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W
hat could be a useful framework to guide the way we think about
neighbourhood landscapes? Although they are omnipresent features of our
everyday living spaces, neighbourhood landscapes are often perceived as
physically small, highly fragmented, perhaps unplanned and uncoordinated, and even
unimportant. The monotony, homogeneity, and occasional neglect that we observe in
many neighbourhood landscapes may have been shaped by such perceptions. Over
time, these conditions are tolerated or even accepted as convention.
Despite their small size and apparent irrelevance, neighbourhood landscapes can have
wide-ranging impacts. For instance, a widespread but increasingly criticised practice in
American residential landscapes is the front lawn (Jenkins, 2015). The preoccupation
with the lawn as a norm, even in water-scarce regions, has led to turfed areas being the
largest single “crop” in the US (Milesi et al., 2005). This has obvious adverse consequences
on water conservation, especially in the context of water scarcity and unpredictability
in water supply induced by climate change and environmental degradation. Individual
household decisions on landscapes can influence other ecological qualities as well, such as
biodiversity and energy balance of urban areas (Scyphers and Lerman, 2014). Seemingly
inconsequential decisions on landscapes at the household scale can cumulatively have
enormous consequences on larger social and environmental conditions that belie the
smallness associated with neighbourhood landscapes.
A framework that sheds light on the important roles neighbourhood landscapes play in
promoting urban sustainability, liveability, and resilience must explicitly acknowledge
the multiple and multi-scalar connections these landscapes have with the larger socio-
ecological environment. The connections are ecological, concerned with flows of
materials and energy, flows of organisms, and exchanges of genetic materials. They
are also social, concerned with bonds between humans, and between humans and the
places they live.
c (c)
It seems clear that if we aim to deliver on the promise of neighbourhood landscapes for
both people and environment, no single perspective can monopolise the approach and
adequately frame our views; a pluralistic approach integrating multiple perspectives is
called for. If we also assume that all disciplines mentioned above are motivated by the
creation of knowledge not for knowledge itself, but to eventually deploy the knowledge to
advance the welfare of humankind, we suggest that our quest for knowledge in different
disciplines can be connected by the common goal of creating a built environment which
supports the well-being of current and future regenerations. We propose that such a
goal can be characterised by the triple aspirations of urban development: sustainability,
liveability, and resilience.
Liveability is a relatively recent but widely-used term in urban planning. Ruth and
Franklin (2014) say the concept emerged along with “sustainability” in public discourse
and city planning and has since become a buzzword. Entire organisations are dedicated
to urban liveability issues, such as International Making Cities Livable, Centre for
Liveable Cities and Liveable Cities Lab; in addition, an array of indexes now benchmark
the liveability of cities, such as Global Liveability Report (Economist Intelligence Unit,
n.d.) and Most Livable Cities Index (Monocle, n.d.).
Despite its wide usage, there is no widely accepted definition of liveability. The following
components have been associated with liveability: human needs being met, including
both existential and spiritual ones (Tan and Hamid, 2014); the “well-being of a
community and … the characteristics that make a place where people want to live now
and into the future” (Kennedy and Buys, 2010); and more recently, as a “behavioural-
perceptual function of the human-environment interface” (Teo, 2014). Liveability may
therefore be understood as a desirable condition defined by the physical and social
qualities of the built environment and, at the same time, by human perception and
assessment of these qualities.
While liveability may be a recent term, planning urban environments that meet the
basic needs of urban dwellers, such as clean water, sanitation, and green spaces, has a
long history dating back to the Industrial Revolution. This urban development goal is
often described as the development of a “sanitary city” aimed at providing clean water
and basic sanitation (Melosi, 2000). The incorporation of green spaces in cities also has
a long association with health promotion for urban dwellers (Ward Thompson, 2011).
With increasing public health challenges in urban areas (Dye, 2008), there is growing
attention to the nexus between landscapes and health in urban settings. A key part of
liveability should thus be the promotion of human health.
The term resilience has its roots in ecology, but its use now goes beyond describing the
ability of natural ecosystems to absorb changes or disturbances without altering their
basic structure, functions, and identity (Holling, 1973; Walker, Hooling, Carpenter
and Kinzig, 2004). It is increasingly promoted as a concept to guide urban planning in
cities now understood as socio-ecological systems (Pickett, Cadenasso, and McGrath,
2013). It is also used to refer to the ability of communities to withstand and recover
from external shocks related to both natural disasters and social crises (Wu, 2012),
such as financial crises, social unrest, terrorism, etc. In addition, it refers to the ability
of engineering systems, such as transportation networks, buildings and utilities, etc. to
withstand natural hazards such as typhoons, earthquakes, and other effects of climate
change. Increasingly emphasised in the concept of resilience are the qualities of self-
organisation, adaptation to external changes, and transformation to a more desirable
state (Meerow, Newell, and Stults, 2016).
Although they are distinct concepts, sustainability, liveability, and resilience are
interlinked (Tan and Hamid, 2014), with overlapping conceptual underpinnings
(Redman, 2014). Although the conceptual foundations, their interactions, and
suggestions for their application to shape urban areas will inevitably evolve over time, we
suggest the following simplified way to frame them to convey their interconnectedness:
sustainability is primarily focused on conserving Earth’s resources to protect the capacity
of ecosystems and achieve intergenerational equity, to meet the needs of current
In other words, cities cannot be sustainable unless they possess a basic degree of
resilience, and cities, even if sustainable, may not achieve a requisite level of liveability
to be attractive places to live, unless human material and existential needs are met.
On the other hand, a highly liveable city whose high consumptive patterns exceed the
capacity of natural systems to provide the resources it draws upon cannot ultimately
be sustainable or resilient. Trade-offs between these three goals of urban development
are inevitable. We need to find a balance.
Ecological economists have attempted to articulate and quantify the economic value
of natural ecosystems. Since the use of the term by Ehrlich and Ehrlich (1981), various
definitions of ecosystem services have been advanced, with most definitions referring
to the direct and indirect benefits of ecosystems on human well-being (Braat and de
Groot, 2012). More recently, starting with the seminal paper by Costanza et al. (1997),
there has been a surging interest in quantifying the benefits derived from natural
ecosystems, and studies in ecosystem services have grown exponentially (Hubacek
and Kronenberg, 2013; Potschin and Haines-Young, 2011), reflecting the utility of
the concept and its widespread usage.
Given the wide range of ecosystem services, classification schemes are useful for
fostering a conceptual understanding of ecosystem services and promoting their use
in urban planning and design. A widely-used classification scheme from Millennium
Ecosystem Assessment (MEA, 2003) groups ecosystem services into “supporting
services”, “regulating services”, “provisioning services”, and “cultural services”.
Supporting services are those “necessary for the production of all other ecosystem
services”, such as biomass production, production of atmospheric oxygen, soil
formation and retention, nutrient cycling, water cycling, and provisioning of habitat;
regulating services are “the benefits obtained from the regulation of ecosystem
processes, such as the regulation of climate, water, and some human diseases”;
provisioning services are “the products obtained from ecosystems, such as food, fuel,
fibre, fresh water, and genetic resource”; and cultural services are “the non-material
benefits people obtain from ecosystems occurring through spiritual enrichment,
cognitive development, reflection, recreation, and aesthetic experience, including
knowledge systems, social relations, and aesthetic values” (MEA, 2005).
Suffice it to say that a translation process is needed to shift what is produced by nature
into benefits that can be valued by humans. Efforts to do so include definitions of a
cascade linking ecosystem processes to human well-being (de Groot et al., 2010), or
simply “value chains” linking landscape structure to landscape processes and functions
to create value for humans (Swaffield, 2013). In the latter definition, values “are concepts
or beliefs about outcomes that transcend specific situations, guide evaluation, and
action” (Swaffield, 2013) and may be expressed in monetary or non-monetary terms.
This value chain is a useful concept for thinking about the design of neighbourhood
landscapes, as it explicitly recognises the role of design not just in shaping ecological
processes, but also in ensuring the emergent processes are beneficial to human well-
being. This is intimately tied to the fact that values are fundamentally normative in
nature and constructed through social processes (Liu and Opdam, 2014), and thus the
engagement of stakeholders is a necessary part of landscape design, especially for the
neighbourhood landscapes that are constantly and immediately experienced by large
populations of urban dwellers. Put otherwise, simply managing ecological processes is
not enough; the community must be involved for value to be obtained.
1
This is described as “design as a verb” and “design as a noun” by Steinitz (2012) and as a “product” and an “activity” by Nassauer and Opdam (2008).
Two key points underpin these definitions. First, design is an integrative process; that
is, it seeks to connect rather than limit multiple goals or needs. As goals and needs often
seem competing or contradictory, for instance, water conservation versus the creation of
lush home gardens in arid landscapes, design is necessarily a creative process deployed
to find solutions that can overcome perceived limitations or incompatible goals. Second,
design seeks to marry the positivist approach used predominantly in science with the
normative process of reconciling individual or community desires or needs. Design
may be viewed as an iterative process that attempts to apply knowledge from science
in multiple domains — climate, hydrology, biodiversity conservation, social sciences,
recreation management, etc. — but the final outcome is tempered by priorities of
stakeholders with a vested interest in the landscape. In an urban setting, stakeholder
groups are necessarily diverse, comprising not just residents who use the landscape, but
also public policy makers, civil society, academia, even businesses. The act of reconciling
multiple goals can be managed as a transdisciplinary process which seeks to identify
common issues and challenges and develop socially acceptable solutions. By socially
acceptable solutions, we refer not just to the achievement of consensus between multiple
stakeholder groups, but also to the process of developing solutions. The involvement
of stakeholders and the act of negotiation between competing interests yields solutions
that are more widely acceptable to most groups, even if not all interests can be met.
This process involves a participatory design approach (see Chapter 4.2.3).
T
he conceptual framework for neighbourhood landscape design in Fig. 3.1
encapsulates the six conceptual foundations described in the preceding section.
The overarching concept is that neighbourhoods are SES nested within
larger spatial units of towns and cities and within smaller spatial units of precincts
and blocks. These spatial units are connected not just by physical infrastructure,
such as roads and telecommunications networks, but also by ecological networks that
represent movements of energy, materials, and organisms, as well as social networks
forged between humans, communities, and places. At the heart of neighbourhood
landscape design is the creation of an environment that provides the physical,
social, and economic conditions necessary to support human well-being. Unless the
environment has the concomitant capacity to support ecosystem functions, human
well-being cannot be sustained in the long term. Therefore, neighbourhood landscape
design has to take into account both socio-cultural and ecological considerations.
Fig. 3.1 Conceptual framework for neighbourhood landscape design, depicting the inter-relationships between the six conceptual foundations described in Chapter 3.1.
I
n the preceding sections, we framed neighbourhoods as socio-ecological systems
with ecological and social components that have close interactions and feedback
loops. The interactions are mediated by networks of ecological processes, such
as flows of materials, energy and organisms, and social processes, such as the formation
of social ties and associations with place of living, information flows facilitated by
telecommunication networks and economic transactions. These flows are made more
complex by cross-scale interactions within and beyond the neighbourhood scale, as
well as the involvement of multiple agents and actors at individual, household, and
institutional levels. In an increasingly globalised and connected world, international
drivers are both biophysical, such as climate change, and socio-economic in nature,
such as financial crises, geopolitical developments, popular cultural movements, etc.
Any of these can exert an influence on decisions made at the neighbourhood level.
Social norms and expectations thus shape neighbourhood landscapes, but social norms
and expectations are malleable; they change with shifting awareness and priorities among
policy makers and with new expectations of landscape users. To cite one example, there
is a growing international movement in urban farming. This is not a random change but
one engendered by growing concerns about sustainability and food security (Hou, 2017,
p. 24). At the smallest scale, the composition of plants used in landscapes is influenced
by the native versus exotic plants debate or by the movement to use xeric landscapes
in drier climates. In short, the provision of neighbourhood landscape services is not
accidental, but shaped by the conscious or unconscious decisions of people and by the
ways values associated with different landscape services are perceived (Ernstson, 2013).
The many social decisions that influence neighbourhood landscapes may be characterised
by “who” decides (actors who exert influences on decisions) and “how” decisions are
made (processes of stakeholder engagement). Decisions are also dependent on the extent
In short, interacting social and ecological considerations involving multiple agents and
actors dictate the effectiveness of neighbourhood landscapes to meet multiple needs of
stakeholders and achieve optimal ecological processes. We suggest that to understand
and manage complexities, a useful starting point is the use of “principles” (Tan, 2017).
Principles refer to basic assumptions about a system of study. In the context of this
book, it means the socio-ecological systems of neighbourhood landscapes, how they
function and their basic operating premises. As highlighted by Luederitz, Lang, and Von
Wehrden (2013), principles translate a conceptual understanding of complex systems
into concise statements to frame important issues. In so doing, principles generate
insights for a developmental pathway towards an ideal or desired condition.
The use of principles to steer design and planning is not new. Principles have been
applied in ecological landscape and ecological design (see references in Tan, 2017),
including the design of urban areas (Ferguson, Frantzeskaki, and Brown, 2013; Forman,
2016; Luederitz et al., 2015; Spirn, 2011). In this section, we draw on insights from these
earlier studies to suggest a list of principles that can guide the design of neighbourhood
landscapes. These principles are aligned with the perspective that neighbourhoods are
socio-ecological systems.
We identify five principles drawn from an urban ecological perspective of cities. These
are adapted and synthesised from Cadenasso and Pickett (2008); Hwang, Feng, and
Tan (2016); Nassauer (2012); Spirn (2011) and Tan (2017). The list is not exhaustive,
as further refinement of our conceptual understanding of socio-ecological systems
will continue to reshape our views and the applicable principles. Principles can also be
organised as metaprinciples (Pickett and Cadenasso, 2017; Ramaswami, Ramaswami
et al., 2016), to create a more hierarchical understanding of socio-ecological systems.
Principles and strategies, in our view, provide a valuable entry point to the design of
neighbourhood landscapes. Below we explain the five principles that can help to identify
design strategies to be incorporated into the design of specific landscapes services. In Part
II, we suggest a more comprehensive set of design strategies for each landscape service.
One design strategy derived from this principle is designing neighbourhood landscapes
to promote habitats for biodiversity. Neighbourhood landscapes are typically too small
to sustain viable populations of larger organisms such as avifauna and small mammals,
but they can act as a temporary refuge, provide food sources, and act as stepping stones
to aid the dispersal of organisms across the larger landscapes. However, achieving
this goal requires an assessment of how neighbourhood landscapes may enhance the
ecological connectivity of neighbourhoods across a larger network of green and other
spaces, or in other words, an understanding of the relationship between neighbourhoods
and their larger interconnected surroundings.
An example of a strategy derived from this principle is to engage the community in the
design and post-construction management of neighbourhood landscapes. This can be
achieved, for instance, by incorporating “white spaces” in the design. These are spaces
with no predetermined uses or functions; their use is determined by the community
upon completion of landscapes. This is particularly relevant in residential estates created
from scratch, and for which the engagement of future residents in the planning and
design process is difficult, before occupation of the estates. White spaces allow the
community to determine how a landscape could be better aligned to the community’s
needs, engendering a heightened sense of belonging and place attachment.
A design strategy derived from this principle is to allow the neighbourhood landscape
to “self-design”. The current practice in most neighbourhood landscapes is a strict
maintenance regime to keep them as close as possible to their original design at the time
of completion. In some features of the landscape, such as an activity lawn, the functional
reasons for a strict maintenance schedule are understandable. However, where space
permits, landscapes should be allowed to develop spontaneously and undergo natural
succession. For instance, selected fast-growing trees should be allowed to be planted in
an area which was originally designed with a grove of trees laid out in a regular fashion,
in order to create a suitable microclimate for other species to establish later on. These
trees may be introduced by wind, or brought in by pollinators, or deliberately seeded
at the site. The appearance of the landscape will change over time, whether between
seasons or over a longer time frame. Growth of the vegetation can be affected by periodic
drought, disease or any other natural factors that affect vegetative and reproductive
cycles of growth. Other than the initial interventions, the landscape “designs” itself over
time, demonstrates the natural dynamism of an ecosystem, requires less maintenance
and creates a more interesting contrast (and sometimes complement) to the orderly
look of a neighbourhood.
A design strategy derived from this principle is using landscapes to recycle nutrients that
would otherwise be lost through discharge into other ecosystems. For instance, nitrogen
from fertiliser application or atmospheric deposition is easily leached from soils into
aquatic systems. In severe cases, this can lead to eutrophication and degradation of the
receiving waterbodies. Nitrogen is also lost from the system through horticulture waste
from maintenance activities, especially when these waste are incinerated or landfilled.
Such waste can easily be composted, in either off- or on-site composting facilities and
returned to the landscape as mulch, compost, or organic fertiliser, thereby increasing the
fertility of the soil and improving soil structure. In other words, fundamental ecological
and biophysical processes (during composting, nutrient uptake, and biogeochemical flows
of nutrients, etc.) still occur within the urban environment, even if they are not visible.
A design strategy derived from this principle is the incorporating of diverse ecosystem
types into neighbourhoods. Examples of such ecosystems include woodlands,
community farms, natural ponds, constructed wetlands, etc. However, as with
biodiversity enhancement through landscape design, where the aim is not merely to
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