“Sawom”: A Decolonial Study on Paternalism in State Practices

Towards the Bajau of Davao City

A Thesis presented to the

Ateneo de Davao University
School of Arts and Sciences
Social Sciences Cluster
International Studies Department

In Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree
Bachelor of Arts in International Studies
Major in Asian Studies

Abayon, Meshach Yñigo

Apostol, Sean
Quilla, Jazzee Lhea
Mainar, Trisha Mae
Uy, Sutrah Maria Ana
 October 2021

Table of Contents

Abstract
Acronyms
List of Tables
List of Figures

Chapter I: Introduction 1
Background and Significance of the Study 1
Statement of the Problem 6
Review of Related Literature 6
Life and Culture of the Bajau 6
State Exclusion and Societal Othering of the Bajau 10
Rise of Nation-States in South-East Asia and the Contention of
Worldviews 13
Synthesis 15
Theoretical and Conceptual Framework 15
Scope and Limitation 21
Research methodology 21
Research Design 21
Unit of Analysis 21
Data Specification 22
Data Collection Procedure 23
Data Analysis Strategy 23
Ethical Considerations 24

Chapter II: Bajau through the Colonial Lens 26

Bajau Illiteracy Discourse 26
Colonialist Hoax of Identity and Characterization 28
Bajau Mendicancy Discourse 29
Bajau Vulnerability Discourse 31
Synthesis 34

Chapter III: The Legacy of Western Colonialism 36

State Paternalism in Practice 37
Policies and Programs 37
Paradigm Shift 38
PCG Protocols 41
Effects of the Coastal Road 44
Treatment of Bajau 44
Western Framework of Knowledge Approach 44
Westernized Educational System 45
Western Framework on Laws 47
Western Government Structure 48
 The Coloniality of Power and Paternalism 48
Synthesis 49

Chapter IV: Bajau Worldview and Culture v Paternalistic Discourse and

Practices
Knowledge and Culture
Limited Fishing Activities
Mendicancy and Vulnerability 51
Synthesis 51

Chapter V: Summary of Findings, Conclusion, and Recommendations 57

Summary 57
Conclusion 59
Recommendations 59

Bibliography 60
Appendix A. Interview Guide for Bajau 65
Appendix B. Interview Guide for LGU and Concerned Agencies 65
Appendix C. Interview Guide for NGO

Abstract

The Bajau are a small ethnic group of sea gypsies located around the Southeast Asian

coastal areas shared by the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Under the regime of nation-states,

institutions passed down by former colonizers now govern the Bajau. The Bajau are often

stereotyped as unorganized, uneducated, and unclean, and therefore in need of state guidance.
Using the Decolonial lens, specifically Anibal Quijano’s Coloniality of Power, this paper argues

how the paternalistic view, as a manifestation of coloniality, influences state discourse and

practices that contribute to the marginalization of the Bajau in Davao City. Furthermore, this study

used Braun and Clarke Thematic Analysis in conjunction with the lenses of the Coloniality of

Power to analyze the oral data extracted from members of the Bajau community and the state as

represented by the local government unit in Davao City. The researchers have drawn the following

results: firstly, the local government discourses that frame the Bajau as illiterate, mendicants, and

vulnerable, are reminiscent of colonial discourse as state institutions embody the legacy of

colonialism that influence productions of knowledge within the local government unit of Davao

City. Secondly, the colonial discourse continues to be reproduced because of institutions that

perpetuate the colonial discourse. Thirdly, the Bajau resists paternalistic discourse and practices

through their continuously adapting culture which emphasizes practicality and putting the

community first. This study concludes that some local government practices have colonial roots

which are expressed in paternalistic views and practices towards the Bajau.

Acronyms used in the paper

CSWDO - City Social Welfare and Development Office

PCG - Philippine Coast Guard
NCIP - National Commission on Indigenous People
BFAR - Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources
BCCAD - Barangay and Cultural Communities Affairs Development
CADT - Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title
CALT - Certificate of Ancestral Lands Title
 List of Tables

Table 1. The criteria for selecting the Respondents

Table 2. The Socio-Demographic Profile of Bajau Key Informants
Table 3. The Socio-Demographic Profile of Respondents from
Government Agencies
Table 4. The Socio-Demographic Profile of NGO Respondent/s
 List of Figure

Figure 1. Colonial Matrix of Power

CHAPTER I

Introduction

Background and Significance of the Study

The Sama Bajau, Bajau Laut, or simply “Badjao” in Filipino terms, are a small ethnic group

of sea gypsies or sea nomads dispersed throughout the maritime border region shared by the

Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia. The Bajau are among the most marginalized sea-based

ethnic groups, with a total estimated population of 1.2 million. The earliest records of the Bajau

can be traced back as early as 1511 in Malacca. In 1521, another group of sea nomads was seen
living in boats near present-day Zamboanga. Historically, this ethnic group belongs to the Sulu-

Sulawesi Seas and can freely traverse the area, seeing the world as a borderless place.

The term “Sama-Bajau'' is a combination of two names, ‘Sama’ and ‘Bajau’, each with its

own history. The word ‘Sama’ is a Malay term that means ‘kita’ or ‘we,’ originating from the

group itself and is used to refer to themselves, which is universally practiced in Sabah, the southern

Philippines, and in southern Indonesia. However, the term “Bajau” is not deemed as having equal

status with ‘Sama’ since it had external origins. “Some scholars opine that ‘Bajau’ should be kept

for exclusive use by outsiders.” Despite the difference in usage of the terms, there is no conflict

between ‘Sama’ and ‘Bajau’ and scholars often prefer to use “Sama-Bajau” for academic purposes.

Anthropologist Clifford Sather proposes the term has developed into ethnonyms such as “badjaw,”

“badjaw laut,” “bajo,” luwaan,” “palau,” and “turiejene.” The Sama Bajau is originally referred to

as “Bajau” by dominant ethnic groups in the Sulu Archipelago. However, it has been accepted by

Sama-Bajau migrants in Davao City to portray themselves to non-Bajau communities, making the

word "Bajau" an exonym. Through the years, the Bajau have grown accustomed to identifying

with the term Bajau to conveniently present themselves to the community. Hanna Sacalain, a Bajau

and a gatekeeper in Barangay 23-C stated that the Bajau prefer to be called Bajau for it has been

the name given to them ever since. “Bajau”, as an ethnonym imposed on the Bajau, calls for further

research on the unprejudiced identity of the Bajau.

The underlying theme of Bajau origin stories is that Bajau are outsiders or newcomers.

Most Bajau believe that their ancestors lived in other locations before settling in Tawi-Tawi due

to their travel history. Perhaps their sense of being outsiders, or newcomers, in an unfamiliar setting

has shaped their worldview. The Bajau worldview encompasses a deep and rich cosmology based

on belief in spirits who inhabit the sea and land and exercise causal influences upon the Bajau and
their environment. These supernatural beings influence their religious beliefs, social organization,

and day-to-day activities. The Bajau cosmology and worldview believe that the universe is divided

into the physical world and the supernatural world, wherein the supernatural world consists of a

hierarchy of supernatural beings that determines the actions of worship by the Bajau. The

traditional practices, rituals, and death customs of the Bajau reveal the layers and levels of Bajau

cosmology and its influence on the Bajau recognition and dependency on supernatural beings and

spirit mediums.

As soon as powerful Western colonial regimes started to extend their influence in the

Southeast Asian regions, the imperial powerhouses divided the world, conquered it, and

implemented territorial boundaries or partition lines among colonized areas. Not long after, the

establishment of nation-states and its sustenance of the colonial patterns of power caused layers of

marginalization for indigenous populations that ran against the directives of the state. Unfavorable

changes in the Bajau’s way of life intensified as they faced displacement due to armed conflicts

and maritime disputes in the Southeast Asian region.

In the age of modernization, coloniality came in the guise of globalization. The hyper-

accelerated pace of globalization demanded the exploitation of natural resources, thereby driving

indigenous people out of their ancestral lands and seas. With the accelerated pace of globalization

in the 21st century, custodianship of the Bajau’s ethnic residences has been harder to justify. Once

found in moorages, Bajau populations are now found in villages due to government development

projects that forced the adaptation of land-based mode of residence and production. Due to societal

pressures, the changes in the modes of residence and production of the Bajau forced them to steer

away from their traditional ways of living to adapt to the urban society’s unfamiliar system.
Despite the Bajau’s cultural attachment to the sea, the Bajau reconstructed their identity and

lifestyle to adapt to the modernizing world through sedentarization and urbanization.

According to Anderson's classification of majorities and minorities in the nation-state, the

Bajau in Davao City fall under the category of those who could not organize their own ethnic

group due to lack of agency and powerlessness, small and deprived population, and thus, unable

to have political representatives. The local government and authorities, NGOs, and other

indigenous groups alike perceived the Bajau groups as the lowest in the city's hierarchy, belonging

to the poorest of the poor in Davao City. Associated with the lack of “cleanliness,” “knowledge,”

“diligence,” “religion,” and a “lazy” way of life, Bajau’s struggles were attributed to defects in

their norms and values. To ease the struggles of the Bajau, government agencies advocated the

importance of education, participation in economic exercises, and formation of values without

recognizing the Bajau’s struggles may be attributed to societal structures or the governance of the

state and/or local governments. These state responses indicated popular discourse that the Bajau

are unable to achieve progressive social mobility unless their culture and values were modified to

become more "civilized.".

With all the difficulties experienced by the Bajau, the helpful way to examine their

problems was through the concept of paternalism, as a characterization of the coloniality of power

that affects the relationship between the State and the Bajau. The coloniality of power is a

manifestation of colonial legacies which prioritize knowledge production. This prioritization

of knowledge not only influenced the academe and society but the state as well. Thus, State

decision-making tended to utilize a more lens in creating policies and addressing its constituents,

including its minorities. Paternalism was understood as the interference with a person's freedom

of action, which was justified by reasons for the welfare, happiness, interests, needs, or values of
the person being coerced. The paternalistic view stemmed from the colonial assertion of binaries

such as modern/traditional, black/white, West/East, etc., legitimizing European influences. Thus,

paternalism imposed intervention to maintain the global status quo as shaped by modernity. From

this definition of paternalism, the researchers have seen traces of paternalism in the ways State and

its units imposed certain state policies and programs to help the Bajau.

In addressing the perceived concerns towards the Bajau, and not the expressed concerns of

the Bajau, the State, as represented by the local government, revealed a paternalistic view towards

the Bajau. Within the principles of the state, the local government felt responsible for the

organization of its constituents and should, as the main source of authority, enforce order by

imposing policies to tame the “unruly.” Moreover, the parent-child treatment of the government

workers towards the Bajau was reflective of a paternalistic attitude as they saw the Bajau as pitiful

and in need of constant help. This paternalistic view implied that, in the eyes of the state, the Bajau

is a liability.

The Bajau, in turn, suffered from the State’s paternalistic attitude and the incompatibility

between Bajau customs and the policies imposed by the State. Despite the government efforts to

develop beneficial projects for the Bajau, the Bajau is left dissatisfied, insecure, and immobile

because Davao City’s local policies often used a band-aid approach in policy making, rather than

responsive to and consistent with the interests of the Bajau.

Therefore, this study looked into the paternalistic attitude of the state patterned after the

coloniality of power that succeeded in the Bajau’s othering in mainstream society.

Statement of the Problem

This study understands how the paternalistic view influences state discourse and practices
that contribute to the marginalization of the Bajau in Davao City. Furthermore, this study answered

the following questions:

1. What are the instances of Coloniality in the state practices towards Bajau in Davao City?

2. How is the local government discourse towards the Bajau in Davao City reminiscent of

colonial discourse?

3. How does the local Bajau worldview and culture resist and challenge the paternalistic

discourse and practices of the local government of Davao City?

Review of Related Literature

The following presents literature related to the semi-nomadic Bajau of Southeast Asia,

whose citizenship have long been considered ambiguous as they are seen as stateless in the

international community. The books and works on the life and culture of the Bajau discuss Bajau

mooring sites, social organization, and their experience in recent years. The research on the Bajau

state exclusion and societal othering stems from modernization which tends to focus on the

literature on struggles with statelessness, state policies, and national recognition within Southeast

Asia. Furthermore, since the formation of nation-states, there has been a contention of worldviews

from both the state and ethnic groups such as the Bajau.

Life and Culture of the Bajau

The following section discusses the articles and books about the life and culture of the

Bajau in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, the section delves into the works about the seafaring Bajau’s

mooring sites, culture, social organization, and experiences with modernity.

Seafaring Bajau and Mooring sites

 The study of the Bajau mooring sites and their relationship with the sea gives the readers

insights into their nomadic culture. The sea and the Bajau have a close relationship spanning

centuries of history, recorded or otherwise. Nimmo points out that the Bajau are semi-nomadic

because they have mooring sites where they tie their boats and settle with their families. Any

stories that they travel the seas aimlessly are myths. Bajau mooring sites are stationed across

Southeast Asia, namely in Samar, Palawan, Indonesia, northern Mindanao, Sabah, Sulawesi, and

so on. According to a study by Stacey, these mooring sites have developed into villages reaching

further inland. Studies discussing the Bajau’s unique worldview revolve around territorial

unboundedness and an attachment to the sea, which led to their displacement from the local settled

population. Furthermore, this contributed to their exclusion from welfare and public services that

entailed their lack of citizenship rights. Although it is imperative to know the location of Bajau

settlements, these studies lack these mooring sites' experiences when faced with the authority of

states.

Social organization and beliefs

Another important aspect of studies on the Bajau is their tight-knit houseboat communities

and relationships even though separated by large bodies of water. Researchers also studied the

second most important social unit within the Bajau community after the nuclear family, the Bajau

sibling alliance unit. This alliance unit is significant from Sopher's study because members perform

Bajau ceremonies together, build longboats, and fish together. Nimmo observed no political units

past these moorages of sibling units; however, the eldest and most capable are often set as the

mooring site's headman. In a preliminary study conducted by Madlan and other co-researchers in

Sabah Malaysia, the research paper presented the prejudices, stereotypes, and discrimination of

the local citizens’ viewpoint in opposition to the Bajau. However, the Bajau’s perspective of their
cultural identity and practices certainly raised awareness that some of the mentioned

discriminatory labels on them were not true.

Bajau cosmology revolves around their relationship with the sea and their belief in the

spirits and supernatural higher beings. Authors noted how their relationship with the sea is where

they gain remedies for ailments such as meals mainly consisting of sea life believed to have

medicinal properties. In Nimmos' study on Bajau religion, we see how the Bajau had a negative

view of modernity as they saw it as an evil spirit or “Saitan” and associated it with misfortune.

Authors have also studied the Bajau’s strong beliefs towards spirits and supernatural beings that

can cause illnesses, misfortune, and death to those who disturb them. To avoid these misfortunes,

the Bajau should avoid the places where some supernatural beings dwell, and if ever someone

visits these places, small offerings should be left. Moreover, the Bajau should not express disbelief

and speak disrespectfully of the supernatural beings. Some supernatural beings do not like

uncleanliness and mechanical gadgets. Thus, the Bajau should maintain cleanliness and avoid the

use of mechanical gadgets. Other ways of avoiding misfortunes are through the use of specific

protective procedures and amulets and to make sure that corpses are “properly bathed before burial,

proper mourning is conducted at funerals, and proper treatment is extended to all people.” During

Bajau’s fishing trips, they seek help from their shamans to interact with their ancestors and ask for

guidance for safe fishing and a good catch. Moreover, the Bajau believe that mythical creatures

are inhabiting the seas, and sea spirits are believed to dictate the currents, winds, and sea conditions.

Aside from these supernatural beings that dictate Bajau’s daily lives, a person's moral value,

attitude and positive associations with cosmological beings are deemed decisive. Optimistic and

confident fishers are blessed with a higher catch, while pessimism merely leads to disappointing

catches as noted in a study by Stacey.

 Authors also note how Shamanism is also evident in the religious beliefs of the Bajau, for

they are often viewed together as ways to approach the supernatural world. Furthermore, the idea

of punishment in Bajau cosmology implies the existence of heaven and hell. If heaven is perceived

to be at the very top, it can be inferred that hell is at the very bottom, which is beneath the earth,

based on the assumption that nothing on earth is more terrifying or matches the torment of hell.

According to a study by Yakin, the Bajau believe that in order to enter heaven, one must cross a

bridge, underneath which is a huge lake of fire known as hell. Those that do more good than bad

will cross the bridge, and those who do otherwise will plunge into the underworld.

The Bajau experience with the Modernizing world

Studying the Bajau experience in the recent decade gives the researchers and readers

context on what changes their people have faced due to the differences in their lifestyle, worldview,

and practices. Authors observed that the Bajau of Southeast Asia have long been viewed as

stateless due to the ambiguity of their nationality rooted in their semi-nomadic lifestyle. These

views also amplify discrimination from the locals who live near their mooring sites, as they are

seen and labeled as alien. As posited by Ismail, the Bajau Laut finding their way back to Semporna

after being deported reveals the imprint of historical practices on Bajau Laut that has been passed

on for generations. This revelation entails that the Bajau Laut are not accustomed to restrictions in

their movements, tightened maritime patrols and security, and limited fishing activities.

A study by Aung-Thwin, highlighted the advent of nationalist ideas post World War II

and the process of decolonization during the Cold War solidified national identities in Southeast

Asia. The identity rooted in Western definitions was often reconstructed for the state authorities'

benefit in asserting their power in Southeast Asia. As noted by Hall, the definition of cultural

identity as having the same historical experiences and codes contribute to the discrimination of
those who are different. The concept of identity is an issue for the Bajau as they experience

discrimination and often had to prove themselves in the field of labor by being more diligent and

having exemplary positive behavior.

State Exclusion and Societal Othering of the Bajau

The following literature points to the issues the Bajau experienced due to risks of

statelessness, the implemented state policies, and struggles caused by the state's inability to

recognize and acknowledge the Bajau as a distinct ethnic group.

Struggles with statelessness

Scholars emphasized that as territorial boundaries become more defined, Bajau lifestyles

are constrained by government policies and maritime security protocols. As a way to gatekeep

borders, state governments require legal documents to justify citizenship. Since Malaysia perceives

wandering natives as threats to state security, those who wander aimlessly, without supporting

legal documents, run the risk of being stateless. However, Malaysia, with the belief that wandering

natives pose a threat to state security, wants to change the stateless and marginalized status of the

Bajau. Despite being integrated into Malaysian territory, the Bajau who lived there were seen as

foreigners and had to tether themselves to the locals in order to be "supported" and apply for jobs

in exchange for a portion of their salaries.

As Saat, Mokhtar and Mansur suggests, the Bajau's contested identity is linked to illegal

immigration in the Philippines during the 1970s as they do not have legal documents to present

for citizenship. Unable to obtain recognition as an indigenous group of Sabah, the Bajau faces

displacement with no government aid and suffers from insufficient income and limited, often

prohibited maritime activities.

Struggles with State Policies

Scholars firmly established research that highlighted the dissatisfaction, insecurity, and

feeling of immobility expressed by the Bajau, despite the government efforts to develop beneficial

projects, which reinforce an exclusionist state framework on indigeneity. Ban and Frid

emphasized the Bajau efforts in maritime spatial protection, which shows the vitality of their

linkage and worldview towards how vital marine life is for them. Yet the maximization of policies

on marine protected areas in Maritime Southeast Asia has widely distorted the Bajau’s relations in

their ancestral seas. Hleihel also pointed out the collaborative efforts of the Maritime Southeast

Asian States (The Coral Triangle Initiative) and NGOs towards marine protection had immensely

contributed to the plight of the Bajau.

A study on Malaysia’s and Indonesia’s policies on marine resource management and

conservation by Stacey et al. manifests a conflict with the Bajau’s culture and livelihood practices,

leading to food and livelihood insecurities. These policies further lead to problems affecting

women, issues of representation, the socio-economic divide within Bajau communities, and

difficulty in food availability.

Moreover, in a study by Navarro, the state's assimilation policies, such as housing projects

and cash transfer funds, had little effect on the Bajau's welfare, for they failed to coincide with the

cultural needs and security of the Bajau. Registering the births and deaths of Bajau children and

family members is not exercised in the Bajau culture. However, state policies often require

registrations to assist the Bajau further and benefit from subsidized funding programs. The

difficulty in registering is a significant issue to the Bajau, for they have a distinct conception of

time and space.

 These struggles of the Bajau with state policies are affirmed in the study of Stacey et al.

regarding the Bajau’s social well-being. The outcome of the study unveils that Bajau’s social well-

being operates in different scales of relevance – (1) individual and house[‘boat’]hold (2) language

and dialect groups (3) maritime world of Sama-Bajau society, and (4) the global trends and

processes – which are threatened by natural and modern man-made conditions.

Struggles with National Recognition

Studies of state-led policies in the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia indicate that the

Bajau are not recognized on a national level. In the Philippines, the Bajau of Tawi-Tawi expressed

their frustration with dominant groups' attempts to prohibit them from obtaining land settlements,

causing the Bajau to seek a government guarantee of legalities where they are currently settling,

such as the IPRA provisions and other civil rights that protect their future. Without national

recognition, the Bajau run the risk of societal and material deprivation. The lack of social capital,

education, and unmarketable cultural resources denotes the Bajau’s marginalization, acquiring a

low status and considered as liabilities in the society.

According to Toohey, to sustain their primary needs and foster new relationships, the Bajau

utilized begging. As noted by Macalandag, mendicancy also comes in adverse consequences when

distinct Bajau situated themselves in working for the syndicates and somehow proven to be tagged

as criminals under Philippine Presidential Decree 1563 for practicing illegal issues like forcing

fellow Bajau to beg and even exploit the minors.

Apart from begging, certain scholars comprehensively exposed alternative modes of

livelihood for Bajau in the Philippines. A study by Abrahamsson is centered on how the Bajau

maintain their culture, identity, and autonomy through pearl vending. In his analysis, the author

states that the Bajau, albeit they are victims of progress, have learned to use their indigenous
characteristics to gain income. However, Abrahamsson points out the fragility of pearl vending for

the Bajau and that pearl vending, even more so, conceals the real problems for the Bajau – the

struggle for indigenous rights, political unity, and custodianship of the sea.

In Malaysia's context, the Bajau in Semporna was also struggling from immense poverty

and high risk to uncertainty, as Chia posited from her study. The Bajau had difficulties in attaining

jobs or even proper access to daily basic needs like education and health since they lacked certain

legal documents to be fully recognized by the State. As a result, the Bajau took risky measures to

remain fishing despite the struggles and income instability. However, some of the Bajau wish to

work land-based to have a little solution to alleviate their needs.

Rise of Nation-States in South-East Asia and the Contention of Worldviews

This section examines the literature on the impacts of the formation of Nation-States and

their contention with the worldviews of ethnic groups such as the Bajau.

Legacy of the Westphalian Nation-State

The legacy of the Westphalian structure of Nation-State in recent decades has caused the

alienation of ethnic groups who do not conform to it. Authors have observed that the Westphalian

model of nation-state's legacy has embodied the principles of secularism and sovereignty that

determined the relationship among states and their people. Vaughan notes that the Westphalian

structure's principles and practices gradually spread from Europe to the rest of the world through

the process of imperialism and colonialism. This reached Southeast Asia, influencing modern

states' formation in the region by giving a structure of governing and state consolidation. However,

the structure led to the emergence of anti-colonialist movements in the form of nationalism that

mobilize ethnic groups to fight for their right to self-determination and ethnic identity.
The West and the Bajau Worldview

The contention of the West's worldview and the indigenous/ ethnic groups are the

underlying factors that subdue ethnic groups from integrating themselves in the dominant global

system of power. As Levac et al. emphasized, indigenous worldview primarily focuses on

knowledge from primordial past, traditional experiences, and spiritual intelligence. Meanwhile,

the Western worldview leaned towards the philosophical tradition of positivism, including logic,

rationality, and objectivity found in natural sciences. Thus, it rejects metaphysical and spiritual

sources of knowledge.

Furthermore, authors then discussed the colonizers' worldview based on the expansionist

motive in expanding territory, the spread of religion, and the acquisition of wealth and power. The

authors also added the individualistic, competitive, and male-dominated characteristics of the West.

On the other hand, the indigenous worldview values collectivism that contributes to the success of

the ethnic community as a whole. Besides, Bajau's animism practice implies their respect towards

living and nonliving things, the natural world, and natural phenomena that reject Western control.

Synthesis

The studies stated above mostly delve into the Bajau culture, history, and experiences

within Southeast Asia. The Bajau are semi-nomadic people who cross different mooring sites,

often within the boundaries of other states. Additionally, researchers studied the crossing of

borders by the Bajau, which often caused discrimination as they are seen as alien or stateless. Bajau

mooring sites are composed of different sibling alliance units grouped together, usually led by the

eldest man. The ambiguity of their citizenship and the lack of national recognition also make it

difficult for them to find jobs inland and are often exploited by local officials to be allowed to

work. The encroachment of modernity upon their shores is seen as a bad omen as they view
modernization as a misfortune. These state-led practices presented a broader perspective on how

the state's biased perspective furthered the marginalization and discrimination of the Bajau, which

certainly hindered them from integrating and being recognized in urban areas. The rise of the

Westphalian model of state has also contributed to the contention of worldviews between ethnic

groups such as the Bajau and the modern nation-state.

The literature on the Bajau focuses on their history and culture and it lacks discussion on

their eventual integration within their locales, and local government practices addressed towards

them. It is also observed that the decolonial research on the Bajau in Davao is few. In this study,

the researchers seek to provide empirical data and further understanding of the Bajau discourse.

This study would like to look into the state's paternalistic attitude, patterned after the coloniality

of power that succeeds in the Bajau’s othering in mainstream society. Through the lens of

Decolonialism, particularly Anibal Quijano’s coloniality of power, this study also seeks to

understand how state practices and policies still root themselves in colonial ideas and how these

ideas continue the process of “othering” inflicted on the Bajau.

Theoretical Framework and Conceptual Framework

This study anchors itself on Decolonialism, a school of thought that deviates from

mainstream theories in International Relations. The decolonial approach aims to decolonize

international relations from Eurocentrism and how it continues to dictate knowledge, society, and

governance. This theory analyzes the colonial legacies that are still present in the international

community. Decolonialism, as an approach, can be utilized to provide a critical understanding

and perspective of how the Bajau are situated internationally. As this study explores the

indigenous views of the Bajau and untangles the Eurocentric production of knowledge as the
only way of knowing and validating, the decolonial approach’s ability to give alternate meanings

is best suited to discuss the topic of inquiry.

A key concept in understanding Decolonialism is through the ‘Coloniality of Power’ by

Anibal Quijano. Quijano coined the term to describe the systems of power, control, and hegemony

that have emerged during European colonialism, which spans up to the present day. The coloniality

of power constitutes a matrix (colonial matrix of power) that explains Europeanization’s power to

influence over four interrelated spheres of life, which are the sphere of economy, the sphere of

authority, the sphere of gender, and lastly, the sphere of knowledge. The first sphere shows that

there is control in the capitalist enterprise and labor sector. The second sphere entails the control

of authority and the jurisdiction of the nation-state. The third sphere talks about the influence on

gender, precisely the control of sex which is the basis of the bourgeois family, as the proper

blueprint of a good family. The sphere of knowledge pertains to the control of intersubjectivity,

the idea of Eurocentric nature. Thus, the coloniality of power reinforces the state’s reproduction

of the colonial mindset, which is shown on the two types of subordination: from the European

vision and the state that apprehends its views.

The coloniality of power’s influence on the state's colonial mindset can be manifested into

Legal Paternalism. Legal paternalism can be a state’s method of coercion to impose protection on

citizens from danger or to “guide” them whether they like it or not. This parent-child relationship

in Legal paternalism seems to imply that since the state can know the interests of individual citizens

better than the citizens know them themselves, it stands as a permanent guardian of those interests

in place of a “parent”. Legal paternalism comes in two types: soft and hard paternalism. Soft

paternalism considers that intervening in the decisions of people who are acting in a nonvoluntary

way is not really interfering with their “true” selves at all. Hard paternalism, on the other hand, is
state interventions in the decision making of individuals that intrude on their autonomy, the

justification for the intervention being the prevention of sufficiently serious danger or harm.

In Southeast Asia, a lot of the indigenous groups were discriminated against, and were

deprived of their resources by other groups that are neither “white” nor “European” but who today

have immediate control of power in these countries. Parallel to the political independence of Latin

America under the leadership of the “whites” or “Europeans,” the Philippines’ political

independence did not mean complete liberation from the hegemony of Eurocentrism.

Independence conceals the deepening of the hegemony because, in the current system of power,

modernity not only permeates in thought and social practice but is also confined to the ideological

sphere, informing small groups within the dominant sectors. In the case of the Bajau and how the

State treats them, Europeanization is evident in the production of societal discourses, translated

into initiatives and policies that power institutions, such as state agencies, judicial systems, and

local governments, participate in and produce.

Drawing from Quijano’s coloniality of power, Decolonialism unpacks colonial patterns of

knowledge production and meaning-making, which prompts the dominated to assimilate cultural

Europeanization into their power institutions. Civilization and developmental missions are

constitutive to modernity and its associate, coloniality. Furthermore, the decolonial approach does

not necessarily imply the rejection of the idea of modernity in the colonial production of

knowledge but brings forth various worldviews and perspectives that cater to the voices of those

in the margins; overlooked by dominant colonial discourses.

As coloniality persists in knowledge production, Anibal Quijano identifies Delinking as a

process of decolonizing. In decolonizing colonial discourse, the method of Delinking is utilized to

bring forth other principles of knowledge and understanding beyond the rhetoric of modernity.
Delinking is the decolonial shift from the totality of European epistemologies to a pluralistic mode

of thinking inclusive to the outside of modernity. principle of knowledge is rooted in Rene

Descartes’s “ego/I” philosophy which serves as the universal foundation of knowledge production.

Furthermore, the epistemic sources for delinking come from the emergence of the geo- and body-

politics of knowledge. The geo- and body- politics essentially provide new sources of information

from different people's experiences or 'bodies' from different 'geographical' locations, not just the

locales of the West. Delinking utilizes these epistemologies of decolonial shift and the geo- and

body- politics of knowledge to provide the analytics for critique and a vision of a pluri-versal world.

The target of epistemic decolonization is the hidden complicity between the rhetoric of modernity

and the logic of coloniality. The process of decolonizing begins by delinking rationality/modernity

from coloniality. When you delink the rhetoric of modernity from the logic of coloniality, possible

sources of knowledge widens and broadens to include those in the peripheries that have been

silenced or ignored by modernity.

The decolonial lens, then, offers a critical perspective that informs the possible resolutions

for the “indigenous problem.” As Quijano suggests, the resolution involves the subversion and

disintegration of the entire system of power and requires the decolonizing of political relations

within the state; the radical undermining of conditions of exploitation and the end of servitude;

and the decolonization of relations of social domination, i.e., the purging of “race” as the universal

and fundamental category of social classification. Through the decolonial lens, the paternalistic

view towards the Bajau is averted, and therefore, enables de-marginalizing discourses that can lead

to Bajau liberation from coloniality; which implies freedom from all power organized as inequality,

discrimination, exploitation, and domination.

 Figure 1. Colonial Matrix of Power

Figure 1 presents the conceptual framework of Delinking and Decolonialism based on

Anibal Quijano’s Coloniality of Power. The figure first illustrates the relationship of Paternalism

of the State towards the Bajau. Using the process of Delinking, it exposes the influence of the

Coloniality of power being utilized as a lens by the state. The Coloniality of Power contributes to

the othering of the indigenous groups as it views non-western knowledge and pedagogy as lesser.

The Coloniality of Power influences and reinforces the Western production of knowledge as it

reproduces cultural, society, and political domination through the prioritization of western

sources. This paternalistic view creates practices that limit Bajau’s mobility and practices in the

guise of welfare and safety. The process of Decolonialism not only delinks the Western production

of knowledge within the state but also the 4 interrelated spheres within it by delinking the rhetoric

of modernity. This process of Decolonialism may provide a new lens for state decision-making as

it empowers the knowledge of the silenced and repressed, thus creating more inclusive policies

and practices towards the Bajau. The Bajau and the state will be the main units of analysis that the

researchers will analyze to understand the process of coloniality present in practice and policy-

making.
Scope and Limitation

This study limits itself to the Bajau of Barangay 23-C and Barangay Matina Aplaya in

Davao City as they are areas in the city with Bajau population. To understand the influence of the

coloniality of power on city agendas on the Bajau, the researchers studied various local actors

within the Bajau communities and local government actors involved with the Bajau. Furthermore,

the study focuses on the situation of the Bajau within the city.

It is important to note that this study is not aimed at a clear-cut solution to solving

coloniality’s effects. The theory of decolonialism is not a problem-solving theory but a reflective

one that brings forth gaps in the research that need to be addressed. However, this study aims at

contributing to the discourse of decolonizing the field of international relations by looking at Bajau

alienation as a manifestation of paternalism and the coloniality of power.

Research Methodology

Research Design

This study employed a qualitative case study research design. This research provided an

alternative viewpoint in understanding the worldview of the Bajau in Davao City and review the

influence of the coloniality of power in the practices of the local government unit of Davao City.

Unit of Analysis

The research focused on both the state and the Bajau as its main unit of analysis. The state

is a national entity that is coordinated with and represented by the local government of Davao

City. The local government of Davao, in coordination with national agencies, has executed and

implemented the policies and laws imposed by the state or the national government. The Bajau is

represented by members and key authorities within the communities of Barangay 23-C and

Barangay Matina Aplaya.

Data Specification

This study’s primary source came from testimonies from members of the Bajau community,

statements from government agencies, and key local authorities involved within the main Bajau

communities of Davao City. The secondary sources of this study were official documents, books,

journals, articles, and documentaries concerning the Bajau. These data allowed the researchers to

acquire perspectives from both the Bajau and government agencies.

Table 1. The criteria for selecting the Respondents

Category Criteria

Bajau Community 1. Should be a Bajau or of Bajau descent

2. Has been residing in Davao City;
3. aged 18-70 years old
4. Currently living in Barangay 23-C or Matina Aplaya

Government Agencies 1. Responsibilities include the management of the Bajau within the city
2. National office, should have a branch in Davao City
3. Has a connection to the governing/welfare of the Bajau Community
a. City Social Welfare and Development Office (CSWDO)
b. Philippine Coast Guard (PCG)
c. National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP)
d. Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR)

Government Documents 1. Any found documents relating to the Bajau

2. Can be found in Davao City
a. Indigenous People’s Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA)

Journals, Books, Articles 1. Contains information about the Bajau people

2. Academic or Legitimate Source

In identifying the key informant's background for the data specification process, the

following tables show the socio-demographic profile of each corresponding respondent. In

addition, the profiling of selected key informants was segregated based on the categories presented

above, namely, the key informants coming from the Bajau Community, Government Agencies and

other non-state actors such as NGOs.

Table 2. The Socio-Demographic Profile of Bajau Key Informants

 Informant’s Sex Age Description of the Informant/s Location
Name Group

Hanna D. Sacalain F Adult Purok Leader; Barangay 23 - C

Works at Tourism Office in Magsaysay Davao City

Pastor Delmar Dabtar M Adult Bajau Community Representative in Brgy. Barangay 23 - C

23-C Davao City

Kaparin Sarapudin M Adult Fisherman/ Ukay-ukay vendor Barangay 23 - C

Davao City

Hapon Kasabalan M Adult Fisherman/ Ukay-ukay vendor Barangay 23 - C

Davao City

Binsar Bumalak M Adult Fisherman - ukay vendor Barangay 23 - C

Davao City

Idol Batasan M Adult Fisherman/Ukay-ukay vendor Barangay 23 - C

Davao City

Maraya F Adult Food vendor Barangay 23 - C

Davao City

Edji Adjari M Adult Bajau Community Leader Matina Aplaya

Davao City

Lolita Adjari F Adult Bajau Community Leader as a Matina Aplaya

Representative for the Barangay Davao City

Pastor Felicismo M Adult Bajau Community Leader Matina Aplaya

Morales (Bisaya) Davao City

Egari M Adult Fisherman Matina Aplaya

Davao City

Dan Morales M Adult Fisherman Matina Aplaya

Davao City

Goldam M Adult Fisherman Matina Aplaya

Davao City

Sally M Adult Fisherman Matina Aplaya

Davao City

Table 3. The Socio-Demographic Profile of Respondents from Government Agencies

Informant/s Name Sex Description of Informant/s Government Agency

Stephen M PCG, Lieutenant Philippine Coast Guard (PCG)

Pagcaliwangan

Rimo Española M CSWDO, Social Worker City Social Welfare and Development
Office (CSWDO)
 Khev Dave Donos M Focal Person of Indigenous People, Davao Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic
City Fisheries Office Technical Staff Resources (BFAR)

Julius Villafuerte M BCCAD Officer-in-Charge Barangay and Cultural Communities

Affairs Development (BCCAD)

Dr. Cleo Tabada F Former DOH Regional Epidemiology Department of Health

Surveillance Unit (RESU) Head

Cristito Ingay M Provincial Officer, NCIP Davao National Commision on Indigenous

People (NCIPs)

Habib Pagilogon M In Charge of the Bajau Community in City Social Welfare and Development
CSWDO, Social Worker Office (CSWDO)

Table 4. The Socio-Demographic Profile of NGO Respondent/s

Informant/s Name Sex Description of Informant/s

Amiel Jay Lopez M Co-founder, Project Dyesabel / DYESEBEL Inc.

Data Collection Procedure

In collecting the data from primary sources, open-ended questions were used during the

interviews, online and face-to-face, with selected members and key informants of the Davao Bajau

community that fit the criteria. Moreover, while conducting the interviews, the researchers

recorded the interviews for transcription, coding, and further analysis. These open-ended interview

questions were used to detect signs of paternalism that the Bajau are still experiencing. To enrich

data collection, on-site or face-to-face interviews were conducted with key informants from the

Bajau community. These interviews were conducted in observance of the COVID-19 protocols.

Moreover, the on-site interviews were conducted on the condition that the researchers immerse

only if fully vaccinated. During on-site interviews, help from key informants within the Bajau

community were also asked to translate Bisaya questions for respondents who solely speak the

Bajau dialect. This data collection method allowed us a glimpse of everyday Bajau life and allowed

us to deepen our dialogue with the Bajau and our understanding of their worldview. Furthermore,
the researchers utilized documentary research to extract data from secondary sources relating to

the Bajau. The video documentaries also provided locations and references of the important people

in the Bajau communities to interview for the study.

Data Analysis Strategy

The data gathered fell under the scrutiny of the lens of Anibal Quijano’s Coloniality of

Power. In doing this, critical discourse analysis, specifically Braun and Clarke’s Thematic

Analysis Approach, was utilized as a data analysis strategy in this study. Thematic Analysis is the

process of looking for the themes and patterns within qualitative data. Anibal Quijano’s coloniality

of power can show coloniality of power through Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis, looking

into power relations that produce knowledge. Thematic analysis has six steps which were followed

during the analysis of the data: (1) Become familiar with the data, (2) generate the initial codes,

(3) search for the themes within the codes, (4) review the themes, (5) define the themes presented,

(6) write-up the interpretations. Through a Thematic Analysis Approach, the researchers examined

and understood how the forms of coloniality as discourse legitimize power and knowledge in

underpinning state practices. This approach also looked into the experience of the Bajau and

highlighted their voices as expressed in the themes. This analysis approach used oral data

(interviews, speeches, and reports) where the researchers extracted themes and insights to

investigate how the legacies of colonialism are embedded in the current policies, programs, and

projects of the state, and how these affect the culture and lives of the Bajau in modern society,

specifically those situated in Davao City. The data were analyzed using the conceptual framework

presented above to see how the cycle of the coloniality of power is present in government decision-

making.

Ethical Considerations
 In ensuring an objective, informative, and academic exercise in conducting the study, the

researchers considered the following ethical factors. The researchers ensured that they promote

authentic, original, and true knowledge by not manipulating the primary data. Informed and

voluntary consent of the participants were secured by the researchers and proper health protocols

were observed during face-to-face interviews. In gathering data for the study, the researchers

practiced benevolence and respect. Permission from the respondents were acquired before

recording interviews with the respondents. Moreover, in interpreting the data, the researchers

exercised confidentiality and anonymity to avoid jeopardizing the participants’ security and

welfare. The data collected are kept in a private and secure google drive accessed only by the

researchers to protect the dignity and well-being of the participants, accordingly.

CHAPTER II

The Legacy of Western Colonialism

Through an examination of the local government’s practices and their dealings with the

Bajau, the researchers argue that the coloniality of power manifests in current state institutions that

reproduce a paternalistic view towards the Bajau. The existing state policies, programs, and

practices in the local government of Davao that affect the Bajau exude a paternalistic view towards

them. These paternalistic state actions emanate from colonial thinking due to the influence of

colonialism in knowledge production of the contemporary state. This results in a paternalistic view

perpetuated and reproduced by colonial institutions and practices, as reflected in the local

government institutions.
State Paternalism in Practice

Paternalistic state practices can manifest in the policies and programs for their constituents

and how they treat them. In the case of the Bajau, these policies and programs can be seen in the

CSWDO initiatives to educate them, resulting in a “paradigm shift” in the Bajau lifestyle; the

perspective of the PCG towards the Bajau; and the coastal road project of the government that

displaced some Bajau.

Policies and Programs

Paradigm Shift

...hatagan nato silag pag tulunan ug iempower nato sila. So mao na ang atong pamaagi sa atong
paradigm shift sa ilahang kinaiya para maging parehas nato nga mga gitawag nato ug may igong
kaalam na mga tao.

This statement from a CSWDO worker points out how there is a need to change Bajau

culture and a paradigm shift is needed to modernize. The CSWDO Educational Assistance and

Capacity Building programs are the possible ways for this shift to happen. This is a trace of the

sphere of authority and knowledge as pointed out in the coloniality of power For many Bajau

within 23-C and Matina Aplaya, many of the working adults are ‘no read no write’ or have a

limited reading ability. Not being able to read and write contributes to the discrimination the Bajau

experience as they are considered part of the lowest sector of society. A Bajau pastor and

community leader points out how being ‘no read no write’ puts the Bajau at a disadvantage getting

government documents and fishing licenses as they feel discriminated against. The lack of

education is considered one of the reasons why sources of income are limited to fishing and shoe

selling on the street. The statement from the CSWDO worker has traces of sentiments similar to

the colonizers of the past. They are aiming to make a culture they perceive as less similar to them.

The goal of having a “paradigm shift” for the Bajau neglects the generalized uniqueness of Bajau
culture in Davao City, favoring modernization and Western education. Bajau culture has also been

stereotyped as being connected to begging and uncleanliness. This overgeneralization has

influenced the state’s agents' views towards them. It has resulted in attempts to change their way

of life to fit life in the city through education and government initiated seminars. Although

providing education is not necessarily malicious in any way, their aim is to change the Bajau way

of life completely.

Citing work by Banya, we see traces of colonial influence from that past. When colonizers

occupy a territory, they also occupy the minds of the colonized by trying to educate them to fit

their status quo. Colonial education systems reinforced colonial standards and norms that

acculturated and assimilated individuals within a Western-centric framework of thought and

practice. Education was also a way to get the colonized on the side of the colonizers by educating

the youth with the ‘master’ language. Another effect of Western based education is the creation of

a dichotomy between educated and “uneducated”. The researchers argue that this is one of the

processes of the colonial matrix of power that reproduces paternalism towards the Bajau through

education.

Maritime Policies Affecting the Bajau

Government agencies impose protocols that help regulate and monitor the actions of the

Bajau for social order and their safety. An example of these would be the Philippine Coast

Guard’s policy, the HPCGG8 SOP NR 04-13 Guidelines on Movement of Vessels During Heavy

Weather. Essentially, the PCG policy imposes strict compliances and guidance for seafarers to

refrain from sailing when the weather is not in good condition. The policy may not be directly

imposed towards Bajau sailing, however, they are affected by it. Perceived Bajau lack of
comprehension and rational thought on what is happening in the sea prompted the PCG to develop

a paternalistic view through the strict imposition of local maritime policy.

The protocols imposed by the PCG resulted in a paternalistic attitude, for they perceived

that Bajaus could not survive in the seas during heavy weather when they did fishing activities.

Paternalism is also evident in the PCG's actions since it reflects a parent-child relationship with

Bajau that reflects Bajau's incapabilities. Furthermore, the local government's imposition to the

Bajau activities is characterized by their misconception that Bajau's lack of knowledge in tides and

currents poses a threat to their safety in the seas. The local government provided a cellphone to

the Bajau to communicate with them quickly when they were in danger. However, historically

speaking, the Bajau are sea nomads that know how to navigate themselves in the sea without

intervention from others. Hence, the underlying reason for the intervention of the local government

to the Bajau is for their interest and the civil society's order.

Impacts of the Coastal Road

The influence of colonialism in the current government institutions has resulted in state

paternalism which affected the Bajau. The government implements projects with the aim of

providing beneficial results for the country and its citizens. The coastal road project as part of the

“Build, Build, Build” program of the administration, aims to lessen the traffic in Davao City and

for economic growth. However, as a result of state paternalism, there are instances where liberties

of individuals and/or groups are restricted. Some Bajau in Barangay Matina Aplaya in Davao City

are one of the victims of this state paternalistic attitude. The ongoing coastal road project in Davao

City has displaced eleven Bajau households. They were not provided with a relocation site but

instead only fifteen thousand pesos per household, which is actually not enough to cover the needs

of the affected Bajau.

 Furthermore, another striking concern regarding the issue is the lack of planning from the

government, not on the construction of the coastal road but on what to do with the affected

households. In the government’s point of view, the coastal road project is deemed beneficial to us

and thus should be implemented. However, the government’s lacking to include the displaced

Bajau community in their planning process, specifically the relocation area of the Bajau. This

caused the Bajau to be in a difficult position, where they do not have a choice since according to

a representative from a NGO catering to the Bajau, their expression are “pero balaod” (but it’s

the policy) and “gobyerno man ni gikan” (it came from the government). Since the Bajau felt

disappointed and against the project, the government then decided to release cash subsidiaries

given to them. The action of the government turns out to be a paternalistic attitude, where in order

to silence the Bajau, they asserted certain dominance and a compensation.

Treatment of Bajau

Practices of paternalism can be seen in how the local government of Davao City treats the

Bajau. The local government’s missed opportunities to verify Bajau’s preferred identity in Davao

City reflects the local government’s lack of confidence with the insight of Bajau regarding not

only the policies and programs implemented, but even in Bajau's own choice for representation.

Furthermore, the local government’s paternalistic presence in the affairs of the Bajau affects

Bajau’s intertribal relations.

“Badjao” as a misnomer

The unfair treatment given to the Bajau is earliest seen in the inaccurate use of their name

as a collective. The misnomer which is commonly used to refer to the Bajau is “Badjao.” This

naming has led to connotations of their identity and has been, for years, associated with lack of

discipline, mendicancy and uncleanliness. To some extent, non-Bajau people use the phrase, “dili
na sila Badjao, Goodjao na sila'' in a poor attempt to raise the spirit of the seafaring group. The

phrase does not add value in setting the stage for the Badjao as it does the opposite. The Bajau

prefers to be called Bajau, without a “d”, insisting that this is the name they use to associate and

identify with Bajau in Malaysia.

Intertribal Dynamics

In most situations, the unequal treatment and the dissimilarity in the accommodation given

to the Bajau pronounce lexicons of paternalism and discrimination. An instance of local

government showing these attitudes and practices was during the disinfection incident in Brgy. 23-

C. Disinfecting high-risk areas, in accordance with COVID-19 protocols, were ordered for Brgy.

23-C in which the Tausug were allowed seamless entry in the area despite exposure beyond the

community area. On the other hand, the Bajau, who came along with the Tausug, were asked to

gather in the community gym to be sprayed with hose water, which was romantically termed as

“disinfection.” To add to this discussion, the disparity grows even larger because of the limited

acknowledgement of Bajau needs and concerns, even with a Bajau deputy mayor in place. The

local government grouped Bajau along with the Sama so, even with a legal position recognized by

the local government, Bajau representation remained trivial. The Bajau representative is seldom

acknowledged during official meetings and recognition closed in on the Sama deputy mayor, who

gatekeeps and holds Bajau back from their desires for recognition. Although there are no city

ordinances stopping bajau movement during the first months of the Covid-19, barangay officials

of 23-C opted to bar the bajau from leaving their community. This barring the Bajau movement

can be linked to Legal Paternalism as barangay official authority is being used to keep them in

their community as an act that will be “for their own good”.

 The colonial act of viewing the colonized as unfitting of basic rights and/or privileges runs

on the unequal treatment given to the Bajau in Davao City. The extent of this colonial act has

become so multi-layered as Bajau not only receive unequal treatment from the general population,

but from other indigenous tribes as well. The coloniality of power that influences the dynamics

between indigenous groups within the city is carried on by paternalistic attitudes and practices

exercised by the local government towards the Bajau. The colonial lens used to view the Bajau

incites paternalism which in turn, feeds and perpetuates the coloniality of power. The Bajau then,

is situated in a vicious colonial cycle.

Western Framework of Knowledge Approach

The establishment of Colonialism has shaped and influenced the socio-political and

economic landscape of countries that ensured European domination over structures and systems.

The colonization process has involved establishing nation-states, distinct territorial boundaries,

and political institutions that inherent power differentials. Furthermore, Colonialism has created

binaries that separated people into different categories based on their importance and value, which

segregated society. Moreover, these colonial binaries contributed to the "othering" of Non-Western

discourses and productions of knowledge. The supremacy of Western knowledge production

became the "standardized formula" in creating laws, policies, and other state's instruments (i.e.,

Philippine Government and the Local Government Units). The colonial experience enforced a new

world order that challenged the culture, structure, and ways of life of ethnic groups such as the

Bajau. Wherein, this greatly influenced the discourse present in contemporary society and the

delegitimization of indigenous knowledge.

The Knowledge Approach mainly focuses on linguistic and mathematical intelligence that

values objective reality and validity. This approach rejects the metaphysical realm as a source of
knowledge, undermining indigenous ways of knowing, practices, and traditions. Moreover,

the knowledge approach tends to be reductionist, contrasting with the holistic view of indigenous

knowledge that emphasizes the interconnectedness of all things. Also, it essentially delegitimizes

indigenous ways of knowing as savages, primitive and superstitious. The dominance of ways of

knowing in academies and global social relations should not undermine the value of indigenous

knowledge for continual community existence in a particular indigenous context and pave the way

for the intersectionality of ideas and knowledge in policies and practices.

Westernized Educational System

State practices and policies were enacted by the local government of Davao and its

institutions to address Bajau's concerns that exhibit paternalism. Practices such as enforcing the

necessity of education and literacy as a tool for social progress and indicative of high social

standing in society put pressure on uneducated people. In the case of the Bajau in Davao City,

institutions regard the Bajau as primitive, uncivilized, ignorant, and illogical because they lack

adequate education. According to a CSWDO worker, Bajau's inability to read and write has led to

their discrimination and classification as members of society's lowest strata. Furthermore, Bajau's

illiteracy has prevented them from obtaining required paperwork that would help them raise their

social standing and gain employment prospects. The underlying paternalistic tendencies that these

practices exude are linked to the coloniality of power and its existing structures and systems.

The Western educational system was a method used by the Europeans to foster and further

promote the ideology of Eurocentrism. Furthermore, this educational system created and promoted

a more organized society that encouraged economic prosperity and development. The effect of

education on civic engagement is the structural positioning of an individual in society and

occupational vantage. Education is essential in shaping an individual's capacity to contribute to the

betterment of society through respecting rights, rules and regulations, and the law as defined by

Western ideas. Moreover, the Western educational system provided the basis for legitimate and

objective knowledge known to society. However, it repressed non-Western sources of knowledge

production and created a mechanism of social exclusion.

The imposition of Western education systems maintained and reinforced colonial standards

and norms that acculturated and assimilated individuals within a European framework of thought

and practice. Although education was deemed a necessity for modernity, there is an underlying

dark side to which indigenous communities are dominated by a system of power that marginalizes

them in different sectors of society and life. The Western educational system used knowledge as

an instrument of power to subvert and dominate indigenous populations through cultural/racial

division and alienation. Moreover, the Western educational system produced discourses that

constructed identities and discrimination against those who lack education. Those who cannot read

and write are marginalized and considered backward, uncivilized, ignorant, and part of the lowest

sector of society. Hence, illiterate people cannot think for themselves and have analytical decision-

making skills. Moreover, the Western education system imposed strict compliance to Western

ideals that forced indigenous people to lose their traditional knowledge and value systems. The

colonial attitude of superiority and scientific racism classified indigenous peoples' knowledge as

inferior, irrelevant, and superstitious in this modern world.

With this, the colonial discourse continues to be reproduced through educational

institutions that impose the Western ideals of education and literacy, marginalizing indigenous

people. Furthermore, the western educational system's standard that an individual should have the

ability to read and write has led Bajau to be rejected in society and further victimized. The

coloniality of power provides structures and systems that are deemed as definite and absolute in
ways that undermine the perception of Bajau and their ideals. Hence, educational institutions

perpetuate the necessity of education and literacy, which the local government of Davao adapts

through its paternalistic state practices.

Western Framework on Philippine Laws

The paternalistic practices of the state can also be derived from the laws which are

influenced by the coloniality of power. Laws are crafted and implemented in order to maintain

order, establish legal standards, resolve disputes, and protect individual rights and liberties.

Furthermore, laws guide the state policies, programs, and practices. However, laws may tend to be

paternalistic due to Western influence which results in the restriction of liberty or autonomy of

individuals.

The current legal system of the Philippines is a result of the centuries-long colonization by

different foreign nations. It is a combination of customary usage, civil law (Roman) and common

law (Anglo-American) systems. Civil law governs “family relations, property, succession, contract,

and criminal law,” whereas common law statutes and principles govern “constitutional law,

procedure, corporation law, negotiable instruments, taxation, insurance, labor relations, banking,

and currency.” In some parts of the Southern Philippines Islamic law is observed. This blending

of different legal systems arouse as a result of the fourteenth century immigration of Muslim

Malays and the subsequent colonization of the islands by Spain and the United States.

Currently, our national laws are referenced from the Constitution, statutes, treaties and

conventions, and judicial decisions. The Constitution is a written instrument that sets forth the

fundamental powers of the government and how these powers should be administered among the

several departments or branches to ensure safe and useful exercise to benefit the people. Statutes,

on the other hand, are laws created by a legislative body like the Philippine Congress (Senate and
House of Representatives)…..wherein its content is more specific that the Constitution and

addresses specific problems in society. Treaties and conventions are formal agreements between

two or more countries that have the same force of authority as legislative enactments. Lastly,

judicial decisions are determinations by the Supreme Court wherein these legal instruments bear

the same power with that of statutes and addresses issues to which they apply or interpret. These

legal documents serve as norms of conduct of the government and the citizens, help in maintaining

order, make the government transparent and accountable, and set out rights of the people, with the

Constitution as the highest law of the land. However, despite the benefits these modern legal

documents provide, it cannot hide the fact that it also displaced most customary and indegenous

laws, which in fact existed before the arrival of the Western colonizers. The current laws have a

little correlation with the cultural and ethnographic characteristics of the indigenous or traditional

Philippines.

The Philippines is home to 110 indigenous groups and 14-17 million Indigenous Peoples

(IPs) indigenous individuals. These peoples were already settling here in the country prior to the

arrival of colonizers and they also have their own way of governance. The introduction of the now-

established national laws completely displaced these customary and indigenous laws, as well as

its ethnic-cultural values. This is evident in the way our country's colonizers (Spain and America)

established their legal systems in the Philippines. In their colonial empires, colonialist Spain

established a State system as their administration mechanism. The imperialist United States, on

the other hand, used a neocolonial State framework as their legal framework. As a result, basic

native ideas about rights, obligations, and modes of dispute resolution were displaced and were

not given systematic consideration.

 Although the Constitution states, “recognition and promotion of the rights of indigenous

cultural communities” and “protection of their ancestral lands to ensure their economic, social and

cultural well-being,” The formulated law for the indigenous peoples in the Philippines is based on

Western ideas. The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) of the Philippines is consistent with the

policy and principles of International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 169 and United

Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Thus, bearing Western

concepts instead of those that are of the indigenous people; the provisions of the law are

contradictory to customary laws. Most common issue with the law is the concept of land ownership

wherein it is regarded as the same with private ownership. This is because of the issuances of

Certificate of Ancestral Domain Titles (CADTs) and Certificate of Ancestral Lands Titles

(CALTs) which is strongly linked to Regalian Doctrine, a Spanish colonial law implying that all

public lands belong to the State. However, concerning the Bajau, the IPRA is problematic as it

mainly focuses on the ancestral domain of land based indigenous peoples. The Bajau being sea

nomads and resettled indigenous peoples are struggling with the domain of their own.

Western Governance Structure

The formulation of the Philippine Governance was influenced by western concepts of

governance and thus, the practices of the state local governance and policy-making embodies

paternalism. The colonial practices present in the current local political body in Davao City shows

the incompatibility between western-style and indigneous forms of governance. Thereby, the

Bajau form of governance is indifferent with what is deemed rightfully and lawfully correct for

the colonial-influenced government structure. In this case, the colonial practices of the local

government of Davao exhibit paternalism through the imposition of having the need to establish

an organized tribal council, and a credible leader of the community to influence the governance
system of the Bajau. In this way, the Bajau community would be more organized and would

promote an effective dialogue with local government officials and institutions that will provide the

Bajau with better agency.

As what the researchers stipulated from the NCIP interview, the Bajau in Davao City lack

a distinct culture which hinders them from establishing a unified tribal council that will represent

them more appropriately. The absence of a tribal council hampered Bajau's ability to engage with

the local government to solve concerns and issues presented by the Bajau. Conversely, the local

government collaborates with other major tribes in the city since they have a formal tribal structure

and representation. The underlying paternalistic tendencies that these local government practices

exude are linked to the coloniality of power and its existing structures and systems.

The government structure of the Philippines was patterned after a Western democratic

system that divided its power into three branches, namely executive, legislative, and judicial. The

separation of powers ensured that government responsibilities would not be concentrated in a

single branch to prevent abuse of power. Aside from the three national branches, the political

structure of the Philippine government (based on the Spanish Colonial Government) expanded in

the local region through the establishment of the provincial government, municipal government,

and the city government. Under these local government units, there are pueblos or towns, city

council, barrios or barangay, and local leaders such as the barangay captain and city mayor.

However, the legal system developed a hierarchy that centralized power in the national

government agencies.

When the Western powers colonized the country, it eradicated the pre-existing structure of

government created by the ethnic and indigeneous people. The effects of introducing new forms

of administrative political structure is detrimental to the IPs since it subjugated their culture,
identity, beliefs, ideologies, and particularly, their indigenous customary laws which had existed

before the arrival of the colonizers. The Philippines was inhabited by different tribes and ethnic

groups that were ruled by a “datu/raja '' or “pangolo”. For the Westerners, they believed that an

effective and good government should have a structured system — leadership, political parties,

branches of the government and other forms of political authority. Thus, the Westerners considered

the pre-colonial structure of government as informal, folk and non centralized without having

proper agencies. There was a need to centralized power and create formal structures so that

Westerners could easily dominate indigenous people and solidify their power in the country.

Furthermore, the establishment of a single political and religious authority and the centralization

of power paved the way for the unification of the Philippines’ major islands.

With this, the colonial local government practices continue to be reproduced through

political institutions that impose the Western governance structure, excluding Bajau from political

decision-making and dialogue. Institutions undermined the Bajau and disregarded their concerns

and appeals due to the absence of a proper governing body representing them. Therefore, the Bajau

communities have difficulties to regulate themselves because traditionally the Bajau lacked parish

organization, they had no formal representation in the state other than through their patrons. This

in return, posed a responsibility (with a paternalistic atttiude) for the local government to oversee

Bajau political organization to make them “civilized.”

Despite these hindrances towards effective dialogue between the local government and the

Bajau in Davao City, the shared desire for peace and willingness to reconcile with each other’s

sentiments can lead to evolving relationships that create significant societal changes. In this way,

the Bajau and the local government unit of Davao have prospects for reconciliation despite
differences in what they envisage for their own future. Hence, a compromise can be made through

effective dialogue and a space for indigenous people in political decision-making processes.

Coloniality of Power and Paternalism

Colonialism left different institutional legacies that reinforced colonial policy and practice,

which created problems regarding the administration and development of countries. The colonial

institutions reproduced colonial discourse that justified their imposition of power to maintain

social order and control over the colonized state. This power comes through the form of control in

the sphere of authority that is being employed and contextualized by the colonized states. An

example of this would be the enforcement of borders, through state forces, and by the creation of

state policies and laws. Furthermore, colonial power maintains order by creating dependency of

the colonized on the colonizer. Through this sense of dependency, the colonized states left them

no other option but to comply and adhere to the institutions. Despite the independence of the

colonized state from the autonomy of Western powers, the colonial discourse continues to be

reproduced in society that produces a paternalistic view towards the colonized.

Institutions formed through the legacy of colonial rule enforce a certain standard and

oversee the subjugation and assimilation of the Bajau to become “socially civilized” and accept

the modern norms. These institutions are Eurocentric and exclusionist that champion European

thought and practice. Furthermore, the institutionalization of Western forms of ruling, legitimizes

the paternalistic view that the local government unit of Davao adapted in their laws, policies, and

ideologies that further marginalizes the Bajau from political decision making and dialogue. With

this, institutions propagate colonial discourse and widely affect the discourse towards the Bajau in

Davao City.
Synthesis

The current state practices and policies that affect the Bajau exercised paternalism due to

its tendency to limit liberty and autonomy of the Bajau. These actions stem from the Western

concepts and ideas that became the guiding principles of both public and private institutions and

agencies in the Philippines that bring forth discourses that distort the image of the Bajau. Academic

institutions follow Western education, national laws are influenced by Western legal systems, and

the way our government acts is patterned after Western form of governance. Thus, the actions of

the people and the government officials and employees are of Western style, influencing their

perception of the Bajau. The Bajau on the other hand are deemed as the “others” for not being

well versed with concepts and ideas. Indigenous knowledge is also viewed as inferior. The

displacement of traditional or native Western concepts and ideas further contributed to the

continuance of colonial discourse resulting in paternalism. Without too much opposing views from

the indigenous peoples due to the displacement, the government was able to justify their superiority

and legitimize their policies and programs thus reproducing a paternalistic view.

CHAPTER III

Bajau through the Colonial Discourse

The researchers argue that the local government discourse portrays Bajau as illiterate,

mendicants, and are vulnerable to marginalization and othering. These discourses are also born

from local government’s perception of the Bajau. The researchers further note that these discourses

are reminiscent of colonial discourses which evolved through time. Firstly, the colonial perspective

adopted by the local government presents the Bajau as illiterates who need education to be

empowered in society. Secondly, the local government’s identification of mendicancy as part of

Bajau culture naturally justifies the colonial discourse that continues to marginalize the Bajau.

Lastly, the state of vulnerability attached by the local government to the Bajau stands parallel to

the colonial worldview, subjecting Bajau to stereotypes and further discrimination.

Bajau Illiteracy Discourse

Interviews with members of the different LGU offices handling the Bajau have given the

researchers insight into the government-Bajau discourse on literacy. The researchers have

observed that the local discourse on the Bajau illiteracy consists of how Bajau literacy rate puts

pressure on the city government’s procedural approaches and how literacy programs should be in

place to educate Bajau. The local government unit of Davao is concerned with ensuring that Bajau

communities acquire legal documents as a standard operating procedure working to provide

protection, opportunities, and legal benefits for the general population. However, because of

Bajau’s illiteracy, the local government found the full implementation of the mandate challenging.

Success in the acquisition of legal documents such as birth certificates alone has been partial. An

officer of the National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP) mentioned how the government

considers Bajau’s illiteracy a hindrance in acquiring necessary documents that aid them in raising

their status in society and securing employment opportunities. Furthermore, a statement by a

CSWDO worker denotes that the Bajau’s lack of capacity to read and write has contributed to how

they are discriminated against and considered part of the lowest sector of society.

To relieve pressure off the government and alleviate the situation, Davao City's local

government uses 4Ps to encourage Bajau to enroll their children in exchange for conditional cash

grants. The Republic Act No. 11310, or the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), extends

education and health endowments, economic opportunities, and rent subsidies to indigenous

people. The program shows the clear commitment of the government to provide social justice to
the most vulnerable sectors of the society through delivering conditional cash transfers to poor

households for a maximum period of seven years. The program is expected to positively impact

Bajau by providing additional cash income to aid in their children’s education and access to

healthcare services. Government workers assigned in the local Bajau communities work in the

field are encouraged to attempt to inject ideologies on education and what it can offer to the Bajau

individual and the Bajau as a collective. Accordingly, the educated Bajau members within the

community are considered to be empowered by the local government; if you are educated, you

have an edge in the society. In the perspective of the state as represented by the local government,

until the Bajau have stripped themselves of the stereotype of being backward, uncivilized, ignorant,

and irrational, literacy programs will continue to encourage education for Bajau to become “more

like us” and become educated.

This government sentiment on literacy can be traced from the European context that highly

regards ‘writing’ and ‘literacy’ as the pinnacle of linguistic achievements. This view from the local

government is corresponding to that of the colonizers, as it similarly dichotomizes literate from

illiterate, creating an “other.” 'Alphabetizing' indigenous languages, then, can be understood as an

''oppression symbolique,'' a symbolic oppression whereby languages are forced into the norms of

an external system and made an object which the colonizers can 'possess'. From the outset, the

'technology of literacy' was used so that it removed language and literacy from the indigenous

peoples and reframed them to fit with a colonial worldview. Therefore, although acts of

encouragement through literacy programs for the Bajau are not inherently malicious, these are

methods of attempting to make the Bajau assimilate to fit the colonial mold as they are seen as

outsiders in a modernizing world. Education thus becomes a tool for integration similar to when it

was used during the colonial period.

 From these statements and observations, the Bajau literacy discourse in Davao City context

seems to have led to further stratification. Literacy and education became a mechanism to

determine the progressive and the transgressive, closing in on the Bajau perceived backwardness

and the government’s obligation to intervene. The illiteracy discourse opens up the Bajau to several

ways of being othered. These include possible exploitation and discrimination since they are

illiterate. Additionally, as observed by the researchers during the interviews, the Bajau with little

to no educational background may lack the confidence to interact with people outside their

communities as they have internalized the othering brought upon them. This may result in the

justification of the paternalistic attitude towards the Bajau stemming from not knowing how to

assert themselves as they lack the empowerment to do so.

Colonialist Hoax of Identity and Characterization

Bajau Mendicancy Discourse

As the researchers have been conducting the study, they have noticed an indirect discourse

between the Bajau communities, the local government of Davao City, and national agencies based

regionally. The government agencies seem to have put the Bajau identity in a secluded box, about

“mendicancy” as part of their culture. On the other hand, the Bajau contest the ability of their

communities beyond this secluded box. However, this discourse regarding the Bajau identity

seemed subtle and indirect. The discussion of this discourse seems only held in policies formulated

by the government and the protests and compliance of the Bajau communities in the said policies.

This discourse is thus named the “Bajau Mendicancy Discourse.” To understand the push-pull

dynamics of the Bajau and the government, specifically in the local government unit of Davao and

the national agencies based in the region, we must understand how both sides view the situation

from their lenses.

 The Bajau in Davao City are often seen in streets, pavements, and roads begging for any

amount of money to support their daily living. Even some Bajau perform on streets using

improvised instruments to produce a unique sound and thus attract the people's attention in

exchange for money. In this sense, there are various ways the Bajau conduct mendicancy to earn

money for their day-to-day needs and necessities. The government somehow framed this practice

of the Bajau as part of their culture.

The Bajau characterization as mendicants is evident in how government employees

perceived this situation, especially as what has been stated by a social worker from CSWDO:

...kining atong ginahimo karon, atong gina implement, dapat bagohon nato ang usa ka
kultura sa Bajau...na sigeg pangayo, or mag salig sa uban. Instead na maghatag ta, ihatag
nato with the education, hatagan nato silag pag tulunan ug iempower nato sila. So mao na
ang atong pamaagi sa atong paradigm shift sa ilahang kinaiya para maging parehas nato
nga mga gitawag nato ug may igong kaalam na mga tao. Musundog pud sla sa atoa kay
kung atong tanawon ang ilahang kultura ug kinaiya, mostly naga pangayo ug nagasalig
jud na sla sa mga pangayo. Ang atoang gobyerno mao nang gintanaw nato karon nga
dapat mausab na ni ilang kinaiya na sge ug pangayo ug mag sge ug street dwelling kay
maski asa ra na sila…

(We aim to change one of the Bajau cultures, which is street begging or relying on others.
Instead of giving them material resources, we educate them so we may empower them.
That is one way of paradigm-shifting so they may become like us who are educated. There
is assurance that the Bajau will follow since they mostly rely on begging. Hence, our
government is focusing on how to change their begging practices and street dwelling since
they roam anywhere.)

This framing of the Bajau is further supplemented by a statement articulated by the provincial
officer of NCIPs Davao:

...Mao bitaw na ang ilang means of survival kay kanang pag pangayo murag mendicancy,
kay wala man silay lain na means to survive. Di man pud sila dawaton og trabaho kay
wala man silay mga grado. Unya pareha ana discriminatory treatment man ang mga
ingon ana, dili ka dawaton kay “Bajau ka” diba. Unya, pero mao bitaw ng we had
difficulty in connecting to them, engaging with them.

(That [mendicancy] is their means of survival because there is no other way for them to
survive. They are also not accepted to any job since they are uneducated. This is an
example of discriminatory treatment; they are not accepted because they are “Bajau.” That
is why we had difficulty connecting and engaging with them.)

However, claiming that begging is part of the Bajau culture is erroneous. As stated by a Bajau
community leader:
 ...kaming mga Bajau, dili gud tanan. Kay kaning mga ubang Bajau mag salig ra, (ang) nag
salig ra sa gobyerno dili kabalo manginabuhi sa ilang kaugalingon...Pero ang uban
mutindog sa ilang paa pero maulaw sila (mangayo)...Pero ang uban mangayo biskang
naay kwarta, naay bulawan, nag sige rag pangayo, di sila maulaw ba. Ang purpose nila
maam ing ani, ang kaulaw di maka patay, ang kagutom maka patay!

(Not all Bajau rely on government aid but only those who do not know how to stand
independently. Those who know how to stand on their own are shy (to beg). Others,
however, are still begging even if they have money, and they are not shy. Their purpose is
this, losing face cannot kill, hunger will).

He further continued:

Kay katong mga Bajau sa una diri...walay pangayo sa kalsada. Wala mi nangayo, karon
lang na, karon lang na na panahona, ni dagan ranag 97’ and 98’. Pero sa katong natawhan
nako na line of 6 (60’s) walay Bajau sa kalsada, mahadlok pa gane sa jeep, karon ang jeep
na ang mahadlok sa Bajau.

(The Bajau before did not beg in the streets. We did not beg, and this only happened starting
97' (1997) and 98' (1998). But during the line of six (60s) there were no Bajau roaming in
the streets, they were even scared of the jeepneys, but now the jeepneys are the ones scared
of the Bajau.)

When asked if they want to change their ways and be provided with source of living by the
government, he said:

Unta, unta. Mao nay pangarap nako na matagaan og livelihood para sa mga Bajau. Maam
mangayo kog pasaylo, ang uban diri senior, 4P’s naa gihapon sa kalsada mangayo dili
kontento ba. Ang 4P’s ang pinaka taas ana 4000, sa isa ka buwan di na maka abot, kung
naa kay pamilya tulo imong anak unya imong bana pa, adlaw adlaw na bugas di jud kaya.

(I hope. It is my dream for us to be provided with livelihood. Ma’am, forgive me, some of
us here are senior (citizens), even with 4Ps, there are still Bajau who chose to beg in the
streets because they have not contended. The highest amount we receive from 4Ps is 4000
(pesos), which is not enough for one month. If you have a family with three children and a
spouse, it is impossible to have rice every day.)

The Bajau believe that their primary source of livelihood, like sustainable fishing, has been

challenging to attain lately. As a result, the marginalization that the Bajau experienced from the

imposed government programs and policies caused them to become mendicants. For them,

excluding the effects of these programs, like establishing MPAs (marine sanctuaries) affecting

their fishing activities, has forced the Bajau into the box of how the government portrays them to

be.
 The Bajau mendicancy discourse reflects one of the strategies that helped the colonizers

impose a direct rule over the colonized through cultural assimilation. The colonizers in this context

are defined as institutions and structures of power that prevailed through the period of Spanish and

American colonialism into the modern period. This strategy seeks to minimize differences between

the colonizer and the colonized by stressing the universality of the colonizer’s culture. The

underlying reason behind this colonizer’s action is their heightened anxiety due to their exposure

to an unknown and thus frightening environment. It could also be due to political pressures. It may

also be what Albert Memmi mentioned as the “colonialist hoax” or characterizing the colonized

as someone they are not. As a result, it restricts the colonized people’s hopes for upward mobility

into individuals rather than coming together in group terms.

The strategy of subjugating cultures through “assimilation” is colonial as it is “often used

in a passive form.” Being passive means that the colonizers are receptive to the colonized, which

justifies their colonial ambitions and situates the colonized to the role of an object. Furthermore,

the colonizers tend to legitimize an ideological value that aims to institute confusion regarding the

means and ends of the relative practices. The success of the “superimposition of metropolitan

structures and processes” depends on how the colonizer makes his “framework of analysis and

action” suitable for the new legal and cultural demands presented by the colonizer.

The legacy of colonialism is present in the current perspective and discourse of the local

government towards the Bajau. Claiming that mendicancy is part of the Bajau culture, wherein it

is not, is a local discourse that is parallel to the colonialist hoax/myth that is (and in this case still

is) supported by a government and judicial system that is established, "fed and renewed" by

colonizers. As a result, this mendicancy discourse further helps the government to have control
over the Bajau. On the other hand, the Bajau felt inferior and felt the need to comply with what is

deemed "socially accepted" in the government's eyes.

The mendicancy discourse resulted in the othering of the Bajau because they are perceived

as not following what is believed to be a modern culture. In this case, the government and the

general public view the Bajau as being helpless and lowest in social stratification, resulting in the

need to help the Bajau. Furthermore, the discourse contributed to the belief that the Bajau have no

distinct culture; thus, there is a necessity to regulate them. An example of this is the Anti-

Mendicancy Law of the Philippines which guides government institutions on dealing with

mendicants but is framed in favor of the government. This law is a manifestation of legal

paternalism which restricts the Bajau way of living. The colonial framework within the law pushes

the Bajau into the minority in which to deter their forced social condition is impossible. This, in

return, made the Bajau assume the given identity to them by the colonial system. Whenever the

Bajau resort to mendicancy — in cases where they have exhausted all their possible means of

income generation — they are arrested by law enforcers as mandated by the law. This somehow

evokes a feeling and an image of being sinful for the Bajau, where they are only doing this to

sustain their day-to-day essentials. Another effect that “othered” the Bajau is when some jeepney

drivers restrict them from riding the jeepney for two reasons: they may end up begging from the

passengers or they cannot pay for the jeepney fare.

Bajau Vulnerability Discourse

In conducting the study, the researchers have uncovered a colonial undertone between the

discourses present between the local government of Davao and national agencies based in Davao

City and the Bajau. The Bajau are perceived as vulnerable and less fortunate in the eyes of the

local government. As an ethnic group, Bajau has established settlements in Davao City and has
adapted to the sedentary lifestyle. Despite settling in Davao City for years, the Bajau are still not

prominently seen in the city's government and formal working sectors. Moreover, there is an

absence of a Bajau leader who is an honorary and formally acknowledged by the local government

of Davao that is inscribed in their legal documents that further stigmatized the Bajau in society.

Dialogue between the Bajau and the local government is inadequate for both display signs of

mistrust and prejudices. Hence, the discourse formed between the local government of Davao and

the Bajau is linked to the colonial discourse established by the legacy of colonialism which is the

"Bajau Vulnerability Discourse."

In the context of Davao City, the Bajau are regarded as one of society's most vulnerable

groups and underprivileged individuals. In a statistical study conducted by Reyes et al., Bajau has

a 61.5 literacy rate, with an average of 4.7 years of schooling. As such, government agencies infer

that the Bajau experience difficulties in acquiring regular employment in the city, such as office

jobs or businesses, as they lack the necessary resources and education required to apply for these

jobs. Thus, the Bajau resort to alternative modes of livelihood such as selling shoes on the streets

and fishing; however, these sources of income are not sustainable all year round and are subject to

limitations. As a result, the Bajau are vulnerable to hunger, malnutrition, and food scarcity.

According to the CSWDO, many Bajau children are malnourished due to food insufficiency and

the inability of parents to obtain employment. Also, there were cases when Bajau children

reportedly died due to the lack of access to healthy and affordable food. These cases imply that the

Bajau are vulnerable to malnutrition, health problems, and unemployment which alarmed the local

government to provide livelihood and health programs for some, but not for all.

Another implication that further positioned the Bajau as vulnerable in the government's

eyes is the community's disorganized governance system. Deriving from the National Commission
on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) provincial representative statement, the Bajau in Davao City are

often viewed as vulnerable since they lack a distinct culture and means to regulate themselves. As

a result, establishing a substantial leadership body (tribal council) in the community is impossible

in the government's eyes. This implies that establishing an organized Bajau community is difficult

since having a permanent leader is out of the picture. Bajau's inability to create a unified tribal

council and leadership body made them more susceptible to discrimination and prejudices. The

absence of a governing body challenged the engagement between the Bajau and the government

to address issues raised by the Bajau. Furthermore, this led to the prioritization of major ethnic

groups in Davao City whenever they appealed to the local government of Davao and were given

necessary resources and aid. A statement by a CSWDO worker indicates that the Bajau as an ethnic

minority are less privileged wherein they receive less recognition, attention, and services than

major ethnic groups in the city. Hence, the local government of Davao is hesitant in recognizing

Bajau as an ethnic group due to the absence of an organized governing body distinct from the

Bajau community.

Difficulties enacting government initiatives and programs intended to assist the Bajau

community in various sectors are compromised due to Bajau's distrust of outsiders. The lack of

trust and engagement of Bajau and the local government delays the necessary services for Bajau's

betterment and welfare. Moreover, the absence of trust between the Bajau and government

prevents an effective dialogue, making the Bajau more susceptible to prejudice, marginalization,

and misconceptions. To add further to this discussion, an anecdote by an epidemiologist revealed

that the Bajau are keen and highly familiar with the few outsiders they trust. As a result, entry

within their local community remains a challenge. The acceptance of programs varies depending

on the level of trust and relationship the outsider has developed within the community. Therefore,
the Bajau are more inclined to establish effective dialogue when the outsider gains the community's

goodwill and builds rapport.

The colonial discourses present between the local government of Davao and national

agencies based in Davao City and the Bajau are rooted in the legacy of colonialism that allowed

the development of societies and cultures in ways that permeated ideas of Eurocentrism.

Colonialism was the catalyst for the social, cultural, and political domination of institutions and

the economic progress of societies. The cultural systems of power dictated the supremacy of

European culture as the standard for modernity and development. The Westerners instilled ideas

and norms in which communities prospered and progressed from a livelihood characterized by a

nomadic lifestyle, followed by agriculture and eventually industrialization. Development has

traditionally been considered as a continuous progression from traditional to modernity, from

backward to advanced. Hence, the structure of Western society became the ideal society that led

to industrialization and modernization. However, this pathway to development established by

Europeans served as the basis for distinguishing civilized and uncivilized societies and perpetuated

marginalization and discrimination on non-Western cultures. Those who deviate from this ‘ideal

society’ are marginalized and are discriminated against.

As a result, this power system established a colonial discourse that reinforced binaries of

cultures either classified as primitive or civilized societies, developed and underdeveloped.

Moreover, those who belong to primitive societies are deemed vulnerable and backward and need

to be transformed to achieve urban culture, paid work, monotheism, monogamy, statelike social

organization, and civilized people's dressing and educational ways of civilized people. The notion

of vulnerability was created because of poor governance, poor development practices, and political

and military destabilization that affects society and individuals. Furthermore, vulnerability refers
to a humans' sensitivity to the danger posed by political, economic, or social situations that

jeopardize their well-being and a community's incapacity to confront, prepare for, and adapt to

threats. Hence, those economically marginalized and who lack necessary resources and capabilities

have been considered the most vulnerable people in society. Vulnerability can therefore lead to the

passive treatment of victims, justifying the action of intervention by concerned individuals. Hence,

the discourse of vulnerability, which is linked to colonial discourse, is evident in the society and

is seen through the othering of the Bajau.

According to CSWDO, a civilized community is an advanced and modern community that

could easily integrate into mainstream society. Moreover, for CSWDO, Bajau is not considered a

civilized community due to a lack of culture and education. The vulnerability discourse contributed

to the perceived view towards the Bajau as vulnerable and less fortunate. The discourse created a

stigma wherein it reinforced a distorted image of the Bajau as helpless and unable to fend for

themselves. Moreover, the discourse posits that the Bajau require necessary intervention and help

to get them out of their unfortunate situation and elevate their social position. As a result, the

continuous application of the vulnerability discourse led to the disdain and contempt towards Bajau

that led to state exclusion and the otherization of the Bajau community. There is a socially

constructed disposition and reality that the vulnerability discourse has developed and continues to

be recreated and instilled in people's minds.

Synthesis

The Bajau experience is unique within the context of the city as it shows how the various

discourses observed are proof of colonial lenses being used on the Bajau. The local government

discourse that emerged from the colonial discourse distorted the depiction and portrayal of the

Bajau in the city. The colonial discourse continues to persist as a tool of Western power used to
legitimize Western dominance over colonized peoples. Colonial discourse, in which identities are

constructed, fosters exclusionist attitudes. In Davao City, the colonial discourse present in local

government's statements consists of Bajau illiteracy, mendicancy, and vulnerability. Moreover,

these statements contain the underlying legacy of colonialism that shaped the view of the society

and thus, contributed to marginalizing the Bajau in every aspect - socially, economically,

politically, and culturally. The researchers have identified the origin and motivation of colonial

discourse in different institutions.

In the discussion, three main discourses emerged from the roots of the colonial discourse

present in Davao's local government. It parallels the colonial worldview of the need for modernity

and rationality. The first discourse is colonial literacy; it discusses how Bajau illiteracy hinders

them from obtaining legal documents, employment opportunities, and a position and value in

society. Moreover, the local government considers the educated in the community to be

empowered; being educated gives you an advantage in society. Furthermore, the second discourse

highlights the colonialist hoax/myth as a legacy of colonialism, which is present in the local

government's misconception of Bajau's mendicancy as part of their culture. The idea of the

colonialist hoax/myth perpetuates characterizing the colonized as someone they are not. This, in

turn, the colonialist hoax/myth is underpinned through the government's legal and judicial

institutions backed up by the colonial discourse. Finally, the third discourse talks about the

vulnerability of the Bajau in which they are viewed as primitive and uncivilized because of the

Western standardized society. Hence, they are considered vulnerable and less fortunate due to lack

of education, employment, a unified governance system, and distrust of outsiders who wish to

assist them. As a result of their vulnerability, the Bajau may be treated passively, necessitating

intervention by concerned persons.

 Therefore, these emerging discourses are linked to the colonial discourse as it perpetuates

a colonial thinking of power relations and dynamics. Colonialism was the catalyst for the social,

cultural, and political domination of institutions and the progress of societies. The systems of

power dictated the supremacy of European culture as the standard for modernity and development.

Consequently, the local government-Bajau discourse contributed to the othering of the Bajau as

illiterates, mendicants, and prone to vulnerability. As a result, this “othering” implied by the local

government of Davao affected the Bajau in proving and presenting themselves as capable of

standing independently.

CHAPTER IV

Bajau Worldview and Culture vs Paternalistic Discourse and Practices

The researchers argue that there are tension points that can be seen as resistances of the

Bajau to the colonizing discourse. The researchers further argue that the resistances are reaction to

the paternalistic attitudes, discourses, and views perpetuated by the local government unit of Davao.

The Bajau act of working around these paternalistic practices, which often enshroud behind the

administrative duties of the local government, is indicative of Bajau resistance. Traces of Bajau

resistance can be seen through their perceptions on the practicality of education and their

sentiments to the limitations imposed by the local government on their fishing activities.

Additionally, it is due to these restrictive fishing policies that the Bajau resort to mendicancy and

continue fishing in designated protected areas in Davao City.

Education and Culture from the Bajau Perspective

There is no divide between the workplace and the home in the Bajau communities of

Barangay 23-C and Matina Aplaya. Because of this fact, when children are grown and capable of

working, they would much prefer earning money over going to school or circumstances push them
to work and financially contribute to their families. The researchers would like to point out that

from the perspective of the Bajau, education is not entirely considered a priority in their day-to-

day context. As children, they are already exposed to work because they see all adults in their

community working or selling, one way or another. The researchers have found out that this

sentiment is shared by a lot of children in the Bajau communities except for a few. One Bajau

child who is currently in the 5th grade shared that it is important for him to continue going to

school “para ma bright” (to become knowledgeable). This statement is a trace of the Bajau youth

embracing modern education. For Bajau women, their priority is getting married. After finishing

up to the 3rd grade, Bajau women would stop schooling to start helping with their parents'

livelihood and to look after their younger siblings. Bajau women usually marry and start to have

children at the age of 16.

Traditionally, the Bajau travel from one place to another in search of the best fishing sites,

trade, and visiting relatives found in distant mooring sites. As seafaring people, the Bajau do not

fit in the category of land-based indigenous people. The Bajau, as defined by a representative of

the Philippine National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), is a disorganized people with

no ancestral lands and , therefore, cannot be considered under the jurisdiction of the NCIP in the

region. They would instead focus on the five recognized indigenous groups of the city. This

representative also stated that the Bajau do not have a distinct culture because of their

“disorganized” nomadic lifestyle. From this exclusion and misguided stereotyping of the Bajau

people, we see traces of coloniality as manifested in the need to categorize peoples. The

categorization of indigenous groups being followed limits organizations such as the NCIP to have

a bias towards groups recognized in the region, leaving unrecognized groups such as the Bajau at
a disadvantage. The Bajau attempt to resist this, as expressed by their community leaders, by

wanting to have proper representation in cultural exhibits and festivals.

From these realizations, delinking can begin. By delinking the Western norms of education,

work, and culture, we better appreciate the Bajau way of life. The Bajau mindset focuses on the

value of work and contributing to their family community. They will do so with or without the

predefined proper education that has been set by modernity. Being a tight knit community of

households bordering the poverty line, the Bajau are keen on gaining income as soon as

possible. In terms of culture, the Bajau in Davao indeed have their own distinct identity. This

identity is far reaching from their origins in Zamboanga, Sulu, and Kota Kinabalu. Although

unfortunately not recognized as part of the indigenous groups of the city, they still want to have

proper representation and share their culture.

Limited Fishing Activities

The establishment of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) is opposed by the Bajau as it affects

their daily source of living. The MPAs as per Department of Agriculture Administrative Order No.

10, Series of 2015 are defined as “...a defined area of the sea established and set aside by law,

administrative regulation, or any other effective means in order to conserve and protect a part of

or the entire enclosed environment through the establishment of management guidelines. It is

considered a generic term that includes all declared areas governed by specific rules or guidelines

in order to protect and manage activities within the enclosed area.” Essentially, MPAs are areas of

the sea where marine biodiversity thrives, scientifically and geographically analyzed by the LGU.

Under the marine protection guidelines, one of the general types of MPAs is the fish sanctuary or

“a designated area where fishing or other forms of activities which may damage the ecosystem of

the area is prohibited and human access may be restricted.” According to a representative from the
BFAR, fish sanctuaries will serve as the breeding areas for fishes as it is home to diverse coral life.

These areas are identified as “no-take zones” for a lifetime to avoid disturbing such areas. He

further explained that the purpose of MPAs is to allow the fishes to propagate and to prevent the

prediction that by the year 2050, there will be more garbage than fish in the ocean. Thus, MPAs

are established to sustain fishing activities.

However, a statement from a Bajau community leader from Matina Aplaya expressed that

fish sanctuaries are somehow against their will because it is very difficult for them to live. Bajau

do not object with the concept of fish sanctuaries, however they find the current number of

sanctuaries excessive. Another sentiment posited by a Bajau leader in Brgy 23-C states that the

Bajau had difficulty accessing their traditional fishing grounds as most of it are now part of

sanctuaries. However, the Bajau still try to fish near the sanctuaries as it is home to abundant

marine biodiversity.

This opposition to fish sanctuaries stems from the Bajau worldview that the sea should be

a free resource without restrictions and demarcation lines. Historically, the Bajau can freely

traverse the sea, seeing it as an open and borderless place. This concept has been adopted by the

Bajau up until this time. A Bajau fisherman expressed that before, they were able to sail for weeks

in different parts of Mindanao, such as Malita, Davao Oriental, and Camiguin. Furthermore, a

Bajau community leader indicated that they want to be able to freely collect fish in the seas, and

that despite the small catch, the Bajau are content to feed their families. Historically, and as part

of their culture, the sea is important because it provides resources for them to live. More

importantly, the Bajau believes in the sustenance that the sea produces. The Bajau believe that

marine resources should be accessed by everyone for they are created by God not just for a certain
group but for everyone. Thus, the establishment of marine sanctuaries by the local government

resulted in challenging situations for the Bajau.

The Bajau resist because their worldview contends the concept of territoriality, as an

indicative of colonial discourse and that of enforced by the government’s policies on marine

territorial seas. Differences between worldviews become apparent and become areas of struggle

when the integrity of the Bajau is threatened by notions of territorial boundaries and demarcations.

As a result, there is a need to delink from the existing colonial discourse perpetuated by the

government institutions through inclusion of silenced discourse (such as the discourse of the

Bajau) in the peripheries and thus, widen the non-Western discourse. Delinking from the Western

concept of marine conservation and protection, specifically about MPAs, would bring about the

Bajau’s traditional ideas and practices of marine conservation. This act of delinking does not

necessarily mean to deviate from the current state practices, but to consider and include the

indigenous practices in policy making. Hence, the contention between Bajau worldview and the

Western-influenced worldview of the state would be impossible when the process of delinking

takes place.

Mendicancy and Vulnerability

The local government views Bajau as a public nuisance that threatens the city's social order.

The Bajau are apprehended for begging, especially near highways and roads with high vehicular

traffic and accident rates. For the sake of social order and to avoid possible mishaps, the local

government imposed ordinances and regulations. The local government asserts that Bajau

mendicancy is linked to their cultural identity and that Bajau is inherently dependent on the

government for their needs. Hence, the local government asserts authoritative measures to counter
Bajau's behavior. Moreover, the local government continuously regulates and monitors the

activities of the Bajau for public order, safety, health, and disease prevention in the city.

However, the Bajau worldview contends the local government’s assertion of dominance

over Bajau culture by expressing that their resort to mendicancy is a result of their displacement.

According to Pastor Delmar, the Bajau didn't start begging in the streets until ‘97 and ‘98. Prior to

that, particularly during the 60s, there were no Bajau roaming in the streets, and they were even

scared of the jeepneys. Therefore, the claims that Bajau mendicancy and dependency is inherent

to Bajau since they are nomadic is untrue. This data conditions the discourse of the local

government that needs to be delinked from that of the colonial discourse. The Bajau, as a seafaring

people, hold the belief that the sea is free for all and so government restrictions on Bajau fishing

activities has, in fact, led Bajau to roam the streets and beg in order to survive and provide for their

daily necessities. The data gathered presents an understanding of the reality of Bajau's experiences

in urban cities, especially how and why they resort to mendicancy to provide for their daily needs.

The decolonial approach, then, provides an interpretation on Bajau's mendicancy and vulnerability

against that of the local government’s romanticized attribution of mendicancy to Bajau nomadism.

The decolonial approach, then, provides a different interpretation on Bajau's actions and

resistances. The approach uses delinking to have a better understanding of the worldview and thus,

it presents alternative discourses that are not based solely on Western discourse and analysis. For

that reason, the contention of both worldviews would be consolidated through the decolonial

approach and in the process of delinking.

Synthesis
 In the current reality in Davao City, the Bajau are occasionally seen in schools, fishing

freely, and thus, mendicancy became their response in limiting their fishing activities imposed by

the local government. In the perspective of the Bajau, education is more of a privilege than a right.

The Bajau mindset prioritizes the value of work in helping to support their family. They will do so

with or without the predefined proper education set by modernity. Moreover, the Bajau are

challenged by the government agencies’ establishment of marine protected areas. They were

traditionally free to fish anywhere; MPAs and close/open seasons restricted that activity. The

Bajau challenge this through clandestine fishing when times are desperate. The Bajau, as a

seafaring people, hold the belief that the sea is free for all. So, government restrictions on Bajau

fishing activities have led Bajau to roam the streets and beg to survive and provide for their daily

necessities. The Bajau worldview contends the local government’s assertion of dominance over

Bajau culture by expressing that their resort to mendicancy is a result of their displacement.

Bajau’s resistances and actions manifested themselves in terms of conflict and

disagreement between the local government and the Bajau are explained through the decolonial

approach that brings forth Bajau’s perspective and difficulties in fitting in contemporary time. The

Bajau have a different worldview that does not conform to the worldview of the local government;

thus, there are times that the Bajau have difficulty “fitting in.” While the same also applies to the

local government in dealing with the Bajau.

CHAPTER V

Summary of Findings, Conclusion, and Recommendations

Summary

The researchers assert that these colonial discourses of illiteracy, mendicancy, and

vulnerability aimed towards the Bajau are being reproduced by the coloniality of power. The many
institutions generated these discourses present in the state and also affected the local government

of Davao City. In the local government’s discourses, there is a certain paternalism reminiscent of

the colonial discourses. Contrary to this paternalistic attitude, discourse, and views, the Bajau are

exhibiting resistance, often expressed in these concrete areas. The way the Bajau resists is through

working around the system and finding ways to compromise. Eventually, this contention between

the State and Bajau is essentially the result of colonial discourses. The point of view of the Bajau

would be further brought to light if there is a better understanding of their worldview against the

colonial discourses that try to distort their lifestyle or way of life.

Conclusion

The researchers have drawn three conclusions. Firstly, the local government discourse

which frames the Bajau as illiterate, mendicants, and vulnerable is reminiscent of colonial

discourse. The colonial discourse is present in different state institutions that embody the legacy

of colonialism and the influence of Western productions of knowledge within the local government

of Davao City. The coloniality of power creates different power structures that reveal the dark side

of modernity and silences other epistemic sources of knowledge. Wherein, indigenous sources of

knowledge are considered inferior to that of knowledge produced in and by the West. The Bajau

are situated in the lowest sector of society and are considered vulnerable and uncivilized. However,

because of the colonial institutions, the colonial discourse continues to persist in society and is

supported through the government’s legal and judicial systems.

Secondly, the colonial discourse continues to be reproduced because of institutions that

perpetuate the stated colonial discourse. This can be linked to the paternalistic view of institutions

which reflects on their policies and practices. The mechanism that helps reproduce the colonial

discourse is the coloniality of power that affects the treatment of people towards the Bajau.
Furthermore, it is implied that there is a dominance of Western discourse that undermines

indigenous discourses and knowledge. Hence, the indigenous people’s worldview is subjugated

and marginalized as they are perceived to have no place in modern discourse.

Thirdly, the Bajau resists paternalistic discourse and practices through their continuously

adapting worldview and culture, emphasizing practicality and putting the community first. The

Bajau values practicality and simplicity, compared to the capitalist-influenced culture of getting

an education first, then getting a job and settling down to create a family, a norm which the Bajau

break by often skipping school to start a family at an early age. This value of practicality is also

manifested through contributing to the family even at a young age by selling, fishing, and begging

(which is currently banned by the anti-mendicancy law). Furthermore, The Bajau contends the

local government’s assertion of dominance over them, which has categorized mendicancy as part

of their culture, by expressing that their resort to begging is a result of their displacement and lack

of other sources of income. The increase of marine reservations in the seas surrounding the city

has also been a point of resistance by the Bajau. Seas once open to all have suddenly become

Marine Protected Areas (MPAs). Although the Bajau understand that this is for sustainable fishing,

they still, on more than one occasion, are forced to fish from these no-take-zones for their food or

income.

In the process of reaching these conclusions, the researchers deem the contributions of

Decolonialism a key part in seeing through how colonialism almost invisibly habituates and

recreates itself in state institutions, where Indigenous identity and culture are at cost. The work of

Decolonialism through the process of delinking provided this study a way to separate the

indigenous discourse of the Bajau from the Eurocentric production of knowledge as the primary

way of knowing and validating. Anibal Quijano’s Coloniality of Power provided a means to expose
and see which parts of governing are heavily influenced by Eurocentrism thus showing the link

between local discourses and colonial discourses. It is through the patterning after eurocentric

knowledge, laws, and systems that these colonial discourses are being reproduced. Furthermore,

delinking showed the paternalistic practices embedded in these local discourses which are being

contested and resisted by the Bajau through their adapting to the conditions given by the local

government.

Recommendation

One recommendation for future studies is to focus more on indigenous knowledge as a tool

for decolonizing, wherein indigenous knowledge contributes to the expansion of discourse and

systems of knowledge and understanding. Studies on indigenous people and International

Relations have been too centered on land-based indigenous communities that exclude those

indigenous sea nomads. In order to prevent marginalizing discourses and institutions from

flourishing again and recreate colonialism, there is a need to call the attention of institutions,

especially the local government in the city, to critically look into and understand the multi-

dimensional needs of the Bajau. It is time for researchers to focus on the role of indigenous people

and how such agents can offer insights, solutions, and strategies to the proliferation of non-Western

theories and discourses.

Another recommendation for researchers, particularly those utilizing Quijano’s Coloniality

of Power as their theoretical framework, is to see how coloniality is present in broader national

government policies for other indigenous groups. Moreover, researchers must look at the issue of

the coloniality of power as the motivation for misapprehensions and the constructions of identities

leading to unnecessary paternalism. This is because those who do not conform with the
 Western status quo are often labeled unfairly and subjected to discrimination in society. In reality,

they have a worldview that is distinct and different from ours.

Lastly, the researchers recommend a policy analysis addressing indigenous people's

concerns and needs, particularly the need to re-evaluate the Indigenous Peoples Act to include sea-

based indigenous people and their distinct cultures and worldviews. Furthermore, policymakers

are called to conduct in-depth research and community immersion to gain additional perspectives

on the plight of sea nomads and, consequently, formulate effective laws and policies. With this,

the excluded narrative of the Bajau would be brought to light and be recognized.

Bibliography

Abrahamsson, Erik. “Strategies for Maintaining Culture, Identity and Autonomy in Exiled Badjao, a
Fishing Population without Fish.” Master’s thesis, Lund University, Sweden, 2011.
https://theaquaticape.files.wordpress.com/2010/04/
strategies-for-maintaining-culture-identity-and-autonomy-in-exiled-badjao-a-fishing-population-
without-fish3.pdf (accessed December 22, 2020).

Acciaioli, Greg, Helen Brunt, and Julian Clifton. “Foreigners Everywhere, Nationals Nowhere:
Exclusion, Irregularity, and Invisibility of Stateless Bajau Laut in Eastern Sabah, Malaysia.”
Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies 15, no. 3 (2017): 232-249.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15562948.2017.1319526 (accessed December 18, 2020).

Aoyama, Waka. “Creating Living Space Against Social Exclusion: The Experiences of Sama-Bajau
Migrants in Davao City, Philippines.” Harvard-Yenching Institute WorkingPaperSeries (2016).
https://www.harvard-yenching.org/wp-content/
uploads/legacy_files/featurefiles/AOYAMA%20Waka_Creating%20Living%20Space%20agains
t%20Social%20Exclusion.pdf (accessed December 21, 2020).

Al-Saidi, Afaf Amed Hasan. “Post-Colonialism Literature the Concept of self and the other in Coetzee’s
Waiting for the Barbarians: An Analytical Approach.” Journal of Language Teaching and
Research 5, no. 1 (2014): 95-105. https://www
.academypublication.com/issues/past/jltr/vol05/01/12.pdf (accessed March 7, 2021).

ASEAN Law Association, “Legal System in the Philippines - Historical Overview.”

https://www.aseanlawassociation.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/ALA-PHILS-legal-system-
Part-1.pdf.
ASEAN Law Association, “Legal System in the Philippines - Sources of Law.”
https://www.aseanlawassociation.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/ALA-PHILS-legal-system-
Part-2.pdf.

Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network. “The Vulnerability of Bajau Laut (Sama Dilaut) children in
Sabah, Malaysia.” (2015):2-6. http://www.aprrn.info/1/images/PDF/
Bajau_Laut_position_paper_FINAL.pdf. (accessed December 17, 2020).

Aung-Thwin, Maitrii. Nationalism and Post Colonial Identity in Southeast Asia, Routledge Handbook of
Southeast Asian History, ed. Norman G. Owen (London: Routledge, 2013).
https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.
4324/9780203763117.ch8 (accessed December 20, 2020).

Axelsson, Per. & Peter Sköld. “Indigenous Populations and Vulnerability. Characterizing Vulnerability
in a Sami Context.” Annales de démographie historique, 111 (2006): 115-132.
https://doi.org/10.3917/adh.111.0115.

Ballano, Vivencio O. “History, Politics, Government, and the Constitution in the Philippines: A
Sociological-Juridical Approach.” (2016). https://www.
researchgate.net/publication/317050091_History_Politics_Government_and_the_Constitution_in
_the_Philippines_A_Sociological-Juridical_Approach.

Ban, Natalie C. and Alejandro Frid. “Indigenous peoples’ rights and marine protected areas.” Marine
Policy 87 (2018): 180–185.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.
2017.10.020 (accessed December 27, 2020).

Banya, Kingsley. “Illiteracy, Colonial Legacy and Education: the case of modern Sierra Leone.”
Comparative Education (1993):159–170. doi:10.1080/
030500693029020.

Bankoff, Gregory. “Rendering the World Unsafe: ‘Vulnerability’ as Western Discourse.” Disasters 25,
no. 1 (2001): 19–35. doi:10.1111/1467-7717.00159.

Barnett, Michael N. “International paternalism and humanitarian governance.” Global Constitutionalism

1, no. 3 (2012): 485-521. https://doi.org/10.1017/S2045381
712000135 (accessed March 04, 2021).

Bracamonte, Nimfa et al. “From the Seas to the Streets: The Bajau In Diaspora in The Philippines.”
International Conference on Humanities and Culture (2011): 288. http://ipedr.com/vol20/56-
ICHSC2011-M10061.pdf (accessed December 17, 2020).

Browning, Peter C. “The Problem of Defining 'Indigenous Literacy:' Lessons from the Andes.” Íkala,
Revista de Lenguaje y Cultura 21, no. 3 (2016): 301-312.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/313548667_The_Problem_of_Defining_'Indigenous_L
iteracy'_Lessons_from_the_Andes.

Braun, Virginia and Victoria Clarke. “Thematic Analysis.” In APA handbook of research methods in
psychology, Vol. 2: Research designs: Quantitative, qualitative, neuropsychological, and
 biological edited by H. Cooper, P. M. Camic, D. L. Long, A. T. Panter, D. Rindskopf, & K. J.
Sher, 57-71. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2012.

Capan, Zeynep Gulsah. “Decolonising International Relations?.” Third World Quarterly 38, no. 1
(2017): 1-15, https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2016.
1245100 (accessed December 22, 2020).

Calvet, Louis Jean. La guerre des langues et les politiques linguistiques (Paris: Payot, 1987).
https://www.worldcat.org/title/guerre-des-langues-et-les-politiques-
linguistiques/oclc/318333274.

Chia, Chuah Ee. “Nomadic Marginalities: The Case of Bajau Laut’s Status Within States and Local
Economies in Semporna, Malaysia”. Central European University, 2016.

Chiew, Huiyee. “Bajau Laut: Once sea nomads, now stateless.” Malaysiakini. Last modified May 19,
2019. https://malaysiakini.com/news/476595 (accessed January 30, 2021).

Chowdhury, Mohammad. “Emphasizing Morals, Values, Ethics, and Character Education In Science
Education And Science Teaching.” The Malaysian Online Journal of Educational Science 4, no.
2 (2016): 1-16. https://files.eric.ed.gov/
fulltext/EJ1095995.pdf

Clifton, Julian and Chris Majors. “Culture, Conservation, and Conflict: Perspectives on Marine
Protection Among the Bajau of Southeast Asia.” Society & Natural Resources 25, no. 7 (2012):
716-725. https://doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2011.
618487 (accessed December 16, 2020).

Clignet, Remi. “Damned If You Do, Damned If You Dont: The Dilemmas of Colonizer-
Colonized Relations.” Comparative Education Review 15, no. 3 (1971): 296-312
https://doi.org/10.1086/445540 (accessed September 14, 2021).

Dabtar, Delmar, Bajau Deputy to the City Government. Interview by Meshach Ynigo Abayon, Sean
Apostol, Trisha Mae Mainar, Jazee Lhea Quilla, and Sutrah Maria Ana Uy. Face to face. Brgy.
23-C, Davao City. September 14, 2021.

Matasci, Damiano, et al. “Education and Development in Colonial and Postcolonial Africa: Policies,
Paradigms, and Entanglements, 1890s–1980s.” Global Histories of Education (2020).
doi:10.1007/978-3-030-27801-4.

De la Rosa Reyes, Danilo. “Issues and Problems in Decentralization and Local Autonomy in the
Philippines: A Preliminary Assessment of Impact and Changes.” Journal of Politics and
Governance 6 (2016): 166-184. http://
copag.msu.ac.th/journal/filesjournal/6-
Special%20Issue/130120175022212.Danilo%20de%20la%20Rosa%20Reyes.pdf (accessed
September 13, 2021).

Domínguez, Lara and Colin Luoma. “Decolonising Conservation Policy: How Colonial Land and
Conservation Ideologies Persist and Perpetuate Indigenous Injustices at the Expense of the
 Environment.” Land 9, no. 3 (2020): 1-22, https://doi.org/10.3390/land9030065 (accessed
December 26, 2020).

Donos, Khev. Interview by Zach Abayon, Sean Apostol. Trisha Mainar, Jazzee Quilla, and Sutrah Uy.
Online Interview. August 26, 2021.

Dressler, Wolfram, Sarinda Singh, Helen Brunt, Michael Fabinyi, Greg Acciaioli, and Julian Clifton.
"Statelessness and conservation: Exploring the implications of an international governance
agenda." Tilburg Law Review: Journal of International and European law 19, no. 1-2 (2014):
81-89, https://doi.org/10.
1163/22112596-01902009 (accessed December 22, 2020).

Dworkin, Gerald. "PATERNALISM." The Monist 56, no. 1 (1972): 64-84, http://
www.jstor.org/stable/27902250 (accessed March 03, 2021).

Escobar, Arturo. “Discourse and Power in Development: Michel Foucault and the Relevance of His
Work to the Third World.” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 10, no. 3 (1984): 377–400.
https://doi.org/10.1177/030437548401000
304 (accessed March 04, 2021).

Espinola, Rimo, Social Worker, CSWDO. Interview by Meshach Ynigo Abayon, Sean Apostol, Trisha
Mae Mainar, Jazzee Lhea Quilla, and Sutrah Maria Ana Uy. Google Meet, open-ended
discussion. July 31, 2021.

Feinberg, Joel. “Legal Paternalism.” Canadian Journal of Philosophy 1, no. 1 (1971): 105-124.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1971.10716012.

Feliciano, Myrna S., Agabin Pacifico A., Magallona Merlin M., Sison Carmelo V. “Problems of Law
and Development in the Philippines: Perspectives and Approaches.” Modernization of Laws in
the Philippines 9 (2001). http://hdl.
handle.net/2344/00015158.

Ford, James, Barry Smit, and Johanna Wandel. “Vulnerability to climate change in the Arctic: A case
study from Arctic Bay, Canada.” Global Environmental Change 16 (2006): 145-160.
https://www.physics.mun.ca/~lev/Ford06.pdf.

Frerks, Georg, Jeroen Warner, and Bart Weijs. “The Politics of Vulnerability and Resilience.” Ambiente
& Sociedade 14, no. 2 (2011): 105–122. doi:10.1590/
s1414-753x2011000200008.

Furnivall, John Sydenham. Colonial Policy and Practice.Cambridge University Press, 2014.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107051140.

Garcia-Olp, Michelle. "How Colonization Impacts Identity Through the Generations: A Closer Look at
Historical Trauma and Education." Doctor’s dissertation. University of Denver, USA, 2018.
https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/1487.
Grosfuguel, Ramon. “Decolonizing post-colonial studies and paradigms of political-
economy :Transmodernity, decolonial thinking, and global coloniality.” Transmodernity:
Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the Luso-
Hispanic World 1, no. 1 (2011): 1–37, http://escholarship.org/uc/item/21k6t3fq (accessed
December 23, 2020).

Grosfuguel, Ramon. “Decolonizing Western Uni-versalisms: Decolonial Pluri-versalism from Aime

Cesaire to Zapatistas.” Transmodernity (2012): 88-104. https://
dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3982167.pdf (accessed March 9, 2021).

Hall, Stuart. Cultural Identity and Diaspora, in Transatlantic Literary Studies: A Reader, eds. Susan
Manning and Andrew Taylor (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007).

Hleihel, Mag. Arwa. “Left Outside: The Bajau-Laut of the Coral Triangle Seascape in the Scope of the
International Sustainable Development and Climate Change Agendas Implemented through the
Coral Triangle Initiative.” Doctor’s Dissertation, University of Vienna - Faculty of Law, Vienna,
2020. https://ssc-
rechtswissenschaften.univie.ac.at/fileadmin/user_upload/s_rechtswissenschaft/Doktoratsstudium
_PhD/Expose1/Interdisciplinary_Legal_Studies/Left_Outside-The_Bajau-
Laut_of_the_Coral_Triangle_Seascape_in_the_Scope_of_the_International_Sustainable_Develo
pment_and_Climate_Change_Agendas.pdf (accessed February 4, 2021).

Ingay, Cristito. Provincial Officer, NCIP Davao. Interview by Zach Abayon, Sean Apostol, Trisha
Mainar, Jazzee Quilla, and Sutrah Uy. Google Meet, open-ended discussion. August 31, 2021.

International Labour Organization. “Indigenous Knowledge System and Practices Among Selected
Philippine Ethnic Groups and their Promotion Through Cooperatives” (1995),
https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-
bangkok/---ilo-manila/documents/publication/wcms_542426.pdf (accessed February 17, 2021).

Ismail, Iziq Eafifi Bin. “Spatial Evolution of Sama-Bajau Houses in Coastal Area of Sabah.” Doctor’s
thesis, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Johor Bahru (2018).
http://eprints.utm.my/id/eprint/84062/1/IziqEafifiIsmailPFAB2018.pdf (accessed December 23,
2020).

Joseph, John E. and Talbot J. Taylor. “Introduction.” Ideologies of Language, 1-6. London: Routledge,
1990. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315880341.

Jumala, Francis C. “From Moorage to Village: A Glimpse of the Changing Lives of the Sama Dilaut.”
Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 39, no. 2 (2011): 87-131.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/23719000 (accessed December 20, 2020).

Kayaoglu, Turan. "Westphalian Eurocentrism in International Relations Theory."

International Studies Review 12, no. 2 (2010): 193-217. http://www.jstor.org/
stable/40730727 (accessed March 24, 2021).
Kelly, P.N. and W. Neil Adger. “Theory and Practice in Assessing Vulnerability to Climate Change and
Facilitating Adaptation.” Climatic Change 47, no. 4 (2000): 325–352.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1005627828199.

Keman, Hans. “Structure of Government.” Government and Politics 1 (1948): 1-9.

http://eolss.net/Sample-Chapters/C04/E6-32-02.pdf (accessed September 13, 2021).

Le Grand, Julian, and Bill New. Government Paternalism: Nanny State or Helpful Friend? Princeton
University Press, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.
ctt1287m5r.

Lee, Yong Leng. “The Colonial Legacy in Southeast Asia: Maritime Boundary Problems.”
Contemporary Southeast Asia 8, no. 2 (1986): 119-130. http://
www.jstor.org/stable/25797892 (accessed December 23, 2020).

Levac, Lhea, Lisa Mcmurtry, Deborah Stienstra, Gail Baikie, Cindy Hanson, and Devi Mucina.
“Learning Across Indigenous and Western Knowledge Systems and Intersectionality:
Reconciling Social Science Research Approaches.” Unpublished SSHRC Knowledge Synthesis
Report. University of Guelph. May 2018.

Lopez, Amiel. Founder, Project DYESABEL. Interview by Meshach Ynigo Abayon, Sean Apostol,
Trisha Mae Mainar, Jazzee Lhea Quilla, and Sutrah Maria Ana Uy. Google Meet, open-ended
discussion. July 20, 2021.

Macalandag, Regina Estorba. “Otherizing the Badjao: A Spatial Imagery of State Exclusion and Societal
Otherization.” Master’s thesis, International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University
Rotterdam, Netherlands, (2009). https://
thesis.eur.nl/pub/6686 (accessed December 16, 2020): 17-18.

Madlan, Lailawati Binti, et al. “The Prejudice of Bajau: From Own and Others Ethnic Perspective: A
Preliminary Study in Sabah.” International Journal of Information and Education Technology 4,
no. 3 (2014): 246-247. http://www.
ijiet.org/papers/406-N30001.pdf (accessed December 16, 2020).

Maldonado-Torres, Nelson. “On The Coloniality of Being.” Cultural Studies 21, no. 2-3 (2007): 240–
270. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502380601162548 (accessed December 20, 2020).

Memmi, Albert. The Colonizer and the Colonized. Plunkett Lake Press, 2019.

Mignolo, Walter D. “Delinking,” Cultural Studies 21, no. 2-3 (2007): 449-514.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502380601162647 (accessed March 5, 2021).

Mignolo, Walter D. and Madina V. Tlostanova. “Theorizing from the Borders.” European Journal of
Social Theory 9, no.2 (2006): 132-133. https://doi.
org/doi:10.1177/1368431006063333 (accessed December 26, 2020).
Mignolo, Walter D. “On the Colonization of Amerindian Languages and Memories: Renaissance
Theories of Writing and the Discontinuity of the Classical Tradition.” Comparative Studies in
Society and History 34, no. 2 (1992): 301–30. http://www.jstor.org/stable/178948.

Nagatsu, Kazufumi. “Pirates, Sea Nomads or Protectors of Islam?: A note on “Bajau” Identifications in
the Malaysian Context.” Kyoto University Research Information Repository (2001): 215-218.
http://hdl.handle.net/2433/79972 (accessed December 22, 2020).

Navarro, Erwin Rapiz. “Living by the Day: A Study of the Badjaos in Tawi-Tawi, Southwest
Philippines.” Master’s thesis in Peace and Conflict Transformation, Centre for Peace Studies,
The Arctic University of Norway, (2015). https://
munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/9844/thesis.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y (accessed
December 17, 2020).

Nimmo, Harry. Review of Magosha: An Ethnography of the Tawi-Tawi Sama Dilaut, by Jonathan Best.
Philippine Studies 50, no. 2 (Second Quarter 2002): 294-298.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/42634466.

Nimmo, H. Arlo. “Reflections on Bajau History.” Philippine Studies 16, no. 1 (1968): 32,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/42720573 (accessed December 16, 2020).

Nimmo, H. Arlo. “Religious Beliefs of the Tawi-Tawi Bajau.” Philippine Studies 38, no. 1 (1990): 3–27.

Nimmo, H. Arlo. “Social Organization of the Tawi-Tawi Badjaw.” Ethnology 4, no 4 (1965): 421-439.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3772791 (accessed December 17, 2020).

Nimmo, H. Arlo. “The Sea Nomads: Description and Analysis.” Review of The Sea Nomads: A Study
Based on the Literature of the Maritime Boat People of Southeast Asia, by David E. Sopher,
Singapore, Memoir of the National Museum 5, 1966.

Pagcaliwagan, Stephen. Lieutenant, Philippine Coast Guard. Interview by Zach Abayon, Sean Apostol,
Trisha Mae Mainar, Jazzee Lhea Quillz, and Sutrah Maria Ana Uy. Google Meet, open-ended
discussion. August 17, 2021.

Pagilogon, Habib Social Worker. In Charge of the Bajau Community in CSWDO. Interview By Zach
Abayon, Sean Apostol, Trisha Mainar, Jazzee Quilla, and Sutrah Uy. Google Meet, open-ended
discussion. January 12, 2022.

Pearson, M.N. “The Spanish ‘Impact’ on the Philippines, 1565-17701.” Journal of the Economic and
Social History of the Orient 12, no. 2 (1969): 165-186. https://
doi.org/10.2307/3596057 (accessed September 13, 2021).

Philippine Coast Guard, Memorandum Circular No. 02-2013 Guidelines on Movement of Vessels
During Heavy Weather, by Rodolfo D. Isorena. Memorandum Circular Number 02-13.
https://coastguard.gov.ph/index.php/related-links/12-memo/mc/53-memorandum-circular-no-02-
2013-guidelines-on-movement-of-vessels-during-heavy-weather (accessed December 18, 2020).
Porio, E. and E. Roque-Sarmiento. "Barangay." In The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Urban and
Regional Studies edited by Orum, A. (John Wiley & Sons Ltd., New Jersey, 2019). DOI:
10.1002/9781118568446.eurs0016.

Quijano, Anibal and Michael Ennis. “Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America.”
Nepantla: Views from South 1, no. 3 (2000): 533-580. https://doi.
org/10.1177/0268580900015002005 (accessed December 19, 2020).

Quijano, Anibal. “Coloniality and Modernity/Rationality.” Cultural Studies 21, no. 2-3 (2007): 177.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09502380601164353 (accessed December 18, 2020).

Quijano, Aníbal. “The challenge of the “indigenous movement” in Latin America.” Socialism and
Democracy 19, no. 3 (2010): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/
08854300500258011 (accessed January 21, 2020).

Roxas-Lim, Aurora. “Marine-Oriented Sama-Bajao People and Their Search for Human Rights.” Public
Policy 18 (2017): 60. https://cids.up.edu.ph/wp-content/
uploads/ppj-18-roxaslim-2017.pdf (accessed December 27, 2020).

Saat, Gusni, Rozaliah Mokhtar, and Kasim Mansur. “Diaspora Impact to Indigenous of Sama Dilaut in
Sabah, Malaysia.” Quantum Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 1, no. 3 (2020): 1-12.
http://www.qjssh.com/index.php/qjssh/
article/view/13 (accessed December 15, 2020).

Sacalain, Hanna D. Bajau Representative, Brgy. 23-C. Interview by Trisha Mae Mainar. Phone call.
February 16, 2021.

Sacalain, Hanna D. Bajau Representative, Brgy. 23-C. Interview by Sean Apostol and Trisha Mainar.
Text message. September 17, 2021.

Sopher, David E. The sea nomads. Singapore: Lim Bian Han, Government Printer, 1965. 111-112.

Stacey, Natasha, Dirk J. Steenbergen, Julian Clifton, and Greg Acciaioli. “Understanding Social
Wellbeing and Values of Small-Scale Fisheries amongst the Sama-Bajau of Archipelagic
Southeast Asia.” Social Wellbeing and the Values of Small-scale Fisheries, eds. D.S. Johnson et
al. (Cham: Springer International Publishing, MARE Publication Series 17, 2018), 97–123.

Stacey, Natasha, Greg Acciaioli, Julian Clifton, and Dirk J. Steenbergen. "Impacts of marine protected
areas on livelihoods and food security of the Bajau as an indigenous migratory people in
maritime Southeast Asia." Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts - Papers 3466 (2017).
https://ro.uow.edu.au/
lhapapers/3466 (accessed January 28, 2021).

Stacey, Natasha. Bajo Settlement History, in Boats to Burn: Bajo Fishing Activity in the Australian
Fishing Zone. Canberra: ANU Press, 2007. https://www.jstor.
org/stable/j.ctt24h9b6.1 (accessed December 15, 2020).
Tabada, Cleo. Epidemiologist. Interview By Zach Abayon, Sean Apostol, Trisha Mainar, Jazzee Quilla,
and Sutrah Uy. Google Meet, open-ended discussion. August 19, 2021.

Toohey, Aileen Patricia. “Being Out of Place: Mendicants in Urban Landscapes.” Philippine
Sociological Review 46, no. ¾ (1998): 158-170. https://www.jstor.
org/stable/23898237?seq=1 (accessed January 15, 2020).

Tucker, Karen. “Unraveling Coloniality in International Relations: Knowledge, Relationality, and

Strategies for Engagement.” International Political Sociology 12, no. 3 (2018): 8.

Turner, Bryan. “Vulnerability and resilience: Coalescing or paralleling approaches for sustainability
science?” Global Environmental Change (2010): 570-576.

Ty, Rey. “Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines: Continuing Struggle.” Focus Asia - Pacific 68 (2010):
6-9. https://www.hurights.or.jp/archives/focus/section1/pdf/
Focus62L.pdf (accessed September 13, 2021).

Vaughan, Michael. “After westphalia, whither the nation state, its people and its governmental
institutions?” PhD diss., The International Studies Association Asia-Pacific Regional Conference
(2011): 1-22.

Yakin, Halina. “Cosmology and World-View among the Bajau: The Supernatural Beliefs and Cultural
Evolution.” Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 4, no.9 (2013): 184-194.

Yamahata, Yatana. “Decolonising World Politics: Anti-Colonial Movements Beyond the Nation-
State.”E-International Relations (2019): 1-6.

Warren, Carol. "Consciousness in Social Transformation: The Bajau Laut Of East Malaysia."
Dialectical Anthropology 5, no. 3 (1980): 227-38. http://www.jstor.
org/stable/29790003 (accessed February 12, 2021).

Warren, James. The Sulu Zone: The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the
Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State (Singapore: Singapore University Press,
1981).

Wilson, Kory. Pulling Together: Foundations Guide (Victoria, BCCampus, 2018).

 Appendix A

Interview Guide for Bajau

Bajau Views and Experiences

1. Kumusta ang pamumuhay ng mga Bajau dito sa Davao?

2. Kumusta ang relationship ng mga Bajau sa barangay at sa city government?

3. Sang-ayon ba mo sa approach sa City Gov’t of Davao in addressing your concerns?

4. Para sa inyoha, nganong importante ang dagat sa inyong kultura?

5. Unsa ang inyong mga paniniwala, kultura, o rehiliyon na hantod karon naa pa? (Kadtong

sa una pa, unsa ba inyong gina tuohan na makatabang sa inyoha pang adlaw-adlaw)?

6. Para sa inyoha, nganong importante ang dagat sa inyong kultura? (Why is the sea

important for your culture?)

7. Nakasinati ba mog paglisod pag abot ninyo diri sa siyudad? (Have you experienced

difficulties upon arriving here in the city?)

8. Pag abot ninyo diba diri sa Davao, unsa ang nakita ninyo na pag bag-o sa inyong kultura

or sa inyong pag puyo sa siyudad? (What are the changes in your culture and way of living

that you observed when you moved to the city? )

9. Naa ba moy mga kultura o paniniwala na di sang ayon sa mga gina patupad sa gobyerno?

10. Naka sinati ba mog pangutana sa inyong sarili nganong lahi ang mga tao sa syudad

kumpara sa mga nag dako sa dagat? (Have you wondered about the differences between

people in the city and people in the sea?)

11. Nakasinati ba mog diskriminasyon tungod kay “Bajau” mo?

 Bajau Views on Government Policies

1. Naka hibalo ba mo na naay balaod na gipa tuman ang lokal na gobyerno para sa inyong

komunidad? (Are you aware of any local governmental policies implemented for your

community?)

2. Kung nakahibalo man, kinsa sad ang niduol para mu tabang sa inyoha? (If yes, can you

identify the actors that help and reach out to your community?)

3. Sa naka balo og naka hinumdum, unsa sad na balaod ang inyong na apilan? (For those

who remember, what are the governmental programs that you were able to participate in?)

4. Nakatabang ba sa inyong kahimtang ang balaod na gipa mandu sa lokal na gobyerno?

(Did the implemented local policies help your community in any certain way?)

5. Kung nakatabang man, sa inyong panan-aw kinsasing-kasing ba kini nga pagtabang sa

gobyerno sa inyoha? (If yes, do you think that the initiatives of the local government are

genuine and heartfelt?)

6. Kung tinuod man, unsa sad na mga benepisyo ang inyong nadawat gikan sa gobyerno? (If

indeed genuine and true, what benefits did your community receive from the local

government’s initiatives?)

7. Wala ba mo naka bati pag lisod pagka human sa hinabang na gi hatag sa gobyerno? (Did

you still experience any difficulty after receiving help from the government?)

Bajau Views on Livelihood

1. Unsa sad na mga balaod ang naka tabang sa pag sustento sa inyong pangadlaw na

kinahanglan? (What are the local provincial policies that help sustain your daily essential

needs?)
2. Kung wala moy nadawat na hibanag gikan sa gobyerno, unsa ang inyohang ginabuhat o

trabaho aron maka kaon og maka kwarta sa isa ka adlaw? (Aside from government aid,

what are your other daily sources of income?)

3. Unsay rason nganong ni undang mog panagat o kanang mu puyo sa lansa? (What are the

factors that stopped you from fishing or living in boats?)

Bajau Views on Education

1. Para sa imoha/inyoha na mga batan-on, naga eskwela ba mo? (For those teenagers, are

you studying?)

2. Kung oo, unsa para inyoha ang eskwelahan og nganong kailangan maka tu-on? (If yes,

what is school for you and why is it important to study?)

3. Kinsa sad nag ingon na kinanghalan muskwela? Inyong Inahan og Amahan? (who told

you that you needed to go to school? Was it your mother or father?)

4. Kung ni eskwela man mo, unsa inyong natun-an? (If you attend school, what have you

learned?)

5. Ngano daghay dili ganahan mag eskwela?

6. Nganong naay dili ka eskwela?

7. Ganahan unta ka mag skwela?

8. Nganong dili ka ka eskwela?

9. Importante ang pag eskwela sa imo?

10. Asa nimo na natunan? Naay naga ingon sa imo nga importante mag eskwela? Ngano daw?

Bajau Views on Documents, Registrations, and Fees

1. Para sa imo, kinahanglan ba ang mga papeles?

2. Ngano wala kay birth certificate?

3. Unsa ang malisdan nmo sa proseso sa pag kuha ug birth certificate?

Bajau Governance

1. To member of the community:

2. Kinsay gina sunod ug gina tuohan ninyo?

3. Naa moy ginatuohan dri?

4. Masunod ba ninyo perme ang mga gina mando sa inyong leader? Nganong dili?

5. Pantay-pantay lang ang Bajau?

To leaders:

1. How do you maintain order?

2. Unsa kasagaran ang ginabadlong nmo sa Bajau community

members?

3. Unsa ang struggles nimo sa pagpasunod sa Bajau members?

Bajau Views on Medical Intervention

1. Ganahan mo sa mga health workers na tig anhi sa inyo dri? Nganong dili man?

2. Asa gikan inyong mga kahadlok sa mga bakuna ug doctors?

3. Naa moy salig sa doctors? Or naa mo lain na mga pamaagi para tambalan inyong mga

ginabati na sakit?

Bajau Discrimination

1. Naa diba moy lain pamaagi para manginabuhian? Unsa inyong panginabuhian (source of

income)?

2. Uyon mo anang gina ingon sa uban nga naga salig ramo sa gobyerno? Na sige ramog

panlimos?
3. Tinuod ba na? Gusto ninyo mabago na?Ganahan mo anang ginaingon sa uban nga dili mo

BADjao kay GOODjao mo? Nadungog na na ninyo? Kay kinsa pud?

Bajau Displacement and Mendicancy

1. Kung walay tig roving, ug bantay dagat, mamaligya ba mog sapatos ug ukay ukay o

manglimos?

2. Kung wala ang giyera sa Zamboanga, mamalhin kaya mog lain lugar?

Bajau Views on Sea and Sanctuaries

1. Ngano importante ang dagat sa inyoha?

2. Unsay tanaw or opinion ninyo sa pag buhat og sanctuaries na sa una wala man?

3. Naka hatag ba og pag lisod sa inyohang pag pangisda kay naa nay sanctuaries?

4. Mugsugot ba mo anang pag implementa og santuaries, ngano?

5. Sang ayon ba mo maam na naay gina close na areas na or bawal adtoan sa dagat labi ng

mga sanctuaries?

Appendix B

Interview Guide for LGU and Concerned Government Agencies

General Questions

1. Unsay nag motivate sa inyoha para buhatan og balaod ang mga Bajau? (What motivated

the local government to impose policies on the Bajau community?)

2. Unsa inyong panan-aw o hinati sa sitwasyon sa mga Bajau or sa mga Bajau

mismo? (What is your impression of Bajau's situation? Or the Bajau in general?)

3. Naa bay panahon nga nag lisod mo sa pag implementa ni ining mga balaod para sa Bajau

community? Ngano? (Were there instances that you found it difficult to implement

programs and policies for the Bajau community? Why?)

4. Para sa inyoha, unsa ang kinahanglan na tabang sa Bajau community or mismo ang mga

Bajau gikan sa gobyerno? Og unsay kalahian sa ilang kinahanglan sa ubang

community? (What kind of help from the government do you think the Bajau/Bajau

communities need? How different are their needs from other communities?)

For CSWDO - City Social Welfare and Development Office

1. As a social worker, unsa ang mga programa/projects na gi implementa ninyo para sa mga

Bajau? (follow up question: long term or short term?)

2. Sa pag implementa sa inyong programa/proyekto, asa ba ni gikan na mando? Sa local

government of Davao or sa national?

3. In your observation, unsa ang reaction nila regarding sa inyong pag tabang?

4. Naa bay panahon na naluoy mo sa ilaha habang naga tabang sa ila?

For BCCAD - Barangay & Cultural Communities Affairs Division

1. What is Bajau empowerment?

2. Why do you think dili kaya sa Bajau mutindog sa ilang sariling paa?

3. Aware mo na gusto nila ma separate group from Sama? Unsay ginabuhat ninyo to address

this?

4. Do you mind sharing government documents, city ordinances, or anecdotes about Bajau?

For BFAR - Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources

1. What are fish sanctuaries, close and open seasons?

2. Kaning mga konsepto sa close season, mga MPAs (Marine Protected Areas), base ni siya

sa Western study from Western sciences? Or unsa bay basehan sa mga researches mismo?

3. Regarding sa mga Bajau, naa ba moy plano or unsa inyohang strategy para sa ilaha para

maka fish sila sa mga ing ana na lugar (kanang mga indigent groups)?

4. Ginaunsa ninyo pag regulate or kinsa ga enforce aning MPA?

5. Ang BFAR sir naa moy programs or policies na para sa Bajau or IPs in general?

6. Regarding the marine protected areas po, once ma implement sila, unsa ba na sila kadako,

and does it expand, gina expand ba na siya throughout the years, or from the moment na

ma implement siya same lang gihapon ang kadakoon sa area?

For PCG - Philippine Coast Guard & Dr. Cleo

1. Have you had any encounters with the Bajau?

2. What do you think is your relationship/role/duty when it comes to the Bajau? How is your

relationship with the Bajau?

3. Have you ever felt that you contribute to the discrimination of the Bajau in anyway? If yes,

How?

Appendix C

Interview Guide for NGO

1. Unsay nag motivate sa inyoha para buhatan og balaod ang mga Bajau? (What motivated

the local government to impose policies on the Bajau community?)

2. Unsa inyong panan-aw o hinati sa sitwasyon sa mga Bajau or sa mga Bajau

mismo? (What is your impression of Bajau's situation? Or the Bajau in general?)

3. Naa bay panahon nga nag lisod mo sa pag implementa ni ining mga balaod para sa Bajau

community? Ngano? (Were there instances that you found it difficult to implement

programs and policies for the Bajau community? Why?)

4. Para sa inyoha, unsa ang kinahanglan na tabang sa Bajau community or mismo ang mga

Bajau gikan sa gobyerno? Og unsay kalahian sa ilang kinahanglan sa ubang

community? (What kind of help from the government do you think the Bajau/Bajau

communities need? How different are their needs from other communities?)

5. Suitable ba o tugma ang current approach sa City Government of Davao sa pag address sa

concerns sa Bajau (based on your experience)

6. As an NGO specifically attending to the Bajau of Davao City, why do you think Bajau-

LGU collaboration remains a struggle?

7. In your observation/s, what are the similarities and differences in terms of how the Bajau

receive help from NGO and from LGU?

8. How do NGOs influence/affect policy-making decisions of the LGU and vice versa? How

does this relationship affect the Bajau?