Menon of Thessalian

Menon of Thessaly
Author(s): Truesdell S. Brown

Source: Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, Bd. 35, H. 4 (4th Qtr., 1986), pp. 387-404
Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag
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ABHANDL UNGEN
MENON OF THESSALY
Comparatively few Thessalians are known to us, ' and the general impression
we have is that of a backward people, whose Penestae were sometimes
compared with the Helots of Sparta,2while the landowning class was rich and
had splendid horses.3 Thessaly seldom played a major role in the high period in
Greek history and her people had an unenviable reputation as untrustworthy
allies, that is in the histories that have come down to us. Unfortunately, no
History of Thessaly as such has survived except in meager excepts, so that
what we have, more often than not, reflects an Athenian point of view.' This
prejudice is not confined to historians. Plato tells us in the Crito that Socrates
refused to escape from Athens and accepts exile among the Thessalians,
shuddering at the thought of the kind of education his children would receive
there, and at the endless feasting and the lack of intelligent conversation about
justice and virtue (Crito 53). Nevertheless, there was another side to Thessaly.
The wealth of the nobles attracted the sophists, and we are lucky in knowing
something about one of these young noblemen who had been tutored by
Gorgias, the most famous rhetorician of his time. This nobleman was Menon,
and he was still quite young when he embarked on the adventure that would
cost him his life, as a leader of Greek mercenaries in the expedition of Cyrus
the Younger.5 Our information about him goes back to three contemporary
writers, one of whom, Xenophon, knew him and disliked him. Circumstances
prevented him from telling his own side of the story,6 but it may be possible by
A few, such as Jason of Pherae and Pyrrhus' ambassador to Rome (Cineas) are remembered,
but like Boeotia Thessaly makes up in the realm of mythology for its shortcomings in history. See
H. J. Rose, Handbook of Greek Mythology, 5th ed. London 1953, 256. Protesilaos, the first Greek
to die at Troy was a Thessalian!
2 E.g. see Arist. Pol. 1269a 37; 1264a 35. However they may have been better off than the
Helots. See Gilbert, Handbuch der griechischen Staatsalterthumer, vol. 2, Leipzig 1885, 16f., esp.
17 n.I.; but also see FGrH No. 601 (Philokrates) F2 and no. 269 (Staphylos), with Jacoby's
comments on both. He thinks the comparison between Helots and Penestae goes back to
Hellanicus. On an attempt to stir up the Penestae against their overlords see H. D. Westlake,
Thessaly in the Fourth Century B.C., London 1935, 48; Xen. Hell. II 3.36 with Hatzfeld's note on
the passage in the Bude text.
3 E.g. see Plato, Meno 70a. See also Hdt. VII 196 on Thessalian horses, with Stein's note.
Thessaly was also known for its witches (Plato, Gorgias 513a).
I See FGrH IlIb Komm. on Nos. 297-607, pp. 672-675.
5 See A. E. Taylor, Plato the Man and his Work, New York 1936, 129f.
6 Menon's background is not unlike that of Xenophon.
Historia, Band XXXV/4 (1986) ? Franz Steiner Veriag Wiesbaden GmbHl, Sitz Stuttgart
388 TRUESDELLS. BROWN
a careful examination of the evidence that we have, to get a better rounded

picture of him than we find in any of the three: Xenophon, Ctesias or Plato.
We will begin our discussion with an incident described in the Anabasis.7
The army of Cyrus had arrived at Thapsacus on the Euphrates, where they
remained for five days (I 4.11).1 At long last Cyrus has told them the real
object of the expedition was his brother King Artaxerxes. The Greeks
professed a great reluctance to go any farther, but Cyrus promised to reward
them with 5 minas of silver when they reached Babylon, and full pay until they
returned to Ionia. After telling us that most of the Greeks were agreeable to
these terms, Xenophon continues (I 4,13-16):
Before it was clear whether or not the rest of the soldiers would follow
Cyrus, Menon assembled his own men apart from the rest and addressed
them as follows: "Men, if you are persuaded by me, you will be honored
by Cyrus above the rest of his soldiers without running any risks or
enduring any hardships. What do I. ask you to do? Cyrus wants the
Greeks to follow him against the king, and I say to you that we ought to
cross over to the other side of the Euphrates before the rest of the Greeks
decide what to do. If they vote to follow you will appear to be
responsible because you were the first to cross over, and Cyrus will
show his appreciation to you for your devotion - and if any man can do
that it is Cyrus. But if the others decide against crossing then we will go
back, and Cyrus will prefer us as garrison troops and as non-
commissioned officers,9 because we alone have demonstrated our loyalty
to him. And if there is anything else you need, I know you will obtain it
from Cyrus as a friend." When they heard that they were persuaded and
went on across before the others had given their answer.
I For full discussion of Xenophon and his writings see H. R. Breitenbach, Xenophon von
Athen, reprinted from the article in RE IX A with the addition of an Index, Stuttgart 1966. On the
Anabasis see 1579-1656, including an analytical chart. He argues that the Anabasis was written in
the 380's. But Xenophon must have taken notes during the long march.
8 The army waited there from July 22-26, 401 B.C. according to the dates in the margin of the
12th ed. of the Anabasis by C.G. Cobet as revised by J. C. Vollebregt, Leiden 1951. They are based
on the assumption that Cyrus left Sardis on March 6.
9 The troops used for garrison duty (ro (qQo1UQLCt)had certain advantages. Their duties were
less onerous than when on the march, and they had a certain tenure. This was apparently true of
the mercenaries under the Arcadian Xenias (Anab. 1 2.3). The term I have translated as non-
commissioned officers refers to the leaders of the X6)ot of 50 men each, under Menon (I 2.25), but
later when the Ten Thousand were on their own we hear of X6Xotof 100 and of 70 men (see H. W.
Parke, Greek Mercenary Soldiers, Oxford 1933, 27 n.1; and J. K. Anderson, Military Theory and
Practice in the Age of Xenophon, Univ. of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1970, Index
s.v. Lochoi). The commander of a lochos has less dignity than a strategos and can be summarily
degraded (Anab. III 1.30), while a strategos cannot. When Tissaphernes got control of 5 strategoi,
20 lochagoi and 200 soldiers he had no hesitation in murdering the lochagoi and the common
soldiers, but he sent the 5 generals up to Artaxerxes for his decision (cf. Polyaenus VII 18.1).
Menonof Thessaly 389
George Grote comments on Menon's action as follows:'?

Such breach of communion, and avidity for separate gain, at a time when
it vitally concerned all the Greek soldiers to act in harmony with one
other, was a step suitable to the selfish and treacherous character of
Menon.
But is this fair? Menon was a xenagos, a leader of a band of mercenaries, which
carried with it special responsibilities and privileges. It was he who made the
arrangements with their employer, including the all-important matter of pay
and maintenance. IIThere was a special relationship between each xenagos and
his men which continued even when they were incorporated into a larger army
such as the Ten Thousand under Cyrus. The xenagos was expected to obtain
favorable treatment for his clients. In return they owed him their loyalty.
When one xenagos interfered with the men of another xenagos it could lead to
trouble. Less than a month before Menon's action at the Euphrates there had
been an instance of this kind. Xenias, a mercenary commander from Parrhasia
in Arcadia was the victim.
Xenias had been employed by Cyrus earlier to lead a band of 300
mercenaries who accompanied him from the coast of Ionia to Babylon in 404
B. C., when he was summoned to the deathbed of his father Darius 11.12 In the
present expedition Xenias had arrived in Sardis with the largest contingent of
Greek hoplites, 4000 strong (I 2.3), and later he had enjoyed the honor of
conducting the games that were held at Peltae in April, with Cyrus looking on
(2.10). But all this changed at Tarsus in June, when the soldiers became
suspicious of Cyrus' intentions and refused to go any farther. Their obstinacy
continued for 20 days until finally Clearchus persuaded them to resume their
march (3.1-21). However, Clearchus made his appeal not only to his own
soldiers, but to any others who were willing to listen. As a result more than
2000 soldiers of Xenias and of Pasion (a Megarian xenagos) abandoned their
leaders and moved over to Clearchus' camp. Later on, still smoldering with
resentment, Xenias and Pasion seized a ship in the harbor of Mariandus, filled
it with valuables and fled. Cyrus handled the situation diplomatically by
refusing to take any action against the deserters, thus winning the support of
the soldiers, who might have been upset had the two men been hunted down.
Earlier Cyrus had not forced Clearchus to return the 2000 to their rightful
leaders, probably because Clearchus was a Spartan exile, and Sparta was
? See George Grote, History of Greece, vol. 8, London 1869, 332.

11 See W. Kendrick Pritchett, Ancient Greek Military Practices I, Univ. of California Press,
Berkeley and Los Angeles, and London 1971, chap. 1; also, on related matters of booty in all its
aspects, chap. 3.
12 Cyrus paid them very handsomely. One of their number may have been the physican
Ctesias, who attended to the king's wounds at Cunaxa. See T. S. Brown, "Suggestions for a Vita of
Ctesias of Cnidus," Historia, vol. 27 (1978), esp. 3-5.
secretly supporting Cyrus against his brother.'3 But Clearchus' action was
highhanded and a breach of military etiquette. Xenias must have felt this all the
more keenly because of his earlier services to the Persian prince. However, he
had failed to hold the loyalty of his men and therefore lost the basis of his
power. The relationship between a xenagos and his soldiers is clearly stated by
Clearchus in his address to his soldiers (I 3.6):
I look upon you as my country, my friends and my allies. With your
support I know I will be honored wherever I go, while without you I am
powerless either to help a friend or to harm an enemy.
And now we come to the events that drove a wedge between Clearchus and
Menon, and once more the provocation comes from Clearchus. The Greeks
were marching through the desert in Mesopotamia near the left bank of the
Euphrates. Across the river was Charmande, a prosperous town with many
things for sale. The soldiers would cross over on rafts made of hides stuffed
with hay, to make purchases and enjoy themselves. On one such occasion
some of the soldiers got into a brawl. Clearchus, who was present, seized one
of Menon's men and flogged him in public, as the one who started the trouble.
The soldier was outraged, and as soon as he reached camp he told his fellow
soldiers what had happened. They were also very angry. Later the same day
Clearchus came riding along with a few retainers on the way to his own tent,
and crossed through the area where Menon's men were camping. One of these
men was busy cutting firewood at the time, but when he saw Clearchus he
threw his axe at him, missing him. The news spread and one soldier after
another picked up a stone and threw it at Clearchus, but the Spartan got
through unhurt. However, he was furious. Ordering his hoplites to arm
themselves and assume battle positions, he took some 40 Thracian cavalrymen
and rode back to Menon's camp to attack his tormentors. Menon and his
soldiers quickly armed themselves and it almost came to open conflict between
the two forces. Another general, Proxenus, tried to stop them, but Clearchus
yelled at him to get out of the way. Cyrus came up just in time to restore order
and separate the angry soldiers. "And Clearchus came to his senses" (I
5.11-17). The episode occurred during the 13 days' march through the desert,
that is between August 16 and August 28 according to our calendar of
convenience.
No immediate consequences of this violent episode are known, but some 3
days later there was a review of the army, and this time Menon was on the left
wing, while Clearchus was on the right, reversing the positions of the two men
in the review which had been held in the presence of the Cilician Queen more
than three months earlier (I 2.15). The revised order was also maintained at
13 Sparta's support is shown by the activities of the Spartan admiral, Pythagoras (I 4.2). On
Clearchus see Eduard Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt., vol. 5, 183.
Menon of Thessaly 391
Cunaxa, with Proxenus and his men drawn up on the right wing next to
Clearchus. The right wing traditionally was the position of the commander in
Greek armies, and Clearchus was the commander of all the Greeks at Cunaxa.
The command of the left wing was also an honorable post, second only to that
of the right wing. 4 It would be interesting to know what the arrangementwas
in the first review of the troops at Celaenae. At that time we might expect
Xenias to have held the honored post on the right wing."5Perhaps Menon was
on the left at that time, moving to the right after the erosion of Xenias'
command and the flight of Xenias. Menon was still in high favor when Cyrus
gave him the assignment of escorting the Queen of Cilicia back to her country.
This was of major importance, not just a polite gesture, because it assured the
control of the Cilician Gates. A resolute enemy might hold that pass
indefinitely against a much larger force. 16 And Menon did suffer losses, losing
two lochoi or 100 men, but the operation was successful. This, coupled with
the appearance of Cyrus' ships off the Cilician coast, led to the abandonment
of the Cilician Gates and of the Syrian Gates as well,7 and helps explain the
desertion of 400 men from Abrocomas, the Phoenician satrap, who was
delayed long enough to cause him to arrive late for the decisive battle at
Cunaxa.'8 Therefore, Menon made a real contribution.
Another reason for Menon's continued influence, despite his encounter
with Clearchus, may well have been his close ties with Ariaeus, his guest-
friend, who commanded the left wing of Cyrus' barbarian army.'9 Cyrus
11 This is illustrated in Herodotus' account of the rivalry of the Athenians and the Tegeans
before Plataea (IX 26).
15 As was noted earlier Xenias brought 4000 hoplites to Sardis, and he presided at the games
held in April at Peltae. The Greeks remained at Calaenae from March 20 to April 18 (I 2.9).
16 The Persians were no more successful later in holding the passas against Alexander who, as
Arrian implies, had read Xenophon (Arr. Anab. II 4.2-5), was at a disadvantage compared with
Cyrus, in that he did not command the sea off Cilicia. This led to a blunder that might have been
disastrous (see J. F. C. Fuller, The Generalship of Alexander the Great, Rutgers Univ. Press, New
Brunswick, N.J. 1960, 99).
17 On this entire episode see Xen. Anab. I 2.20-27. Xenophon tells us that Menon's 100 men
were looting and got separated from the rest of the army. They were cut to pieces by the Cilicians.
He also says that the rest of Menon's soldiers were very angry and relieved their feelings by acts of
vandalism in the palace and in the city of Tarsus. It is quite possible the Cilicians put up some
resistance. When Cyrus arrived in Tarsus, Syennesis (the king) came to see him, bringing much
needed money. No one can doubt that Menon carried out a difficult assignment with military
precision.
18 On Abrocomas' behavior and the desertion of the 400 mercenaries, see I 4.3 (it is interesting
to find Greek mercenaries on both sides - were these 400 the only Greek mercenaries he had ?). For
Abrocomas' failure to reach Artaxerxes before the battle see 1 7.12. Incidentally the name Cunaxa
is not found in Xenophon, but much later, e. g. in Plut. Artox. 8.
19 For Ariaeus' position of the left wing of Cyrus' barbarianarmy, see I 8.5. We will return to
the question of Menon and Ariaeus later.
needed to be sure of Ariaeus, especially after he had discovered and dealt with
one traitor Orontas, a Persian of royal blood. The trial and execution of Orontas
is described in the Anabasis right after the encounter between Clearchus and
Menon (I 6.1-11).2o And it is immediately after the execution of Orantas that
Cyrus holds a review of the army, with Menon on the left wing and Clearchus
on the right.
The next reference to Menon is at the Battle of Cunaxa, where Xenophon
would have had little opportunity to observe him, as Xenophon was with his
friend Proxenus on the right wing, next to Clearchus. The battle itself need not
concern us. It was hardly a battle at all so far as the Greeks were concerned, that
is if Xenophon is correct. He says the only casualty was one man who was shot
with an arrow (I 8.20).
The first real news about Cyrus was brought to the Greek mercenaries at
dawn on the following day, when two men rode into camp, Procles the governor
of Teuthraniaand Glos the son of Tamos (lI 1.3). Glos was formerly a member of
Cyrus' staff. Cyrus had sent him earlier to thank Menon for setting an example
to the rest of the Greeks by crossing the Euphrates (I 4.16). Procles is mentioned
here for the first time, as a Persian vassal who was descended from the exiled
Spartan king, Daamaratus.21 They informed the Greeks that Cyrus had been
killed and that Ariaeus had escaped, and was stationed along with the rest of
Cyrus' barbarian troops in the camp from which they had all set out the day
before. Ariaeus said he would wait for them that day, if they wished to join him,
but that on the day following he meant to start back to Ionia.
The generals and the rest of the Greek soldiers were overwhelmed by the
news, except for Clearchus, who replied as follows (II 1.4):
"Would that Cyrus were alive! But since he is dead tell Ariaeus that we
have defeated the king and as you can see, no one is fighting againstus, and
if you had not arrived we would have advanced against the king. We
promise Ariaeus, if he joins us here, to place him on the throne, for the rule
belongs to those who are victorious in battle." With these words he
dismissed the messengers, sending Cheirisophus the Laconian and Menon
the Thessalian with them. Menon wanted this, for he was Ariaeus' guest-
friend.
This indicates that Menon and Clearchus were able to work together for the
common interest. Cheirisophus could be counted on to representClearchus as a
fellow Spartan.
20
Clearchus was the only Greek leader invited by Cyrus to witness the trial of Orontas.
Xenophon's immediate source for what happened is uncertain. Proxenus is a strong possibility.
21
On Damaratus (Demaratus) see Hdt. VI 61-70. Apparently Herodotus got his information
from the Lords of Teuthrania, the descendants of the exiled Spartan king (see Ph.-E. Legrand,
Herodote Histoires VI, Paris 1963, Notice, p. 57).
It was while the messengers were away that Phalinus arrived, a Greek
military expert in the service of Tissaphernes. He urged the mercenaries to lay
down their arms and submit to the king. Xenophon paints a lively picture of
the scene - perhaps a little too theatrical to be taken literally (II. 1.9-14).
Clearchus makes a brief rejoinder to the effect it is not the victors who lay
down their arms. Then he leaves to examine the sacrificial victims, leaving the
other generals to respond to Phalinus' questions as best they can, promising to
return shortly. Only three speakers are named: Cleanor the Arcadian,
Proxenus of Thebes and Theopompus of Athens. Next to Clearchus, Cleanor
is said to be the oldest of the generals. He is not one of the five later captured
by the Persians and he plays an important role in the later adventure of the Ten
Thousand, usually being on good terms with Xenophon. On this occasion he
remarks briefly that they ought to die before surrendering their weapons to
anyone. Then Proxenus speaks and his polished manner reminds us that he had
studied under Gorgias. But the third speaker Theopompus, is probably to be
regarded as a pseudonym for Xenophon himself.22 And this is important,
because it means that Xenophon was present. Clearchus returns, and sends
Phalinus off without revealing his intentions (II 1.23).
No sooner had Phalinus departed than Procles and Cheirisophus return
with a reply from Ariaeus (II 2.1). Ariaeus predictably declines Clearchus'
offer to make him king. He warns the Greeks that they must join him that
night, because he intends to break camp early in the morning. Clearchus again
replies enigmatically, neither promising to join Ariaeus nor refusing to do so.
Something is missing here. Menon would certainly have returned with
Cheirisophus had there been any doubt in his mind that the Greeks would join
Ariaeus; his only hopes for the future rested on the troops he commanded. No
doubt he left someone in charge while he was away, perhaps Philesius the
Achaean, who was chosen to take his place later on (III 1.47). We do know that
Philesius and Xenophon were no more compatible than Menon and Clearchus
had been earlier. He would not have left a man in charge who might allow
Clearchus to take them over as he had taken over the 2000 soldiers of Xenias
and Pasion.
There is no further mention of Menon directly between the day of the battle
(September 4) and the arrival of the 5 generals and 20 non-commissioned
officers to confer with Tissaphernes on October 22 (II 5.30-31). But Menon is
referred to obliquely. The Greeks had reached the Zapatas river and were
22 Eduard Meyer has said all that needs to be said in 3 lines (Gesch. d. Alt., 5, 185): "denn der
4PX?ao?o; VEaVCaxo; Theopompus von Athen (Diod. XIV, 25.4 nennt an seiner Stelle Proxenos)
ist doch offenbar Xenophon selbst". I will only add that Xenophon gives his own version of
Proxenus' speech, while the speech of Proxenus in Diodorus echoes that of Theopompus in
Xenophon, not that of Proxenus.
becoming increasinglysuspicious of the Persians. There were rumors of

treachery,andTissaphernesinvitedthe Greekleadersto meet him, promising
to name the persons responsiblefor the slanderousreports.Clearchuswas
completelytakenin by Tissaphernesandurgedthe othergeneralsto acceptthe
invitation.Xenophondescribesthe circumstancesin these words (II 5.27).
Next day Clearchusreturnedto campand showedclearlythathe felt he
was on very good termswith Tissaphernes.He reportedwhat the latter
had proposed and insisted that we should go to Tissaphernesas he
requested.He also said that any of us who were convictedof calumny
must be punishedas traitorsand enemiesof the Greeks.He suspected
Menonof startingthe rumorsbecausehe knew he and Ariaeushad met
with Tissaphernes,andthat he was plottingto form an oppositionparty
in order to get control of the entire armyfor himself,and become the
friendof Tissaphernes.Clearchus,too, wantedthe entirearmyto follow
his guidanceand to get rid of the dissidents.
The firstquestionoccurringto anyonereadingthis remarkablepassageis this:
How did Xenophonknow whatwas in Clearchus'mind?Clearchusis unlikely
to have confided in him, and also Xenophon's interpretationis not wholly
favorableto Clearchus,who was trying to do the same thing he assumed
Menonwas doing, a fairinferencefromthe Spartan'sbehaviorin the past.Did
Clearchusconfide in Proxenus and Proxenus then confide in Xenophon?
Possibly,but therewas very littletime becausethe nextday the 5 generalswere
arrestedby Tissaphernes,and therewas no furtherchancefor an exchangeof
views. It will be rememberedthat Xenophon was not the only one to write
about Cunaxaand the Ten ThousandGreeks,there were at least two others:
the nebulousSophaenetusof Stymphalus23 and Artaxerxes'physician,Ctesias
of Cnidus. Xenophon cites Ctesias' work, which means that he had read it
beforewritingthe Anabasis(I 8.27). And CtesiasvisitedClearchusmorethan
once during his captivity.24Thereforehe is a likely source for Clearchus'
remarksabout Menon.
Xenophon'slast word about Menon comes at the very end of Book Two,
23 Sophaenetus of Stymphalus is a real person and he probably wrote a Ks5eou 'Avdktoatg (see
FGrH II B No. 109 for what remains of it. Jacoby accepts him, though grudgingly: "Nachweisbar
ist die Unechtheit nicht" - ibid. II D p. 350). He is not to be regardedseriously as a source used by
Ephorus to supplement Xenophon's Anabasis. See Breitenbach, Xenophon, 1649. As one of the
two oldest generals (Anab. V 3.1) it is assumed Sophaenetus wrote before Xenophon and that
Xenophon may have seen his work. The assumption is dangerous when we think of the Alexander
historians. His influence appears to have been minimal, but see Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt. 5, 189.
24 See Ctesias Pers. 60; Plut. Artox. 18. In speaking of the Anabasis Alfred Croiset writes:
"chose curieuse, c'est deja presque le Cyrus de la Cyropedie qui apparait" (Hist. de la Litt.
Grecque, vol. 4, 3rd ed., Paris 1947, 389). But he is unfair to Xenophon when he says (ibid. 370):
"D'une part il n'y a guere dans ces oeuvres que deux types de personnages, les bons et les mauvais;
les bons qui resemblent a X6nophon, les mauvais qui sont le contraire."
which closes with a seriesof biographicalsketchesof the five generals,threeof

which are quite substantial,but Agis of Arcadiaand Socratesof Achaeaare
lumpedtogetherin a brief statementclosing the book. We are told that each
was about 35 yearsof age, a bravesoldier and a loyal friend.The lives of the
other three: Clearchus,Proxenus and Menon are realisticportraits,which
inevitablyremindus of Xenophon'sstill longercharactersketchof Cyrusafter
his death(I 9). But the portraitof Cyrus is idealizedto the point where many
of the traits attributedto him are later elaboratedin the Cyropaedia.No
wonder that Diogenes Laertius was confused, and came to compare
Xenophon'sCyropaediawith Onesicritus'work on Alexander(D.L. VI 84).25
Just why Xenophonwas so impressedby Cyrusis uncertain.He hadmet him,
but had not reallyknown him. But meetingthe Persianprincemay well have
seemedto him the high-pointof his life. His biographicalsketchof Cyrus is a
prose encomium.26That of Clearchus, while it shows appreciationof his
strongpoints does not forgetthathe could be brutal,and that,exceptin times
of crisis he tended to be unpopular.He is depicted as a man whose ruling
passion was war, which meantmore to him than money and a life of ease.27
Unlike Cyrus the Younger, Clearchusis believable,though he appearsin a
more favorablelight in this Life than he does in the narrative.
Proxenus'Life is much shorter(5 chaptersinsteadof 15) and so differentin
spiritfromthatof ClearchusthatBrunsbelievesXenophonwrote the sketches
of Proxenusand Menon afterIsocrates'Evagoras,and was influencedby it.28
The weakestpoint is Bruns'attemptto provethatXenophonwrote the Life of
Clearchus before he had read the Evagoras.29The brevity of the Life of
Proxenusis explainedunintentionallyby Bruns, when he says:" "Man hat
sowieso den Eindruck,dafgder Mannherzlichunbedeutendwar."
Menon'sLife is not only longer(9 chapters),but much more interesting.It
may be renderedas follows (II 6.21-29):
Menon the Thessalianobviously had a consumingdesireto be rich, and
he wantedto be a generalin orderto get more riches,and he wantedto
be honored in order to make a greaterprofit. He wanted to establish
friendshipwith those who had the greatestpower, so that he might act
25 Diogenes Laertius assumes that Xenophon compaigned under the Cyrus of the Cyropaedia
just as Onesicritus had served under Alexander:

26 See Ivo Bruns, Das lit. Portr. der Griechen, 2nd ed. Hildesheim, 1961, 143. See also Duane
Stuart, Epochs of Greek and Roman Biography, Univ. of California Press, Berkeley California
1928, esp. 61-68.
27 Clearchus is not a type, however, a miles gloriosus or even a Lamachus such as we find in the
Acharnians. But he is idealized. Cf. Diod. Sic. XIV 12 for a much less favorable view.
28
See Bruns, op. cit. 138-140.
29 Ibid. 142. See Breitenbach, Xenophon, 1642.
30 Bruns, op. cit. 139f.
unjustly without being held accountable. He thought the quickest way

to accomplish this was through perjury, falseness and deceit, while he
regarded frankness and veracity as simplemindedness. He was never
known to feel affection for anyone, so when he said he was someone's
friend it meant that he was plotting against him. He never made fun of an
enemy, but he always spoke slightingly of all his associates. He did not
scheme to get hold of the possessions of his enemies, because he thought
it would be too difficult to seize what was closely guarded. But he
thought he was the only one who knew how easy it is to take what
belongs to a friend because it is unguarded. Whenever he saw perjurors
and evil men he feared them as being well-armed, while he tried to take
advantage of godfearing honorable men as though they were cowards.
And just as some men pride themselves on piety, veracity and fairness,
Menon took pride in his ability to deceive, and to invent falsehoods in
order to have the laugh on his friends. He looked on anyone who was
not dishonest as an ignoramus. He thought the best way to become a
man's best friend was by maligning those who were closest to him. He
contrived to make his soldiers obedient by taking part in their crimes.
He anticipated that he would be esteemed and sought after when he
demonstrated his great ability and willingness to act in this way. When
anyone left him he recognized it as a great kindness on that man's part
that he had use of him without destroying him.
While some of the charges against him may be false, everyone knows that
he was able to obtain the command of the mercenaries from Aristippus as a
handsome youth, and that he also proved accommodating to the barbarian
Ariaeus, who had a taste for good-looking young men; and that while still
beardless himself he had Tharypas, a bearded man, as his lover.
When his fellow generals died because they had marched with Cyrus against
the king, he did not die, though he had done the same thing, but after they
were gone he was punished by the king and executed. He did not die like the
others by being beheaded (which appears to be the quickest way), but he
lingered on for a year during which he suffered torture and finally died the
death of a felon.
After reading this it is easy to see the basis for Grote's statement about "the
selfish and treacherous character of Menon", and he shows that he also
believed the report in the Life of Menon's disgraceful death.) But he was too
good a historian not to notice that Xenophon does not say he believed Menon
had laid a trap for the other generals. Instead Grote thinks this allegation was a
3' See Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. 8, 332; 374.
lie told by Menon to ingratiate himself with his captors when he was taken up
to Babylon.32
Although Grote's interpretation is purely speculative it centers our attention
once more on the sources behind the Life. According to Grote, Menon's
punishment was probably contrived by Parysatis in order to avenge the death
of Clearchus, and Xenophon learned about it by reading Ctesias.33
Meanwhile it is worth noting that in the Life Menon's behavior is in sharp
contrast with that of Menon in the narrative, where his conduct right down to
the day of his capture by Tissaphernes, appears to have been exemplary.
There is just one matter, following Cyrus' death, that needs to be
considered. Xenophon believes that both Menon and Clearchus were ambi-
tious to take over the supreme command of the Greek mercenaries (IL 5.29).
And that is understandable. The mercenaries no longer had an employer. It
was now the duty of each xenagos to provide for the safety of his men and, if
possible, find a new employer for them. The most serious danger was that each
might act independently, and this could lead to their destruction. Clearchus, as
Xenophon describes him, now shows his true qualities as a leader.34 Any plan
followed by everyone was preferable to having each troop with its xenagos
making separate decisions. Clearchus wished to hold them together under his
command, while Menon is represented as hoping to take over the leadership
for himself. But it was Clearchus who sent Menon and Cheirisophus to
Ariaeus, offering to make him King of Persia. Let us suppose (as Clearchus
evidently did) that Ariaeus might accept the offer. Would it not be likely that as
the new employer of the Greeks he would make his friend Menon their
commanding officer? But Ariaeus tuned down the offer, and for good reasons.
None of this reflects discredit on Menon. It is only later, after Ariaeus
treacherously betrays his Greek allies to Tissaphernes that suspicion is thrown
on Menon. But the basis for this suspicion is a conversation Clearchus had
with Tissaphernes, a past master of diplomacy. Clearchus returns to camp
convinced that Tissaphernes is his friend and that Menon is a traitor. Thanks to
his new friend harmony between the mercenaries and the forces escorting them
back to the coast will be restored, and the traitor Menon punished. Clearchus
was not a subtle man.35
32 Ibid. 374.
33 Cf. Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt. vol. 5, 188 - he was apparently convinced by Grote.
4 II 2.3-5. Note esp. after Clearchusgives his orders: Kai to XoLt6v 6o
4'V !jQyEV. ot 6E
?(600VoTO. oUlx FXk64EVOL,XkX6 6Q6vVT*g5Tn s6vo; pQ6wV, bet o
oLEt 6 v xovtCa, oi 6 akkot
V
LJTELQOL rIoctv.
35 The entire passage, including Clearchus' address to Tissaphernes (II 5.13-15); Tissaphernes'
reply (16-26); Clearchus' return to camp, and his brushing off the objections of the other officers
that Tissaphernes was not to be trusted (27-30) is revealing.
And now let us take leave of Xenophon and examine what Ctesias has to say
about Menon. Menon is mentioned three times in Photius' abridgment of the
Persica in his Bibliotheca, and these passages are very brief. The first occurs in
an extremely condensed form giving his account of Cyrus' revolt, written in
Photius' exasperating telegraphic style (Phot. Bibl. 72, 43b 22-31), which may
be rendered as follows:
The revolt of Cyrus against his brother; the assembling of a Greek and
barbarianarmy; Clearchus as general of the Greeks; how Syennesis the
Cilician king allied himself both with Cyrus and with Artoxerxes; how
Cyrus and Artoxerxes each exhorted his own troops. Clearchus the
Lacedaemonian, who commanded the Greeks, and Menon of Thessaly
never got along with one another, because Cyrus consulted Clearchus
about everything and took no account of Menon.
The second passage is more interesting (44a 21-29):
How Tissaphernes conspired against the Greeks and won the Thessalian
Menon over; and through him he duped Clearchus and the other
generals, conquering them by oaths, even though Clearchus anticipated
the trap and tried to avoid it. But the multitude, taken in by Menon,
forced Clearchus to visit Tissaphernes against his better judgment. Also,
Proxenus the Boeotian, who had been won over beforehand, joined in
assisting the deceit.
The third passage (44a 39-40) tells us that the Greek generals sent up to the
king along with Clearchus were all put to death, except for Menon (7rkXiv
M?vwvo;). This has the look of an apologia pro vita sua by Clearchus.
Xenophon must have been familiar with it because he had read Ctesias' book
(Anab. I 8.27), yet his own account, as we have seen, pictures Clearchus as
insisting that Tissaphernes was their friend, despite others around him who
urged him not to trust the smooth-tongued satrap. Apparently when
Clearchus knew he was going to die he tried to get in the last word,
incriminating Menon and exonerating himself. When we remember that
Xenophon, no friend to Menon, was an eye witness to these events, while
Ctesias did not visit the Greek camp during this critical period we naturally
believe Xenophon.36 And added touch is the statement that Proxenus, too, had
been a party to the conspiracy, and Xenophon certainly knew better than that:
36 Ctesias claims to have been one of those who visited the Greek camp along with: Itxivov
toiv ZaxtuvOou xalXTvwv 6IUXov(Plut. Artox. 13.5 = FGrH No. 688 F 23). This reading is
restored by Ziegler on the basis of Diod. Sic. XIV 25.1. Plutarch calls the statement an obvious lie
because Xenophon does not mention him, although he was familiar with Ctesias' work. But
neither does Xenophon deny he was there - and of course he had not heard of Ctesias at that time,
so that if he took no part in the discussion he had no reason to mention him. Granted that Ctesias
was there briefly, that does not qualify him as an expect.
The final statement that the generals all died except for Menon is cryptic. Does
this mean Photius preferred not to elaborate on Menon's ultimate fate? Or
does it mean Xenophon's contradictory account in Menon's Life did not come
from Ctesias? Photius alone would not settle the matter, but we find the same
thing in Plutarch (Artox. 18,6 = Ctes. F 28), ending in the same way (exceptfor
Menon). This indicates that we have an accurate account of what Ctesias
wrote, a tradition we find again in Diodorus Siculus (XIV 27.2). And for the
purposes of this study that is sufficient.37We will consider Menon's probable
fate at the end of this article. Here we need only state that Ctesias offers no
evidence, other than hearsay, to show that Menon betrayed the Greeks.38
Plato's Meno, though not history does deal with real persons, and an effort
is made to avoid anachronisms. Three questions need to be asked: 1) Was the
Menon of the dialogue the same as the Menon of Thessaly who joined Cyrus'
expedition? 2) What is the dramatic date of the dialogue? 3) When, approxi-
mately was it written?
The first question can be answered confidently. The Menon of the dialogue
and the Menon who joined Cyrus are identical, even though Plato does not say
so. The closest he comes to this is when he refers to Aristippus, Menon's friend
and admirer, "and other citizens of Larisa,"39for this can only mean the
Aristippus who appealed to Cyrus for help and got it (Xen. Anab. I 1.10).
Plato also implies that, unlike Aristippus, Menon of Thessaly was not from
Larisa, and this makes it almost certain that he came from Pharsalus, like his
namesake, who once helped the Athenians at Eion with a troop of 300 (or 200)
of his own Prenestae cavalry (Dem. XXIII 199; XIII 23). Aristippus was one
of the Aleuadae, and as Plato implies and as Xenophon also indicates, these
two noble families, the Aleuadae and the Menonidae were allied.40
The second question, as to the dramatic date of the Meno, can also be
3' For the literature see Historia, vol. 27 (1978), 1-19.

38 See Friedrich W. Konig, Die Persika des Ktesias von Knidos, Grat 1972, esp. 102-104 for
evidence that Clearchus was responsible for the unfavorable opinion of Menon. Ctesias probably
never saw Menon.
39 This is Plato's usual treatment of young men as beauties who have
admirers (Socrates as the
admirer of Alcibiades etc.). It is a playful allusion not to be taken seriously though the humor can
wear very thin. In speaking of Aristippus and "the other citizens of Larisa" he implies that Menon
was not from Larisa (see Westlake, op. cit. 55 n. 6). The Life of Menon (Anab. II 6.28) accuses him
of using his physical charms to obtain political favors. This is conventional invective both among
Greek and Roman writers.
40 Otherwise how explain Aristippus' sending Menon with troops to support Cyrus (Anab. I
2.1; 2.6)? Elsewhere Menon is called a Larisaean (Diod. Sic. XIV 19.8), but Diog. Laert. (II 6.50)
calls him a Pharsalian. On the Menonidae and the Alcuadae see Marta Sordi, La Lega Tessalafino
ad Alessandro Magno (Studi Pubblicati dall'Istituto Italiano per la Storia Antica, No. 15), Rome
1958, 101 n. 1.
answeredsatisfactorily.Plato does not say wherethe conversationtook place,

though obviously it was in Athens and must haveoccurredduringthe period
when Anytus (laterSocrates'accuser)was alreadyprominent.He becamewell
known in 409 B.C., when he was accusedof treason(prodosia)for failingto
reachPylos in time to rescuethe Messeniansthere.He is said to havesecured
an acquittalby bribingthe jurors(Diod. Sic. XIII 64.6). He seems to have
playeda partin overthrowingthe ThirtyTyrantsin 403.41Socratesintroduces
Anytus as a man who appealsto the Athenianpeople so much that they have
elected him to the highest offices in the state (Meno 90b). This comes very
close to placingthe dialoguebetween403 andMarch401, when Menonjoined
Cyrus in Colossae (Anab. I 2.6). Thereforeit is temptingto think that Plato
imaginesMenonas meetingSocratesnot long beforehis departurefor Asia. In
fact he would be very close to the time when Xenophon was askingSocrates
for his advicebefore embarkingon the same expedition.
The thirdquestion,as to when the Menowas writtencannotbe answered
so satisfactorily,and I shall not attempta solution, except to repeatwhat
others have said, that it was certainlywrittenlaterthan the Gorgias,which is
unnecessarilylong andfarless restrainedthanthe Meno.42Thereis no point in
speculatingon whether Plato had read the Anabasisof Xenophonbefore he
wrote the Meno, and no reasonto assumeXenophonhad readPlatobeforehe
wrote his own account. And that is all that mattershere. But there is one
remarkmade to Menon by Socratesthat ought to be considered.Socrates
pontificatesas follows (78d),: "Virtueis the abilityto acquiregold and silver,
says Menon, hereditaryguest-friendof the Great King."43
First, what is Plato's attitude towards the Great King? In the Gorgias
Socratesappearsto classhim with Archelausof Macedon(Gorg.470), whichis
certainlynot flattering.But elsewherePlatospeakswith considerableapproval
of some Persiankings, though he appearsto believe therehad been no truly
admirable Persian ruler since Darius.44 Yet Plato has a reason for putting this
phrasein the mouth of Socrates,he is far from writingat random.He knew
41 In general see Taylor, op. cit. 129ff. For Anytus see Paul Clochc, La Restauration
democratique a Athenes en 403 avant J.-C., Paris 1915, 16 and n. 2; 147 and n. 2.
42 In Burnet's edition of Plato (OCT) the Gorgias requires 117 pages, the Meno only 47. The
Gorgias is repetitive, the Meno much more concise. Taylor (op. cit. 129) finds the Phaedo the
Protagoras and the Apology more mature and therefore later than the Meno.
43 XCU(JOoVV )tQ sy6L0ov ToQ(iyEOCL
bXiEi &(eTn E'rTLV, d; 4Poi M vwv 6VoiTouey(XoiiU
fkLOt,*0 ~evos.
CT(LTQLXo
44 For Plato's views on the Persians see Laws 694a-696a - and esp. 695e, where he says there
has been no great Persian king since Darius, though he qualifies this with a oXE&6v.See also Alcib.
I., 120-122 for a favorable view on the upbringing of the Persian princes, in accordance with the
precepts of Zoroaster. He owes something here to Herodotus, nothing to the Cyropaedia. Like the
Laws this represents a very late period in Plato's thinking (see W. Jaeger, Aristotle, transl. by
R. Robinson, 2nd ed. Oxford Univ. Press 1962, 132).
about the expeditionof Cyrus - he must have heard somethingof it from

Socrates himself, who had be.enso concerned that his friend and protege
Xenophon might put himself in a bad light with the Atheniansby joining
Cyrus (Anab. III 1.5). And Plato was well awareof the fate of the generals
capturedby the Persians,includingMenon. Whetherhe got his information
from a writtensourceor fromoralreportsthatreachedAthensfromabroadhe
surely knew. Under such circumstanceswhy call Menon the "'hereditary
guest-friendof the GreatKing"?I cannothelp but think that Plato was using
dramaticirony. At the time the dialogueis supposedto haveoccurredSocrates
would not have known what was going to happen to Menon, and yet the
readerknows, as Plato intended,that the hereditaryguest-friendof the Great
King was going to be put to death by the Great King. And that is a touch
worthy of the author.It should not be misunderstoodas a sneer at Menon.
In the dialogueMenon is very young and like manyyoung rich men'ssons
he is ratherspoiled."5After Socrateshas madehim look foolish, however,the
young manhasspiritenoughto turnon his interlocutor.He comparesSocrates
with the torpedofish that numbsanyone it touches,makingit impossiblefor
him to move or even to speakrationally(79e-80b).And this gives us a glimpse
of a real person. A. E. Taylor remindsus that Plato may have met Menon,
perhapshavebeenpresentat a conversationbetweenSocratesand Menon.46In
the dialoguewe aretold thatMenonis in a hurry,thathe cannotstay in Athens
for the mysteries(76e). This sense of urgencysuits a young man makinglast
minutepreparationsbeforeleavingfor Asia to makehis fortune.47He was not
the only one of Gorgias'pupils to join Cyrus. Xenophon'sfriend Proxenus
was another. It would be interestingto know whether Gorgias' name ever
cameup in theirconversationduringthe campaign.Ctesias- that is Clearchus
- implies that they were on good terms, saying it was Menon who won
Proxenusover to acceptTissaphernes'invitation,48 but nothingClearchussays
about Menon can be trusted!
Our examinationof the statementsmade about Menon by Xenophon,

Ctesiasand Platohas shown that the most prejudicialremarkscan be tracedto
ClearchusthroughCtesias, and that they do not fit the actions of Menon as
describedin the Anabasis.One puzzle remains.How and when did Menon
die? Ctesias'statementthat, unlikethe other generals,he was not put to death
is in directconflictwith Menon's Vitain the Anabasis,wherewe aretold that
45 His foppishness is indicated by a retinue of servants. Socrates asks him to choose one from
TiV JToXX6v &oXoki0Owv ToVUOvt T6V OauEoT0 (82a).
46 Taylor, op. cit. 130 and n. 1.
41 Socrates can see no other reason for going to sea (Gorg. 467d).
48 See Phot. Bibl. 72 (43b 22-31).
402 S. BROWN
TRUESDELL
he was put to death as a felon by Artaxerxes at a later date than the others, and
only after being tortured for a period of a year (Anab. II 6.29). This contradicts
what Ctesias wrote, therefore Ctesias cannot by Xenophon's source. What
characterizes this report is extreme animus towards Menon, along with
satisfaction that in the end he got what he deserved. I suggest Xenophon
picked up this bit of malicious gossip from an oral source, perhaps while he
was campaigning with the Spartansin Asia. Whether there is any truth in it we
cannot tell. One thing is certain: Menon was put to death, whether by
Parysatis, or by Artaxerxes or by Statira is anyone's guess. But no Greek
general who led a mercenary force against the king at Cunaxa would live long,
after falling into the hands of the enemy. For that battle had revealed the secret
of the Persian empire, the meaning of which was not lost on a later Thessalian,
Jason of Pherae.
Another curious discrepancy remains. According to Xenophon, Aristippus
(the Aleuad from Larisa) appealed to his friend Cyrus for help, asking him for
2000 mercenaries with pay for three months because he was "hard-pressed at
home by members of the opposing faction" (ALE?161EVo;Ut6 TWV cVt-Vt-
caTctWv) (I1.10). Cyrus was even more generous, and gave him 4000
mercenaries with pay for six months, stipulating that Aristippus was not to
come to terms with his opponents without first consulting Cyrus.
This passage has long interested historians. Just what was the political
situation in Thessaly at that time? The substantial number of mercenaries and
especially Cyrus' eagerness to double the numbers asked for, would seem to go
far beyond the needs of a faction leader in the city of Larisa. Ever since Beloch
and other scholars demonstrated that a short speech attributed to Herodes
Atticus, the HQ9L WotLTEL'ag, was not written by the second century A.D.
Athenian Croesus, but by a political writer at the very end of the fifth century
B.C. we have had a tool for reconstructing the history of Thessaly during the
period in question.49
This political pamphlet was addressed to the Larisaeans, probably intended
for a larger circle of readers. The point of view is pro-Spartan, the authorship
uncertain, though there seems to be a consensus in favor of Thrasymachus, and
the accepted date is 401/400.5? At that time Thessaly was hopelessly divided
49 For the text and discussion see Eduard Meyer, Theopomps Hellenika (TH), 1909 ed.
reprinted, Hildesheim 1966, 157-283; also see his Gesch. d. Alt., vol. 5, 56. See also H. T. Wade-
Gery, Essays in Greek History, Basil Blackwell, Oxford 1958, 271-292. He argues that Critias was
the author, partly because of Herodes' admiration for Critias (Philostr. Lives of Sophists ii,l),
which may explain how this speech came down to us under his name. This is attractive, but it is not
easy to reconcile the content with what we know about Critias and his activities in Thessaly. See
also Sordi, op. cit. 140 n.1, upholding authorship outside of Thessaly, probably in the 'school' of
Thrasymachus; also Westlake, op. cit. 52-54.
50 There is a statement in the HcE&I1OXLTEL(ac near the end, where the speaker sums up his
message (c. 34):
and weak, in contrastto her traditionallystrongposition undera Tagusduring

the sixth and early fifth centuries B.C. Relatively, the cities have become
strong,whereasearlierthey werelittle morethanvillages,andthe power of the
old landed aristocracy has been challenged by a new wealthy class of
merchants. Even the Penestae have asserted themselves, though without
conspicuoussuccess,merelyexchangingserfdomfor a subordinateposition in
the cities.The declineof Thessalianunity has causedthe loss of territoryalong
the bordersof the country, and they faced furtherlosses from the encroach-
ment of strongneighbors,Spartato the south and Macedoniato the north.An
added factor was the tyrant of Pherae,Jason's father, Lycophron,who had
won a great victory over his enemies in September404 B.C. (Xen. Hell. II
3.4).51Lycophronwas a parvenu,and he was opposedby the Aleuadae,whose
head at that time was Aristippus. Some of the old families, such as the
Menonidaeof Pharsalus,were alliedwith him. No doubt it was chieflyagainst
Lycophron that he turned to Cyrus for help, while the Larisaeanfaction
opposed to the Aleuadaeprobably got support from Lycophron.We may
assume that Spartawas not allied with Lycophron at that time, otherwise
Cyrus, the friendof Sparta,would not have assistedLycophron'senemies.52
My speech orders warding off the evil-doer, exacting vengeance for thos who have died,
showing appreciation to our neighbors, accepting what chance offers, and being the allies of
the Greeks and the enemies of the barbarians (cnVRXoXV; TE TOe; "EXkXr1ovELvctt.,ntoXE[tov;
&5 TOL; IkCta6QOLg)
Who are these Barbarians? He does not call the Macedonian king a barbarian- as Demosthenes
was to do - so if he has a specific target it must be the Persians. His remark may be a vailed allusion
to Cyrus' recent activities. This fits in well with the changed attitude of Sparta now that her
relations with Persia have been compromised.
51 Xenophon mentions a solar eclipse at the time of the battle, and that would date it at
September 3, but an eclipse very close to the time of the battle would probably be associated with
it in people's memory. We are not told that the eclipse had any effect on the battle itself, (such as
we find in Hdt. 1 74, referring to an earlier battle). Beloch ingeniously associates this battle with
the following statement from Aristotle (HA IX 31):
In barren regions where there is not enough food to support a larger number there are only
two crows, and when their young are old enough to fly they begin by throwing them out of
the nest, and later on they drive them out of the region ... at the time when Medius'
mercenaries were wiped out in Pharsalus no crows were seen in places near Athens or the
Peloponnese, as though crows had some way of communicating with one another.
See Beloch, GG III,12, 22 n.l. But Westlake objects, because he thinks 404 is too early for Medius,
and because nothing indicates that the battle took place at Pharsalus. He adds: "Unfortunately
Aristotle was more interested in the crows than in Medius or contemporary history" (op. cit. 64). I
suspect Aristotle assumed everyone would know what battle he had in mind because of the
excessive bloodshed (Xen. B Hell. II 3.4). A man who lived for so long in Macedonia would surely
know a great deal about the neighboring vassal state of Thessaly. His testimony should not be
disregarded simply because we have formed a different theory about Medius.
52 The suggestion that Cyrus would have subsidized 4000 hoplites to fight in Thessaly against
the friends of his ally Sparta is ludicrous. He would never have sent such a large force without
being fully informed on the local situation. See Sordi, op. cit. 147 n.I.
Returning to the mercenaries given to Aristippus by Cyrus, we find that

Cyrus wrote Aristippus and asked him to come to an understanding with his
enemies and to send the army that he had to join Cyrus (Anab. I 2.1). We
remember that that army consisted of 4000 mercenaries, yet when Menon
arrived in Colossae he had only 1000 hoplites and 500 peltasts, the latter
composed of Dolopians, Aenianians and Olynthians (I 2.6). Westlake remarks
that: "The thousand hoplites who were led by Menon were evidently distinct
from the mercenaries supplied by Aristippus."53 The 4000 soldiers given
Aristippus were presumably hoplites (not ordinarily to be found in Thessaly),
while Menon arrived with 1000 hoplites and 500 peltasts, a much smaller force.
It seems likely that Aristippus was unable to secure a satisfactory settlement
with his enemies in Larisa and elsewhere.54A compromise of some kind was
reached, and Cyrus accepted the troops brought in by Menon. What happened
to the original 4000 hoplite mercenaries cannot be determined, for Xenophon
evidently does not give us the facts. It is interesting that the 500 peltasts all
come from districts bordering on Thessaly which in the early days of the
supremacy of the Aleuadae had been controlled by Thessaly.55 If, as seems
likely, the 1500 men had been recruited by Menon it helps to explain his role
vis a vis Clearchus. Menon will have had plans he intended to implement in
Thessaly at a later date and with Cyrus' support. But this was not to be.
University of California, Los Angeles Truesdell S. Brown

History Department
the friends of his ally Sparta is ludicrous. He would never have sent such a large force without
being fully informed on the local situation. See Sordi, op. cit. 147 n.l.
53 See Westlake, op. cit. 55 n.6. The areas from which the 500 peltasts came all bordered on
Thessaly. Some were members of the Chalcidian Confederacy. See A. B. West, History of the
Chalcidic League, Madison, Wisconsin 1919, esp. chap. 9; and J. A. 0. Larsen, Representative
Government in Greek and Roman History, Univ. of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles,
1966, esp. 42ff.
S4 See Sordi, op. cit. 146-149. Hoplites were in short supply in Thessaly (ibid. 325; also Meyer
TH p. 227).
55 See Sordi, op. cit. 340-343; 61-65; also Gerhard Kip, Thessalische Studien, Halle 1910,
Part III (Die Perioken der Thessaler).

Menon of Thessalian

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Menon of Thessaly

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a careful examination of the evidence that we have, to get a better rounded

George Grote comments on Menon's action as follows:'?

? See George Grote, History of Greece, vol. 8, London 1869, 332.

Clearchus see Eduard Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt., vol. 5, 183.

becoming increasinglysuspicious of the Persians. There were rumors of

which closes with a seriesof biographicalsketchesof the five generals,threeof

just as Onesicritus had served under Alexander:

30 Bruns, op. cit. 139f.

unjustly without being held accountable. He thought the quickest way

3' See Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. 8, 332; 374.

3' For the literature see Historia, vol. 27 (1978), 1-19.

answeredsatisfactorily.Plato does not say wherethe conversationtook place,

about the expeditionof Cyrus - he must have heard somethingof it from

Our examinationof the statementsmade about Menon by Xenophon,

and weak, in contrastto her traditionallystrongposition undera Tagusduring

Returning to the mercenaries given to Aristippus by Cyrus, we find that

University of California, Los Angeles Truesdell S. Brown

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