the following, I shall attempt a more considered
1 Ugarit is not itself strictly Canaanite, in that, as A.F. Rainey 1963, 43–45, 1965, 102–25 has
observed, “Canaanites” are regarded as foreigners in the Ugaritic texts. Be that as it may, the
religion of Ugarit is in many respects part of a continuum with not only the “Canaanite”
cultures to the south, but also with that of Iron Age Palestine beyond. Biblical tradition and
Ugaritic tradition are alike familiar with the sacral traditions of the Hauran (KTU 1.108.2–3,
Deuteronomy 3:10–11, for instance), while Shamak (Lake Hule) features in Ugaritic myths
(KTU 1.10 ii 9, 12, and possibly 1.17 vi 23 and 1.92), and biblical theology is heavily in-
debted to the tradition witnessed in the Ugaritic texts. Having said this, the Ugaritic texts are
not the “open sesame” to every biblical problem, any more than the Dead Sea scrolls are. At
first sight the Hebrew Bible gives us much more useful information about serious theologi-
cal matters than any other ancient documentation. It certainly appears to be the most self-
conscious and reflective. It is when attempts are made to reconcile the written accounts with
either the recoverable history of the region, or even the archaeological record, that the trou-
ble really starts. It becomes evident that the biblical documents are not only almost “sectar-
ian” in the bias against different estimates of what constitutes good religious practice, but
that they are in their present state from a fairly late period (which is increasingly lowered in
recent estimates into the post-exilic period), so that it becomes primarily a series of docu-
ments for the elucidation of the late period, rather than what they purport to be, or at any
rate are commonly understood to be, historical records of earlier practice.
47
48 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
approach to it, on the presupposition that any culture’s religious beliefs are
authentic within the culture, and that judgmental posturing by observers is
simply an inappropriate response.
A pantheon of deities, even while it may broadly symbolize a cultural
impact of the “transcendent”, at the same time represents a pluralistic re-
sponse to various pressures impinging on a society. We can distinguish, for
example, its social constituents, such as the presence of different groups
maintaining a distinctive identity, for instance the Hurrian population of
Bronze Age Ugarit. Also of undoubted significance would be its relations
with adjacent cultures, for instance Ugarit’s sensitive diplomatic relations
with both the great powers of the day, Egypt and Hatti, and no doubt until
its demise with Mittanni as well. Finally its own peculiar history, with differ-
ent ethnic constituents in the past, even if now more or less homogeneously
merged with other groups, would have brought religious traditions from
outside, subsequently incorporated into the larger whole. Thus Dagan and
Baal are often regarded as Amorite imports into the Ugaritic pantheon, the
former conceivably identified at least partially with El.2
While at first glance the evidence of the Ugaritian3 pantheon, like oth-
ers from the ancient Near East, looks pretty disorganized, we may be sure
that this is a result of the fragmentary state of the surviving evidence and of
the elementary state of our understanding of it rather than an intrinsic
chaos.4 Discerning order in surviving records, however, is likely to defy all
but the most determined efforts, and to remain at best provisional. Del
Olmo Lete’s analyses of the appearance of sub-groups in the various ritual
texts, while undoubtedly useful as a first stage in comprehension, is as much
indicative of difficulties to be overcome as a solution to any preliminary
2 See Fontenrose 1957, del Olmo Lete 1992, 56 n. 77 = 1999, 74 n. 78. Contrast my (earlier)
estimate, Wyatt 1980, though this has not found favour. See also Healey 1995. The matter of
the relation of Dagan to both El and Baal remains problematic.
3 By “Ugaritian” I refer to the cultural and ethnic group in Ugarit who evidently spoke and
wrote in Ugaritic (the linguistic term), and whose pantheon may be distinguished from the
Hurrian and Akkadian god-lists which may be constructed from the surviving evidence.
4 The most detailed and productive analysis offered so far is that of del Olmo Lete 1992, 35–
65 = 1999, 43–86. See also de Moor 1970; Mullen 1979; Healey 1985; Korpel 1990, 269–73;
Handy 1994 and Wyatt 1996, 323–30.
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 49
ritic religion in similar vein. See remarks in Handy 1994, 69–70 and nn. 12 and 13. Ring-
gren’s somewhat caustic remarks (1947, 7) about “evolutionism” look very out-of-date to-
day, for it is precisely the new understanding of the development of the human mind among
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 51
specific option. The sex of a deity may depend on the gender of a noun. While it is impossi-
ble to delve so far back into linguistic prehistory, the two-gender form of many languages
may owe something to the intrinsic anthropomorphism detected by Guthrie 1993. That is,
there may be a disposition to allocate gender to nouns on the basis of a preconceived an-
thropomorphic choice.
11 Cf. the classic loci of appearances of the Virgin in Christian tradition. The prestige of a
given cult generates pilgrimage fashions and local cults. Economic interests are aroused, and
in no time there is a thriving business.
12 Word of mouth carrying their repute as memes throughout a cultural zone.
52 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
13 A striking mediaeval instance of this process is the stealing of the image of Sainte Foy by
the clerics of Conques (Aveyron). The taking away of divine images as booty by victorious
armies (such as from ancient Ur or Babylon, or Jerusalem in its various sackings) may have
been as much to appropriate the repository of divine power of the enemy as to show the
power of one’s own gods over him. (Deity and image in such procedures are inseparable.)
14 Ringgren 1947, 74–79, cited KTU 1.65 as an example of hypostatic forms, and went on to
consider Ugaritic references to the wisdom of El, and Pidray, Taliy and Arsiy as hypostases
of Baal (“originally nothing but functions of Baal”). Their prehistory is more complex than
this allows.
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 53
would have originated, we may surmise, as the spiritual (and therefore per-
sonal) powers which were believed to reveal themselves in the appropriate
phenomenon, as for instance Reshef as god of pestilence, he being the very
deification of pestilence, or Anat as goddess of war, she being as it were the
personification of the lack of restraint experienced in battle. But when they
appear in the historical record, such deities are never simply the manifesta-
tion of this function or that. Experienced as persons, they develop person-
alities and may combine a number of traits or “functions”, becoming the
more rounded as persons the more popular they are, thus reflecting the col-
lective psychological input of their devotees.
I have spoken of people evoking deities for specific functions. What of
the idea of deities who reveal themselves, unannounced and unprepared
for? Here too we cannot simply retreat into theology and state as axiomatic
that a god (or more probably in such discourse, God) reveals himself. We
must recognize that such events do not really happen unsolicited, but only
to a person already in some way predisposed (as Moses or Muhammad) to
hear and see things which tradition then describes in terms of a self-
revelation by God. It may be biographical details, the quality of a place;
somehow or other a sense of the numinous is aroused which theology then
interprets.15 That is, some psychological reality actually triggers off the ap-
parently spontaneous revelation.16 To call the event a “revelation” is in ef-
fect to accord a certain theological dignity to it in retrospect, to accept that
it is authentic and significant beyond its historical incidence. It is already to
accord it a mythic status.17 What we see as historically significant in the case
of a few important paradigmatic figures will have happened a thousand
digmatic. The traditions about Moses, Jesus and Muhammad are all treated in this way.
54 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
18 I use the term in the conventional sense of the rise of urbanism. No value judgment is
involved. We should certainly avoid the once fashionable term “savage” for non-urban cul-
tures.
19 The idea of a primordial matriarchy is a figment of wishful thinking, despite the efforts of
21 Thisargument is presented by Pope 1955, id. 1987, and Oldenburg 1969. For the counter-
arguments see L’Heureux 1979. See also Smith 1994, i 117–31; Herrmann 1995, cols. 525–
26, and Wyatt 2002, 51 n. 59 for rejections of the deposition theory, which centres mostly on
the very damaged text at KTU 1.1 col. v.
56 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
from living things; and whatever has life has life very much like our
own. If we do not understand what rocks and trees and animals have to
tell us, the reason is that we are not sufficiently attuned to them.22
This observation may be compared with Guthrie’s (1993, p. 39) to the
effect that animism is a strategy among other non-human creatures too.23
Bettleheim’s observation does not describe merely childish reactions to ex-
ternal events, but echoes what was probably a universal reaction, surviving
still in the cry “Why me?”!
The psychological processing at work here is in my view strictly com-
parable to our present concern. We may compare too the need that is evi-
dently widely held by people, whenever any disaster, natural or otherwise,
occurs, to seek not merely an explanation, but someone to blame. We even
use the ancient religious term “scapegoat” if it is felt that the process is be-
ing carried too far, or some minor person in the organization concerned has
taken the rap while people in command, who ought to accept ultimate re-
sponsibility, get away with it. What is happening here is an instinctive proc-
ess of attributing personality to non-personal things. We give female names
to ships, and until the feminists turned the tables, American hurricanes were
given girls’ names. Rather than seeing these merely as a quaint or pictur-
esque ways of describing things, there is reason to think that it is a distinc-
tively human way of looking at the world. A graphic example is the list of
abstractions which are represented in Hesiod’s Theogony as begotten of prior
abstractions, a complex genealogy linking all aspects of the metaphysical
world. It is easy to dismiss these as dead metaphors, examples of poetic
license, or even as examples of primitive religion, now happily outgrown.
The degree to which the irrational still controls many features of modern
life, notably in politics, should warn us not to crow too soon that we are
emancipated from such “primitive” thought.24
our understanding of psychology advances, many seemingly irrational processes are demon-
strated to be strictly purposive or explicable. These are in particular such aspects of experi-
ence as are commonly called telepathic, parapsychological and so on. There is a huge range
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 57
of mental and bodily processes as yet only partially understood. I use the term “irrational”, as
in this sentence, to denote those areas of thought and behaviour where the rational and con-
scious structures of life, such as morality, or the use of modern medical or other technologi-
cal skill, conflict with the much older folk-beliefs and instinctive forces that can well up.
Thus the darker features of Nazi genocidal practice, or the deep hatreds leading to the vi-
ciousness of the Yugoslav wars are irrational, in that they conflict with the very ethical foun-
dations of all the belief-systems involved. The measure of irrationality is bad faith! There is
also a deliberate (even if unconsciously motivated) turning from mature participation in a
culture to the revival of its past, observed in the romantic German intellectual tradition out-
lined by Noll 1994, also typified in contemporary “New Age” thought. (Cf. the revival of
Olympian religion in Greece in the twenty-first century!) But irrational though these may
seem, they represent an emotional recidivism akin to the basic pattern outlined above, and
are at least not generally pursued in bad faith.
25 An interesting case is the question of, or perhaps the extent of, Jewish aniconism. In an
interesting discussion of the problem, Mettinger (1994) appealed among other source mate-
rials to the supposed aniconic form of Amun postulated by Wainwright 1928. Unfortunately
this hypothesis had already been disproved by Doresse 1971–79 and van der Plas 1987.
Where aniconism has developed, it undoubtedly serves as a special instance of iconism, since
the absence of the deity is itself a strikingly visual phenomenon, as in “hollow” Jain statues,
or conspicuously empty divine thrones.
58 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
from Ugarit is the vacant stone throne RS 90.1,26 but there is no means of
telling whether it was intended to represent an “aniconic presence” of a
deity, or was actually used for a portable image (unlikely, perhaps, in view of
its substantial size: it is 130 cm high), or even had any religious significance
at all. It may well have been a royal throne. The throne itself would evi-
dently carry symbolic value,27 but we can hardly press it into service of the
hypothesis under discussion. Ugarit otherwise offers no evidence of anicon-
ism. If the divine power experienced is regarded in personal terms, and is at
the same time an abstraction, it has been normal for devotees to give hu-
man form not merely in verbal but also in concrete terms, as a focus of at-
tention.28 Precious metals have been used, and even if a statue of a deity is
made of wood or clay, a covering or fitments of gold, silver, lapis lazuli and
ivory is frequently used. While in the field of art history the power of an
image has long been recognized and valued by critics, the same has not
been the case among theologians. So the iconoclastic outbursts of the He-
brew prophets are often represented as the emergence of true religion and
the death-knell of old, false beliefs. The debates that have raged on such
matters have nothing to teach us about human religiosity, since they are
merely the propaganda of one perspective. The sad feature of too much
contemporary scholarship is to have mistaken the old propaganda as the
bronze bull has been discovered (fig. 5 in Schaeffer 1966, 9) which may be compared with
bulls from Tyre and Hazor. Schaeffer interpreted this as El, but I would distinguish its ico-
nography from the aurochs of fig. 10 (Tyre), which is more likely to be El. Baal is evidently
imagined in bovine form in KTU 1.5 v 17–21, perhaps in 1.9.11, and in 1.10 iii and 13.21–
36, where he may be envisaged as both anthropomorphous and bovine, while El is conven-
tionally given the title tr il, “Bull El”, which also occurs in Hosea 8:6 (see NEB), and evi-
dently refers to the “calf” images of Samaria, and perhaps those of Dan and Bethel in 1
Kings 12. For discussion of these Israelite instances see Wyatt 1992 = 2005a, 72–91. The
“Devourers” of KTU 1.12 appear to be caprid in form, and we encounter a mare-goddess in
KTU 1.100, while Yam is draconian and Athtar apparently leonine (KTU 1.24.30: see Wyatt
2002, 339 n. 21).
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 59
substance of the reality. But it is in the nature of religious beliefs that you
cannot falsify them, for they do not have a direct correspondence to the
real world, being rather a complex symbolic game designed to help people
deal with the real world. The picture of the Jews surviving through the most
unlikely and adverse historical circumstances is a measure not of their faith
and its intrinsic truth, but rather of the tenacity of any faith, the ultimate
function of which is survival.
29 Thus the emergence of Jewish or Islamic monotheism is more a function of the centraliza-
tion of power and its self-assertion against rival power-claims, and a symbol for it, than any
“logical” extension of theological insights. They come later, as rationalization and substantia-
tion of the symbol. The intellectualization cannot of course be divorced from the organic
process of which it is an integral part.
30 It is arguable that the very discipline of theology, by concentration on logical structures,
cannot hope to recover the basis for its own subject-matter, so long as it adheres to logical
categories, as a system of conscious thinking. For the foundations surely lie deep within the
unconscious, in a dimension of the mind altogether more neurological. On the other hand,
theology is a classic form of rationalization (in the sense of auto-justification), which then
parades itself, through the convenient ambiguity of language, as rationalization (in the sense
of giving a reasoned, rational account). If this sounds rather dismissive, let any theologian
give an account of someone else’s theology!
60 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
ness, and remains with us to our graves. The man in the moon, the shapes
of clouds, the smiling sun, all around is a world which we personify. We do
it in the modern world even while we smile at its simplicity. Our ancestors
did it in deadly earnest, and probably entirely unconsciously, for how can
you come to terms with a blind force of nature? How do you accept the
rage of the storm, the power of the sea, the promise of bounty in soil and
live-stock and its withholding? In all places and times human societies have
seen deities in nature. And gods and goddesses, by their very nature, are
essentially human personalities imposed upon and recognized in the natural
world. There are of course monsters aplenty, and animal deities, and great
wild abstractions, but the common feature of them all is an imagined hu-
man mind, for it is felt that they can thus somehow communicate with peo-
ple. The social pattern in the pantheon which grows up in every culture is
by and large modelled on the social pattern of the imagining community.
We never see a pantheon except in an advanced, highly developed
stage. Behind each historical one lies an immense prehistory of which we
can say virtually nothing. Informed comment becomes possible when we
compare the panthea of neighbouring peoples, and of those speaking cog-
nate languages. If we find deities with foreign names in a pantheon, we can
postulate the way in which such and such a deity came to join the new
group. If the same divine names, or those with the same etymological basis,
appear in several different groups of a common linguistic background, we
can begin to reconstruct—at least in a tentative manner—the process of
development and diffusion.32 This will always remain hypothetical and pro-
visional, however, since each new piece of evidence may modify or disprove
earlier conclusions.
32 A good example is provided by the gods of the various panthea of communities speaking
Indo-European languages. Similar deities, linked now by name, now by mythology, occur
from Ireland to Bengal. The old Vedic sky-god Dyaus appears in Greek form as Zeus, in
Roman form as Iuppiter ( Jupiter: cf. Sanskrit Dyaus Pitar) and as Germanic Tiw (also Tyr).
It is even possible that the name underlies the Hebrew divine name Yahweh (< Yahu), by
way of Indo-European influence in the Near East in the Middle Bronze. The epithetal form
yw occurring at Ugarit in KTU 1.1 iv 14 is perhaps cognate with this. See Wyatt 1989a, 21–
25, id. 2002, 48 n. 51.
62 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
33 We cannot be entirely certain that bʿl ugrt denotes the same god as the Baal (Hadd) of the
Chaoskampf tradition, but it is a reasonable surmise.
34 Wyatt 1998 = 2005b, 151–89.
35 Part of the shrillness of the anti-Baal rhetoric of the Hebrew Bible is perhaps in part due
to the similarity in character of the two gods. Very often it is a matter of theological nuance
that distinguishes the two. On the substantial debt of Yahweh-theology to that of Baal see
Day 1985 and de Moor 1997.
64 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
1. 218–19 gives nineteen instances). The feminine forms ilt (singular) and ilht (plural) are also
found.
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 65
many instances. The masculine form will have been used to cover both
genders in this and other instances.
3) ilm arṣ (KTU 1.19 iii 6!, [21,] 35): “chthonian gods”, probably to
be identified with the deities called ilnym 39 in §6.
4) ilm rbm (KTU 4.149.1): “the great gods”, in a list of jars, probably
of wine (cf. ll. 10, 14) the first one being for “the temple(s) of the great
gods”. This may denote Baal and Dagan, whose temples lie on the acro-
polis. “The great gods” are in any event probably a group of major deities
rather than the whole pantheon.
5) il ṣpn (KTU 1.47.1): “the gods of Saphon”. This term is inclusive,
since it embraces El himself as well as all the deities of the pantheon. The
term ṣpn, “Saphon”, appears to serve in KTU 1.47.15 and parallels as what I
have called an “umbrella deity”. As well as denoting the deified sacred
mountain itself, it surely includes all the inhabitants of the mountain, that is,
all the gods of the pantheon. We shall revert below to the incidence of both
terms in KTU 1.47.
6) ilnym (KTU 1.3 iv 35 etc.): “divinities”. Cf. §3.
7) bn il ([KTU 1.40.16, 24]): this term occurs in the expression ab bn
il (references given), denoting El as “the father of the pantheon” as well as
constituting part of formulae §§8–12. It should perhaps be translated in two
ways, depending on context. As a functional use of the term bn, it means
“members of the class ‘god’”, sc. “divine beings”, or collectively “pan-
theon”. When the mythological aspect is foremost, and it is the filial rela-
tion of the gods to El that is at issue, then “sons of El” is the appropriate
meaning. See also my remarks on KTU 1.65.1 (§1 above). De Moor’s (1970,
224) classification of them as “the son- or daughter-type” is in my view not
entirely helpful when numbers of gods are being considered (as also in §§8–
12, [14], 17 and 19), because we do not know for certain the constitution of
such groups. Are they all the deities other than El and Athirat? If so, then
many of the “great gods”, and presumably gods from various sources,
would be included. Such terminology is for purposes of classification, and
does not necessarily presuppose any serious degree of subordination, be-
yond the formal one of being under the ultimate control of the primal di-
vine couple.
8) bn atrt (KTU 1.3 iv 48, v 4 etc.): “the sons of Athirat” (or, “chil-
dren...”: cf. §18). Note also the expressions atrt wbnh and ilt w ṣbrt ary !h (both
39The form ilnm found at KTU 1.19 i 10, read as the equivalent of ilnym by some, is rather to
be understood as “terebinth”. See Wyatt 2002, 291 and n. 183.
66 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
KTU 1.3 v 36, 1.4 i [6]): “Athirat and her sons || the goddess and the band
of her kinsmen”. These offspring of Athirat are destroyed by Baal at KTU
1.6 v 1–4 (see Wyatt 2002, 140 and nn. 102–3) and are no doubt to be iden-
tified with Mot’s brothers of KTU 1.6 vi 10–11, 14–5. These references
must explain Athirat’s own anxiety as expressed at KTU 1.4 ii 24–6, and are
perhaps also to be linked to Anat’s victims at KTU 1.3 iii 38–46.40 We see in
such allusions material analogous to the mythologica of Hesiod’s Theogony,
fulfilling every aspiration of Guthrie (1993), but extremely difficult to pre-
sent in any systematic manner, perhaps because much of it was elaborated
in an ad hoc fashion, and was never formally related to other similar ad hoc
constructions.41
9) bn qdš (KTU 1.17 i 13 etc., all passages in the opening scene in
Aqhat): “the holy ones”. Again this may be construed with two nuances:
either as the generic use of bn with an abstract quality, “holiness”; or my-
thologically, meaning “the sons of the Holy One”. The term qdš may denote
El at KTU 1.2 iii 20, i 21 and 38, and certainly does at KTU 1.16 i 11, 22 [ii
49] (binomial lṭpn wqdš )42.
10) dr il (KTU 1.15 iii 19, 1.41.16 = [1.87.17–8]43): “the family of El”.
11) dr bn il (KTU 1.65.2): “family of the gods”.
12) dr dt šmm (KTU 1.10 i 5): “the generation(s) of heaven”.
13) kbkbm (KTU 1.19 iv 24, 31 etc., in both mythic and “epic” texts):
“stars”. There are a number of passages where “stars” are mentioned, and
may, but need not, have a divine reverence. See for example Pughat’s epi-
thet ydʿt hlk kbkbm, “she who knows the courses of the stars” (KTU 1.19 ii
3 etc.). The f. form kbkbt (KTU 1.92.28) probably denotes “star (god-
desses)”. Cf. Wyatt (2002, 373 n. 25). The expression ilm kbkbm, “the star
40 On these enemies, to be compared with the traditional foes of Ninurta, see Wyatt 2005c,
705-7.
41 On the other hand, the disorder we often discern in ancient texts may often be an instance
of our failure to comprehend the intended structure. For a useful example with regard to
Leviticus 18–20 see Carmichael 1997.
42 Binger’s recent championing of the old sense of a goddess “Qudshu” (1997, 56–60) is an
p r bʿl , is erroneous.
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 67
gods”, occurring at KTU 1.43.3, is also to be noted. Since stars were widely
regarded as divine in the ancient world, it should come as no surprise to
find evidence in Ugarit. We know that the sun (Shapsh, and perhaps Athirat
and Rahmay)44, the moon (Yarih, and perhaps originally El)45, Venus (Ath-
tart and Athtar) and Mars (Reshef ) were members of the Ugaritic pan-
theon, but no evidence allowing us to identify any others has been found.46
14) mp rt bn il (KTU 1.40.42, and restored in several other lines of
this text, 1.65.3): “the assembly of the gods”. It qualifies the pantheon in
terms of the legal-political overtones of the epithetal mp rt, strictly a parti-
cipial form, meaning presumably “the assembled ones” or something simi-
lar.47 It also contrasts with the following usage, where ilm is generic, in high-
lighting the authority of El, who instructs the gods to meet.
15) p r ilm (KTU 1.47.29 = 1.118.28,48 1.148.9): “the assembly of the
gods”. The usage, particularly clear in the pantheon lists, indicates the group
of gods as a unity, like il ṣpn, though this collective term is distinguished in
KTU 1.47.1, where it heads the entire list. The occurrence at KTU 1.148.9
has the assembly receive a ram, and in a sequence surrounded by other in-
dividual deities who are presumably all members of the p r ilm. Perhaps the
term is useful when there is a need to be comprehensive, but not all the
gods can realistically be given. It may be to avoid inadvertent omissions,
which might be felt to be dangerous. However, its specific use in KTU 1.47
and parallels, in distinction from other sub-groups, evidently shows that in
some cases at least it has a narrower reference.
16) p r bʿl (KTU 1.39.7, 1.41.16, 1. 87.18, 176.17 ? 49): “the assembly
of Baal”. As a group distinct from §§14–15, this group may comprise the
seven Baals of KTU 1.47.5–11 = 1.118.4–10 = RS 20.24.4–10.
44 See the evidence of KTU 1.23, discussed in Wyatt 2002, 333 n. 50.
45 This is suggested by KTU 1.12 i 15–17, where amt yr and amt atrt are in parallel.
46 If the latter is solar, as KTU 1.23 suggests (and the theogonic traditions here are cognate),
then we may expect that Yarih (“Moon”) appears here as a form of El, who is evidently the
father of the Devourers. It is El who laughs at the news of the pregnancy in lines 12–13.
47 Cf. Gordon 1969, §§19.2036–37. Under the former entry ( p yr) Gordon suggested that in
the expression p yr bth (KTU 4.258.3) it means “members of a household” (citing Syriac
pu rā, Arabic fu r and Akkadian pu ru).
48 Cf. the parallel Akkadian text at RS 20.24.28, dpu ur ilâni m.
49 CPU ii 1, 1676 lists KTU 1.176.17, but this does not correspond to the text (= RIH
78/26) in KTU 2.
68 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
erotic encounters with Baal in KTU 1.10, 1.11 and 1.13, but rather of war and hunting.
56 I prefer to see mt wšr as an epithet of El (Wyatt 1977a).
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 71
k) deities belonging to geographic entities (il [y] ugrt, ilt ṣdnym, ilt ṣpn, atrt
ṣrm, bʿl ugrt, bʿl lb, bʿl ṣpn, bʿl šd, ʿnt ṣpn, ʿttrt šd, ršp gn);
l) deities belonging to buildings (il bt, ilt bt, ilt mgdl, bʿl bbt, bʿlt bhtm, bt bt,
ršp bbt);
m) deities governing celestial bodies or phenomena (dkbkbm, šmym);
n) animals (ilht ar t, ilht prt, ilm alpm, ilm krm, [uš r] lmṭ, dqt, p l, p lt, šgr
witm);
o) abstract concepts (il bldn, n bn il dn, nn il, mšr, ṣdq mšr, qdš, šlm);
p) cosmic localities (arṣ wšmm, šmm wthm);
q) celestial bodies or phenomena (hll,57 l ym, ym, yr , yr wksa, ngh wsrr, ʿrb
špš, ṣbu špš, š r wšlm, špš );58
r) geographic entities ([gpn w]ugr, gt mlk, gt ʿttrt, gt trmn, ym, nbk, nbk mr, ʿn,
ǵrm w[ʿmqt], ṣpn);
s) objects and phenomena in nature (abn, išt, gpn, ṭṭ, ʿṣ);
t) furniture (ilht ksat, ilm k tm, hdm il, k t il, mdb t bt ilt, tl n il, tl n bʿlt
bhtm);
u) vessels (ilht dkrt, ilm r bt, ut t, ṣʿil, ql );
v) musical instruments (knr);
w) weapons (mr il, nit il, ṣmd il ); and
x) beverages (trt).
This is a surprisingly extensive and diverse list. The most useful feature
to emerge from it is the ubiquity of areas in human life in which divine
power was experienced, and believed to be operative in a pluralistic way. It
may be usefully compared with the lists in Hesiod’s Theogony, and like it,
gives the impression of deifying most categories of human culture. Nor is
this an accident. Again, it illustrates in a compelling way the principle estab-
lished by Guthrie (1993) that the way in which early human beings dealt
with the external world was to anthropomorphize it. The theological corol-
lary to this principle is that they also deified it, and in a piecemeal fashion.
Another feature of this list is that there is no straightforward correspon-
dence between it and the pantheon-terms listed above. So while de Moor
has usefully indicated how we may systematize the pantheon, it is evidently
not the way in which the Ugaritians did so.
57 De Moor interpreted this as a “crescent”, sc. a lunar deity. It has alternatively been taken
to be Ellil = Enlil. See Gallacher 1994 and Wyatt 2002, 337 n. 6, for the usage at KTU
1.24.6.
58 It is not immediately clear to me why categories m) and q) require to be differentiated.
72 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
59 Cf. my translation of the two passages and note on the second, Wyatt 2002, 217–18, 224–
25 and n. 216.
60 Given the number of examples of ancient triads and trinities in the Egyptian pantheon (on
which see Griffiths 1996), it is remarkable that no triads are attested in Ugarit. The thought-
processes illustrated by these numerical games are only partly religious, belonging rather to
another autonomous aspect of mental processing, in which the data of the world are firstly
analysed out as individual concepts (or perhaps “proto-concepts” at the inchoate stage I
have in mind)
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 73
act as a pair, as in KTU 1.2 iv and 1.114, and appear centuries later in the
syncrasia Atargatis. This process no doubt explains the absence from Anat
from the biblical evidence, in contrast to Ashtart’s prominence.61
It would be wrong to seize on these instances of divine fusion to make
claims of incipient monotheism. For that to develop a lot more is needed
than the ad hoc developments of this kind, since for every pair of deities who
fuse there are others who split apart into hypostases and independent dei-
ties.
The evidence noted here is of course restricted to an “Ugaritian pan-
theon” or Ugaritic pantheon in the narrower sense of the term, for we
know of many Hurrian deities, 62 and other “extraneous” deities such as
Sumerian, Babylonian, and Egyptian are also attested in personal names and
other documents. Only a few of these were included by de Moor in his cov-
erage. Some of these, such as Nikkal (Sumerian NIN.GAL) and Kothar (=
Egyptian Ptah) were naturalized, while others retained their distinct identi-
ties. This is only to be expected in so cosmopolitan a community, and we
cannot hope to exhaust the complete range of deities who were actually
found. Any textual survivals, which provide the available evidence, can
never be more than a part of the whole reality. The number of surviving
lists do indicate attempts at systematization,63 though none of them corre-
sponds formally to either of the sets of divisions listed here. The closest
examples would be the list of divine weapons invoked in KTU 1.65, and the
sacrifices listed in KTU 1.4 vi 47–54, at the dedication of Baal’s palace-
temple, offered to the deities of various commodities.
Del Olmo Lete’s (1992) treatment of the pantheon lists and incidences
in the ritual texts was far more detailed than any previous discussion. Of
particular interest in our discussion is his treatment of the “canonical” pan-
theon-lists in terms of their grouping of deities. I have added lines to make
the theoretical divisions clear.
texts: Ugaritic lists: KTU 1.47, 1.65 (not a list, but a liturgy: Wyatt 2002, 363–65), 1.74 (two
surviving names!), 1.102 (see also KTU 1.123); syllabic lists: RS 20.24, 20.123, 26.142. In
addition to these formal “pantheon texts” many ritual texts list large numbers of deities.
KTU 1.148 makes use of what is evidently a fixed (“canonical”) tradition witnessed by KTU
1.47 and parallels (Wyatt 2002, 427–29). A recent discovery is RS 1992.2004 (published by
Arnaud 2001, 323–36).
74 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
This figure features in an intermediate stage of the curious discussion in Bṛhad āraṇyaka
64
Upaniṣad 3.9.1–2. Del Olmo Lete (1992, 57 = 1999, 77) notes that KTU 1.148, which is
76 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
structured on the pantheon lists, uses only six of the last nine, so that its “practical” total
consists of thirty deities. Is this a clue to the significance of the number? Is it perhaps based
on a lunation, with additional numbers in the pantheon lists as standbys or variants for par-
ticular months? Gordon (1995, 45) opined that the number of letters in the Ugaritic alphabet
(30) might be based partly on numerological and menological speculations. At present we
can only speculate on the ultimate significance of these numbers.
65 See Morenz 1973, 142–46, 255–57, and Griffiths 1996, 12–13.
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 77
68 Cf. the sevenfold nature of Anat’s destruction of Mot, represented in the heptacolonic
form at KTU 1.6 ii 31–35 and1.6 v 12–19. Each set of lines is required to correct scribal
deficiencies in the other. See Wyatt 2002, 135, 141 and nn. 83, 108:
With a knife she split him; Because of you I experienced winnowing with <a fan;
with a fan she winnowed him; because of you I experienced splitting with> a knife;
with fire she burnt him; because of you I experienced burning with fire;
with millstones she ground him; because of you I experienced grinding with millstones;
<with a sieve she sifted him,> because of you I experienced sifting with a sieve;
on the steppe <she abandoned because of you I experienced abandonment on the
him, steppe;
in the sea> she sowed him. because of you I experienced sowing in the sea.
69 Simon Wyatt has asked me whether there was a seven-note scale in Ugaritic music. The
eight-stringed lyre (tmnt) played by Keret’s youngest daughter (ttmnt : “the lyre-player) would
of course have seven intervals, and if on an actave, seven different notes, the eighth repeat-
ing the first an octave on. Thus theology would have been confirmed by musicology! For the
explanation of the daughter’s sobriquet see Wyatt 2002, 211–12, n. 155.
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 79
70The medical analogy is perhaps more than incidental. Exorcism, however quaint in mod-
ern eyes, is precisely the use of religious techniques to effect a psychiatric healing: the wide-
spread use of herbal medicines along with incantations, to cure disease, inebriation (KTU
1.114), or snakebite (KTU 1.100, 1.107) shows a lively, if pre-scientific, appreciation of the
psychosomatic nature of many human disorders. A recent television programme (Equinox,
September 1997) argued that a positive mental disposition has been shown in clinical trials to
control physical disorders such as cancers. The basis for such confidence is essentially em-
pirical, whether ancient or modern.
80 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
71 De Moor 1997.
72 See Wyatt 1996, 327.
73 Norman Cohn’s fascinating, if depressing studies, 1957, 1967, 1975, and 1993 demonstrate
beyond peradventure that the same social forces, experienced in similar ways, are inexorably
at work down to the present.
82 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
Having said this, it is not credible that a religious system should be run on
the principle of bad faith, for when the doubts enter, when “faith goes
bad”, the system will collapse. We have no serious evidence for doubts, and
certainly not of collapse, of the old polytheistic economy of Ugaritian and
associated traditions. Ugarit was destroyed, but other West Semitic cultures
lived on, including an “Israel” that was polytheistic for centuries until finally
superseded by the expansion of Christianity. (And then Judaism sur-
vived...) There are certainly some interesting theological questions raised
by such texts as Keret (KTU 1.14–16), but it seems to me that the text ad-
dresses a problem and answers it in a satisfactory way. It may appear pessi-
mistic, but that is no bad thing. It certainly does not reflect a theological
breakdown. Human achievements are questioned, rather than the theologi-
cal system which underpinned them.
The second problem concerns the assessment of one religion by refer-
ence to another. This may be the classic form of rivalry between cults, and
is typical of the work of the Jewish writers, who fought for the survival of
their identity, and the Church fathers, who were waging a propaganda war
against the Graeco-Roman and Jewish traditions. Nor were these worthies
above misrepresentation and slander on a breathtaking scale. But their vin-
dictive style hardly justifies similar rhetoric today, unless it be felt that we
are still fighting the same wars. It strikes me as altogether healthier to take a
more relaxed attitude, and to try to identify what values ancient systems
had, for that surely contributes to our further understanding of ourselves,
who are the heirs to all previous traditions.
The third problem I identified was the failure to account adequately
for the symbolic dimension in Ugaritian religion. Korpel’s (1990) study on
metaphor, usefully comparing Ugaritic and Hebrew literary and theological
usage, shows that we are dealing with essentially the same symbolic universe
in the two cultures. Or perhaps part of the problem is the axiom that there
are two cultures and not one diverse cultural continuum throughout the
Levant before the common era. Those studies which so emphasize the
“uniqueness” of biblical thought as to effect a discontinuity between it and
the cultural matrix of the Levant do a disservice on both sides. The serious
task we still face is the adequate evaluation of the links and common
ground between them, and against these the distinctive features of each. To
evade these problems is not scholarship. One difference between them is
simply a function of the historical scale: in history, language develops. New
UNDERSTANDING POLYTHEISM 83
ideas are given expression, and old metaphors press against new frontiers in
an ever-expanding world of experience. Thus the later manifestation within
a cultural continuum is simply more developed than the earlier. There is no
need to see “progress” here, merely change, adaptation and expansion.
So the kind of theological hypersensitivity that Heidel, for instance, de-
tected74 in Genesis 1–3 (but which I think is already largely an importation
of later exegesis and eisegesis into the old texts) and then decried for its
absence from the Babylonian record, even if strictly justified,75 in no way
serves as a serious judgment on the old ways, other than emphasizing that
they are old. The texts of the Hebrew Bible, which have been scrutinized
for ever more subtle meanings in the history of the church and of scholar-
ship (indeed, the two are sometimes indistinguishable) reflect the history of
modern thought as much as a greater appreciation of what the texts origi-
nally meant. The way in which modern intellectual fashions batten on the
texts,76 ostensibly to squeeze new insights out, but in reality to find proof-
texts for modern views within, advises caution. The impression Heidel and
a host of Ugaritological imitators give is that such invidious comparisons,
selectively highlighting those distinctive elements which best support the
view of the superiority of the biblical moral and revelatory position, and of
course the corresponding intrinsic inferiority of the culture used in the
comparison, merely reflect the capacity of thought, in terms of historical
development, to split hairs ever more finely. 77 The kind of service
Albrektson did for serious scholarship in the field of historiography78 re-
quires to be done across the board of ancient cultures.
74 Heidel 1942. Note his use of the term “crude polytheism” in describing the Babylonian
cosmogony (1963 edition, 96). This is not appropriate academic language. Why is it “crude”?
75 Such a position cannot be justified, of course. Heidel merely betrayed his insensitivity to
79 Vorländer 1981.
80 Michaels 1994.
81 Dietrich 1994. For recent assessment, see Smith 2001 (and review, Wyatt 2004), 2002.
82 Jonas 1963. (For an evaluation of Jonas’ approach, see Wyatt 2001, 329–32.)
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW
1 INTRODUCTION
While this is intended to be a general survey of the main features of Uga-
ritian 1 religion, in the following discussion I shall avoid reiterating the
points made by other contributors to this volume, except where I present
an alternative point of view. I should also state at the outset that this study
is treated in a phenomenological manner, undertaken on the basis of the
integrity and authenticity of the experiences, systematizations and practices
we shall be noting. It may seem odd to many readers that such an initial
position-statement should be necessary, but it is a fact that the interest
some scholars have shown in Ugarit, and in particular in its religious life,
appears to have been for purposes of comparison of an invidious kind with
biblical religion,2 where a theological agenda appears to have predetermined
the outcome. This does not appear to me to be a legitimate starting point
for serious research in this discipline. It certainly renders questionable any
conclusions that are drawn.
We should perhaps define our terms and the scope of this study. The
city of Ugarit has yielded texts in a number of languages. It is probable that
1 The term “Canaanite” is best avoided here, despite common usage. For recent treatment of
the issue on the cultural and linguistic levels, with references to earlier discussion, see Rainey
1965, Grabbe 1994, Tropper 1994 and see references in de Moor 1997, 42 n. 5 (bis!).
2 This is a largely artificial construct, having only a tenuous link with the historical religion of
85
86 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
other ancient cultures through biblical eyes (or more correctly modern eyes claiming a bibli-
cal foundation for their prejudice) has beset many branches of Near Eastern study. This is
perhaps a sub-branch of “orientalism” in Edward Said’s meaning of the term.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 87
From this perspective, all religions are “true” in that they are authentic, and
offer both a legitimization and a critique of the community’s sense of iden-
tity. It is in this framework of understanding that I shall deal with the fol-
lowing issues: cosmology, theology (including the nature of the pantheon),
mythology, royal ideology, ritual, other religious manifestations (oracular
systems, vows, blessings, etc.), the place of religion in the experience of dis-
ease and death, and various non-textual dimensions.
2 COSMOLOGY
6See Wyatt 1987, 1996 and 1996a. The studies of Tromp 1969, L.I.J. Stadelmann 1970, and
Johnston 2002, while devoted to the cosmology of the Bible, also contain much useful in-
formation. Wensinck 1916, 1918 give comprehensive accounts of our knowledge of West
Semitic cosmology before the discovery of Ras Shamra, which the Ugaritic material now
supplements. See also now Wyatt 2001, 2003.
88 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
encircling the land, and forming its cosmic boundary. While theologically
and mythologically this sea-cum-river was conceptualized as a god, probably
in human form, since he had a body described in anthropomorphic fashion
which Baal could injure with his weapons (KTU 1.2 iv), at other times it
was identified by the more neutral term thm (f.), though here another aspect
of its form was expressed in its dual expression thmtm. This suggests that
something akin to other ancient Near Eastern structures of the world was
envisaged, in which as well as having a “horizontal aspect” (surrounding the
earth) the sea had a “vertical aspect” (with waters above and below the
earth).7 The sea-god was also identified as ltn (cf. Heb. Leviathan), though
this view has been disputed,8 and was thus imagined in draconian or serpen-
tine form.
The cosmic waters served as boundary for the habitable world. The
term for this, arṣ, is ambiguous in Ugaritic, denoting both the surface and
the underworld below (cf. the ambiguity of Heb. ʾereṣ, though this term is
often contrasted with tēbēl, not thus far attested in Ugaritic). At Ugarit, as
everywhere else in the ancient world, the symbolic structure of the world
was maintained in religious practice and experience, which defined the reali-
ties of myth and cult. We may even legitimately extrapolate features in such
a view that are not explicit. Thus while the idea of the omphalos is not ex-
7 In Mesopotamian tradition we have the apsu (AB.ZU) above and the tiʾamat (temtum, tāmtu)
below. The former becomes ¥bussoj in Greek. In Genesis 1:6–9 the waters above are sepa-
rated from those below the firmament as dry land appears from the lower waters. In Egypt
the goddess Nut (nwt: “waters”), an allomorph of the primordial Nu(n) (nw[n]), forms both
the sky and a subterranean current, sometimes shown engraved or painted in both the lid
and the base of sarcophagi. This body of water is amorphous. Land, in the form of the bn-
stone (symbolized in all temple constructions) emerges from the latter, in an analogue of the
biblical account. On the other hand, Ra crosses a river by day (above) and by night (below)
in his solar bark. This similarity of mental structuring of the world between ancient cultures
should not allow local differences such as those mentioned to be glossed over, but should
also not be underestimated. For further discussions see Wensinck 1918, Kaiser 1959,
Neiman 1977, Wyatt 1996, 1996a, 2001, 2003.
8 Contrast Day 1985, 14–15 with Wyatt 1985c. A Greek reflex of this figure is found in
Ladon, the serpent who guards the golden apples of the Hesperides (Graves 1960, ii 145–52
§133: various classical sources cited; cf. Fontenrose 1959, 236, 370).
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 89
9 See Wyatt 1995a for discussion and references. See also Koch 1993.
10 Wyatt 1996, 36–43, 1996a.
11 See the gates (seven ʿrytw) in the scenes and texts of the Book of the Dead.
12 See the myths of the descent of Inanna (ANET 50–57) and Ishtar (ANET 106–09, CS i
381–84). The image of the centre of a sevenfold structure is perpetuated in the seven moradas
of Teresa of Avila.
13 Cf. KTU 1.100.
90 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
analogies and comparisons between neighbouring cultures (and particularly between evi-
dently cognate ones such as the Ugaritian and Palestinian) in the area of tentative reconstruc-
tion of fragmented cosmologies is surely a valid procedure. I am happy to work in principle
within the constraints outlined by M. Smith (1952) 135–36, though he considerably over-
stated the lack of connections between Ugaritic and Hebrew literature. Many of the more
cautious studies of recent years have established extensive continuities between the two
cultures.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 91
19 See Wyatt 1987 for Ugaritic and biblical passages illustrating this feature. The shrine in
question cannot be identified with precision, but may plausibly be identified with a royal
chapel at Ugarit, or some such installation at Ras ibn Hani (where the palace extends to
within a few metres of the seashore).
20 Wyatt 1996b.
92 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
and Hazor, so that a common tradition may have obtained. The “temple
aux rhytons” in the city-centre, perhaps associated with El (cf. KTU 1.114),
who was perhaps a lunar deity in origin, was orientated east–west. This may
be compared with later Palestinian shrines associated with Yahweh, as at
Jerusalem, Arad and Lachish (temple 106).
On the broader issue of personal orientation, from which these princi-
ples are developed, and the vocabulary used to express it, I have made a
comparison of the Ugaritic and Hebrew vocabulary, with interesting re-
sults.21 Summing up that discussion, it is worth noting the following “ca-
nonical” or religious vocabulary, which appears to be relatively constant:
DIRECTION LANGUAGE TERM MEANINGS
East Ugaritic qdm face, in front, past;
Hebrew qedem face, in front, past;
Akkadian qudmu front, past;
Arabic qadam qidm qidam precede, past, antiquity
West Ugaritic a r behind, after, later;.
Hebrew ʾa ar behind, after, later;
Akkadian a ru future;
Arabic dabūr west wind (√ turn one’s back)
North Ugaritic šmal left;.
Hebrew semôl left; ( ṣāpôn = north);
Akkadian šumêlu left;
Arabic šamāl, šimal north (wind), left
South Ugaritic ymn right;.
Hebrew yāmîn right, south;
Akkadian šaplitum lower;
Arabic yaman, yamin south, right hand
The same pattern also obtains in other languages such as Sanskrit, and
is probably widely attested. Facing into the past, since “east”, “past” and
“face” all employ the same terminology, indicates the enormous power of
memory in the construction of consciousness, and it is perhaps no accident
that we can speak of “canonical orientation”, for it is above all in religious
belief and practice, with its hallowing of tradition (the experienced and re-
21Wyatt 1996b. In Wyatt 2001, 33–52, I extended the coverage to include Akkadian, Arabic,
Egyptian, Greek, Latin, Sumerian and Sanskrit, the first two included here. The same princi-
ple also appears to be present in Japanese cosmology (Palmer 1991), reinforcing my suspi-
cion that it is universal.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 93
3 THEOLOGY
22 It is no accident that the etymological meaning of the Greek term for “truth” (¢lhqeia)
means “not-forgetting”. Tradition is “true”, and theology is “true” because it is traditional.
See Wyatt 2001, 27 n. 2, for an explanation of Latin religio in similar terms.
23 See also del Olmo Lete 1999a.
24 The fact that we have an Akkadian version of the “canonical pantheon” is significant: it
indicates that it is only with great caution that we can assume there to be fundamental differ-
ences between the Ugaritic and Akkadian linguistic worlds in terms of their theological im-
plications.
94 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
classified in KTU 1.47.1 as il ṣpn, “the gods of Saphon”. They are of course
a tiny selection of all the deities who appear in the Ugaritic texts, and the
complete list may be supplemented with Hurrian 25 and Akkadian divine
names, while a number of Egyptian, Hittite and Sumerian names appear,
and others are still probably unrecognized.
Developing del Olmo Lete’s perceptive analysis,26 I have suggested in a
recent study27 that the presence of a deity ṣpn at a central position in the
pantheon lists is a literary representation of the cosmic centrality of the
mountain, whose divine status, belonging to a widespread practice of di-
vinizing sacred localities, reinforces the same point. It lies in the middle po-
sition of three sets of seven deities, which may indeed have constituted a
Vorlage (containing twenty-one names) to the present pantheon list. While
as fourteenth overall it is not in the mid-most position in the entire list of
thirty-three, there is a broadly chiastic structure to the full list, which further
enhances this impression that the divine mountain is at the heart of all real-
ity. This cosmological image is to be perpetuated in the later imagery con-
cerning Mount Zion,28 and has analogues in Egyptian temple traditions, and
in the architectural form of ziggurats. A pantheon list is obviously not in-
tended to be a complete account of the divine realm, yet represents such a
totality, much as the various enneads of Egyptian theology identified key
deities in the great centres in a sacred number, nine being as it were “plural-
ity pluralized”, and therefore a figure for totality. The thirty-three deities of
the Ugaritic lists were probably based on a similar numbers game (ten times
three plus three29) also intended to encompass all gods and goddesses. Such
25 See KTU 1.135, which Laroche 1968, 508–09 (and further, 518–27) classified as a “list of
deities”, while KTU 2 identified it as a “list (sacrifices)”.
26 Del Olmo Lete 1986; 1992, 54–58 = 1999, 71–78; 1999a, 308–10.
27 See chapter 4.
28 See Wyatt 1996, 31–33 with reference to Psalm 48:2–3.
29 The same number is found in the Vedic text Bṛhad āraṇyaka Upaniṣad 3.9.1–2. As the con-
text of the dialogue shows, this text too is clearly exploring the question of the implications
of a pluralistic symbolism in theology, and concludes that the multiplicity of deities (begin-
ning with three thousand, three hundred and six) really points to one. The Muslim rosary
traditionally has thirty-three beads on it: three rounds allow the recital of the ninety-nine
names of God (Schimmel 1993, 241). Del Olmo Lete (1992, 91 = 1999, 134) noted that
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 95
KTU 1.148, which is based on KTU 1.47 and parallels, actually mentions only twenty-eight
or twenty-nine of the gods, to accommodate the constraints of the calendar. Perhaps there is
also a menological basis to the number? Thus Gordon 1995, 45.
30 I am not suggesting an incipient monotheism, but rather the coherence of all the deities,
sessments, and often include discussion of biblical avatars): on Anat see Kapelrud 1969, P.L.
Day 1991, 1992, 1999, Walls 1992, Lloyd 1994, Cornelius 2004; on Athirat see Maier 1986,
Olyan 1988, Wiggins 1993, Wyatt 1999c, Binger 1997, Cornelius 2004; on Athtar see Mar-
galit 1996, Xella 1996; on Athtart see Wyatt 1999d (Astarte), Cornelius 2004; on Baal see
96 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
Kapelrud 1952, Vanel 1965, van Zijl 1972, Wyatt 1992a, Herrmann 1999, Niehr 1999, Green
2003; on Dagan see Wyatt 1980, Healey 1977, 1999, Feliu 2003; on El, see Pope 1955, 1987,
Herrmann 1999a; on Horon see Caquot 1982, Rüterswörden 1999, also chapter 6 below; on
Kothar see Smith 1985, Pardee 1999; on Rapiu and the Rpum (Rephaim) see Caquot 1960,
Parker 1970, 1972, de Moor 1976, Pope 1977, Cooper 1987, Rouillard 1999, Pitard 1999,
Wyatt forthcoming; on Reshef see Astour 1967, 310–14, Fulco 1976, Xella 1999a; on Yam
see Fantar 1977, al Noori 1994, Stolz 1999 (Sea). This list, the disparity in the coverage of
some deities over against others, and omissions from it, indicate fruitful areas of research still
to be undertaken.
32 See in particular the relevant articles in ABD (Freedman ed. 1992) and van der Toorn,
Becking and van der Horst 1999. Some are listed in the previous note. Note also Watson
1993.
33 Thus Oldenburg 1969, xi.
34 Thus de Moor 1986b, 1997, 71–102.
35 That is, a religion (or religions) as reconstructed through archaeological research and a
critical and historical reading of textual evidence, biblical and non-biblical. The Hebrew Bible
itself is of course a critique on earlier forms of religion, its own roots included. Cf. n. 2
above.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 97
Yam the sea, Baal the storm, Kothar the apotheosis of technology, or Kin-
nar of the lyre, and so on). It is however a mistake to conclude a one-for-
one functional relationship between deity and phenomenon. This is to re-
duce theology at best to allegory, at worst to triviality. The identification,
often based on the name,36 is merely the cipher by which an entire range of
symbolic potential is tapped. The richer the personality of the deity in myth,
the richer, we may infer, is the symbolic base. And because personality, with
all its individual quirks and contradictions, is the means of expressing the
theological content of the individual deity, the dramatic conflicts between
deities are often represented in the most confrontational terms. It is a seri-
ous mistake to take this at face value, seeing in this apparent theological
confusion evidence of either primitiveness, or worse still, theological pov-
erty or incoherence.
The richness and versatility of polytheism lies in its capacity for resolu-
tion of tensions in dramatic terms, in which deities compete in a mythic
narrative as a means of expressing the anomies and antinomies of experi-
ence. People die of disease: the powerful god Reshef, the personification of
pestilence, the very source of the disorder, is the one to whom the religious
person turns in distress. War comes to Ugarit: Anat is the very embodiment
of all its horrors, but because of her ubiquity, is at the same time repre-
sented as a nubile maiden, for whom warriors will perhaps give their all.
Her ambiguity, at once attractive and repellent, is a measure of the ambigu-
ity of the warrior’s calling. She symbolizes the utter devotion, the single-
mindedness required of the king’s soldiers (and not perhaps without an
erotic frisson). As goddess of the hunt (itself an important symbol of royal
power) she also embodies the paradox of the love of animals with their
wanton destruction. At the other end of the spectrum, there are deities of
conception and childbirth, invoked for fruitful marriages and safe parturi-
tions. These are the real “fertility deities”.
36The enormous difficulty sometimes faced in trying to identify the “original” meaning of a
divine name (cf. the range of proposals for Anat and Athirat) should give us pause about
immediate settlement for what seem like all the easier instances.
98 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
3.2.2 El
A few observations on El (il, ilu) are in place here. His supreme status in the
pantheon is not in dispute, in spite of some teething problems in his analy-
sis,41 and he is the patron of kings (see further below) and ultimate ruler of
the cosmos, whose constituent parts appear to have been divided between
various of his sons (Baal, Yam and Mot correspond broadly in their nature
and roles to Zeus, Poseidon and Hades in the Olympian pantheon). But
they evidently defer to him for permission to act, and are dependent on him
37 The distinguishing of different types of religion along class lines may have its uses for
analytical purposes. but in my view threatens to introduce artificial boundaries where none
would have been perceived. The emphasis may have been different, as also the elaboration
of ritual, between the cult of the great temples and people’s (or groups’) private devotions
which have left no trace. The broad nature of the religious experience, and the theological
presuppositions, would have been part of a continuum, however, and not disparate units. It
remains extremely difficult to estimate the nature of the experience. Texts like KTU 1.119
perhaps provide our best clue.
38 These constitute the “Urgötter ”, the primordial powers who personify the substance of the
universe. They are invoked in the messages of the gods (KTU 1.1 iii 13–14 etc.). Are they
perhaps also to be identified with the dr il (KTU 1.41.16, [1.87.17], 1.176.16) or (the distinct
group?) the dr bn il (KTU 1.40.7, 17, 25, 33, [42], 1.65.2, 1.122.[3]) on the analogy of the
il ānū ša dārātim (cf. Cross 1976, 329)?
39 KTU 1.4 vi 45–54. Cf. the world of abstractions personified as so many divine realities in
for the conferment of their power. The only deity who appears to defy his
will is Anat, whose special case we shall consider below.
Many scholars have remarked on the apparent absence of any cos-
mogony in Ugaritian religion. Fisher (1965) thought he discerned two types
of creation at Ugarit, divided between El and Baal. The cosmogonic status
of Baal’s conflict with Yam is in dispute, and any cosmogonic overtones it
bears are implicit. But El is called bny bnwt, which is commonly translated as
“Creator of creatures”, and is certainly the father of the divine beings born
in KTU 1.12 and 1.23. These however are theogonies rather than cos-
mogonies, though perhaps this neat category-distinction would not have
seemed so obvious to the ancients as it is to us.
More promising perhaps for a tentative resolution of the issue is the
significance of El’s androgynous nature. In KTU 1.23 he is addressed by his
wives as mt, “husband”, ab, “father” and um, “mother”.42 From these inci-
dental references we may infer that El is the androgynous parent of the
goddesses. This invites speculation—and it must remain no more than this,
on present evidence—that there lies behind the usage a myth of the kind we
find in Egypt with with Atum and Amun,43 and in a different form with
Ptah, in Greece with Zeus and in India with Prajāpati. These androgynous
deities beget-and-bear daughters, who then (except in Zeus’ case) serve as
wives for further divine reproduction. Now the point of these traditions is
that they are clearly cosmogonic, in spite of the apparently theogonic ele-
ment (that is, the distinction breaks down in practice). Atum’s children, for
instance, are the “Urgötter ”, the primaeval gods who actually embody the
substance of the land of Egypt. In fact we err in distinguishing too sharply
between the two aspects of creation (cosmogony and theogony), as sug-
gested above, because such differentiation belongs to later ages of greater
abstraction in metaphysics. The wholly sexual imagery of the ancient forms
42 Wilfred Watson suggests to me that this may be simply an instance of parallelism. But
even if we concede this for the sake of argument, the fact remains that a form of words may
itself both reflect unconscious dispositions and patterns in the mind, and also generate new
possibilities, which then lead the mind into further avenues. The whole cognitive content
attributed to theological language is in my view largely if not wholly of this kind: the very
existence of the word reifies the idea. Thus unicorns and dragons (and gods!) exist in the
imagination, because we have imagined them.
43 Particularly in his aspect as Amen-Apet, the self-generating god of Djeme (Medinat Habu),
who appears as the ithyphallic deity of the Theban cult. See van der Plas 1987.
100 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
3.2.3 Athirat
A well-attested iconogram which perhaps represented Athirat (atrt, El’s
daughter-wife) is the hand, appearing on cylinder seals,45 and later an impor-
tant symbol of the Punic goddess Tanit.46 Is this perhaps a pointer to an
analogue of the Egyptian titles of the chief queen as “the god’s hand”,
which may have had ritual significance, symbolizing the daily sexual re-
creation of the world? It appears that Asherah in Judah at least had such a
symbolic dimension, whatever is to be made of it, since she was both the
deity’s daughter, and his wife, and is described as “the work of his hand...
fingers” (Psalm 19), where both phrases have undoubtedly phallic over-
tones. This is admittedly all circumstantial, but enables us to build up a ten-
tative picture of a powerful creator god whose prehistory is confidently to
be linked to Ugaritic El.47 His making of the world is essentially expressed
through the metaphor of his paternity of the divine principles of its con-
stituent parts, the enveloping chaos included.
The goddess Athirat has attracted considerable interest among schol-
ars, in particular because of her presence (in the form Asherah) in the He-
brew Bible. Her evident role as Yahweh’s consort has recently been broadly
accepted. The pair Yahweh-Asherah seem to point back to the Ugaritian
pair El-Athirat. In the latter context her role has been much debated. In
KTU 1.23, we appear to have a triad of goddesses, Athirat, Rahmay and
Shapsh, and I have argued that the former two are geminated forms of the
third (see further below). This would imply that Athirat is a sun-goddess, as
also argued for instance by Binger.
But Athirat’s particular significance in both KTU 1.23 (with her asso-
ciates) and in KTU 1.4–6 (independently) is in the context of royal ideology.
It is here that the significance of her title rbt (Akkadian rabītu), “Great
44 Such mythological forms are precisely the outworking of the subjectivity we noted above,
in discussing orientation, which must be the starting point of all experience.
45 See Schroer 1983.
46 Hvidberg-Hansen 1979.
47 See M. S. Smith 2002, 32–43.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 101
Lady”, is significant, used also of Rahmay in KTU 1.23.54.48 This title de-
notes the dowager queen, who appears to have had an important ritual and
ideological function, corresponding to that of the Gebîrâ in the Palestinian
kingdoms. The goddess is the divine embodiment of the principle—
perhaps mythic rather than real by the LBA—that the incumbency of the
throne is transmitted through the female line, a king being legitimized by his
maternity and then by marriage to an incarnation of this same divinity.
48 It also refers to the dowager queen, presumably with the same ideological role, in the
neighbouring kingdom of Amurru. See the divorce correspondence, PRU 4, 125–48. On the
considerable role played by queens, enthroned and dowager, in Ugaritian politics, domestic
and foreign, see Singer 1999, 690–91, 696–700.
49 The Ugaritic form is hd, var. hdd; in Aramaic he is Hadad, and in Akkadian Adad, where
the initial [h] is unrepresented in the syllabic script. In Egypt he is identified with Seth. Thus
the Mami stela from Ugarit (RS 1.[089] + 2.[033] + 5.183) invokes “Seth of Saphon”. See
Yon 1991, 328 fig. 8a.
50 See chapter 2 above, where some twenty-one titles and a further five possible ones are
discussed.
51 The judgment of Oldenburg 1969, 1, that “no strange god, however, is depicted more (sic)
wicked, immoral, and abominable than the storm god Baʿal Hadad...” is not very helpful,
except as an example of the kind of attitude deplored in my opening paragraph. He might be
defended on the ground that he is merely voicing the biblical prejudice to demonstrate the
clash of ideologies, but the rest of his study indicates that he shares it.
102 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
of Ugarit” (bʿl ugrt ), the patron and protector of the city, as eloquently
evoked in KTU 1.119. As champion in the Chaoskampf, Baal is the type of
the king as military hero.52 Furthermore, the language of the storm is the
conventional idiom for describing theophanies (as for instance in Psalm 29),
and thus a sign of his grace to his devotees. This motif, of divine compas-
sion, is also evident in the episode of his intervention on Danil’s behalf
(KTU 1.17 i 15–33). We almost discern, in the localized form of such ap-
parently pluralistic language, the polytheistic idiom for the examination
within one divine reality of the tensions experienced in the processing of
the real world. That is, Baal, and any other deity active in such a narrative
context, is essentially a cipher for the tensions inherent in El himself in the
world-process. This is therefore a kind of process theology.
3.2.5 Mot
A god somewhat neglected in discussion is Mot (mt ).53 He is conspicuous
by his absence from the ritual texts, and it is apparent that no cult was of-
fered to him. He is not mentioned in any pantheon list, and yet features
significantly in the Baal cycle of myths. This makes him the more interest-
ing as a deity not so much of the practical life of Ugaritian religion as of its
broader metaphysics. On one hand it is not at all surprising that death
should be deified, as this is entirely in keeping with the observations of
Guthrie (1993) in his sophisticated development of the animistic principle.
To give a perceived external reality (and especially an external threat) a hu-
man face is an effective technique of management: know your enemy (and
his name) and you have some defence against him. On the other hand, cult
is precisely the response of a practical theology to this need: feed you enemy
and you have him in your hand! So why was Mot not worshipped? In a
sense he is quite different from that considerable class of chthonian deities
and demons who were explicitly managed by cultic procedures in order to
control the threats they posed. But Death, itself comparatively rarely per-
sonified in the ancient near east, stands apart. The analogue-figure of Ha-
des, noted above, is not in fact a strict parallel in conception, for he is rather
the location and condition of the dead who is collectivized. With Mot the
very concept of death is personified.
The chief mythological context in which the character Mot appears is
in KTU 1.4–6. His role in the narrative has been characterized by Petersen
and Woodward (1977) as essentially a doublet54 of the Baal-Yam conflict. It
is certainly striking that in view of the wide incidence of the Chaoskampf
throughout Eurasia (Amorite, Assyrian, Babylonian, Greek, Hittite and Is-
raelite [biblical] versions are attested, apart from a whole nexus of Indian
and Iranian versions), the myth of Baal’s conflict with Mot is unparalleled.
Is it too bold to suggest that the very deification of Death as an antagonist
of Baal, the god who brings life, is the literary invention of Ilimilku, for his
own purpose of sandwiching the myth of Baal’s palace-construction be-
tween acosmic threats to it from before and after?55
This is not to attempt any reduction of Mot’s importance to one liter-
ary composition. Rather does it highlight the role of the theologian (Ilimilku
was high priest, chief of the temple herdsmen and the king’s sacrificer:
KTU 1.6 vi 55–656) in the very initial conceptualization of new metaphysical
experience. Many deities presumably had specific historical origins, however
hard it may be to identify them. Be this as it may, for it remains conjectural,
the divine existence of Mot, yet apparent cultic non-existence, suggests a
deity in transition, in process of development. In at least a loose way, he
may be linked with the Hebrew constellation of Sheol, itself an inchoate
personification of the experience of death, and such biblical figures as
Rāʿēb, Belial and Māwet, the last-named his precise counterpart. The agri-
cultural significance often attributed to Mot, as a fertility deity, is naturally
to be entirely discounted on my interpretation.57
54 The suspicion that this is the case is strengthened by the fact that similar royal titles are
applied to both: Yam is mdd il, Mot is ydd ilm. On the sense of this see Wyatt 1985b. Note
also that Mot himself compares his appetite with maritime creatures. See in particular my
suggestion at KTU 1.5 i 14–16: Wyatt 2002, 116 n. 11.
55 See Wyatt 1998 for the rationale of this observation.
56 On Ilimilku’s substantial role see §4.2 below, and also Wyatt 2000, 2002a.
57 See discussion of KTU 1.6 ii 30–35, v 11–16 in Wyatt 2002, 135–36, 141 nn. 83, 108.
104 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
6) calls Baal a “strong, virile dolt” and Anat “a spoilt child”,58 while El is
construed as a coward in the face of Anat’s tantrums. 59 These estimates,
little better than the old allegorical identifications which were once fashion-
able, 60 are theologically quite inadequate however, and simply a miscon-
struction of what mythology and theology within a polytheistic world-view
strive to achieve. To begin with, the trickster figure, or the deity who is the
butt of humour and figure of fun has an honoured place in religious history.
Such characters reflect the human experience of the incongruous. The con-
tradictions present in the deities of the pantheon are, moreover, faithful
reflections in the mythic idiom of contradictions in the real world. Their
dramatic interaction in the myths (such as the fights between Baal and Yam,
or Baal and Mot, or Anat’s confrontations with El) do indeed reflect a de-
gree of “theological relativity”, but this is a strength, not a weakness, in
polytheistic thought. For all the anomies of human experience can be
worked out “intrapantheonically” through the medium of the mythic narra-
tive, and the broad principle of divine power is not compromised. Anat’s
encounter with Aqhat, seen from a theological perspective, warns of the
dangers of trifling with the unpredictable and autonomous divine. It may be
compared with the story of 2 Samuel 6:1–8, where the modern reader’s
sympathy goes out to Uzzah, but in so doing misreads the narrative. Fur-
thermore, this kind of theology, explored almost exclusively in mythologi-
cal, narrative idiom, or in hymnody which reflects courtly and diplomatic
language, is the only medium open to the ancient cultures, before the de-
58 Cf. Margalit 1989, 477: he claims that “A ruthless mysogynist (sic !) and a creature of pas-
sion, Anat is a goddess who never ‘grew up’. She personifies for the poet all that is corrupt
and contemptible in Raphaite culture and society”. On pp. 478–79 he wrote of “the com-
placent... Raphaites, in their passionate devotion and voluntary bondage to a bloodthirsty
goddess, are in fact on a path to self-destruction...” Such judgments entirely fail to recognize
the logical place of negative principles in a pantheon. To interpret the goddess as a cipher
for a corrupt society is absurd: she is entirely the opposite, a sign of the vitality of its moral
theology.
59 Pardee 1997, 254 n. 105.
60 Cf. Gaster’s identification of most of the deities in the Baal cycle of myths with various
forms of water, or the vegetation theories of Virolleaud, Dussaud, et al. For references and
critique, cf. Wyatt 1996, 144–50.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 105
3.3 Demonology
It is in such a perspective that we should mention briefly the presence of
demons. I have dealt with these (chapter 4) as essentially transient figures,
frozen in the snapshot of a particular context reconstructed through the
chance discovery of texts, but more realistically gods in the making or the
unmaking, so that a longer perspective would tend to see them either dis-
appearing or achieving divine status. Deities such as Reshef and Horon, of
distinctly “demonic” form, being reified horrors, have probably been given
pantheonic status as a means of controlling them on the principle outlined
above. Some, of course, would hover anonymously on the fringes of reli-
gious experience for considerable periods of time, to terrify successive gen-
61 Only Greece appears to have developed such language systematically, and even here the
narrative mode is the normal discourse of theology. Homeric and Hesiodic thought was
expressed in this way. But to sensitive readers, all these ancient thought-systems are straining
at the limitations of language, and relentlessly pushing forward the boundaries of experience
and articulacy.
62 The problem arises out of our academic desire to read systematic theology into the ancient
traditions. We then read inconsistencies into the apparent dissonance between different
poetic metaphors. This is a measure only of modern, not of ancient incapacities.
63 Any treatment of Yahweh that stopped at the surface would be rightly judged as superfi-
cial and inadequate. Scholars (= theologians!) are careful to probe behind Yahweh’s bad
temper, his petulance and changes of mind to the symbolic power of this literary imagery.
The Ugaritic deities deserve no less.
106 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
4 MYTHOLOGY
64 See also Gibson 1999. For representative bibliographies on all the mythological texts from
Ugarit see the heading to each text in Wyatt 2002.
65 Wyatt 1998, 2002, 402–03 n. 13.
66 Lévy-Bruhl 1922. Note Margalit’s welcome comment (Margalit 1989a, 10 n. 7).
67 Frankfort 1949. For critiques of the views of the Frankforts see Rogerson 1974 and Wyatt
1996a, 388–98.
68 Donald 1991, 152. He postulated the following stages in the capacity to memorize: proce-
dural, episodic and semantic. Consciousness is rudimentary in the second of these stages,
while the third is dependent on human language and consciousness.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 107
thought, like all other ancient ones in principle from the earlier literate pe-
riod,69 had not yet developed techniques of analysis and abstraction. Narra-
tive, therefore, was the recognized mode of dealing with a variety of issues,
not least the problems arising in the moral and political life, questions of
identity, origins, of authority and ideology (see above) and even of everyday
matters like birth, puberty, marriage and death. Myth is the classic medium
for representing and resolving such matters and their inherent problems.
Through contemporary religious discourse (particularly credal, liturgical,
hymnic and the reading of “Scriptures”—ancient religious texts) exactly the
same pattern of mental processing is carried on today. Indeed the same
strategies are pursued today in forensic and commercial contexts, and not
merely religious ones, where precise forms of words not only convey pre-
cise nuances of meaning, but carry a peculiar authority (legal, contractual,
religious) and are deemed to “bind” people into a system of mutual inter-
dependence. This is the “linguistic world” in which we live. In principle
little has changed over the millennia.
We may have only a small fraction of the Ugaritian (or even the Uga-
ritic) myths, and this is due to the good fortune that priestly and royal ar-
chives recorded them. Many others would have been transmitted orally,
with consequent loss, or the unlikelihood of being able to recover them
from later records which have distorted them too much. Where a cognate
relationship can be established, as between texts KTU 1.23 and 1.24, their
second millennium congeners 70 and later derivatives, 71 there has usually
been substantial modification. The same is true of the Chaoskampf tradition,
which now has a continuous pedigree running from third-millennium Esh-
nunna through to mediaeval Europe.72 This material is in my view directed
primarily at the support of the institution of kingship, though of course it is
69 The development of writing itself no doubt lent a powerful consciousness to the acts of
writing and reading the written word. At a stroke, as it were, the memories of past genera-
tions could be preserved, and worlds opened up far vaster than the restricted scope of oral
tradition, itself already a powerful tool. The recording of the Ugaritic myths hints at an au-
thoritative text: the very words of the gods were now available independently of the inspira-
tion of the individual poet. There is no clear evidence for the ritual use of writing in Ugarit,
though legal texts witness to its inherent binding power.
70 Astour 1967, 154–60.
71 See Wyatt 1996, 219–68, where it was argued that they constitute the Vorlage of Psalms 2,
entirely probable that more generalized mythology was also extant, as indi-
cated by texts such as KTU 1.92, and by such applied myths (generally in
relation to medical matters) as are mentioned below.
Woodward 1977. None of these writers actually attributed the composition of the Baal-Mot
conflict to Ilimilku himself, however.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 109
76 For my alternative interpretation of the term ttmnt, see Wyatt 2002, 211–12 n. 155.
77 Parker 1977.
110 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
1998, 2002, 35–6, contrast 21 n, 6) have been on this basis. For a prelimi-
nary attempt at interpreting the new material, see Singer 1999. 78 His dis-
placement, as appears likely, to the time of Niqmaddu III, will require some
adjustments (though not radical ones) to my assessment, since both acces-
sions appear to have followed from some kind of internal political crisis.79
78 Singer 1999, 688–89 and nn. 284, 289, 705 and n. 340.
79 See Wyatt 2002a.
80 By Gibson 1999.
81 The following translations and studies have also been published, among others: Virolleaud
1933, Ginsberg 1935, Gaster 1946, 1950, 225–56, 1961, 418-35, Gordon 1949, 57–62, 1977,
59–64, Largement 1949, Jirku 1962, 80–84, Aistleitner 1964, 58–62, de Moor 1972 ii 17–24,
1987, 117–28, Tsumura 1973, 1978, Xella 1973, Caquot–Sznycer–Herdner 1974, 353–79,
Tsevat 1974, Wyatt 1977, 1987, 1992b, 1996, 224-29, 2002, 324-35, del Olmo Lete 1981,
427–48, Cutler–Macdonald 1982, Lipiński 1986, Segert 1986, Foley 1987, Hettema 1989–90,
Schloen 1993, Aboud 1994, 189–92, Watson 1994, Pardee 1997, 274–83, Dijkstra 1998,
Smith 2006.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 111
Several lines have been scored across the tablet, following ll. 7, 11, 12,
15, 18, 20, 22, 27 and 29 (all on the recto), thus dividing the text into ten
sections, of which the last is equal in length to the nine previous ones com-
bined. While a number of purposes appear to have lain behind such lines in
various contexts, in the present instance they appear to mark off separate
parts of the text which in the earlier part (ll. 1–29) consists of different ru-
brics, short narrative passages of ritual significance, lines of hymns to be
sung (perhaps just the opening lines to prompt cantors), and ritual instruc-
tions. From l. 30 to the end (the bottom edge and the verso of the tablet)
the text consists of one narrative poem, though here too a ritual instruction
appears in the narrative at l. 54.
The contents are as follows:
I 23.1–7 Hymnic introduction invoking the gracious gods (cf. VIII);
[ ]; summons to feast (sc. sacrifice); greetings to assem-
bled personnel (including king and queen); description of
opening scene, with figure of Mt-w-Šr seated disconsolate
and sterile, rod82 in hand.
II 23.8–11 “Viticultural” ritual involving Mt-w-Šr.
III 23.12 Instruction for sevenfold recital of the mythic narrative (sc.
ll. 8–11), and command to the priests to respond.
IV 23.13–5 Allusion to the “vast steppe” of Athirat and Rahma<y> (cf.
IX), and sevenfold performance of a culinary ritual and of
censing.
V 23.16–8 Narrative of Athirat and Rahmay setting out [ ]; invoca-
tion of their names.
VI 23.19–20 Reference is made to the eightfold, sevenfold [ ] of the
gods’ dwellings.
VII 23.21–2 Mention of the precious stones and garments of the choris-
ters.
VIII 23.23–7 Hymnic introduction (cf. I above), invoking the gracious
gods, their suckling and rituals (of purification after birth?).
IX 23.28–9 Further allusion to the “vast steppe” of Athirat and Rahmay
(cf. IV) [ ].
X 23.30–76 Main mythic narrative: El goes to the seashore, meeting two
figures (sc. goddesses?), apparently sitting on a cauldron,
who address him as “father” and “mother”; he has an erec-
tion, removes them and takes them to his house. El’s penis
appears to be identified with (or at any rate to evoke) the
83 See Wyatt 2002, 333 n. 49, and also my more extensive treatment in Wyatt 1996, 219–82,
in which I examined the text in the larger context of its ancient Near Eastern congeners and
biblical derivatives. The latter range indicates the ideological importance of the tradition. See
also Astour 1967, 154–57.
84 Tsumura 1978. See also Watson 1994, and Wyatt 2002, 332 n. 45.
85 Cf. Caquot, Sznycer and Herdner 1974, 376, del Olmo Lete 1981, 446. Dijkstra 1999, 140–
86 Contrary to the assessment voiced by de Moor 1971, 30, I do not feel compelled to accept
that all myths are inseparable from rituals. The situation is infinitely more complex. For a
recent collection of views see Segal 1998.
87 Wyatt 1996, 232–68.
88 For the most recent discussion see M.S. Smith 2006 and review by Pardee 2007. I think
that Smith misrepresents my views, and certainly does not do them justice.
114 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
marriage” (hieros gamos) means, and the use of the term sometimes implies
that the same kind of significance is to be applied in all cases, as though it is
just a tantric use of sex in the cult. It is here that I think the royal dimension
is important, and enables us to clarify matters. A mythic paradigm is estab-
lished here which is used to convey basic notions about the concern of the
chief deity for the created order, and the implicit identification of his off-
spring with kings becomes the means whereby royal duties are represented
as actualizing the theological programme.89
89 Wyatt 2002, 325. The myth may not unreasonably be compared with the patriarchal narra-
tives of Genesis, which though written in an entirely different idiom, deal with precisely the
same theme, that of national survival.
90 The following translations and studies have appeared, among others: Virolleaud 1936a,
Gordon 1937, 1977, 65–67, Aistleitner 1939, 1964, 63–64, Ginsberg 1939, Goetze 1941,
Herdner 1949, Tsevat 1953, Driver 1956, 125–27, Jirku 1962, 77–79, Herrmann 1968,
Caquot–Sznycer–Herdner 1974, 381–97, Wyatt 1977b, 2002, 336–41, Gibson 1978, 128–29,
del Olmo Lete 1981, 449–56, 1991, de Moor 1987, 141–45.
91 See too the interesting discussion of other versions of this myth by Astour 1967, 80–92,
that the present text does in fact deal with circumcision, see Allan 1999, where it is argued
that mlk qẓ (ll. 2, 17, 24) denotes the “counsellor for circumcision”.
95 The poor documentation is noted by van der Toorn 1996, 153. For a brief treatment see
below.
96 See in particular del Olmo Lete 1992 = 1999.
116 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
98For justification of this reading and translation see Wyatt 2002, 209 n. 149. All translations
from Ugaritic in the present chapter are from this volume.
118 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
number99 were given the more exalted status of rpum, “saviours” or “heal-
ers”, a term which may have corresponded roughly to the “heroes” of
Greek cult. The king was a living representative of the royal gods of the
past, into whose company he was welcomed at death, and the one person
who could most effectively communicate with the divine realm on behalf of
ordinary mortals. The language of divine birth and genealogy was of course
symbolic—when is language not symbolic?—but all the more real for so
being.100
Parker (1977) suggested that the rhetorical questioning of KTU 1.16 i
9–11, 20–3 (“Is Keret then the son of El...?”) pointed to a negative answer.
Gods do not die, but Keret does, and is therefore no god. This overlooks
the fact that Baal does die. I have proposed101 as an alternative that the lan-
guage of this passage specifically compares Keret with Baal, expressing in
this way the hope that Keret too, like Baal, will be restored to life. Thus the
ideological status of the king is not in question. If anything, it is considera-
bly enhanced by the comparison. This aspect of Ugaritian thought may be
the medium through which dead kings achieved a form of deification after
death (KTU 1.113), by a formal apotheosis indicated by the determinative il,
and also by aspiring to the status of rpum. This might be enhanced by the
comparison in Keret, in addition to any language used of the reigning mon-
arch.102
99 The rpum named in the Ugaritic texts do not feature in the king-list. Their precise relation-
ship with the historical kings of Ugarit remains obscure. They are evidently invoked as “ideo-
logical ancestors”. The r epāʾîm of biblical tradition are associated above all with the Hauran,
and in this respect perhaps make connection with the Ugaritic rpum. Cf. KTU 1.108.2–3,
which links Rāpiʾu, eponymous deity of the rpum, with Ashtarat and Edrei, cities linked with
Og, last of the Rephaim, in Deuteronomy 1:4. On Rāpiʾu and the rpum see n. 31 above. See
also references in n. 140 (à propos KTU 1.161). For Pitard’s cautious estimate of the nature
and role of the rpum see Pitard 1999. For the subject in general see now Wyatt, forthcoming.
100 A similar concern to downplay the divinity of the Pharaoh is evident in some egyptologi-
cal studies. It goes against the whole weight of the ideological tradition, and against a basic
appreciation of ancient Egyptian psychology. We must attempt to understand the ancients in
their terms at least as much as ours.
101 Wyatt 1997.
102 For a more recent assessment of royal aspects of religion see Wyatt 2005c.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 119
6 RITUAL 103
103 See also Merlo and Xella 1999, del Olmo Lete 1999a. On the ritual texts see de Tarragon
1980, Xella 1981, Caquot, de Tarragon and Cunchillos 1989, del Olmo Lete 1992.
104 Merlo and Xella 1999, del Olmo Lete, 1999a.
120 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
105 Note that one of Ilimilku’s offices, no doubt in his capacity as a priest, appears to have
been management of temple herds (rb khnm rb nqdm : KTU 1.6 vi 55–56). The influence of
the temple-economy on the broader economy should not be underestimated. If the gods
demanded richer offerings, agricultural practice had to adapt to the demand, while greater
food-production would result in greater surpluses, and therefore enhanced trade, enhanced
wealth, and no doubt concomitant population growth. The temples were at the apex of this
economic spiral.
106 The “secular” slaughter envisaged in Deuteronomy 12:15–16, 20–25 has the appearance
of a departure from an older norm in which all animals were killed not only ritually in the
most general sense, but in the presence of a deity, and formally as an offering. One reason
for this would have been the accumulation of power in the hands of organized priesthoods.
107 They are most graphically evident at the Ramesseum, the mortuary temple of Rameses II.
have mythological begettings, and some deities have voracious sexual appe-
tites, while we have noted a ritual dimension to KTU 1.23. The context of
this interesting text is however the conception of princes, and it may well be
no more than a mimetic counterpart to the actual (highly ritualized) con-
summation of a royal marriage in Ugarit. An iconographic counterpart may
be seen in the ivory panels from the royal bed.109 We also noted a probable
ritual context to KTU 1.24, and shall mention further such material below
(§9).
What the king’s duties may have been in the important ceremony of
KTU 1.40 unfortunately remain unknown. We should expect him to play a
significant role, on the analogy of Babylonian material such as the Akîtu,
but we are ignorant of the occasion or even the frequency of this rite. It
may be worth remarking that KTU 1.12, which begins with a theogonic
scene, and may thus have royal overtones, appears in its fragmentary con-
clusion to treat Baal’s death as an atonement of some kind. Does this point,
however obscurely, to the king’s ritual involvement? Any answer remains
speculative. The gist of the Keret story is also highly conscious of the deli-
cacy of a king’s moral position: any individual departure from proper be-
haviour threatens not merely a private man, but an entire kingdom.
Whether linked to a periodic rite of atonement of this sort, as the Isra-
elite ritual for Yom Kippur appears to have been (Leviticus 16), or in its
obviously more primitive form still linked to a more informal ad hoc solution
to a communal sense of guilt at a serious transgression, KTU 1.127.30ñ32
provides an intriguing antecedent to the biblical account. It prescribes the
expulsion of a goat, which will apparently carry away the sins of the com-
munity.112
112See Dietrich and Loretz 1990, 32–38, and the remarks by Meyer (1990, 270–71). A re-
cently discovered text from Ebla perhaps also contains a scapegoat ritual: see Zatelli 1998,
Wyatt 2001, 266–67.
124 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
113 Cf. the title of the first edition of Reynolds and Tanner 1983.
114 See Eissfeldt 1966, Koch, 1967, Healey 1979 and van der Toorn 1996, 154–65. I am not
sure of the categorization of this by van der Toorn under the rubric “the cult of the ances-
tors”. Cf. Husser 1995.
115 For the sense “into” rather than “from”, as most interpreters take it, see Xella 1982, 194
8.1 Vows
Keret’s vow in KTU 1.14 iv 34–43 is the only instance of a vow in Ugaritic
literature, but provides a classic example of the form:
they ca[me] to the sanctuary of Athirat of Tyre
and to the goddess of Sidon..
There Keret the votary vowed a gift:
“O Athirat of Tyre,
and goddess of Sidon,
if I take Hurriy to my house,
and bring the sacred bride into my court,
twice her weight in silver shall I give,
and three times her weight in gold! ”
As important as this formulation is the logical sequel, after it transpires that
Keret has omitted to fulfil this vow (KTU1.15 iii 25–30):
And Athirat recalled his vow,
and the goddess [his promise].
And she lifted up her voice and [cried]:
“Look, I pray: has Ke[ret broken],
or [the king] altered his vow?
[So] shall I break [my promise!]”
116 See discussion and references in Wyatt 2002, 255–59 nn. 23–41. The sevenfold pattern (n.
23) represents completeness, and so perhaps implies all the other social duties incumbent on
a son.
117 See also Spronk 1999 and Xella 1999.
126 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
8.2 Blessings
Just as vows have their rationale in the potency of the spoken word, so
blessings are believed to be efficacious by the mere fact of utterance. The
Keret story also provides the classic blessing formula (KTU 1.15 ii 16–28):
[El] took a cup [in] (his) hand,
a goblet in (his) [right] hand;
He did indeed bless [his servant],
he blessed Keret [the votary],
[he gave a bless]ing to the gracious [one], heir of El:
“Take a wife, O Keret,
take a wife to your house,
bring a sacred bride into your dwelling:
she will bear you seven sons,
and multiply them eightfold for you.
She will bear Yasib the heir:
he will drink the milk of Athirat
he will drain the breast of Virgin [Rahmay]
the suckling of [goddesses ]”
The blessing may continue for several lines, for it is to be understood to
include the opening lines of KTU 1.15 iii, concluding, after a list of Keret’s
daughters, with the final four cola (13-6):
“Be greatly exalted, [Keret],
118In narrative terms this is intriguing in that it also frustrates El’s intention to bless Keret.
In theological terms this shows a considerable finesse, all the more interesting because of the
undoubtedly unconscious processes which explore the strategic consequences.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 127
no need to apportion wealth, so much will be available. Attempts (e.g. Gray 1964, 60) to see
in this the tracing of a line from Keret through his youngest daughter to the Ugaritian dynas-
tic line are misplaced. There is of course a sting in the tail: an equal share in a blessing im-
plies an equal share in a curse.
128 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
While part of a finely polished literary work, this scene gives a marvel-
lous insight into the real world of the distressed, who will clutch at any
straw (as Danil is doing!) in time of deep emotional crisis. Danil does not
yet know the cause for this terrible drought, but his heart is full of forebod-
ing as he tries to use the intrinsic power of a blessing-formula to redress the
balance of nature. The fact that he invokes Aqhat’s name simply adds fur-
ther irony and pathos to the scene.
8.3 Curses
The counter to the blessing is the curse, again based on the power of
speech. Three sets of curses survive in Ugaritic literature. The first example
occurs twice in quite different contexts, and probably reflects a standard
usage. When Keret perceives Yasib’s incipient treachery (which conceivably
was inspired by the best of motives) he addresses him thus (KTU 1.16 vi
54–8):
“May Horon smash, O my son,
may Horon smash your head,
Athtart-the-name-of-Baal your crown!
May you fall down in the prime of life,
empty-handed, and humiliated! ”
The irony in this scene is overwhelming: Keret, who had sought a
blessing too many at the hands of Athirat, when he had already received
El’s assurance, now undoes even his (El’s) good work by cursing his family
back into the condition from which he began. The equal blessing promised
the youngest daughter now comes to haunt her too, as she is implicitly in-
cluded in this terrible curse.
The same formula is used by Baal against Yam in KTU 1.2 i 7–9. In
view of what Baal himself does to Yam we may ask whether the curse for-
mula does not belong to a royal head-smashing ritual (as exemplified in
Anat’s ritual treatment of prisoners122) or, as I have suggested, in executions,
being a disclaimer by the executioner.123 The idea of invoking the gods to
perform a dreadful act, thus exculpating the actual perpetrator, is deeply
imbedded in human psychology, ancient and modern. This percept also
applies in the case where someone cannot actually wreak vengeance him-
self, and leaves it to the gods.
This is not dissimilar from the curse Danil utters against the falcons
(KTU 1.19 iii 1–3):
“The win[gs of the falcons] may Baal sma<sh>,
may Baal smash [their pinions]!
Let them fall a<t> my feet!”
In both cases gods are invoked to do violence to a guilty party in the
absence of any realistic chance of the victim himself, or his father, wreaking
vengeance.
The second curse-form is used by Danil in his as yet unfocussed dis-
tress in perceiving that something dreadful is wrong (KTU 1.19 i 42–6): 124
“For seven years Baal shall fail,
for eight, the Charioteer of the clouds!
No dew,
no rain,
no welling up of the deeps,
no goodness of Baal’s voice!”
This is an invocation of drought, for the sources of water, dew, rain
and springs, are all to cease. The threefold sources of life-giving water are
turned into a tetracolon, and a quaternity, by the theophany-sign of their
coming, the voice of the storm-god. The natural world, implicitly all its car-
dinal points, will thus participate in the mourning for Aqhat, whose life-
sustaining blood has been shed, even though Danil is not yet fully aware of
the import of his words. This is in effect a reification of the emotional des-
iccation felt by someone who mourns the dead, a feeling all the more pow-
erful if it is a parent mourning a child.
The final instance is Danil’s cursing of the cities neighbouring the
place where Aqhat was murdered. This again is evidently part of a conven-
tional legal process, in which liability is sought in the case of the discovery
of a murder victim in open country. This is the last of three towns thus
cursed (KTU 1.19 iv 3–7):
“Woe to you, town of Abilim,
because near you was smitten Aqhat the hero!
May Baal make your wells dry,
henceforth and forever,
124 To the first three cola of the tetracolon cf. 2 Samuel 1:21.
130 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
9 SICKNESS
assessed by Yasib (KTU 1.16 vi 25–38, 39–54). When a king lies at death’s
door, the very world mourns in anticipation (KTU 1.16 i 6–9, ii 44–7), and
the fertile earth is parched (KTU 1.16 iii 5–11).
9.2 Snakebite
Snakebite is the occasion of two interesting incantation texts, KTU 1.100
and 1.107.132 The former 133 is “a spell against the bite of a snake” (KTU
1.100.4 etc.) couched in the form of a mythic narrative, in which a mare-
deity invokes twelve deities (or pairs) in turn for assistance, addressing only
at the end the potent god Horon who can achieve the cure.134 KTU 1.107135
appears to be concerned with curing a young medical practitioner who has
been bitten.
Shatiqat (“Remover”) in KTU 1.16 10–vi 14 is analogous. In neither case would it be legiti-
mate to infer any theological bankruptcy: the episodes are constructed for dramatic effect. In
the case of Horon, a dangerous power is approached only in extremis. In the case of Shatiqat,
El’s making of her highlights his peculiar role in matters of kingship.
135 Virolleaud 1968, 574–80, Astour 1968, Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartín 1975b; Xella 1981,
241–50; Levine and de Tarragon 1988; Pardee 1988, 227–57; de Tarragon 1989, 95–100; del
Olmo Lete 1992, 249–51 = 1999, 371–73; Wyatt 2002, 391–94.
136 Xella 1978; Caquot 1978–79, 1984, 1989, 53–60; Bordreuil and Caquot 1980, 346–50;
Avishur 1981; de Moor 1980, 1981–82, 114–15, 1986, 255–57, 1987, 183–86; Loretz and
Xella 1981; Saracino 1982, 1984; Fleming 1991, 1997; del Olmo Lete 1992, 259–60 = 1999,
384–87; Watson 1992; Pardee 1993, 211–13; Wyatt 2002, 442–49.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 133
137 See de Moor and Spronk 1984; de Moor 1987, 175–81; Caquot 1988; del Olmo Lete
1992, 251–55 = 1999, 373–79.
138 Virolleaud 1968, 545–51; Loewenstamm 1969; de Moor 1969, 167–75, 1970a, 1984, 1987,
134–37; Margulis (= Margalit) 1970b, 1979–80, 1982; Fensham 1971, 22, 1972; Pope 1972;
Jackson 1974; Rainey 1974, 184–87; Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartín 1975c; Xella 1977;
L’Heureux 1979, 159–69; Cathcart and Watson 1980; Dietrich and Loretz 1981, 88–98,
1993; Spronk 1986, 196–202; Pardee 1988, 13–74; 1997, 302–05; Caquot 1989, 71–78; Wat-
son 1990; McLaughlin 1991, 270–74; Cathcart 1996; Wyatt 2002, 404–13.
139 We may conjecture, since the death of a son is a theme common to both stories, that one
of the motives behind Ilimilku’s compositions (or editions) of the Keret and Aqhat stories
may have been the death of an heir to the throne. In such a context we should recognize an
elegiac quality to the poems.
134 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
KTU 1.161140 is perhaps one of the most intriguing ritual texts from
Ugarit. It appears to be a combination of order of service for the funeral of
the last King Niqmaddu, father of ʿAmmurapi, and at the same time a Kis-
pum-rite, invoking dead kings, who are invited to participate in the obse-
quies and to welcome Niqmaddu into the underworld. Degrees of royal
divinity appear to be envisaged, with the ancient rpum being regarded as of
having more prestige than intermediate kings between their remote and
legendary past and the present. The text also illustrates the importance of
Shapsh as psychopomp.141
140 Caquot 1975, 1989, 103–10; de Moor 1976, 1981–2, 116–17, 1987 165–68; Pope 1977b,
177–81; Pitard 1978, 1987; L’Heureux 1979, 187–93; Xella 1981, 279–87; Bordreuil and
Pardee 1982, 1991, 151–63; Dietrich and Loretz 1983, 1991; Levine and de Tarragon 1984;
Levine, de Tarragon and Robertson 1997; Taylor 1988; Spronk 1986, 189–93; Lewis 1989,
5–46; Tropper 1989, 144–50; 1993; del Olmo Lete 1992, 130–34 = 1999, 193–98; Pardee
1993, 208–10, 1996, 1997, 357–58; Aboud 1994, 157–65; Schmidt 1994, 100–20; Wyatt 2002,
430–41.
141 See Husser 1997.
142 See Schaeffer 1939, 53–106, Margueron 1983.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 135
dled in epic style. We have already noted the cosmic mourning for Keret in
anticipation of his death. KTU 1.16 i 15–9 alludes to weeping at the tomb
entrance by mourning women, and their professional status (on the analogy
of the groups in Egyptian tomb paintings) is to be understood from KTU
1.19 iv 9–27, where they bewail Aqhat for seven years, before Danil con-
cludes the proceedings with a sacrifice. Keret’s daughter is to go out into
the steppe to weep for her dead father (KTU 1.16 i 28–35; cf. also ii 26–36).
Two further passages (KTU 1.5 vi 11–25, 1.6 i 2–8) deal in an interest-
ing way with mourning rites. They describe the reaction of El and Anat re-
spectively to the news of Baal’s death. The former reads as follows:
Then the Wise One, the perceptive god,
went down from his throne:
he sat on his footstool.
And from his footstool
he sat on the ground.
He poured the ashes of affliction on his head,
the dust of grovelling on his skull.
For clothing he put on a loin-cloth.
His skin with a stone he scored,
his side-locks with a razor,
he gashed cheeks and chin.
He ploughed his collar-bones,
he turned over like a garden his chest,
like a valley he ploughed his breast,
He lifted up his voice and cried:
“ Baal is dead!
What has become of the Powerful One?
The Son of Dagan!
What has become of Tempest?
After Baal I shall go down into the underworld.”
This text perhaps encapsulates most powerfully the ritual expression
of utter despair in the presence of death, but at the same time the accep-
tance as significant for the mourner of the fate of the dead. The initial pen-
tacolon describes El’s progressive self-abasement, till he effectively shares,
emotionally at least, in the annihilation of death. A self-burial rite follows, a
mourning garment put on, with self-laceration and the cutting of the hair.143
143These procedures are forbidden in Leviticus 19:27–28 and Deuteronomy 14:1, a sure
indication that they were part of ancient Palestinian ritual too. Needless to say, to interpret
136 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
Only after these mute rites does the mourner give vent to feelings in words.
Interestingly, Baal’s death appears to constitute a paradigm of El’s death;
when Anat utters these same words, she alters the ard (“I shall go down”)
into nrd (“we shall go down”), and this very probably reflects or even cites
verbatim an actual funerary litany, showing that Baal’s death had religious
meaning for human beings as they contemplated their own mortality. Alter-
natively, this last passage should be corrected to *a !rd..., in which case it is
El’s words that Anat repeats verbatim.
11.2 Music
We have a number of references to the playing of lyres and the singing of
songs in the texts 144 which may reasonably be interpreted as relating to
hymnody in the cult. A remarkable reconstruction of a Hurrian hymn from
Ugarit (RS 15.30 + 15.49 + 17.387) has been attempted by Anne Kilmer,145
El’s and Anat’s actions as somehow linked to a seasonal fertility cult is to misread the evi-
dence. Cf. also the distraught behaviour of Keret’s daughter in KTU 1.16 ii 26–50.
144 See KTU 1.3 i 18–22.
145 See Kilmer, Crocker and Brown 1976. See also Güterbock 1970, Laroche 1973, Kilmer
while Annie Caubet 146 has drawn together and analysed the evidence for
musical instruments in use in Ugarit.
11.3 Iconography
On the iconographic front a small number of stelae and statuettes have
been discovered, which give us a glimpse into the portrayal of some deities,
and this allows some supplementation of their literary presentation. 147 In
some cases a certain amount of comparative data may legitimately be
brought to bear. A prolific source of iconographic information, but one that
is hard to quantify in terms of purely local influence, is cylinder seals. We
shall deal with this material in turn.
Some of the images remain anonymous. The following are those than
can be identified with a measure of confidence. Stela RS 8.295148 represents
an enthroned god, wearing the Atef-crown with bull’s horns, in the pres-
ence of a votary, perhaps to be identified with the king, beneath a winged
disc. While the precise interpretation of the scene is not beyond doubt, it
perhaps represents a divine blessing, such as is discussed above. It has been
compared with the scene on the royal seal.149 The stela may also be com-
pared with the gilded bronze cult-statuette of a god wearing the Atef-crown
(RS 23.394) and with the recently discovered stone statuette (RS 88.70)
found immediately north of the “temple aux rhytons”.150
The former of these has the right hand raised in blessing (correspond-
ing to the left hand on the stela, where internal design has forced a shift)
while the latter has an empty socket into which a detachable arm could pre-
sumably be inserted. The left hand of the bronze is shaped to be able to
hold a detachable object (such as a small gold cup?), while the stone statu-
ette has another empty socket. These artefacts have been understood to
represent El. He is shown to be a bearded, patriarchal figure, evidently con-
146 Caubet 1996. Cf. also Duchesne-Guillemin 1981 for comparative Mesopotamian and
Egyptian evidence.
147 The main publication where most of this material may been seen together is Yon 1991.
on p. 351. See also Yon and Gachet 1989. The stone statuette lacks evidence of an Atef-
crown, but may have had detachable horns and feathers.
138 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
cerned with the welfare of the king, and through him of society. This is en-
tirely in conformity with the textual evidence outlined above.
Baal is without doubt portrayed in the so-called “Baal au foudre” stela
(RS 4.427) found in the Baal temple. 151 This shows the god, wearing a
horned and pointed cap (a variation on the White Crown?) in the “smiting
posture”. But instead of grasping a victim he holds a spear which becomes
a tree. Below the dagger at his belt stands a votary, dressed apparently in the
ritual garment of the king. Fenton (1996) has offered a new explanation for
the rippling lines beneath the god’s feet. The upper set he interprets as a
serpentine Yam.
Stelae whose subjects are indeterminate are RS 17.138 and 23.218,
both of a god in the “smiting posture”, in the latter instance holding a
spear, and RS 23.216 and 23.217, both of a god with a drawn bow. It is
tempting to think of Reshef, though his familiar fillet, suspended behind the
cap, is missing.152 In the case of the Mami stela, however, this fillet is pre-
sent, and yet the god is explicitly identified as “Seth of Saphon”,153 indicat-
ing the confusing fluidity in the portraiture of the two gods. A stela frag-
ment (RS 24.434) shows a god in smiting posture, with raised mace, shield
in the other hand, and a quiver behind him. Two further anonymous stelae
show an armed god with a tall plume and horns (RS 2.[037]) and a goddess
draped in a long gown shaped like a falcon’s wing and armed with a spear
(RS 2.[038]). The latter invites comparison with Anat, though the known
iconography of this goddess, like that of Athtart, shows her wearing the
Atef-crown.154
151 Schaeffer 1934; Yon 1991, 331 fig. 11a. She compared the stela with numerous small
bronzes in the “smiting posture”. Cornelius (1994) preferred to designate this iconographic
type “the menacing god”. See also Cornelius 1999, 590 (fig. 11).
152 On the comparative iconography of Baal and Reshef see Cornelius 1994.
153 Yon 1991, 328, fig. 8, obligingly showed the Seth of the “stela of the year 400” for com-
course not from Ras Shamra, being of unknown provenance in the Michaelides collection,
Cairo, and now apparently lost. It may be compared with the Anat represented on BM stela
646/191. See also Cornelius 1993 and 1999.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 139
tually RS 16.56). In addition to references given see Ward 1969, 236–37 and figs. 3, 4 and
Caquot and Sznycer 1980, pll. XXVIIIa, XXIXa.
140 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
the need to make offering to the temple which had guided them safely to
land. In some instances a more general symbolism may have obtained, ow-
ing something to the economic dependence of Ugarit on the sea. The an-
chors were probably not carried or dragged from ships, being often unused
and presumably made especially for cultic use.158
158 Frost 1991, 357. Some, found at Minet el Beida, may have been left at the port-brothel
(id., 358)! Seafarers then, as now, left nothing to chance. See now Brody 1999 on seafarers’
religion in general.
5 RELIGION AT UGARIT: AN OVERVIEW 141
12 CONCLUSION
I have endeavoured in this survey to do more than offer a cursory glance at
the material most commonly treated as “religious”, but rather to discern
religious sensitivity in a far broader range of human concerns, as I think is
necessary for an adequate assessment of the holistic view of life and role of
religion in an ancient society. Even today the religious person is wont to say
that “my faith is more than a religion; it is a way of life”. It is fair to say that
while religion has been in retreat in the modern world, not just sociologi-
cally, but in terms of the greater fragmentation of life into different special
areas (social, moral, political, medical, environmental, and so forth), in the
ancient world any such compartmentalization is not only short-sighted in
the scholar, but fundamentally misconceived. The gods were as much a part
of the ancient citizen’s experience as breathing and thinking. They were
invoked at every turn, and were believed to be present, and concerned, in
every corner of life.
We owe it to any human society under investigation to grant it auton-
omy and integrity in its structures and values. Any theological basis for
wholesale judgments of the kind that have at times been fashionable are
entirely misplaced, and while useful comparisons and even connections may
be drawn, I remain uneasy that this area of Ugaritic studies should so often
be pursued as an adjunct (even a mere prelude!) to biblical studies, even
though, given the economic conditions under which our universities cur-
rently operate, this is probably inevitable. Let us at least acknowledge on
anthropological grounds the utility of dispassionate enquiry: Ugarit has
much to teach us in its own terms about the roots of our own cultural heri-
tage. So it is to be hoped that future research into the religion of Ugarit will
tend to be phenomenological in nature, which with due caution, rigour and
empathy, can be true both to the tradition under examination and to its
adequate setting within the broader frame of human experience.
6 EPIC IN UGARITIC LITERATURE
INTRODUCTION
A survey of general discussions on ancient West Semitic (Ugaritic language)
literature reveals a considerable imprecision concerning the nature of genre,
particularly with regard to the appropriateness of this or that definition of a
given composition. Not only is one man’s myth another man’s history, but
“epic”, “legend”, “saga” and “folktale” can all be (or if they cannot, or
should not be, they are) used to denote the same texts. Some scholars even
use two or three of these terms for the same composition in the same dis-
cussion. In the following essay I am not going to try to solve this problem,
if only because it is a futile exercise, except perhaps in so far as it illustrates
the inherent impossibility of confining any real literature within various de-
signs of theoretical taxonomic strait-jacket. But I am going to discuss three
bodies of literature, which are linked by one important feature: they are all
associated with the name of one author, redactor or editor.
The most general approach would tend to distinguish the Baal narra-
tives from Ugarit as myths, while conceding to Keret and Aqhat epic charac-
teristics, but this generalization disguises a wide range of conflicting views
among scholars. Smith (2001, 23) wrote that “ if there is one text that all
scholars can agree is a myth, it is the Baal cycle”. In a footnote to this sen-
tence (Smith 2001, 208 n. 159) he noted that Jason (1977, 32), and Milne
(1988, 169–70), classified the Baal cycle as a “mythic epic”. Note also his
own useful observations on the problem of myth in Baal (Smith 1994, 27–
8). Albright (1942, 227) called all three compositions under consideration
“epics”, while Watts (1989, 443) called them all “myths”. The briefest sur-
vey of the critical literature reveals that when it comes down to details,
scholars are at sixes and sevens over their strategy.
143
144 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
Having recently claimed that myth is not really a literary genre at all
(Wyatt 2001a), but rather a mind-set appropriate to religious experience,
discourse and literary composition, I would tend to regard all three as
mythic (that is, as exhibiting the workings and perceptions of what I call
“the mythic mind” ), since each moves in a world peopled either exclusively
by gods (Baal ) or has gods and men interacting in a matter-of-fact fashion
such as we see in other “epic” literatures such as the Iliad or Gilgamesh (Keret
and Aqhat ). They are composed from an emic perspective.
I am also content to treat all the material discussed here as epic, based
on a minimalist view of epic as heroic and ideological narrative, generally
poetic in form, which seeks to promote the identity, values and concerns of
a culture, and perhaps specifically of the ruling classes within a community.
The theme of Baal, though it has exclusively divine characters (thus consti-
tuting “myth” as “stories about gods”, according to the common, if inade-
quate view) fits into this ideological and hierarchical framework. Epic is
definitely not proletarian in its concerns! It may even be quite heterogeneous
with regard to genre in its constituent parts (Hendel 1987, 26–27).
As regards the issue of historical reference in epic literature, I think
that this must be regarded as an accidental rather than intrinsic element.
The broad significance of epic is surely that however trivial and even factual
its origins, such as warfare at Troy (Iliad and Odyssey and even, by a leap of
faith, the Aeneid !), a monarch out of control (Gilgamesh) or an ambush in the
Pyrenees (Chanson de Roland and the Orlando tradition), or in the case of Keret
perhaps a dynastic crisis in Ugarit, occasioning reflection on the problem of
dissonance between an institution and its incumbent, and conceivably echo-
ing ancient lore about the ancestral king Didanu/Ditanu (Schmidt 1994,
72–82, 89–91; Wyatt 2002, 433 n. 12), the final “epic” product is a raising of
the trivial or merely fanciful to a heroic and cosmic level, exploring the
deepest human problems of life and death, social affiliation and above all of
the wielding of power. By its nature, this would entail an element of ideol-
ogy, serving the interests of the social group to whom the poetes belonged.
By such a token, the three compositions treated below are all epic. They are
also all in verse, the techniques of Semitic prosody such as regular parallel-
ism, extensive assonance and wholesale use of chiasmus pointing to a long
oral tradition, though it would be premature to claim that the present texts
are necessarily the end products of an oral process. Baal and Keret in particu-
lar betray evidence of the conflation of diverse elements (on Keret see Parker
1977; 1989). A case could presumably be made for the Baal cycle, since the
Chaoskampf motif is exceedingly dispersed, and presumably by oral commu-
nication. However, written versions already appear in the mid-third millen-
6 EPIC IN UGARITIC LITERATURE 145
nium. (See Wyatt 1998 for a survey of the material, to which may be added
Annus 2001, and Wyatt 2003.)
gories rejected by Caquot and Sznycer (Caquot et al. 1974). De Moor (1988)
extended his seasonal theories concerning Baal to Aqhat. A royal ideological
dimension was recognized by Ginsberg (1945a, b) but rejected by Gibson
(1975), who followed Driver (1956) in seeing the theme of death and resur-
rection in the narrative, which is emphatically absent from the surviving
text(!), except in the offer which Aqhat rejects. Del Olmo Lete (1981)
judged Aqhat to be epic, but “more mythical” than Keret, thus illustrating the
problem of trying to apply genre categories. Margalit’s analysis (1989) was
driven by two theoretical points, the so-called Kinneret hypothesis and the
non-royal nature of the story. The former has not commanded assent; the
latter is rebutted in my treatment (Wyatt 1999a, 249–51). I would now go
further than my comments there, to see the composition as dealing specifi-
cally with royal ideological issues, however much it is dependent on tradi-
tional and diverse literary motifs.
ILIMILKU’S MOTIVES
Let us first briefly address the status of Ilimilku (cf. Wyatt 1997, to be
±4,250 lines of tablet text (therefore rather more individual cola) are to be
modified by the revision of Ilimilku’s date, Wyatt 2002a), to whom some
credited in the three compositions discussed here, of which a little over half
survives. The only information we have concerning him appears in the
colophon at the end of KTU 1.6 vi, as noted above. Lines 54–8 are in
prose, and state that
Ilimilku the Shubanite wrote (it), the student of Attanu the diviner, chief
of the priests, chief of the temple herdsmen, sacrificer of Niqmaddu
king of Ugarit, Lord of Yargub and Ruler of Sharruman.
Other fragments of colopha survive, but provide no further informa-
tion. Our main problem is to determine which of the titles belong to which
of the people named. Ilimilku is certainly the student of Attanu; but are the
titles “the diviner, chief of the priests, chief of the temple herdsmen, sacrifi-
cer” those of Attanu or Ilimilku himself? To be honest, we cannot tell from
this text. It will be seen from the punctuation in my translation that I have
taken “diviner” to be a title of Attanu, leaving the possibility that the fol-
lowing ones all belong to Ilimilku, until we reach those of Niqmaddu. This
is a guess, but I hope a reasonable one, and is broadly in agreement with the
line taken by other scholars. In support of it can be cited the regular and
mature cuneiform style of the writer. This contrasts sharply with the rough-
ness of style of other tablets, which are agreed to be those of school-pupils,
such as KTU 1.7 and 1.8 among the religious texts. Ilimilku is at least the
6 EPIC IN UGARITIC LITERATURE 151
scribe, if nothing more, and this office alone implies advanced education
and high office. Moreover, as chief of the temple herdsmen (nqdm), he
might have had other remits: his position might be comparable to that of
Amos (Amos 7:14: nôqēd ).
The fact that the same scribe is credited with the three main literary
compositions from Ugarit (Baal, Keret and Aqhat) together with at least one
of the Rpum texts, KTU 1.22, and a further fragment (RS 92.2016, an incan-
tation) points to a writer with considerable authority, and possibly freedom
of action with regard to the handling of his materials. He certainly uses a
consistent style and outlook (cf. Korpel 1997), with many formulations re-
curring through the corpus. It is the last mentioned fragment, found in the
house of Urtenu in the southern part of the city, which has forced a recal-
culation of the date of Ilimilku, who is now to be seen as a contemporary of
Niqmaddu III–IV in the late thirteenth century BCE, rather than Niqmaddu
II of the mid-fourteenth century.
The importance of the identification of the author or redactor (or
both) of this poetic corpus is surely significant for our overall interpretation
of the material. While it is entirely possible that the work covers a lengthy
period in Ilimilku’s life, it is more probable that we should see it as fitting
into the reign of his patron, and to some extent reflecting the concerns of
that reign, in terms most likely of a public relations and propagandistic
function (pace Margalit). Furthermore, if we can discern specific concerns of
the reign of Niqmaddu III–IV in Baal, it is reasonable, in view of Ilimilku’s
offices, at least to ask whether the same concerns, or similar ones, do not
also lie behind his composition of Keret and Aqhat. I recently (Wyatt 2002a)
suggested that it was the occasion of a royal wedding, that of Niqmaddu
III–IV to a Hittite princess, E li-Nikkal (see Singer 1999: 701–4), which mo-
tivated Ilimilku to write an epithalamium, beginning with the traditional
Chaoskampf story, and adding a considerable amount of extraneous material
of his own devising to make the connection. Baal was the outcome of this
process. It served the double purpose of celebrating the king’s wedding and
flattering the bride’s father, the Hittite emperor Tud aliya IV, with a treat-
ment of the old martial ideology (KTU 1.1–2), a transparent reference in
the palace-building episode to the establishment of a royal house (KTU
1.3–4), which itself might allow a pun on the play between a material house
(palace, temple) and a dynastic house (offspring) such as lay behind 2 Sam-
uel 7, and according to Merrill (1968) Keret as well. The conflict with Mot
(KTU 1.5–6) also allowed construal as the triumph of fecundity over death,
appropriate to the celebration of a marriage.
152 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
line, and thus grant him immortality of a kind. Anat offers Aqhat limitless
wealth; he then spurns the further offer of immortality. Keret subsequently
exhibits levity in religion; Aqhat does so at this point. Far from exhibiting a
moral bankruptcy, as claimed of Ugaritian religion by de Moor (1997, 83–
84), this corpus emphatically champions the old moral certitudes which are
challenged anew in every generation.
Divine kingship is a theme that is perhaps somewhat out of fashion,
many treatments of Egyptian and West Semitic kingship stressing the hu-
man aspect of the institution, with a tendency to downplay, or represent as
merely figurative, the divine aspect. In my estimation such modern pleading
misrepresents the institutions of the ancient world, and flies in the face of
clear evidence to the contrary. In a recent discussion (Wyatt 1999) I reex-
amined the Ugaritian evidence, indicating the agenda of Ilimilku, and show-
ing how the ritual texts and the iconographic convention reinforce the ar-
guments of the present literary compositions, making comparisons between
Keret and Baal which are vacuous unless the divinity of both is conceded,
and suggesting that Aqhat takes the agenda for granted.
A recent study is worth mentioning here, because it initiates a new di-
mension of study. Wright (2001) has examined the literary use of the ritual
accounts in Aqhat. He notes that the ritual scenes in Keret are too fragmen-
tary for a similar detailed study, but mutatis mutandis, his conclusions proba-
bly fit both narratives, the surviving text of Aqhat devoting the surprisingly
high figure of 82% of the total to ritual (Wright 2001, 8). Baal is also well-
endowed with ritual sequences, including two accounts of an enthronement
(KTU 1.1 iv, 1.6 i), and is thus also eminently suitable for such analysis,
particularly with regard to royal ideology. This approach does not seek to
reintroduce the old myth-and-ritual agenda by the back door: what it dem-
onstrates fairly persuasively is the way in which the non-linguistic commu-
nication system of ritual parallels the role of language, thus reinforcing at
every turn the literary tensions and dynamics of the text, and indeed consti-
tuting a subliminal reinforcement of any ideological agenda the text may
have. This provides some confirmation, in my view, of the royal agenda I
see the texts as serving.
7 “MAY HORON SMASH YOUR HEAD!”: A
CURSE FORMULA FROM UGARIT
First published in G. del Olmo Lete, Ll. Feliu and A. Millet Albà (eds) Šapal
tibnim mû illak : Studies Presented to Joaquín Sanmartín on the Occasion of His 65th
Birthday, AuOrs 22, 2006, 471–79.
The following discussion attempts to give a brief account of the ideo-
logical context of a curse-formula occurring twice in Ugaritic literature, with
a possible reflex of it in a third passage.
As the confrontation between Baal and Yam moves to a crisis in the
narrative of Baal, Kothar arrives with maces, which he entrusts to (the pre-
sumably weaponless) Baal. The storm-god takes them, and with their assis-
tance, destroys his adversary (KTU 1.2 iv 11–41).
In an earlier passage, KTU 1.2 i 7–9, whose precise literary and tempo-
ral relation to this climax remains obscure, Baal appears to anticipate this
dénouement, in voicing a challenge to Yam which ends with a mighty curse,
the subject of our discussion. It is puzzling, in that he names the maces
(only one, aymr, surviving in the extant text) some while before Kothar ac-
tually makes, produces and names them at KTU 1.2 iv 11–15, 18–23, and
they subsequently “leap” from the hand of Baal. But that problem is in-
soluble in the face of such a poorly preserved text1, and need not concern
us here.
The text in Baal requires some reconstruction, but the curse may be
confidently restored, since it appears more or less verbatim, in an undamaged
context in Keret (Kirta), at KTU 1.16 vi 55–8:
1 See my comments on the sequential reading of “KTU 1.2”, as at least two tablets are
known, in Wyatt 2002, 36–37 nn. 3, 4, and layout, pp. 51 and 56. De Moor’s proposal (1987,
30 n. 126), that the anticipation of the subsequent victory in KTU 1.2 i 7–9 is a case of di-
vine foresight, looks a bit lame in the absence of a meaningful context.
155
156 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
2 See Wyatt 2002, 56 n. 90; DLU (ii ) 602: mṭ tpln, “staggering you fall”. Cf. HALOT (ii)
555 : m w ṭ . 3 Translations as in Wyatt 2002, 56, 241. Whether the former passage has a miss-
ing part after the first tricolon (id. 56 n. 90) remains problematic. Perhaps a formula now in
the form of a tricolon followed by a bicolon was, putatively, two tricola.
4 We would expect k... km... rather than the present km... km... . The same curious form oc-
5 Translation as in Wyatt 2002, 285–86, with the exception of the last line, for which cf.
Watson 2004, though I construe the prosody slightly differently. I take it that Anat is the
subject of the colon, though Yatipan is her agent in the preceding ones.
6 Wyatt 2002, 286 n. 158; Wright 1994.
7 E.g. Wyatt 2002, 286: “I shall not let him live” Cf. DLU (i ) 379, Tropper 2000, 550
(§74.412.25).
8 Watson 2004. The same discussion also summarizes the various views of the form yšt wy.
9 Watson 2004, 156.
10 Watson 2004, 158 n. 19.
158 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
16 E.g. the Narmer palette, verso. Dyn. 0–1. See Emery 1961, 44 fig. 4; Hall 1986, fig. 8;
inscribed palette of Zer, Dyn. 1. See Emery 1961, 60 fig. 23; Hall 1986, fig. 7.
17 E.g. ivory label of Den, Dyn. 1: Hall 1986, fig. 9. Hall shows examples from throughout
are seventh century BCE. See Moscati 1988, 442 (Idalion), and 444, 446 (Praeneste).
20 See Cornelius 1994, 16, 25.
21 Wyatt 1998.
22 Panel A3: see Wyatt 1995, 581 = 2005b, 121; id. 1998, 866.
160 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
form of the ritual pattern comes from Ugarit, where Lloyd demonstrated23
that the double battling of Anat in KTU 1.3 column ii is a battle followed
by a ritual reenactment, and the killing of prisoners. This may be compared
with the ten bound and beheaded prisoners shown on the recto of the
Narmer palette.
In the Egyptian material which evidently inspired the international use
of the smiting motif, it is generally the king who grasps his vanquished en-
emy by the hair, before dispatching him with a bladed mace or fenestrated
axe. The king of Egypt was regarded as an incarnate form of Horus, an
amalgamation of two distinct deities, the anthropomorphic son of Osiris
and Isis (respectively the embodiments of kingship past and the royal
throne, st, “throne”), and the falcon son of Ra and Hathor (respectively the
ultimate representation of royal power, and the embodiment of the royal
palace and the sky, t- r, “the House of Horus” 24). It is scarcely likely that a
literate person of the rank of Ilimilku was unaware of this convention, so
that his choice of the god Horon as subject of the curse (we shall come to
Athtart below) can scarcely be regarded as a coincidence devoid of mean-
ing. Obviously the first thing we should expect in an Ugaritic literary pas-
sage is a local reference, especially when the divine name Horon is well-
attested in the West Semitic world, not least in Ugarit itself, and indeed as
far afield as Mari.25 He was evidently the most effective deity to invoke in
the healing of the stricken foal in KTU 1.100, being the twelfth in a series.26
The question that must be asked is what relation did the Semitic god Horon
( rn) have, if any, to the Egyptian god Horus ( r, rw), beyond a possible
association by virtue of the similar forms of the names? At least an associa-
tion is implied by the application of the smiting motif to Horon. But this is
23 Lloyd 1996.
24 While a pun was no doubt intended, since the basic meaning of r is “elevated, lofty”, and
this might have meant in origin no more than “the elevated house” (sc. the sky) where the
goddess dwelt, the conventional writing of the divine name Hathor was a falcon within the
house sign, and thus a deliberate allusion to the deity Horus. The correct form of a neutral
“elevated house” would be t- rt , with agreement of the adjective.
25 Marian PN awranabi : Huffmon 1965, 32, 192 (cited van Dijk 1989, 60 and Rüterswörden
Athtart in Inbub (as a pair), Yarih, Reshef, Athart of Mari, Zizzu and Kemosh (as a pair),
Milk, Kothar-and-Hasis and Shahar and Shalem (as a pair), and finally Horon. See Wyatt
2002, 378–87 for translation, commentary and references.
“MAY HORON SMASH YOUR HEAD!” 161
27 HALOT (i ) 352 a.
28 Del Olmo Lete 1988.
29 The same regnal formula is credited to both:
―of Rapiu:
May Rapiu, King of the Hereafter, be [ est]ablished,
yea, may he be established, the powerful and noble [god],
the god enthroned in Athtarat,
the god who reigns in Edrei*... (KTU 1.108.1–3)
(*reading i !dr ʿy for hdr ʿy)
―and of Og:
Og, the king of Bashan, who reigned in Ashtarot and Edrei...
(Deuteronomy 1:4. Joshua 12:4 adds “ the survivor of the Rephaim” )
30 The final h of mṣdh is locale, as in the other references to TNs in the text. Cf. Tropper
2000, 324–25 (§54.323a), where it is taken to be the equivalent of ʿm, “towards”. In view of
my interpretation of mṣdh , above, I propose that the h serves a double function, as direc-
tional/local and possessive, thus: “in his fortress” (= *mṣdhh ). Cf. Rüterswörden 1999, 425:
he considers Albright’s (1936, 9) linking of the divine name with Arabic aur , “bottom of a
well”: “It is not impossible that the name of the god is a similar adjectival expression, mean-
ing primarily the ‘deep one, the one inhabiting the underworld’ ”.
31 Cf. DLU (ii ) 585–86.
32 Thus van Dijk 1989, 62.
162 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
( urri ).
36 Montet 1935, 165; Weill 1938, 168. This interpretation was also offered by Mercer 1942,
135. But the final n of the divine name is radical, while for the bird it is a nunation. Is it pos-
sible however that the Egyptian divine name Horus ( r, rw ) and the Arabic term are cog-
nate? (Cf. Akkadian urinnu, “eagle”—another candidate for a cognate! —according to CDA
426a. See also Kogan and Militarev 2004, 145–48, references brought to my attention by
W.G.E. Watson.)
37 He would have such a role in principle as the deity identified with the king, in view of the
archaic shamanic aspects of Egyptian kingship, in which the king very explicitly entered the
realms of the gods above and below during the rites of kingship.
“MAY HORON SMASH YOUR HEAD!” 163
38 Faulkner 1969, 2.
39 Faulkner 1969, 79.
40 Faulkner 1969, 115.
164 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
lips and the side-lock of youth.45 The falcon-god is explicitly identified thus
on the inscription; were he not, it would be natural to identify the falcon as
Horus, who commonly appears in a protective role on royal statues.
Van Dijk’s insistence on the late (Ramesside) date 46 for the incidence
of Horon in Egypt is no barrier to the association of ideas I am considering.
In fact it rather neatly highlights the specifically contemporaneous nature of
the Egyptian and Ugaritic material, which supports the view that as Horon
became significant in Egypt, so we might expect to see evidence of familiar-
ity with Horus in Ugarit.
If we take it that Ilimilku or his source intended at least echoes of Ho-
rus to be read into the curse-formula of Baal, and specifically with regard to
its ideological implications, then we may perceive the link made between
the actual use of the weapons in KTU 1.2 iv, and the implicit falcon-
imagery of the curse, also to be deliberate. It is as though the smiting for-
mula was already regarded as a figure for the swooping of a falcon onto its
prey in the wild. This in turn may account for the variant in Aqhat, in which
the killing of the victim of the war-goddess Anat, here the prince and hero
Aqhat, is actually accomplished at a distance, in the figure of a swooping
falcon, rather than directly (in contrast to Anat’s own unambiguous threats
of body-to-body violence in KTU 1.17 vi 43–5). At the same time, it is of
interest that the otherwise gratuitous allusion to the victim being brought to
his knees in the Aqhat passage (l. 24) becomes a powerful visual allusion to
the iconography of smiting, in which the enemy king is commonly shown
kneeling in submission.
A brief word is perhaps in order concerning the role of Athtart in the
curse formula with which we began. She is of course closely related to Anat
(e.g. in KTU 1.2 i 40, 1.100.19–20, 1.107.40.39 and 1.114.9–11, 26–28), as
well as fulfilling a similar role in the excerpt cited here from Aqhat. She also
appears in Egyptian iconography in martial guise, armed and on horse-
45 Montet 1935 and pll. V, VI; id. 1935–37, 12–14 and pll. X, XI. He drew particular attention,
1935, 156, to the iconographic play on the king’s name: the child has a sun-disc (rʿ) on his
head, the child is ms, while his left hand rests on the sw sign (at once nsw, “king”, and sw,
“south”) thus spelling out the kings name, rʿ-ms-sw = Ramesses. As Montet noted, “It was
this name that was placed under the protection of the god”.
46 Cf. however the view of Albright 1941, 7–9, that Horon was attested in Egypt from the
time of Amenhotpe II, while Montet 1935, 158–59, drew attention to the strange form of
Haremhab’s name (normally r m b: “ Horus is in Festival”) as rn m b (“ Horon is in Festi-
val”); both were eighteenth dynasty kings.
166 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
back, 47 and in Egypt both goddesses are appropriately consorts of the vio-
lent god Seth. Furthermore, in the climax to the encounter between Baal
and Yam, it is Athtart, who, perhaps shrieking encouragement like a camp-
follower on the sideline of battle, urges Baal to finish his task (KTU 1.2 iv
28–30). In the curse she appears to function as Horon’s anima, or alter ego,
closely parallel to this action, and also in much the same way as Hathor,
who also has a violent side to her nature, functions as the destructive Eye of
Ra, agent of the king (Horus) in his battles.
47 Leclant 1960.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE: EL’S
ORACLE TO KING KERET (KIRTA), AND THE
PROBLEM OF THE MECHANICS OF ITS
UTTERANCE
Published in VT 57 (2007).
I INTRODUCTION
Oracles and analogous phenomena constitute an important part of religion,
in its function as an organizational system designed to assist human com-
munities in the management of space and time, with particular reference to
the future. The future, as an unknown quantity, naturally arouses anxieties
and a desire to predict events and to avoid possible disasters.1 Language has
a striking role to play in two categories of the management of such concern,
vows and oracles, as well as facilitating the primary temporal awareness of
the future as an approaching reality. In both, the formulation of an idea, be
it an aspiration of individual or collective nature, is believed to encapsulate
the essence of the aspiration, so that things transpire precisely in the man-
ner described. The basis of this thinking lies in the psychology of language,
and the universal belief that to name a concept somehow reifies it, gives it
substance, and in the right circumstances allows it to be conjured up, or
actualized. Thus, in the case of a vow, a bargain is made with higher pow-
ers, and a precise agreement on a quid pro quo basis is entered into, whereby
so long as the votary fulfils his or her part of the bargain, there is the expec-
tation, and indeed the implicit moral demand, that a deity will grant what-
ever is demanded. This is the very basis of folk religion, and has little spiri-
tual force.
The oracle tends to be on a higher plane. There is nothing overtly
conditional about it. From a theological perspective, it grants the principle
167
168 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
of divine freedom,2 but assumes that access may be had to the divine will,
and that this will be expressed in a comprehensible way. It reached its apo-
gee, perhaps, in oracles such as that at Delphi, where the ambiguity of the
supernatural message precluded its manipulation by the human subject. En-
quire of the oracle, and you never knew what answer you would get, as
Croesus found to his cost.
With ancient Near Eastern oracles, that degree of sophistication had
perhaps not been reached, or perhaps it had, but ways had been found of
manipulating the oracle by binding it into liturgical forms, so that its ambi-
guity was circumscribed, and it gave precisely the expected answer. 3 We
should never underestimate the ability of the human mind to discover
loopholes to circumvent any conditions laid down by law or custom.
(Somewhere in our constitution there is a Jesuitical gene, designed to cope
with the law of unintended consequences.) Something of Delphic ambiguity
can be seen in some biblical oracles, even though the liturgical framework
probably sought to control things there too.4 So far as Ugaritian evidence is
concerned, with which we are here concerned, even the ambiguity is am-
biguous in terms of the literary example discussed below―the only evidence
so far discovered―which makes its subtlety particularly delicious. Perhaps
one of the unstated purposes of literature such as Baal, Keret and Aqhat was
mind, whereby the decision-making process may be granted an objective status. Cf. Jaynes
1976, 84–99, on the function of deities as decision-making principles.
3 The Mari oracles do not seem to have a liturgical context, being apparently instances of
spontaneous reception of the divine message, which was then communicated directly to the
king. However, in view of the “shorthand” nature of the record, to be discussed below, we
should be wary of over-interpreting this aspect (that is, underestimating the formal cultic
context), though some certainly appear to have been spontaneous, that is unprompted,
communications on the part of a possessed person. The much later Assyrian prophecies, for
all their apparent spontaneity, appear in fairly predictable contexts (e.g. royal accessions)
which presuppose a degree of control. (Cf. Mari text A 1968, discussed by Durand 1993 and
Wyatt 1998, 841–43 = 2005b, 158–60). The phenomenon in Israel is seemingly of an entirely
different order, but this very impression of “uniqueness” should warn us against the danger
of over-interpretation, and above all of eisegesis. But even here a cultic context is evidently
to be presupposed in a number of places (e.g. 1 Samuel 10:5; Isaiah 6; Amos 5: 18–27, 7:13;
2 Kings 4:25; Zechariah 3:1–4:14, etc.). See Lindblom 1962, 80 and n. 54; cf. Buss 1980, 7–8.
4 We may cite one example: Amos’ “ Day of Yahweh” oracle (noted above) which takes up
5 Parpola 1997, xiv, showed how the undifferentiated use of the term “oracle”, to cover the
readings from omen books and extispicy reports, as well as “inspired prophecy”, blinded
biblical scholars to the important witness of the latter type of material from the Assyrian
archives. The material in his corpus provides an important parallel to the supposedly distinc-
tive Israelite oracular tradition, closer than the Mari oracles on account of their proximity in
time. Whether Parpola’s own estimate, that the Assyrian material witnesses to what
amounted to a “mystery cult of Ishtar” (xiv–xvii and later elaboration), is either tenable, or
possibly a key to similar esoteric traditions in Ugarit and elsewhere, remains to be seen. In
his interesting discussion, Buss distinguished between “prophetic messages” and “more
mechanical divinations”, noting that the former “deal especially with the assessment of the
actual, which contains elements of particularity and the new.” His definition of the prophet
is useful:
The role of a prophet or seer can be characterized as the receiving and transmitting
of communications not available to ordinary conscious sensitivity, which are held to
come from a source (the divine) or through a form of perception transcending nor-
mal spatio-temporal limitations...
( Buss 1980, 7 and 6 respectively).
See also Nissinen 2000 and 2004. In the latter (2004, 23), he remarked that
[ p]rophetic activity does not necessarily exclude other roles in society; the social po-
sition of the prophet may vary according to the integration of the prophetic role into
the society as a whole. The oft-made dichotomy between free, charismatic prophets
and the so-called cultic or court prophets should no longer be upheld as a funda-
mental, generally applicable distinction...
His definition of prophecy is also worth citing in full:
Prophecy... is human transmission of allegedly divine messages. As a method of re-
vealing the divine will to humans, prophecy is to be seen as another, yet distinctive
branch of the consultation of the divine that is generally called “divination”. Among
the forms of divination, prophecy clearly belongs to the noninductive kind. That is
to say, prophets―like dreamers and unlike astrologers or haruspices―do not employ
methods based on systematic observations and their scholarly interpretations, but
act as direct mouthpieces of gods whose messages they communicate.
( Nissinen 2003, 1)
170 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
mals), or even the interpretation of dreams, is not at issue here,6 but rather
the uttered oracles of cultic personnel who appeared in Mari, Assyria and
Israel as “prophets”, who undoubtedly appeared elsewhere even if they
have left no written record. M. Nissinen has categorized this material as
“noninductive”, in distinction from the “inductive” techniques noted
above.7 In general, the writing always followed an originally oral communi-
cation, and the psychological, experiential or ritual bases for individual ora-
cles were varied, and often unidentified. My task here is to ascertain
whether the Ugaritian material to be discussed constitutes evidence of
prophecy in these terms in Ugarit.
6 For discussion of other techniques at Ugarit see Xella 1999, del Olmo Lete 1999, 306–16
etc.
7 Nissinen 2003, 1 (cited above).
8 For translation see Wyatt 2002, 207–08.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 171
Or possibly “seven daughters” ([<šbʿ > b]nt )? On the supposed name of an eighth daughter
(thus many, erroneously, e.g. Tropper 2000, 530–31, §74.236.2) see Wyatt 2002, 211–12 n.
155.
172 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
transmission.
15 The passage anticipates the subsequent marriage of Keret to Hurriya, and it is of her chil-
cumstances and arithmetic of Job : cf. KTU 1.14 i 10–25 and the whole passage under dis-
cussion here with Job 1:2 , 1:13–19 and 42:10, 13 (reading šibʿānâ as “fourteen”: HALOT iv
1401 suggestion §b). The view that it is a multiplicity of wives, not children, that is alluded to
in the opening lines of Keret (thus Tropper 2000, 346–48 [ §§62.132a, 62.142a, 62.152a,
62.162a, 62.172a], 370 [ §63.32], 5 70 [ §74.424]) would tend to destroy this parallel. But as I
have argued, ( Wyatt 2002 , 181, n. 19) the argument is finely balanced. I suspect that I am
now (2006) edging towards the position of Tropper and Pardee, but the present passage
under discussion still presents something of a problem for the view, with its emphasis on the
children, perhaps twice an original number.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 173
to give the very youngest an equal measure of blessing (= wealth) with the
firstborn,17 and by implication, a similar measure will be accorded to all the
intervening children. In short, in keeping with the epic style, we have here,
perhaps in somewhat hyperbolic terms, the very paradigm of royal felicity,
with its attendant benefits for the entire nation.
The theoretical structure of the whole oracle may be represented more
clearly by setting the two parts (sons and daughters respectively) in parallel,
thus (column two here following column one):
17There is no warrant for reading into the final line a reversal of the blessing: the last instead
of the first, as though the first (sc. Yasibu) is to be disinherited or displaced. The fact that
this is the outcome will also reverse the blessing on the youngest. See Wyatt 2002 , 212 n.
157.
174 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
18 We may surmise that this is the name of the second son; or perhaps it is the seventh? The
name occurs at KTU 1.16 i 46, 58, ii 33 and is probably to be restored in the missing section
at the end of 1.15 vi (it is presumably Il u who is speaking in 1.16 i 2–11, 14–23, and is ad-
dressed in 1.16 i 25–45) as well as in 1.16 ii 17, 21.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 175
19 If we suppose that there was more to the language concerning Yasibu, say nine lines, al-
lowing six further ones for the listing of the further sons (as with the daughters), then the
gap may be adequately accounted for. This remains speculative, of course.
20 Cf. the same nicely balanced antiphonal structure in Deuteronomy 28:1–14 and 15–35 (the
latter section subsequently greatly expanded in the light of exilic experience, vv. 36–68).
21 Cf. the chiastic analysis proposed above in 2005c, 721, and slightly modified here.:
balance between male and female children, and its embedding within (pre-
existing?) promises of divine benevolence and blessing, to say nothing of
the strong ideological bias because it is royal in application, has reached its
present final stage. This is the use of stereotypical language within the con-
text of an epic poem, with its own distinctive bias and function within the
royal ideology of Ugarit.24 I am not asserting this as a means of implying a
long prehistory of the text. For all we know, the ratiocination may have
gone on in the head of Ilimilku. Its complexity suggests, however, that he
took some time to achieve the final text of his composition, much of which
may well have been based on traditional material.
As Jackson and Dressler demonstrated, 25 the passage concerning the
cup of blessing in ll. 16–20 recurs in Aqhat (KTU 1.17 i 34–36), where its
presence was hitherto unrecognized because of haplography. The fact that
it occurs twice establishes its formulaic nature. 26 In the case of its incidence
in Aqhat, the wedding context is not assumed, since Danil and Dantiy are
already married. Perhaps it is fair to say that the literary force of the formula
in that context is precisely the huge efficacy of a royal marriage blessing as a
means of solving a gynaecological problem. (Men are never blamed for in-
fertility in ancient literature!) Indeed, since the situation in Aqhat is a special
case, while in Keret it is paradigmatic, or universal, we may ask whether the
original Sitz im Leben was, as in the latter, in a nuptial context.
betrayed . . . ”
The essential identity of the two passages in Keret and Aqhat is clear from the following
synopsis (see Wyatt 2002, 208 and n. 143 and 260 and n. 42―following Jackson and
Dressler―for further discussion):
KTU 1.15 ii 16–20 KTU 1.17 i 34–<->–36
ks.yi d [il.b] yd [ks] yi d.il <byd(h)
krpn.bm [ ym]n krpn.bm ymn(h)
brkm.ybrk [ ʿbdh] brkm.ybrk > ʿbdh
ybrk.il.krt [ tʿ ] ybrk [il.dni]l.mt.rpi
[ym]rm.nʿm[n.]ǵlm.il ymr.ǵzr [mt h]rnmy
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 177
The blessing formula itself in Keret now lies as a framework around the
oracle concerning offspring, however, in a fairly obvious way. This can be
seen by the excision of the oracle. We then have this sequence:
[ El] took a cup [in] (his) hand,
a goblet in (his) [right] hand;
He did indeed bless [ his servant],
El blessed Keret [the votary],
[ he gave a bless]ing to the gracious [one], heir of El:
...
Be greatly exalted, Keret,
among the Saviours of the underworld,
in the convocation of the assembly of Ditanu.
We thus find, rather surprisingly, that the oracle is in all probability
secondary to the blessing, or rather that in the composition of Keret, Ilimilku
has taken a stereotyped blessing formula, perhaps from the enthronement
liturgy, and used it to frame the oracular element (which may have origi-
nated in another liturgy, presumably one of birth―or rather concep-
tion―announcement). The same author (it could only convincingly be the
same author) has then used the same formula in the composition of Aqhat,
though the latter part, concerning the Rapiuma, was not included, since an
alternative formulation was used (KTU 1.17 i 36–38):
El took [a cup] <in (his) hand:
a goblet in (his) right hand;
he did indeed bless > his servant,
[El] blessed [Dane]l, the man of healing,
he gave a blessing to the hero, [the devotee of H ]rnm:
“By my life! Danil, [the man of heal]ing, shall live!
by my vitality the hero, the devotee of Hrnm !
[May] it [go] well with him!
It is noteworthy that in Keret the tricolon
Be greatly exalted, Keret,
among the Saviours of the underworld,
in the convocation of the assembly of Ditanu.
now follows each list of children (male and female respectively―this is seen
particularly clearly in the synoptic arrangement) and as it were sums up the
burden of each birth-list: such fecundity is a portent of Keret’s inclusion
among the agents of royal fertility. They themselves will honour him for his
prowess. Thus the editorial process causes the fundamental blessing, the
178 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
king’s exaltation among the Rapiuma (whose Sitz im Leben was the en-
thronement), to be modified into one concerning offspring.
The literary form used in this reiterated formula, with its peculiar em-
phasis, invites some further consideration on the role of the Rapiuma. 27 It
is striking that Keret appears to be envisaged as being among their number.
While the time-scale involved here is indeterminate, it is even possible that
he is to be numbered among them while still alive, apparently an unparal-
leled honour, since they are dead kings28. However, if my analysis of the
development of the passage is cogent, this formed part of the original bless-
ing formula into which the oracular material has subsequently been inserted,
and may in fact have constituted a formal blessing of the kings of Ugarit in
some such context as their enthronement, as it were proleptically marking
the solidarity between deceased kings and their present successor, but with
no element of hyperbole. The Rapiuma are agents in the elevation of the
king to his new status.
Text KTU 1.108 invokes the god rpu mlk ʿlm, which I have translated
as “Rapiu, King of eternity”,29 or more recently, as proposed by H. Niehr,30
as “Rapiu, King of the Hereafter”. This modified version follows the in-
sights of Niehr and del Olmo Lete concerning the specifically royal func-
tion of this deity. Rapiu is a Rhadamanthine figure, 31 lord of the under-
world, and patron of the dead kings who have joined his company there,
where they continue to be involved in the affairs of the living through kis-
pum rites and royal funerals (e.g. KTU 1.113, where only non-rpum kings are
named, and 1.161). It would be entirely appropriate for a king’s ideological
link with them to be emphasized at his enthronement.
27 For previous recent discussion see Rouillard 1995; id. 2005; and Wyatt forthcoming. One
point to bear in mind is that though the Vorlage of Keret may well originate in eastern Syria (at
Khabur on the Balik), the ideology contained in this formula belongs firmly within Ugaritian
usage (cf. KTU 1.108, 1.161). This is not to deny the possibility that the ideology may have
also been current in Khabur. Ditanu after all indicates an Assyrian aspect to the tradition.
For the Rapiuma as possibly linked through their eponym to the later Greek Titans, see
discussion in Wyatt forthcoming.
28 Pace L’Heureux 1979. See discussion in Wyatt forthcoming.
29 Wyatt 2002, 395.
30 See Wyatt forthcoming, n. 16.
31 Cf. the mysterious “ Radaman” (rdmn) of KTU 1.3 i 2, Baal’s cup-bearer. See Wyatt 2002,
70 n. 1.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 179
The element mlk in Rapiu’s mode of address is more than just titular; it
invites us to see him as an alter ego to the deity Milku or Maliku (mlk) ap-
pearing in the pantheon-lists, KTU 1.47.33 = 1.118.32 = RS 20.24.32. In
the Ugaritic versions he appears in a plural form, as mlkm (malikūma?),
while in the Akkadian version the form is d ma.lik.meš, confirming the
plural reading. In KTU 1.161.11, 12, the deceased Ammithtamru and
Niqmaddu (sc. II ) are both designated mlk, which led del Olmo Lete to see
a theological content in the term.32 The reference to Milku (Maliku) of Ath-
tarat in 1.107.42 is undoubtedly to the same god, since this city was linked
with Rapiu in 1.108.2–3, where it is paired with Edrei, giving us the cities
also associated with Og, the “survivor of the Rephaim” in biblical tradi-
tion.33
Rapiu appears to have been the eponym of a collectivity of gods who
were former kings, perhaps to be distinguished from the mlkm as long
dead, 34 or perhaps as elite members of that category. Their invocation in
KTU 1.161, where they are summoned into the threshold of the tomb to
greet Niqmaddu III–IV as his corpse is lowered into the tomb, 35 shows the
solidarity in the royal cult between kingship past and present, with implica-
tions for the future. Keret receives a divine commitment to include him in
their number.
Let us now consider the mechanics of the procedures, particularly with
reference to the oracular element.
In the fictional context, El is presented as directly addressed himself,
and as directly addressing Keret in the granting of this powerful blessing.
This describes an ideal situation. That is, it is a simplification of the real
process, by means of a paradigmatic presentation. It may be compared with
the following biblical sequence from 2 Samuel 2:1–2:
Now after this David enquired of Yahweh, “shall I go up to one of the
cities of Judah?” And Yahweh replied, “Go on up.” Then David said,
“to which one shall I go up?” And he replied, “To Hebron”.
This appears superficially to be a straightforward conversation be-
tween David and Yahweh. In reality, of course, it is stylistic shorthand for
32 See del Olmo Lete 1999, 194 n. 82, with my remarks, Wyatt 2002, 435 n. 23.
33 See discussion in Wyatt forthcoming.
34 Note that the Rapiuma do not appear in the king-list of KTU 1.113.
35 Cf. the ironical use of the motif in Isaiah 14:9, discussed in Wyatt forthcoming.
180 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
36 On this procedure see the interesting explanation of Robertson 1964. Van Dam 1997 is
bears a remarkable similarity to Genesis 16:11 and Isaiah 7:14. On the issue see Wyatt 1994,
146–47 = 2005b, 81; id., 1994a, 419 n. 80 = 2005b, 101 n. 80.
38 See Wyatt 1994 = 2005b, 77–84.
39 Wyatt 1995 = 2005b, 103–31.
40 Wyatt 1985a, 45 = 2005b, 8.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 181
But the question remains, how were such divine messages received in
the first place? 41 We have noted how a seemingly normal conversational
presentation may be an implicit allusion to a ritual technique, as with the
Urim and Tummim. Can we pinpoint an Ugaritian or more widely attested
convention specific to oracular usage? For one of the interesting implica-
tions of our discussion about this literary, fictitious oracle, is that familiarity
with its genre implies the existence of oracular procedures, that is prophecy,
in Ugarit, even though other direct evidence for it has not so far been iden-
tified. Its presence in Mari and Assyria and elsewhere should have led us to
expect it, in any event. Only against the background of familiarity with the
phenomenon could Keret have made sense to its hearers. The material to
which we now turn corroborates this intuition, by providing further circum-
stantial evidence for the existence of prophecy in Ugarit.
w eʾeben, Deuteronomy 4:28; ʾ elōhîm ʾ a ērîm ʿēṣ w eʾeben, Deuteronomy 28:36, 64; gillulîm ʿēṣ
w eʾeben, Deuteronomy 29:16).
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 183
of the Hebrew Bible, just as it is in the present passage!) Two of the chief
iconic forms used in Israelite religion, to judge from the reiterated attacks
on them, the ʾašērāh and the maṣṣēbāh, were precisely in the media of wood
(ʿēṣ) and stone (ʾeben) respectively. Should we not replace “tree” by “wood”
in the Ugaritic bicolon, and frankly recognize its explicitly material nature? I
think not. For while the biblical iconoclasm makes for splendid rhetoric, it
is often at the expense of a fair representation of the object of its ire.47 Ho-
sea 4:12 reads:
ʿammî beʿēṣô yišʾāl My people enquires of its tree
ûmaqlô yaggîd lô and its rod instructs it
a passage commonly taken to be a graphic example of deliberate distortion
of the reality for polemical purposes, as in J.R. Porter’s version (1981,
203):48
My people enquire from a block of wood,
and their rod gives them oracles.. .
Though it is not obligatory to read the text of Hosea in this way, it is
probably a fair inference, given his polemical style.
The Ugaritic text must be seen strictly in its own context, and though
there is indeed an element of materialism in the choice of figure, we should
recognize in this an irreducible element in all attempts at religious experi-
ence and communication. How else can the human mind (sc. the brain in
functional mode) perceive 49 the transcendent and the abstract except
through the concrete and the tangible? The very foundation of all symbolic
expression is physical experience: sight, smell, sound, taste and touch. The
language of this Ugaritic passage takes us to the very core of religious ex-
pression.
The language of the text in Baal is allusive, and not perhaps to be easily
pinned down. The first part, “a word of tree”, may indeed relate to the use
47 A useful study of the matter, LaRocca-Pitts 2001, put the issue nicely in a nutshell by its
title: Of Wood and Stone . . .
48 J.R. Porter cited Mays 1969, 73. Cf. JPS (on a different syntax):
behavioural and cultural perspective, we should say “construct”. I am happy with either
term.
184 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
of trees, sc. their material, in the construction of icons and other religious
objects. But another intriguing possibility arises if we see the allusion as
relating to a number of specific biblical oracular traditions. Because it is
probably the living tree, or the tree as medium of hierophany, and similarly,
the stone as “living rock”, as in a sacred mountain or stela, and not merely
the material substance, which is the occasion of oracular revelation. The
chief characteristic will have been the numinous quality of the location.
We may well ask whether the biblical formula understanding it to be a
question of “wood... and stone” was not ultimately derived from the for-
mula as attested in Ugarit (i.e., not necessarily directly from Ugarit), so that
its original force would be not so much the materiality of the items, as their
oracular function. 50 The entire iconoclastic tradition may have originated
initially as a rejection of rival oracles.
Let us note the rich tradition of oracular trees in particular in the Old
Testament. In Genesis 12:6 we read that Abram, newly arrived in the Le-
vant after his prolonged migration from Ur and Haran, came to Shechem:
wayyaʿ abōr ʾabrām bāʾāreṣ ʿad meqôm š ekem ʿad ʾēlôn môreh...
Then Abram travelled through the country to the shrine51 of Shechem,
to the “ Teacher’s Oak”52.
This “sacred” tree (for it evidently had a specifically religious nature) is
mentioned a number of times in biblical tradition. In Deuteronomy 11:30 it
is mentioned almost gratuitously as a significant focal point in the Israelites’
migration; in Genesis 35:2–4, part of a narrative which contextualizes the
pre-Israelite tradition of Genesis 34,53 a significant ritual break with the past
is sealed with the burial of various divine images (kol-ʾ elōhê hannēkār, “all the
foreign gods”54) under the tree. This perhaps explains the earlier “gratui-
tous” reference, for the location functions as the interface between old and
50 Mobley 2005, 93–101, offered a perceptive analysis of the p esîlîm of the story of Ehud,
Judges 3:15–30.
51 It is likely that māqôm has its specialized sense of a religious sanctuary here, as in Genesis
gold, and thus formed part of a sacred depositional hoard. Cf. Exodus 32 :2–4 and Judges
8:24 (the relationship of these passages was observed by Mobley 2005, 119, though he did
not note the Genesis reference).
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 185
new dispensations. The tree features yet again in Joshua 24:26–32, where it
is, perhaps with great significance, the place at which Joshua sets up a great
stone (ʾeben g edôlāh: the term maṣṣēbāh is studiously avoided) under (ta at 55)
the tree as a ritual accompaniment to the writing of the Law (mišpāṭ). Fi-
nally, though the text is not explicit, we may suppose that it was the loca-
tion of the burial of Joseph’s bones (v. 32).
Now what precisely was the “oak (or: terebinth) of Moreh”? The latter
term means “teacher”. Was this an oracular tree? Did a seer sit underneath
it to receive and dispense divine guidance? What were the mechanics of the
process?
Hebron was also the location of a group of famous sacred trees, ap-
pearing in a number of narratives. In Genesis 13:18 Abram settles at the
oaks (plural) at Mamre, “which are at Hebron”; 56 in 14:13 he is living at the
oaks “of Mamre the Amorite” (the toponym having become a gentilic),
while 18:1–15, the episode of the annunciation to Sarah, locates events at
“the oaks of Mamre”, with no comment on its gentilic or toponymic sig-
nificance.
Beersheba was the site of a tamarisk tree planted by Abraham (clearly
an aetiology) in Genesis 21:33, where he invoked Yahweh El Olam. He
built an altar there following a theophany in 26:23–25, and Jacob (“Israel”)
sacrificed there in 46:1. The tree is not mentioned in the latter two passages,
but perhaps the three belong together in terms of the presuppositions of
the tradition: tree and altar belonged together as elsewhere.
Yet another tree, known as “the Oak of Weeping”, features at Genesis
35:8, as the site of the burial of Rachel’s nurse Deborah, near Bethel. This
tree featured too at 1 Kings 13:14.57 Since this Deborah was an entirely in-
significant character in the tradition, we may well ask whether this tree is
really to be identified with the following example from outside the Genesis
narrative. Or perhaps it was originally Rebekah who was interred here. The
present aetiology is opaque.58
for Tammuz” rites. Note how the listing of the trees amounts to a gazetteer of sacred sites in
Palestine with known or alleged patriarchal or other heroic links.
186 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
mentioned in the Hebrew texts are not the same as that or those featuring in European cultic
tradition (in England and northern Europe, the deciduous Quercus robur).
64 Robertson Smith 1927, 191–97 etc.
65 Oesterley and Robertson 1937, 23–32, with references to earlier studies. See also J.R. Por-
ter 1981.
188 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
that the voice of the tree can only be some rustling sound, as the wind
in the branches. 66
They then examined the various biblical passages. They opined that so
far as mechanics were concerned, it would be the wind rustling the foliage
of the tree which would indicate the presence of the deity. Their parade
example was 2 Samuel 5:23–24, to be treated below. They observed that:
It is quite clear from this passage that the belief was held that Yahweh
entered the trees, His presence being indicated by the rustling. One
could not have a more direct indication of animistic belief. 67
There is no need to accept uncritically the old nineteenth century con-
cept of animism espoused here and throughout their discussion by these
authors, unless it be updated according to the discussion of Guthrie 1993,
in which the underlying principle was the universality of anthropomor-
phism, and thus the metaphorical experience of the natural world as me-
dium for revelation. But they were probably correct in seeing these surpris-
ingly numerous allusions as evidence of archaic features in Israelite religion,
still apparently endorsed by the later tradition, and thus in tension with the
aniconic imperative. 68 There is a possible allusion to an oracle-tree in the
obscure passage in KTU 1.12 i 19–20:
ẓi baln tkm go out from the tree in the centre
btk mlbr il šiy towards the vast and awful desert.69
which would provide a Late Bronze analogue of biblical texts at least in-
tended to be perceived as archaic.
This insistence on the sacrality of trees is not so far removed from our
broader royal concerns noted above. For the tree was a central symbol of
monarchy in the ancient Near East. 70 Not only was the king of Assyria in-
timately involved in the regular cult of the tree as symbol of his nurture of
the community,71 but he was seen as an aspect of it. When Nebuchadrezzar
RSV; “oak of Beza-ʾanannim”, PN: Oesterley and Robertson 1937, 28) mentioned in Joshua
19:33 (cf. Judges 4:11), and the one in “the valley of the terebinth” near Socoh, in 1 Samuel
17:2.
69 Wyatt 2002, 163; see n. 6 ad loc.
70 Wyatt 2001, 166–72.
71 B.N. Porter 2003.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 189
menorah]), the intimate link between tree and altar or other feature of a cult
centre in the tradition shows that these arboreal oracles were controlled and
maintained by the cultic personnel at the sanctuary in question. It would be
natural for a central political authority to want to control such powerful
manifestations of divine self-disclosure, for the benefit of the whole com-
munity, but above all in the interests of the king. It is no accident that in the
Ugaritic material which we have considered, royal interests were always
paramount.76
The final tricolon cited above in the oracular formula from Baal,
come, and I shall reveal it
in the midst of my divine mountain Saphon,
in the sanctuary, in the rock of my inheritance
occurs only in the last example of the citation, in KTU 1.3 iii 19–31, in
which it is Baal who addresses Anat. It is plausible, given the strict lien be-
tween the giving of an oracle and the appropriate (sacred) place at which it
is revealed, to conclude that this is integral to the whole formula (so that it
is formulaically adapted to the other contexts). If we concede this point,
further implications follow.
Firstly, its association with an inheritance suggests that it is concerned
with the transmission of property rights. This is a particular feature of royal
usage, whence its use in Baal, a royal ideological composition, 77 and political
76 The question is certainly worth asking, though this is not the place to answer it, as to
whether the cult of the asherah in Israel and Judah was primarily a means by which royal
oracles were delivered. This would have brought together a number of factors, and also
explain a number of outstanding problems. We have drawn attention here to the frequency
with which tree oracles occur in the biblical texts, and to the explicitly or implicitly royal
nature of such occurrences. The asherah as a cult-object, generally accepted a stylized,
worked, or surrogate tree, is associated historically with royal traditions (that is narratives
specifically concerning royal cultic policy, and is probably inseparable from the fortunes of
the goddess Asherah as a royal goddess in both kingdoms (and with the status of the Gebi-
rah as her avatar). With the demise of the monarchy at the exile, the cult of Asherah seems
to have disappeared, and at the same time any oracular function it had would also have
ceased. The disappearance of the occasion for royal oracles (it is noteworthy how much
post-exilic prophecy was concerned with expectations of a restoration under Zerubbabel)
also accounts in part for the apparent decline in prophecy in general. There must have been
an extensive change in the functions of cult personnel in the light of the new circumstances
of Persian hegemony.
77 Wyatt 2000 = 2005b, 221–30 and references cited.
WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE 191
78 HALOT ii 687–88 (with bibliographical references) identifies 222 examples in the OT, of
which 46 are in Numbers and 50 in Joshua : even allowing for their genre, these are striking
statistics.
79 On the relation of Zion to Saphon and Memphis in Psalm 48:3 see Wyatt 1996, 31–33.
This seems to be a conscious appropriation of the omphalic claims of these other world-
centres.
192 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
80 References in Nissinen 2004, 27 nn. 41–46. Texts cited in Nissinen (ed.) 2003.
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INDEX
Abraham, 185, 187, 188 Astarte, 18, 19, 95, 145, 197, 223
acculturation, 50 Athtar, 31, 58, 67, 74, 95, 101, 146,
Akkadian, xii, 10, 15, 16, 20, 21, 23, 224
24, 29, 48, 67, 74, 86, 92, 93, 100, Athtart, 14, 18, 19, 33, 39, 63, 67, 70,
101, 162, 179, 204, 205, 218 72, 74, 95, 128, 138, 140, 145,
aliyn, 9, 10, 27 156, 160, 165
Ammithtamru, 179 atonement, 121, 122, 123, 145
ʿAmmurapi, 133 Attart, 1
Amorite, 28, 48, 61, 86, 101, 103, Atum, 99
185, 205 axe, 10, 160
Amos, 151, 168 Baal, vi, 1, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14,
Amun, 57, 99, 159, 220 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24,
Anat, 1, 12, 14, 19, 22, 29, 30, 31, 35, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33,
52, 54, 63, 65, 70, 72, 74, 77, 78, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 48, 52,
90, 95, 97, 99, 104, 116, 128, 134, 54, 55, 58, 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70,
135, 138, 140, 145, 146, 149, 152, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 88, 89, 90, 91,
156, 157, 158, 160, 165, 190, 197, 95, 96, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104,
198, 206, 209, 215, 220, 221 108, 109, 118, 122, 124, 128, 129,
anchor, 76 131, 132, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139,
aniconism, 57 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149,
apotropaic, 79 150, 151, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158,
Aqhat, vi, 32, 37, 66, 77, 104, 108, 160, 165, 168, 170, 178, 181, 182,
109, 119, 123, 127, 129, 131, 133, 183, 190, 191, 201, 203, 205, 206,
134, 143, 144, 145, 148, 149, 151, 209, 210, 212, 213, 215, 216, 217,
152, 153, 156, 157, 158, 165, 168, 219, 222, 224, 226
176, 177, 180, 188, 191, 193, 202, Baal cycle, 89, 108, 143, 144, 145
203, 209, 214, 221, 223 Babylonian, 73, 82, 83, 103, 114,
Arad, 92 122, 188, 199, 204, 207, 208
Asherah, 100, 190, 194, 197, 213, Bashan, 39, 161
221, 223 Beersheba, 185, 186, 187, 189
Ashtarot, 39, 161 Bethel, 58, 185, 186
assembly, 13, 67, 74, 76, 122, 126, bine, 2
146, 171, 172, 174, 177 binomial, 9, 66, 87
Assyria, xiv, 170, 181, 188 bull, 26, 34, 35, 58, 137, 209
227
228 WORD OF TREE AND WHISPER OF STONE
Chaoskampf, 63, 64, 102, 103, 107, enthronement, 89, 101, 153, 172,
108, 144, 147, 151, 159, 223 177, 178
chariot, 34, 35, 36 Ethiopia, 90
charioteer, 33, 35 Eusebius, 18, 19, 202
chiastic, 9, 25, 76, 77, 94, 108, 175 falcon, 16, 138, 149, 160, 162, 163,
circumcision, 42, 43, 44, 115 164, 165
cosmic policeman, 11 fertility, 41, 42, 62, 70, 96, 97, 101,
crown, 35, 128, 137, 138 103, 113, 120, 135, 177, 217
curse, 32, 109, 127, 128, 129, 130, field, 7, 3, 26, 49, 58, 83, 157
149, 152, 155, 158, 160, 165 Gideon, 186, 187, 188
Cyprus, 159 Gihon, 90
Dagan, 8, 11, 14, 15, 19, 22, 24, 25, goblet, 126, 171, 174, 177
26, 28, 48, 65, 74, 91, 95, 135, Gomorrah, 3
160, 201, 204, 221 grapes, 2, 3, 42
Daniel, 27, 188, 207 h locale, 2
David, 152, 179, 189, 222 Habakkuk, 3, 4
Deborah, 185, 186, 187, 188 Hadad, 10, 18, 21, 101, 215, 221
Demarous, 18, 19, 196 Hadd, 18, 21, 39, 63, 101
Deuteronomy, 2, 3, 39, 47, 117, 120, Hathor, 160, 166
129, 135, 161, 175, 182, 184, 186, Hazor , 35, 58, 91, 225
190, 224 Hebrew, xi, xii, xiii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 12, 14,
Didanu, 144, 148 16, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 44,
Dinah, 115, 222 47, 53, 55, 58, 61, 63, 79, 82, 83,
donkey, 33, 122 90, 92, 96, 100, 103, 106, 140,
dowager, 101 157, 162, 182, 186, 187, 196, 211,
Ebla, 91, 123 212, 213, 218, 223
Eden, 90, 212 Hebron, 179, 185, 189
Edrei, 39, 117, 161, 179 henotheism, 53, 54, 55, 62
Egyptian, 52, 72, 73, 76, 81, 86, 89, Herakles, 18
92, 94, 100, 118, 120, 134, 136, hero, 10, 20, 102, 129, 165, 177
138, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, Heshbon, 3
165, 201, 207, 211, 220, 221 hieros gamos, 42, 113
El, vi, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, Horon, vi, 30, 78, 95, 105, 128, 132,
22, 26, 30, 31, 36, 38, 41, 42, 43, 155, 156, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164,
48, 52, 54, 55, 58, 63, 64, 65, 66, 165, 166, 195, 196, 203, 216, 225
67, 68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, Horus, 16, 30, 160, 161, 162, 163,
89, 90, 92, 95, 98, 99, 100, 101, 164, 165, 166, 210, 220
104, 111, 116, 117, 118, 121, 122, Hurrian, 43, 48, 73, 86, 94, 114, 136,
124, 125, 126, 128, 131, 132, 134, 148, 202, 206, 210
135, 137, 140, 146, 147, 148, 149, Hurriya, 109, 148, 152, 172
152, 160, 167, 170, 171, 174, 177, hymn, 10, 37, 54, 114, 136
179, 185, 191, 193, 201, 202, 205, hypostatization, 52
206, 209, 213, 214, 215, 216, 222, Ilhu, 32, 148
225 ilib , 8, 74, 75, 76
INDEX 229
rpum, 70, 75, 117, 118, 127, 132, 134, terebinth, 64, 185, 187, 188, 189
149, 175, 178 terrace, 2, 3
sacrifice, 42, 67, 111, 121, 134, 140, theology, 7, 8, 40, 47, 53, 59, 63, 78,
149, 159 86, 87, 93, 94, 97, 102, 104, 105,
Sanskrit, 61, 92, 148 109, 119, 122, 130, 183, 217
Sarah, 185 theophany, 36, 129, 185, 186, 187,
Saul, 180, 189 191
seasonal, 7, 119, 135, 149, 203, 211 Thukamun, 121, 122
Seth, 101, 138, 163, 165 thunder, 21, 101
Shalem, 31, 74, 76, 111, 112, 160 Transjordan, 39
Shamash, 62 triad, 18, 19, 75, 76, 100
Shanim, 121, 122 Troy, 144, 152
Shapash, 205 Tummim, 179, 180, 181, 216
Shechem, 43, 115, 184, 187, 189, Urim, 179, 180, 181, 189, 198, 216
215, 222 Urtenu, 109, 151
shoots, 3, 4, 41, 43 Valiant, 9, 36, 54
Sibmah, 3 Venus, 66, 130
skull, 135, 156, 158 vine, 1, 2, 3, 4, 41, 42, 43, 44, 222
Sodom, 3 viticultural, 3
Š-stem, 2 warrior, 10, 35, 97, 198
stars, 66, 130, 181 wedding, 114, 151, 176
stela, 31, 101, 124, 137, 138, 183, 221 wine, 2, 64, 119, 124, 133
steppe, 32, 78, 111, 134 Yahweh, 19, 61, 62, 63, 80, 92, 100,
stichometry, 9, 22, 23 105, 168, 179, 180, 185, 186, 188,
storm-god, 7, 11, 14, 15, 16, 21, 33, 189, 213
34, 37, 38, 39, 90, 101, 129, 145, Yam, 1, 10, 18, 19, 25, 27, 31, 55, 58,
155, 222 67, 69, 74, 96, 98, 99, 101, 103,
tamarisk, 185, 187, 189 104, 108, 128, 138, 146, 147, 155,
Tempest, 23, 25, 26, 135 156, 165, 210
temple, 16, 31, 33, 55, 64, 73, 88, 90, Yarih, 27, 66, 67, 71, 74, 96, 114, 160
91, 94, 103, 109, 115, 119, 120, Yasib, 109, 116, 117, 126, 128, 131,
137, 139, 147, 149, 150, 151, 158, 148, 152
186 Yatipan, 149, 156, 157, 158
tendril, 2, 41 Zeus, 18, 19, 61, 98, 99, 147, 196
231