International Migration Trends in

Latin America: Research and Data

Survey
Mary M. Kritz
Rockefeller Foundation
Douglas T. Gurak
Hispanic Research Center,
Fordham University and
Center for Policy Research

Since the 1950s, international migration in Latin America has been

transformed from immigration from extra-regional sources, to
migration among countries within Latin America itself. While this
shift has been noted in the literature, its systematic study remains in
its infancy. This paper provides an overview of the literature dealing
with international migration in Latin America, and it addresses
problems with transit and census data for the region. In addition,
the main themes of the other papers of this issue are introduced and
several lines of needed research are suggested.

International migration has been an important component of the demo-

graphic picture of Latin America since it was colonized. Historically,
Latin America was an immigrant receiving region-from Europe and
Africa during the colonial period and from Europe and, to a lesser extent,
Asia in the independence period. Immigration from Europe continued to
be a major source of population growth down to the 1950s for several
Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela), but since
the 1950s it has been curtailed due to the enactment of restrictive
immigration policies. In the 1970s, only Venezuela continues to encou-
rage European immigration even as it increasingly discourages immigra-
tion from Latin American countries. While immigration to the region has
, been essentially halted, intraregional migration flows between countries
in the Americas, South and North, of skilled and unskilled workers, has
become an important phenomenon.
Latin America is an interesting region within which to study interna-
tional migration patterns in that several conditions are present which
IMR Volume 13 No.3 407
408 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

have contributed to international migration flows in other regions: sharp

and, in many cases, growing economic inequalities within and between
countries; a long history of migration flows to and within the region;
borders that are relatively uncontrolled and easy to cross; political
conditions in many countries which stimulate emigration; sharp differ-
ences between contiguous countries in population density and natural
resources; and close cultural and social linkages among peoples in
different countries. Improvement in transportation and communication
systems within and between countries have created a new reality. In
addition, economic and other networks that transcend national bounda-
ries have increased in importance and magnitude, leading to increases in
the intraregional mobility of population.
Presently, relatively little is known about the nature and magnitude of
international migration movements within Latin America. The data
necessary to monitor migration flows are inherently difficult to obtain and
this difficulty is magnified when much of the migration consists of illegal
movements. Nonetheless, there is a growing interest, both on the part of
scholars and government officials, to obtain further understanding of
these movements and their impacts on the sending and receiving coun-
tries. Latin American governments were among the more active at the
1974 World Population Conference in calling for increased research
attention to international migration (ECLA, 1975).
The papers included in this issue describe and analyze several aspects
of international migration in Latin America. The first three focus on
policy developments in the region as a whole and in Colombia and
Venezuela-a major sending and a major receiving country. These are
followed by four papers which analyze the dynamics of the migration
process in the Southern Cone region of Latin America. The introduction
to this issue provides a brief overview of international migration patterns
in Latin America surveying the available literature and discussing data
and research needs. Limitations of space have dictated that certain aspects
of the topic not be included in this issue. For example, migration to Brazil
is not covered, nor is there an analysis devoted to politically induced
migration. Also, no articles on emigration to the United States from
Mexico or other Latin American countries are included because that topic
has received attention elsewhere (Portes, 1978); Chaney and Sutton, 1979).
It is hoped that this issue will provide an informative overview on the
current state of both research and policies dealing with international
migration in Latin America.

RESEARCH ON MIGRATION PATTERNS IN THE REGION

While a number of citations can be identified that cover different aspects
of international migration in Latin America, upon closer examination
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 409

one discovers major gaps in the literature. Almost no material is available

on the intraregional migration of unskilled workers while a fair amount
of research has been done on the movement of skilled workers to the
United States; relatively less material is available on the volume and
characteristics of immigrants to the region than on the integration and
assimilation of immigrants within specific Latin American countries; and
more research is available on those countries-Argentina, Brazil and
Uruguay-that were major receivers of immigrants down through the
1800s and early 1900s, while only a few items can be identified for most
other countries and for the current period.
A useful start for the reader interested in the historical patterns of
immigration to Latin America would be a brief paper by Hehl Neiva
(1965) that provides an overview and contains an excellent set of refer-
ences on the colonial and 19th century immigrations. While other
historical material for the region as a whole has been published (Bastos de
Avila, 1964; Robbins, 1958; Bates, 1957; Ferenczi, 1970; Boyd-Bowman,
1976), there is no major work that provides a comprehensive picture of
immigration to Latin America. To obtain an understanding of immigra-
tion history in Latin America would require considerable searching of
country-specific literature that focuses on broader issues than immigra-
tion per se. 1
One major theme that clearly emerges in the literature is the historic
role that immigration had in the economic development of Latin Amer-
ica. Most of this work focuses on Brazil and Argentina-the two major
recipients of European immigrants during the late 1800s and early 1900s.
While many Latin American countries adopted liberal immigration
policies after the colonial period, only those countries which actively
recruited immigrants-Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and, to a lesser extent,
Chile and Cuba-were major recipients. During the mid to late 1800s,
immigration was seen as a mechanism for obtaining rural settlers and
cheap labor for plantations. A useful review of this period was provided
by the International Labor Organization (Maurette and Siewers, 1937) in
its review of agricultural development and immigration to Brazil, Argen-
tina and Uruguay. Smith (1969) sounded the same theme in his survey
article on colonization and settlement schemes in Latin America which
includes an excellent bibliography on these programs in specific coun-
tries. More recently, Holloway (1978) traced the origins of the immigra-
tion program of Sao Paulo, Brazil, to the efforts of coffee planters who
needed a cheap source of labor after the abolition of slave labor in 1880.

I Two bibliographies would be useful departures for the interested researcher. Mellafe (1978)

prepared a selective bibliography on "Italian Immigration to Argentina, Brazil and

Uruguay", that includes citations for these countries and the region as a whole. Interna-
tional Migration (1962) published a "Selected Bibliography on Latin America, 1945-1962".
410 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

By the early 1900s, European immigrants were settling in urban areas

and entering manufacturing jobs. Lattes and Sautu (1974) provide a
useful discussion of the stimulus these immigrants gave to the growth of
manufacturing industries in Argentina. Balan (1973) sounded a similar
theme regarding the role of immigration to Brazil and Argentina, but
noted that international migration is only required to fuel industrial
growth in countires that do not have a ready internal supply of labor;
thus, Mexico had roughly parallel development to Brazil and Argentina
without resorting to immigration because it had an ample supply of
internal rural migrants that could be mobilized. Margulis (1977) carried
the argument a step further by noting the close association between
British capital investment in Latin America, overpopulation in Europe,
and the development of an agricultural export industry in Argentina and
Uruguay-events which immigration joined together (See also, Bastos de
Avila, 1961; Marshall, 1977; and Graham, 1973).
With the world-wide recession of the 1930s, Latin American govern-
ments responded to increasing internal pressures from elites and labor
who saw the immigrants as competing with native workers and enacted
selective immigration policies (Solberg, 1969). However, European immi-
gration to Argentina and Brazil did not slow until the 1950s. Venezuela,
which had never been an immigration country, adopted a pro-
immigration policy in the late 1940s during the Perez Jimenez regime.
Stimulated by development of a petroleum economy, immigration was
seen as a means of obtaining agricultural and skilled workers; in addition,
the Venezuelan elite favored foreign workers because they were viewed as
harder working than the native population (Kritz, 1975).
The need for and desirability of selective immigration to Latin
America was debated in several survey papers written after World War II.
Davis (1947) wrote one of the earlier reviews in which he argued that
future migration to Latin America was unlikely because the region could
not attract the kind of immigrants it wanted (agricultural settlers) and
does not want the kind it can attract (Asians and urban unskilled
workers); he also noted that, in view of increasing population growth, the
region really did not need any additional persons. However, other writers
saw the possibility of using immigration as a stimulant for economic
development if governments would seek skilled laborers. This theme is
most closely associated with the Intergovernmental Committee for Eu-
ropean Migration which launched a Selective Migration Program for
Latin America in 1965 (Gonzalez, 1969; ICEM, 1977a). Under this
program 21,000 skilled European migrants were moved to Latin America
between 1966-1977 (ICEM, 1977b:I). Beijer (1966) argued that Latin
American countries could improve their human capital stock and,
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 41I

thereby, stimulate economic development by recruiting skilled workers.

The same argument was sounded by Maselli (1967) who noted that even
though Latin America has a rapidly growing population, the educational
systems cannot expand rapidly enough to provide trained manpower.
Segui Gonzalez (1976) carried the argument one step further by noting
that Latin American countries could compensate for the emigration of
their own highly skilled manpower by seeking skilled immigrants from
Europe. An analysis of social characteristics of Venezuelan immigrants
and internal migrants found little difference between the two groups in
skill level and concluded that training would be a preferable mechanism
for obtaining skilled human resources (Kritz, 1975).
The assimilation and integration of immigrants has been covered
relatively well in the literature. Germani (1972 and 1961) has written
extensively on the impact of immigrants on Argentina's social structure
and social mobility. Most of the published work on assimilation focuses
on Argentina and Brazil, but a few items are available for most countries.
A considerable range of topics exists. To cite a few: the preservation of
caste among Indians in British Guiana (Moore, 1977); Japanese fertility
patterns in Bolivia (Kashiwazaki, 1977); Japanese agricultural settlers in
Brazil and Paraguay (Sims, 1974); and ethnic intermarriage (Hutchinson,
1957-58). While most of the assimilation literature tends to be empirical,
it has not been guided by an historical or comparative perspective. Most
of this work focuses on specific ethnic groups in particular countries,
thereby limiting the degree to which research findings may be generalized.

SHIFTING MIGRATION PATTERNS IN THE REGION

Since the 19505 two new international migration patterns have emerged
within the Latin American region: the emigration of highly skilled
migrants toward the industrialized countries; and the intraregional
migration of unskilled workers. The first flow-emigration of highly
skilled migrants-has received some attention from scholars. In part this
probably represents the importance attached to learning more about a
phenomenon which is perceived as a problem in most Latin American
countries; but it may also reflect the data situation. These highly skilled
migrants have tended to move legally to the United States and other
industrialized countries which gather and publish transit data and also
have good data on the foreign born population from decennial censuses.
In addition, international agencies have sponsored meetings and research
on this topic (UNITAR, 1971). A common theme has been sounded in
most of the brain drain research: emigration of highly skilled manpower
represents a considerable human capital loss to the sending countries and
412 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

constitutes an indirect subsidy to the developed countries when the cost of

training is considered (Oteiza, 1965; Girling, 1974; Kidd, 1970; Gonzalez,
1968; Nussenzveig, 1969; Portes and Ross, 1976; Chaparro, 1972).
Research on the intraregional migration flows of unskilled workers
tends to be sparse." This is understandable given the recency and predomi-
nately illegal character of these migrations. While intraregional flows
between Latin American countries, particularly short distance, circular
moves across densely populated borders, have probably been occurring for
decades, it is generally believed that they have increased in tempo since
the 1950s. Much of the information about these movements is limited to
newspaper accounts and random guesses about their numbers, character-
istics and impact. Venezuela, Argentina, and the United States are the
major receivers of Latin American legal and illegal migrants, but flows
are also reported of Colombians to Panama and Ecuador; El Salvadoreans
to Guatemala and Mexico but no longer to Honduras since the 1969
"Football War"; Haitians to the Dominican Republic; Brazilian agricul-
tural settlers to the Paraguayan frontier region; and to Costa Rica from
other Central American countries. The two major receivers-Argentina
and Venezuela-are attracting migrants from several countries in the
region: Argentina from Paraguay, Bolivia, Chile and Uruguay; and
Venezuela from Colombia, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador and,
increasingly, most other countries in the region.
Relatively little is known about the volume or characteristics of these
intraregional migrants. While it is generally believed that the flows
consist largely of unskilled workers who enter illegally, recent informa-
tion indicates that highly skilled professionals are increasingly forming
part of the streams. Skilled professionals, however, do not necessarily
select a neighboring country as destination. The political upheavals
during the 1960s and 1970s in Chile, Argentina and Uruguay stimulated
considerable out-migration of social scientists and other professionals.
Many of these skilled migrants are reported to have entered Venezuela,
Mexico, Brazil, and Ecuador, in addition to other countries outside South
America.
Smith (1957) was the first to note the growing importance of intrare-
gional migration and predicted that these movements would continue.
Rochcau (1973) and Lasserre-Bigorry (1975) have attempted to estimate
the volume of foreign workers in various countries. However, since the
2The Latin American Social Science Research Council, under its Program of Social
Research on Population Problems relevant to Population Policy (PISPAL), is currently
funding several research projects on intra-regional migration movements. The Latin
American Demographic Center (CELADE) has a project to compile and analyze data on
international migration.
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 413

majority of these workers are clandestine migrants and no surveyor other

data have been generated that permit any reasonable estimates, relatively
little can be said about the volume. Two CELADE reports (Elizaga, 1969;
and Morales, 1974) use 1950 and 1960 census data for various Latin
American countries to measure the foreign born present from neighbor-
ing countries. Not all countries are included in their tabulations and no
comparative information is provided on European foreign born migrants.
The increase in the relative importance of intraregional migration can
be documented for the 1960 to 1970 period. Data from the 1960 and 1970
censuses for nineteen Latin American countries are presented in Table 1.
These data are not ideal for several reasons. First, many of the countries
do not provide sufficiently detailed cross-tabulations to permit the Ameri-
cas' portion of the foreign born component to be identified. Second, the
foreign born component consists of, to varying degrees, the relatives of
returning nationals in addition to new migration streams. Nevertheless,
the census data do provide a reasonable base for describing trends (See,
data needs section for comments on the quality of census data).
In 1970 the foreign born component of Latin American countries
varied considerably with the largest foreign born populations found in:
Argentina (9.5%), Venezuela (5.6%), Uruguay (4.4%), Paraguay (3.4%), and
Panama (3.4%). Seven of the nineteen countries had under one percent
foreign born; and most of the Latin American countries experienced a
decline in their total foreign born populations between 1960and 1970. Six
countries did experience increases in the absolute size of their foreign
born populations: Bolivia (90.9%), Ecuador (104.8%), Nicaragua (40.6%),
Panama (7.1%), Venezuela (7.1%), and Paraguay (65.3%). Countries which
have been experiencing considerable emigration, can be expected to show
an increase in the size of their foreign born populations as nationals
return with children and spouses who were born abroad. This process
probably explains much of Paraguay's large increase, as well as a
significant proportion of Bolivia's. However, in Panama, Venezuela and
Ecuador, the increases reflect gains from the new immigration of foreign-
ers.
To determine trends in international migration patterns within the
region, the proportion of each country's foreign born population from
other countries in the Americas (North and South) was calculated for the
twelve countries which provided the necessary data for both censuses. A
considerable range can be observed in the Americas' composition of the
foreign born, from highs of over 90 percent in Honduras, Costa Rica, and
£1 Salvador, to under 30 percent in Argentina, Cuba, Brazil, and Uru-
guay. In general, in countries that have experienced immigration from
outside the region since the 1900s (Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Cuba,
 TABLE I
FOREIGN BoRN CoMPOSITION OF POPULATION AND AMERICAS FOREIGN BORN, INTERCENSAL CHANGE FOR SELECTED CoUNTRIES ...,.
.....
...,.
Latest Census Previous Census Intercensal Change (%)f
Pop. Foreign Amer. For. Pop. Foreign Amer. For. Total Americas
Year (0005) Born (%) Born (%) Year (ooos) Born (%) Born (%) For. Born For. Born
c c
Argentina 1970 23,390 9.5 26.2 1960 20,006 12.8 18.0 -13.8 25.6 c
Bolivia 1976 4,648 1.5 a 1950 3,019 1.2 66.6 90.9 a
Brazil 1970 93,139 1.3 7.0 1961 70,191 2.0 5.4 -12.2 13.2
Chile 1970 8,885 1.0 39.1 1960 7,374 1.4 30.7 -13.7 11.6 ..,Z
1964 17,485 M
Colombia 1973 19,735 0.3 a 0.4 72.6 - 7.5 a i:<'
Costa Rica 1973 1,872 1.2 92.6 1963 1,336 2.6 94.1 -35.9 -27.5 z
>
Cuba 1970 8,569 1.5 29.8 1953 5,829 2.6 21.5 -14.0 19.0 ::l
Dominican Rep. 1970 4,006 0.8 g 1960 3,047 1.5 75.2 -27.4 g 0
Z
Ecuador 1974 6,522 0.9 a 1962 4,515 0.6 a 104.8 a >
r-
EI Salvador 1971 3,555 0.9 91.7 b 1961 2,511 1.4 89.3 -11.0 65.3
Guatemala 1973 5,160 0.7 89.4 1967 4,288 1.2 a -24.4 a
::
(;:i
Honduras 1974 2,654 1.9 94.4 1961 1,885 2.7 b 90.8 - 1.5 2.3 i:<'
Mexico 1970 48,225 0.4 65.6 1960 34,923 0.6 58.2 -14.1 -3.1 >
..,
Nicaragua 1971 1,878 1.2 a 1963 1,536 0.9 a 40.6 a 0z
Panama 1970 1,428 3.4 81.3 1960 1,076 4.2 80.4 7.1 8.8
i:<'
Paraguay 1972 2,358 3.4 81.7 d 1962 1,819 2.7 b 66.0 b 65.3 104.6 M
Peru 1972 13,538 0.5 43.5 1961 9,907 a a
-e
a a ;;
Uruguay 1975 2,782 4.4 27.9 1963 2,593 6.4 b 24.1 -26.1 -14.5 ~
Venezuela 1971 10,722 5.6 40.2 1961 7,524 7.2 29.7 7.1 49.4
SOURCE: U.N. Demographic Yearbook unless otherwise specified.
NOTF.~: a. No published country-specific or foreign born data.
b. Population classified by country of citizenship.
c. Foreign born from Bolivia, Uruguay, Chile, Paraguay, and Brazil only.
d. Source: Boletin Demografico, 10(20). Santiage, Chile (July 1977).
e. Foreign born columns give foreign born as a percent of the total population, while Americas' foreign born columns give Americas
foreign born as a percent of the total foreign born.
I, Intercensal change is computed from absolute numbers of foreign born and Americas' foreign born in 1960 and 1970.
g. Data availability unknown.
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 415

Chile, and Venezuela), the Americas' foreign born constitutes a smaller

proportion of the total foreign born component than in other countries.
There is, however, a clear trend toward an increase in both the relative
and absolute share of Americas' foreign born in Latin America. In all
countries except Costa Rica, with its extremely high Americas' share in
both censuses, the Americas' share of the foreign born increased between
their two most recent censuses. In addition, the absolute number of
Americas' foreign born increased in nine of the twelve countries for which
data on country origins of the population were available for both 1960
and 1970.
The low Americas' composition of Brazil's foreign born population
appears, initially, to be an anomaly within the region. Given Brazil's
relatively high wage levels and economic growth, higher levels of immi-
gration from neighboring countries would be expected. At least four
factors may be of some importance: a large rural population, experien-
cing high rates of natural increase and rural to urban migration, provides
an ample supply of workers to the urban sector; most of the territory
along both sides of the Brazilian border is relatively unpopulated and
unexplored; language and other cultural factors could be deterrents; and
Argentina has offered historically a more attractive pole in terms of wages,
access, language, and social networks. However, the economic deteriora-
tion of the Argentine economy and the growth of Brazil's could reverse
this situation.

SOURCES OF DATA ON INTERNATIONAL

MIGRATION IN LATIN AMERICA
The basic data on international migration-transit and census statistics-
suffer from several serious shortcomings. Some of the problems originate
from inherent difficulties in capturing complex population movements in
statistical webs. For example, transit data depend on individuals crossing
borders at specified points and providing accurate descriptions of the
purpose and duration of their visits; and census data depend, to an even
greater extent, on the cooperation of the population being counted, and
provide no flow information since they are necessarily collected at widely
separated points in time. Consequently, even if no more serious issues
complicated the use of official migration data, these data sources would
still be imperfect because of undocumented population flows, normal
census undercounts, and mis-specified reasons for movement. Yet, these
still remain the only data sources and they can be used more effectively
than they have been.
The actual state of transit and census data in Latin America (and in
many other parts of the world) is significantly worse than would appear
416 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

necessary. Definitions of key categories differ greatly among countries, as

do reporting and collecting procedures. Transit statistics are published in
the annual statistical reports of governments and have also been summar-
ized on an international level in the 1977 Demographic Yearbook which
included international migration as its special topic (United Nations,
1978a). Since transit data focus on the incidence of movements, if they are
comprehensive and published annually, they can be a valuable source of
data on migrant flows. However, an examination of the transit data
available in annual reports from specific Latin American countries or
published in the Demographic Yearbook reveals considerable gaps in
these information systems and variations in the definition of key catego-
ries. Thus, significant adjustments and numerous assumptions would be
required before these data could be used to piece together a coherent
picture of legal international migration flows in the region.
Not all Latin American countries regularly report data on both
immigration and emigration, although information on the former tend to
be more available than the latter. Fifteen of the nineteen Latin countries
publish some form of statistics on immigration, generally in their annual
statistical reports; three countries-Ecuador, Honduras, and Nicaragua-
do not have such data available. Eight countries (Colombia, Cuba,
Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Panama, Uruguay, Vene-
zuela) publish some emigration data in annual statistical reports. In
addition, Bolivia, while reporting immigration and emigration statistics
to the Demographic Yearbook, does not publish this data annually itself.
Similarly, Chile, Costa Rica, and Mexico do not publish emigration
statistics in their annual statistical volumes but did report this data to the
Demographic Yearbook. Thus, researchers would have to check different
sources to obtain transit data on Latin American countries.
Beside the issue of data availability, there is the question of data
comparability and reliability. In 1977 the United Nations undertook a
world-wide inquiry into national practices in the definition, collection,
compilation and uses of international migration statistics. The results of
this inquiry revealed considerable variability in definitions of emigration
and immigration. At least three dimensions are commonly used in
defining these international migration concepts: intent of the migrant;
specified time period of the stay; and work plans. Some countries utilize
relatively broad definitions, such as considering as emigrants all persons
leaving the country (Ecuador, Costa Rica, and Honduras); but most Latin
American countries define emigrants in terms of intent to leave perma-
nently or for some specific time period. Immigration definitions in Latin
America tend to include intent either to enter permanently or to take up
residence for some specified period of time; only Honduras uses a
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 417

relatively broad definition-"alien non-residents who enter the country,

whatever the reason". The emphasis on determining "intent" of the
migrant complicates the measurement of these concepts since the migrant
may not be willing to declare actual intent for a number of reasons:
uncertain about actual intent; a declaration would affect social security
benefits or other legal privileges, and most immigrants, even if they want
to remain permanently, probably are not migrating with a visa that
permits anything other than work for a specific period of time or perhaps
even no work (tourist visa). Thus, any comparative study that draws on
transit data in Latin America would have to make some adjustments for
these definitional differences to obtain reliable estimates of legal move-
ment.
Census data provide a potential indirect source of data on migration
patterns. To the extent that the appropriate questions on place of birth
are asked and reported, the analysis of population composition and
change in composition can provide a partial picture of the magnitude and
consequence of population movements. Census data, in addition, may
measure some of the undocumented flow, however the extent of this
coverage remains unknown. An inherent weakness in the use of census
data to describe migration flow is the infrequency of its collection. This is
complicated by variations in the timing and content of the censuses of the
countries in the region.
As was reported in the previous section, most of the countries in the
region have relatively good census data available for two periods and most
of these censuses include data on the foreign born composition of the
population, including country of origin. Unfortunately, most of the
countries present very few cross-tabulations of their foreign born data.
Generally, most countries have cross tabulations of these data for the
aggregate foreign born by age and sex; by country of origin, age and sex in
a few countries; and perhaps by province or department of residence. In
1970 only two countries-Panama and Venezuela-included some tabula-
tions on the economic status or activity of the foreign born. Since Panama
publishes economic data by country of birth while Venezuela only does so
for the aggregated foreign born, the Panama census would have to be
considered as the most comprehensive in Latin America in the 1970 round
of censuses. While the Argentine census has provided good data in the
past, the 1970 census still has not been published. Finally, many of the
countries in the region conducted samples from their 1970 round of
censuses that could provide considerable information on international
migration patterns in the region. Unfortunately, these sample surveys
have not been made readily available to the research community; research-
ers should pursue the possibility of obtaining access to these data or, at
418 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

the very least, requesting special tabulations from CELADE or the census
bureaus in the specific countries.
The reliability of transit or census data in most Latin American
countries would have to be considered as questionable even if they are
available. Most of the major international migration flows occurring
within the region consist of movements of workers without proper visas
or documentation. As such, transit statistics would totally miss the border
crossers and not count as immigrants those who enter with a tourist visa
and subsequently join the labor force. While census data probably pick
up some illegal aliens, these data will also be underestimates since many
aliens would probably declare themselves to be citizens of the host country
or be missed altogether.
Obtaining reliable data on the flow of illegal migrants is virtually
impossible but some improvements could be made even drawing on
current data. Deportation data are one commonly used source, but they
are difficult to interpret particularly if administrative enforcement prac-
tices vary during the time period under consideration. However, more
information could be obtained from population censuses utilizing de-
mographic estimation methods. In addition, it may be possible to utilize
other administrative records and sample surveys to obtain indirect esti-
mates of population changes.

RESEARCH CONTRIBUTIONS OF PAPERS IN THIS ISSUE

As noted, during the era of large scale immigration to Latin America
migration was considered a fundamental element of economic and
demographic policies. As those international flows were replaced by
intraregional population movements and the emigration of highly skilled
individuals, the policy responses have become more varied and indirect.
Torrado's paper provides an overview of the current state of international
migration policy in Latin America. The presentation is organized around
a schema which treats policies dealing with immigration and emigration,
but it also subdivides the field into those dealing with the migration of
unskilled and highly skilled individuals to reflect the importance of the
international transfer of technology.
While Torrado identifies several countries with well developed migra-
tion policies (Colombia and Honduras, for example) the basic picture is
one of uncoordinated policies doing little to influence the migration of
unskilled workers; while some highly explicit policies concerned with the
migration of skilled workers exist, these are also having only minimal
impact. This pessimistic picture must be tempered by the observation
that, given the complexity of the monitoring and political issues, the
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 419

degree of policy activity described by Torrado is remarkably high. The

papers by Marmora and Sassen-Koob illustrate some of this activity, and
they provide an overview of migration processes in the northern region of
South America.
Marmora's paper outlines the potentially negative impact of emigra-
tion on Colombia, and it summarizes the official government response to
such emigration. Colombia is the first country in the region that has
attempted to influence the collective and personal impact of emigration,
not only by creating programs aimed at reducing such movement but also
by channeling and regularizing the flows so that economic needs might
be better met, and by providing economic and social services to displaced
migrants. Whether Colombia will be successful in executing these migra-
tion policies should receive further research attention.
Sassen-Koob presents an analysis of immigration to Venezuela. The
Venezuelan situation attracts attention not only because the country has
been a major receiver of European immigrants since the 1950s, but also
because it is currently the major receiving country for intraregional
migrants. Venezuela's petroleum-fueled economic expansion has created
a strong labor demand in all economic sectors, and the response in the
form of immigration has been massive. Sassen-Koob places the current
situation into its historical context by describing past immigration flows,
paying special attention to the influx of undocumented workers since the
1960s. Her analysis also provides a useful overview of Venezuela's
migration policies, focusing on the reasons for and mechanisms of its
switch from dosed, to open, to selective immigration policies during
the past two decades.
Paralleling recent increases in policy activity dealing with Latin
American migration, we are witnessing an increase in empirically based
efforts to explain both the dynamics of the migration from a macro point
of view, and the impact of migration on sending and receiving countries.
The papers of Carron, Marshall, Gillespie and Browning, and Petruccelli
provide a sampling of these efforts. At the same time these papers,
focusing on the Southern Cone, yield a useful overview of migration
processes in a large subregion of Latin America that has historically been
the major center of international migration, both to and within the
region.
Argentina has experienced several shifts in the composition and
settlement patterns of its substantial immigrant population during this
century. Carron maps these changes, focusing mainly on the shifts in
settlement patterns for immigrants from bordering countries, and on the
changing economic function of immigrants from 1914 to 1970. Since the
19505 European immigration to Argentina has been halted but immigra-
420 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

tion from neighboring countries has continued and picked up in tempo.

Initially, immigrants from neighboring countries settled in interior areas,
near their origin countries, which were expanding economically; by the
mid-1900s they were beginning to fulfill a crisis adjustment role for the
Argentine economy by entering low paying jobs in the less productive
sectors of the economy-a function which continued up to 1970 even as
these immigrants began to settle predominantly in the Buenos Aires area.
Marshall's analysis picks up where Carron's leaves off by detailing the
manner in which foreign workers were incorporated into the labor market
of the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires during the 1960s. Besides
providing more detail on the occupational location of the immigrants,
this analysis compares the immigrant population to several other popula-
tion sectors-including recent internal migrants and non-migrants. In
this fashion, Marshall's analysis reinforces Carron's conclusions: immi-
grant workers DCCUpy the lowest rungs of the occupational ladder and,
while some of this phenomenon can be attributed to the normal correlates
of any type of migration, immigrants are clearly distinct from recent
internal migrants. Of particular interest is Marshall's argument concern-
ing the reciprocal effects of immigration on the mode of capital invest-
ment. Since a high percentage of immigrants from Argentina's bordering
countries enter without official papers, the attempts by Carron and
Marshall to explain the pull factors and consequences for the receiving
country should be viewed with interest by those concerned with the
immigration of undocumented workers elsewhere.
While many countries and analysts have tended to view emigration as
beneficial or inconsequential for the sending country except when it
involves the relatively large loss of highly skilled workers, that view is
changing. In some cases that change appears to be a result of the need to
develop and maintain good international relations with bordering coun-
tries, but there are also growing concerns with political and social rights
of emigrated nationals. We are, however, seeing more analyses of the
impact of emigration on the sending countries' social structures. The
papers of Gillespie and Browning, and Petrucelli provide informative
views on the consequences of emigration on Paraguay and Uruguay.
Gillespie and Browning articulate the impact of emigration on one
sending country-Paraguay-and provide interesting insights into the
methodological obstacles faced by researchers seeking to clarify migration
processes and effects. As is well known by migration researchers, the
acquisition of acceptable and useful data requires arduous manipulation
of multiple data sets. This process is well illustrated by Gillespie and
Browning. Equally interesting from a substantive point of view, the
paper highlights the push factors of Paraguay's minifundista agricultural
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 421

system, the pull factors of Argentina's economy, and considers Paraguay's

emigration in terms of the safety valve function it appears to be perform-
ing for the country's political regime.
Drawing on survey data, Petruccelli documents the magnitude and
impact of Uruguayan emigration from 1963 to 1976. Being a small
country with a low rate of natural increase, Uruguay has experienced
considerable effects on its age structure. Since the migrants have been
primarily skilled workers, the training costs to the country have been
quite high. Petruccelli does not, in the limited space provided, explain
the causes of the process, but his data do document its relation to political
and economic events in Uruguay.

CONCLUSION

The study of international migration promises to continue to be both

important and inordinately difficult. The problems are engendered by the
immense complexity of the issue. While we justly complain about the
unsatisfactory condition of the data, we must remember that a quantum
increase in the quality of migration data, while being useful, would not
bring about significant improvements in our level of understanding or in
our ability to regulate the migration flows. Such progress requires the
formulation of theoretical perspectives which integrate the broad areas of
economic structures and processes, political interests, individual psychol-
ogy, and institutional interdependencies. These perspectives must be
drawn upon to generate clearly researchable questions which can be tested
with empirical data.
The papers presented in this volume illustrate this complexity well.
The authors grapple with the data problems with considerable agility as
they address much broader issues, such as the relationship of the mode of
capital investment to migration flows, the impact of emigration on the
sending country, and the political intricacies of the regulatory policies.
Nevertheless, the gaps in the basic descriptive profile, as well as in theory
remain large. A wide range of topics could be cited for further study since
so little research has yet been done on international migration in Latin
America. The following suggestions deal with obtaining a further, basic
understanding of the nature of these movements, rather than with the
testing of specific theories.
Relatively little research has been directed to the decision-making
process which propels some persons to leave their home country while
others do not. There is a growing body of research that identifies the
importance at the macro level of economic factors-lack of opportunity
in the sending country, wage differentials, etc.-but most of this research
422 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

does not attempt to explain how these factors become translated to the
micro level. As such, little is known about migrant attitudes or behavior.
Do most migrants move on a seasonal or permanent basis? Do family
members accompany male migrants? Do female migrants move indepen-
dently of males? Are remittances sent regularly to relatives in the sending
country? How do migrants initially learn about the opportunities in
neighboring countries? What affects do social networks have on the
migration process?
The effects of international migration on the social stratification
structures of receiving countries is another important research area. While
the nature of any impact will vary depending on factors such as the
relative size, composition and historical timing of the migration, it is
important to learn more about the effects of current immigration patterns
on social mobility, ethnic group relations and residential segregation.
What are the entry points for migrants in the stratification structure and
do these differ in rural and urban areas? Is immigration stimulating or
slowing the social mobility of natives? How do sending countries replace
their highly skilled migrants? Much of the progress that has been made in
this area has been through the imaginative use of inadequate aggregate
data. The diligent use of survey data, providing more sensitive indicators
of individual characteristics and behavioral patterns, and more freedom to
utilize statistical controls, could advance our knowledge in this area
considerably.
If policy issues are of primary importance, then more research should
be conducted on the determinants of emigration in the sending countries.
While research on the economic impact of immigration in receiving
countries provides useful basic information, even if it shows that immi-
gration is creating problems (such as increasing unemployment), experi-
ence demonstrates that controlling migration from the receiving country
side is difficult. At best, restrictive policies and strong enforcement efforts
may deter some movement, but do not cut it off the bulk of this form of
migration. Thus, more attention should be directed to the determinants
and consequences of emigration in sending countries to identify possible
economic and social development policies which would slow or reverse
emigration over the long run. To date, most Latin American governments
have ignored the emigration of their nationals, assuming that the removal
of surplus labor is desirable. However, this is a questionable assumption
since it usually is the more productive and innovative members of the
society who choose to move. More should be learned about the character-
istics of the emigrants and the implications of emigration for develop-
ment.
More comparative research should be conducted on these and other
topics from a regional or international perspective. Too frequently
 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA 423

research addressing migration problems in one country or of one ethnic

group is not placed into a broader context. It would be important to have
further research on similarities and differences in the economic and social
structures of sending and receiving countires. It would also be useful to
study further geographic and social mobility patterns and economic and
social development policies in countries which are major receivers of
immigrants-U.S., Venezuela, and Argentina-along with countries that
one would expect to be receivers-Brazil, Mexico. Similar research on the
characteristics of sending countries, including both countries that are
major senders (Mexico, Dominican Republic, Colombia and Paraguay)
along with others that are not (Peru, Costa Rica) should also be encour-
aged. Of particular interest would be the identification of the conse-
quencies of labor migration in both sending and receiving countries and
the alterantives to such movement.

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