July-Sep.

Volume VI, Issue 3.

2022
Manipur: Contents
National Register
of Citizenship Demand Manipur: National Register of Citizenship
Demand 1

P opulation influx from neighbouring countries and Lessons From Sri Lanka’s Collapse 4
other parts of India has been a concern in Manipur. Against Repressive Laws in India, CDRO 11
Many feel that due to lack of effective measures to regu- 10 Reasons Why UGC CUET Will Create
late the population influx, immigrants have outnumbered More Problems for Students,
indigenous people. The immigrants are being seen with All India Students’ Association 16
suspicion as “settler colonialists” creating dangerous
Is India a welfare state?,
impacts on demographic balance, land ownership, econ-
omy and monopoly markets, employment opportunity
Dr S Jatin Kumar 19
and labour pool, electoral politics, socio-cultural order, CCG Open Statement on the Sedition
peace and stability, etc. Many felt the need to have an Provision in the Indian Penal Code,
effective policy: (1) to regulate unrestraint immigrations, Constitutional Conduct Group 23
(2) to prevent immigrants from owning land, (3) to pre- Resist US-led Wars and Militarism in the
vent immigrants from owning buildings and immovable Asia Pacific 25
properties, (4) to prevent immigrants from becoming
permanent citizenship and enjoying voting rights, (5) to I
create a base year so that anyone entering into Manipur
after the base year may be identified and deported, and MEMORANDUM SUBMITTED TO
so on. To fulfill these objectives, from early 2000s on- THE HON’BLE PRIME MINISTER
wards there was a movement demanding extension of
an inner line permit system in Manipur. In response the
OF INDIA ON 3RD JULY.
Government of India, on December 12, 2019, extended
Submitted by All Manipur Students’ Union (AMSU), All
the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation, 1873, in Mani-
Naga Students’ Association Manipur (ANSAM), Apun-
pur. Following this, the Government of Manipur, on 31st
ba Ireipakki Maheiroi Sinpanglup (AIMS), Democratic
December 2019, issued the Manipur Inner Line Permit
Students’ Alliance of Manipur (DESAM), Kangleipak
Guidelines, 2019. These are supposedly meant to regu-
Students’ Association (KSA), Manipuri Students’ Feder-
late immigration from other parts of India. Unfortunate-
ation (MSF), and Students’ Union of Kangleipak (SUK).
ly, the ILP Guidelines has clauses that are either silent on
or vague in or contradicted from addressing the original
To,
demands. It also did not address the question of detecting
Shri Narendra Modi,
and deporting illegal influxes from neighbouring coun-
Hon’ble Prime Minister,
tries. Therefore, the demand for effective mechanisms
Government of India,
to protect and promote indigenous people continues. To
New Delhi.
reflect on the demands, two recent documents are repro-
duced below.
Subject: Need for National Register of Citizenship
and State Population Commission.
Editor
This e-jounral covers the polemics and voices of democratic movement against imperialism, fascism, and other forms of reaction.
Editor: Dr. Malem Ningthouja.
Published by Campaign for Peace & Democracy (Manipur). E-mail: cpdmanipur@gmail.com
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022 1
Hon’ble Sir,
We, the following representatives of 7 indigenous
students bodies of the State of Manipur hereby submit
the need for having a National Register of Citizenship
and also advise the State Government to constitute a
Manipur State Population Commission. The basis for the
said request is laid down in the following paragraphs.
1. Manipur prior to its merger to the Dominion of
Inia in 1949 had strict regulations for outsider in visit-
ing and settling in Manipur and this regulation was done
away with by the then Chief Commissioner Himmat
Singh in 1950 opening a floodgate for outsiders to come
and settle in Manipur which is a small state of 22,327 sq
km comprising 0.7% of the land surface of India. The
population growth suddenly shot up beyond imagination
as indicated in the graph below, where the growth differs
between the valley and the hills.
It may be appreciated that the decadal growth rate
of population is only 12.08 for the decade 1941 to 1951.
The sharp increase in the decadal growth rate after the
cancelation of the immigration regulation by the then
Chief Commissioner in 1950 resulted in a sharp increase
of the growth rate as shown in the following table:
The increase can only be explained by migration
from neighbouring countries and sates and just can’t
be explained by natural birth. When one examined the
composition of the population based on mother tongue
spoken, it come to the conclusion that the immigrants
are mostly from the cognate tribes from neighbouring
Myanmar, Nepali from Nepal and Muslims from Ban-
gladesh, the latter now a distinct force in Jiribam District
bordering Assam. In Tripura, Hindus were the main mi-
grants from erstwhile East Pakistan and Bangladesh and
most Muslim migrants from this country reached Assam
and Manipur with some settled in Nagaland.
2. The people of Manipur had been demanding the
updation and implementation of the NRC through the
available records as done in Assam, with 1951 as the base
year as Manipur joined the Union of India on 15th Octo-
ber, 1949. Hence, we demand that the NRC must also
be updated in Manipur with 1951 as the base year. Our
demands are strictly based on the need for small commu-
nities in the region and the state to survive. Manipur as
you are fully aware comprises of almost 90% hills where
land cannot be bought by non ST, while in the valley, the
population density is as per 2011 census 730 and will not
be able to cater to aliens as our growing population need
to be catered first. This high population impacts the hills
as many aliens are staying there as share-croppers and it
2 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
will be difficult to dislodge them later. This impacts our
indigenous hill brethren also and conflict had arisen now
and then, including violent reactions.
3. Even the ILP regime which your Government
have graciously extended to Manipur has little impact
as there is no definition of the term inhabitant. It was
very recently that the State cabinet have decided to adopt
1961 as the base year for identifying the inhabitant of
Manipur. It is our hope that at least the State Govern-
ment can regulate the inflow of visitors. However, the
most important is the regulation of visitors from other
countries who have the habit of settling down in the state
through marriage, etc.
4. The people have also been demanding the estab-
lishment of the State Population Commission, the im-
portance and relevance need not be brought out in this
memorandum as even the Union Government felt the
need and constituted a National Population Commission
under your able leadership in 2020. The state Govern-
ment may kindly be advised to establish a State Popu-
lation Commission with technical experts included, so
that details can be worked out for the future of the state.
It is our fervent appeal, that to protect the indigenes
of the State, which are being swamped and marginalized
in our own home state, the NRC for the state with 1951
as the base year is prepared and the State Government is
advised to establish a Manipur State Population Com-
mission in line with the National Population Commis-
sion at the earliest. With your visionary approach to-
wards making India strong, it is our hope that you will
appreciate our prayer and issue suitable instructions as
deemed fit.
Yours faithfully,
Haobijam Chalamba, President, AMSU
Saikhom Premchandm President, AIMS
Sukham Bidyananda, President, KSA
Ningthoujam Dhanakumar Meitei, President, SUK
Wanglar Thiirtung, President, ANSAM
Leishangthem Lamyanba Meitei, President, DESAM
Khangembam Bidyasagar, President, MSF
 II
MEMORANDUM SUBMITTED
TO THE HON’BLE
PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA
ON JULY 12, 2022
Submitted by Federation of Haomee; Kabui Union Ma-
nipur; Mao Council Manipur; Tarao Tribe Union, Ma-
nipur; Tangkhul Naga Wungnao Long, Manipur; Chiru
Union NEI, Manipur; Zeme Naga Council, Manipur;
Lamkang Tribe Union, Manipur; Kom Union Manipur;
Chothe Tribe Union, Manipur; Maring Uparap Assem-
bly, Manipur; Maram Union, Manipur; Liangmai Naga
Council, Manipur; Khoibu Tribe Union; Mayon Naga
Council, Manipur; Thangal Union, Manipur; Aimol
Tribe Union, Manipur; Inpui Naga Union, Manipur, and;
Anal Chief’s Association.
To,
Shri Narendra Modi Ji
Hon’ble Prime Minister of India
South Block, Raisina Hill
New Delhi—110011
Hon’ble Sir,
We, the undersigned indigenous communities of
Manipur express the utmost gratitude to you for the
extension of Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation 1873
in Manipur that the people of Manipur had struggled
for long years from 1990. Your government had
recently comprehended the prolong demand thereby the
Honourable President of India signed the extension order
on 11 December 2019. Manipur is now the Inner Line
Permit System enacted fourth state in North East India. It
is all from your government’s thoughtful realism.
As Manipur is a border state the intrusion of
immigrants from Bangladesh, Myanmar and Nepal by far
and autonomously had settled at large since the abolition
of the Pass Permit / Permit System on 18 November 1950
by the then Chief Commissioner Himmat Singh. On this
issue, no discerning step had taken up so far for the last
75 years under the Foreigners Act 1946. Because of this
continuous overflow of influxes, which subsisted within
us, has now taken possession of the socio economic and
political rights of the indigenous people. Bangladeshi and
Myanmar Muslims have occupied the constituency of
Jiribam and numbered of the them scattered on average
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
in valley areas. Mynamar Kuki and nearby Lushai Kuki
have settled at an unsystematic population of some lakhs
in number. They have now counteracted ownership
against the occupant indigenous people in hill areas.
Likewise, Nepali population has raised tremendous
number. In view of the situations of outsider’s problem
of Manipur, we earnestly lay before you the following
demands for your decisive action to take up.
Exigency 1— Though India government extended
Inner Line Permit System to the state of Manipur, most
importantly the fixation of indigenous people has yet
not defined. Therefore, we expect a sooner action would
response against this delay. Moreover, we trust that the
Central Government would understand and proceed the
identification of indigenous people would manner, as it
is in the context of Manipur whereby the communities
of hill and valley who traces their origin to the Seven
YEK SALAI (homogeneity of clans) is autochthonous
of the land. They are sole indigenous of Manipur who
habituated and belonged only to this state with records
of pre history kings who ruled the YEK SALAI kingdom
and its existence.
Exigency 2— We have trusted that India is a
country that wished solely to protect its Indian citizens
under constitutional protection. Honorable Amit Shah
ji delivered a remarkable speech in the Rajya Sabha of
the Indian Parliament on 19 November 2019 that NRC
would be implemented throughout the country. In the
light of this perception, we call for the implementation
of NRC in Manipur to safeguard the genuine citizens.
Exigency 3—There was movement of Foreigner
issue, which demanded for Detection & Deportation
of Foreigners from Manipur. In 1980 & 1994, the All
Manipur Students’ Union (AMSU), and All Manipur
Coordination Committee (AMSCOC) had undergone
an agreement twice with the Manipur Government and
the then Governor of Manipur V.K. Nair regarding
the detection and deportation of foreign nationals
from the soil of Manipur base on the year 1951 for
secluding the foreign nationals from genuine Indian
citizens. Nevertheless, the Manipur past as well present
government has not taken up any step towards the
agreement. Therefore, the foreigners are a great threat
to the indigenous people of Manipur and as whole in
respect of Indian too from a long time. It is the request
to our responsible Centre Government to open Centers
of operation for detection and deportation of foreigners
with immediate footstep.
3
 We, the undersigned would like to request the
Hon’ble Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modiji and
your government to take up the mandatory action of our
plea in letter and spirit at the earliest.
Sapam Cha Jadumani, President, Federation of Haomee
Dr. K. Heera Kabui, President, Kabui Union Manipur
S ri Lankas is currently facing a severe economic
Dr. Saheni Loli, President, Mao Council Manipur
Bijuan Tarao, President, Tarao Tribe Union, Manipur
S.A. Ramnganing,
President, Tangkhul Naga Wungnao Long, Manipur
M.S. Neichung, President, Chiru Union NEI, Manipur
Apung Daime, President, Zeme Naga Council, Manipur
Moningam, President, Lamkang Tribe Union, Manipur
MK Mangte, President, Kom Union Manipur
Thao Mingthing Chothe
President, Chothe Tribe Union, Manipur
Yaima Maring
President, Maring Uparap Assembly, Manipur
K. Raisong, President, Maram Union, Manipur
Machundoubou Ringkangmai
President, Liangmai Naga Council, Manipur
Jim Ronglo, General Secretary, Khoibu Tribe Union
Chinir Francis,
President, Mayon Naga Council, Manipur
Y.K. Kapig, President, Thangal Union, Manipur
S. Munthuireng, President, Aimol Tribe Union, Manipur
Kashahung Bariam,
President, Inpui Naga Union, Manipur
Seltun Thumvar, President, Anal Chief’s Association
4 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
Lessons From
Sri Lanka’s Collapse
and political collapse. While bankruptcy has been
declared there is uncertainty of restoring stability any
sooner. Declaration of emergency and repressive laws
cannot urgently address the economic need and security
in all fronts. But the current collapse does not occur as
a result of an unforeseen overnight dramatic catastrophe
enforced by a supernatural force. The collapse is the fall-
out of several decades of crisis inherent in the neoliberal
order defended by the local regime in collusion with in-
ternational monopoly finance capitalist forces. What is
the character of this crisis? Why does it occur? Who are
responsible for it? What are the lessons to be learnt from
Sri Lanka’s collapse? What needs to be done? Some of
these questions are addressed by the three documents re-
produced below.
Editor
I
WE SUPPORT THE STRUGGLE OF
THE PEOPLE OF SRI LANKA
The economic and political impasses of the imperi-
alist capitalist system are felt on a world scale. Inflation,
unemployment and cost of living are soaring in all coun-
tries. Also on the rise is the discontent, mass demon-
strations and protests of the poverty stricken workers
and labourers, whose working and living conditions are
deteriorating. Almost every day there is news of rallies,
protests, strikes and uprisings of workers and labouring
peoples from one country to another.
Whilst the protests of the indigenous peoples, work-
ers and labourers in Ecuador are still going on, the peo-
ple of Sri Lanka stormed the palace of the President and
the Prime Minister.
Sri Lanka has been brought to the point of bank-
ruptcy by the profit greed of the monopolies, collabo-
rators of imperialism, and the neoliberal policies and
corruption of the ruling profiteering political caste. Un-
employment and prices have escalated. The most basic
necessities cannot be imported due to lack of foreign
currency. Long-term power cuts began. Schools were
closed. Foreign debts became unpayable. 
 People have been on the streets since March and
eventually they occupied the Presidential Palace, de-
manding President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation.
He fled the country and is now travelling around looking
for a refuge. He then sent his resignation. Being a “hero”
by bloodily suppressing the resistance of the Tamil peo-
ple by escalating nationalism was not enough to save his
presidency. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe who
is now acting as his deputy declared a state of emergen-
cy and asked the military and police to stop the demon-
strations. The people, on the other hand, continue their
demonstrations demanding his resignation.
The people of Sri Lanka and the leaders of the up-
rising have an important responsibility at this stage. As
in similar uprisings before, they need to insist on self-de-
termination and not surrender their gains to different
cliques of the bourgeoisie. The people must succeed in
bringing out from within their movement the organs of
power that will be the basis of their sovereignty.
Power partnerships with different cliques of the
bourgeoisie, interim government traps, electoral prom-
ises tied to reform and the continuation of the existing
order will only extinguish the fire of the uprising and
ensure the continuation of the old order under different
names.
Those who have dragged Sri Lanka into an eco-
nomic and political quagmire cannot save the country.
The programmes they will present as prescriptions for
“salvation” can only further impoverish the people and
condemn them to hunger, and consolidate the political
domination of the bourgeoisie.
The workers and labourers of the world stand with
the Sri Lankan people. Their victory and experience will
be a shared value for us all.
We salute and support the struggle of the Sri Lankan
people.
Down with neoliberal capitalism!
Down with the tyrannical rule of
imperialism’s collaborators!
Long live revolution and socialism!
Coordinating Committee
International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and
Organisations
(ICMLPO)
July, 2022
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
II
SRI LANKA: LIONS ROAR AS
“THINGS FALL APART”
People’s Upsurge Against Neoliberal, Majoritarian
Rajapakses’ Authoritarianism
Economic crisis leading to disruption of people’s lives
and collapse of their livelihood has resulted in a political
crisis in our Southern neighbour, Sri Lanka. Everything
is going wrong for the people and they are rising against
the ruling family, Rajapakses, who monopolize power
in Sri Lanka. Whimsical decisions have played a role
in precipitating the crisis, brewed by long duration of
neoliberal policies; but then strongmen and women are
‘revered’ for their whims so long as they work. In third
world countries these strong leaders have little control
over the happenings as they are propped and undermined
by imperialist powers. Led on to garden path, flowers
turn into thorns and green carpet into scorched earth.
Once again a show piece of imperialist capital propelled
development lies in shambles.
First, the difficulties of the people. There is lack
of food, fuel and medicines. There has been 10 to 12
hours of black out every day and the number of hours
of black out have increased to 13-14 hours a day. Long
queues are there for food, milk and fuel including kero-
sene whose prices have sky rocketed. Serpentine queues
have already taken a toll of elderly and sick with several
having perished in the queues. To keep ‘order’, Army
is deployed at state run fuel depots. Economic activities
have come down including industries which have had to
close down or work for reduced hours for lack of power.
Power plants have closed down or reduced output due to
lack of diesel. Even students’ examinations have been
put off as there is no ink or paper. Most of the newspa-
pers and magazines have closed down and those afloat
have reduced number of pages. There are no essential
medicines and even emergency surgeries are not being
carried out. Some people have also reached Indian shores
due to economic hardships. Inflation has reached 25.7%;
worse, essential commodities have just disappeared from
the shelves.
People are protesting, clashing with police and
armed forces. Protests at President’s house have been
dispersed by use of force. Govt. proclaimed Emergen-
cy and imposed curfew to check protests. But protests
continue unbowed. On April 5, Govt. was forced to
lift Emergency. Workers, students, lawyers, teachers,
5
all sections of people are protesting and joining pro-
tests. Health workers throughout Sri Lanka have called
a general strike on April 8. Economic hardships are so
widespread that political crisis has engulfed the island.
Strongmen of yesterday are appearing sheepish now. All
ministers except the Prime Minister have offered their
resignation. But the target of people’s anger is Rajapak-
ses who have monopolized power in Sri Lanka and re-
fuse to go. Not only President and Prime Minister but
there are seven ministers from the family who control
75% of country’s Budget. To shield himself and his fam-
ily from people’s anger President Gotabaya Rajapakse
invited opposition parties to join a National Unity Govt.
Expectedly, main opposition parties have declined the
offer refusing to do scavenging for the ruling family.
Resignation of President and Prime Minister- Rajapakse
brothers, has crystallized as a battle cry of the protesters.
The present crisis presented itself as a serious de-
pletion of foreign exchange reserves to foot the import
bill with Sri Lanka unable to buy essential necessities of
daily use like food, fuel and medicines. Foreign curren-
cy reserves have dwindled down to less than two billion
US$ (these were US $2.31 during February 2022). Ex-
ports have dwindled and tourism is at a standstill, putting
further pressure. But this gross trade imbalance (trade
deficit being 9.1 billion $ in 2021) expresses the under-
lying imbalance of economy brought about the policies
pursued by successive govts. The main foreign exchange
earners for Sri Lanka have been remittances of Sri Lank-
an labour working abroad, export of textile garments and
tea and tourism. With remittances from abroad and ex-
port of textile garments stagnating since 2013 onwards,
it was earnings from tourism that has been rising contin-
uously earning revenue of 4.4 billion $ in 2018.
Some commentators are attributing the crisis to for-
eign debt burden. It is definitely an important factor but
not the whole story. Foreign debt of Sri Lanka was es-
timated to be over $51 billion in 2021 while GDP was
estimated to be around $81 billion. Though section of
media has insinuated Chinese loans to be the main fac-
tor but analysis of Sri Lankan external debt shows it to
be only one of them. As of end April 2021, 47% of the
foreign debt of Sri Lanka was market borrowings and
nearly 13% from Asian Development Bank. Loans from
Japan, China and World Bank constituted roughly 10%
each of foreign debt, loans from India 2% and rest of the
foreign debt of Sri Lanka from other countries. Foreign
Debt to GDP ratio sharply worsened over the last three
years from roughly around 85% in the beginning of 2019
6 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
and 94% of the GDP in end 2019 to 119% of the GDP
in 2021.
How has Sri Lanka reached the present situation?
There are several factors which contributed to this situa-
tion. While Covid pandemic definitely hit tourism, Rus-
sia’s war against Ukraine also contributed to the precip-
itation of the crisis. Travelers from Russia and Ukraine
constituted more than one fourth of all tourists. Nearly
45% of the wheat imports of the island came from these
two countries. More than half of the imports of soya,
sunflower oil and pulses also come from Ukraine while
Russia and Ukraine are also reportedly important suppli-
ers of semi-finished products of iron and steel, asbestos,
copper (cathodes) and potassium chloride for fertilizers.
Besides, these two countries bought 18% of the black tea
produced in Sri Lanka. But these are only some factors
in what has been a crisis of imperialist backed corporate
majoritarian authoritarianism.
Rajapakse Govt. symbolizes unity of corporate
friendly neoliberal economic policies and majoritari-
an, in this case Sinhala Buddhist authoritarianism. Ra-
japakse Govt. stands on the heap of the military-cleric
regime. Military officers are appointed to head the pub-
lic sector undertakings and hard line clerics from Bodu
Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force) are appointed to steer
education, culture and laws towards a majoritarian au-
thoritarian rule. People’s upsurge brought about by eco-
nomic collapse has once again proved that main chal-
lenge to corporate especially foreign corporate backed
majoritarian rule comes from the people’s movement.
Parliamentary opposition parties are paying lip service
to the people’s anger doing little to bolster and hoping
to ride on the people’s anger much like in India as it was
the case during historic farmers’ movement in India. The
opposition parties have no alternate policy frame work;
hence they are limiting themselves to criticism like not
approaching IMF in time, thanking foreign countries for
help and the like. In many ways development of crisis in
Sri Lanka has parallels with India, Sri Lanka in fact is
ahead in some respects in chronological order.
The economic catastrophe was long in the making.
Sri Lanka was the first country in South Asia to embrace
neoliberal agenda. It was the UNP Govt. led by J.R. Jay-
awardene which adopted what were then called ‘open
economy reforms’ in 1977. These were accompanied by
attacks on trade union rights with setting up of free trade
zones without TU rights and enactment of Prevention
of Terrorism Act. With infusion of imperialist capital,
a bubble was created which burst a few years later. In
the need to divert people’s anger away from economic
policies pursued by ruling classes, Jayawardene Govt.
stoked majority Sinhala chauvinism. Attacks on Tamils
were intensified with 1983 infamous massacre of Tamils.
What followed were decades of conflict between Sinhala
majority Govt. and Tamils, including war between LTTE
and Sri Lankan Govt. It is in the later stages of this war
that Rajapakse family consolidated its leadership over
ruling class politics of Sri Lanka.
Civil war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009 with total
suppression of democratic rights and even cold blood-
ed murders of Tamils in Northeast by the military under
Rajapakse brothers’ govt. They inherited and fashioned
a majoritarian Administration forged during over two
decades of conflict. From 2009 followed a second wave
of liberalization with flurry of multilateral and bilateral
loans mainly from imperialist countries. China too en-
tered in a big way with funding the infrastructure proj-
ects. But what use of world class infrastructure with no
improvement in main sectors which provided bulk of the
employment to people of Srilanka with agriculture and
industry employing nearly 25% and 28% respectively,
rest being contributed by services. While GDP figures
including per capita GDP improved, people’s hardships
were not mitigated. This imperialist sponsored model
was waiting to burst in which authoritarian Rajapakse
extended no mean helping hand.
Besides suppression of democratic rights and cold
blooded killings of Tamils towards the end of civil war,
Mahinda Rajapakse’s term was marked by rising contra-
diction between US and India on the one hand and China
on the other. Rajapakse also helped growth of Sinhala
Buddhist chauvinism especially its organization Bodu
Bala Sena which articulated especially anti-Muslim pro-
gramme in Sri Lanka, like against Halal, Hijab and no
freedom of religion to Sri Lankan migrant workers in
Islamic countries. BBS also held that “.. democratic and
pluralistic values are killing Sinhala race” and the like
things we are quite familiar with in India. No wonder
RSS forged close relations with BBS and similar chau-
vinist organization in Myanmar as a part of its anti-Mus-
lim front in the region. Rajapakse was defeated in elec-
tions in 2015 January and he had blamed Indian agency
RAW for orchestrating his defeat.
Rajapakses who had been the main representatives
of Sinhala chauvinism utilized the Easter bombings in
Sri Lanka in April 2019 and consequent anti-Muslim
propaganda in Sri Lanka. Younger Rajapakse- Gotaba-
ya who had been defense minister during the civil war
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
was elected President. During their stay outside the govt.
Rajapakses had built bridges with US and youngest
brother Basil who had been finance minister was a US
citizen. They also repaired their relations with India’s
ruling RSS-BJP. After the parliamentary elections that
followed, Mahinda Rajapakse became Prime Minister of
Sri Lanka. They interpreted their victory as a license for
their majoritarian authoritarianism and unleashed an au-
tocratic and whimsical rule.
After their return to power, with their programme
to create “vistas of prosperity and spendour” Rajapakses
showered largesse on the very rich. National Building
Tax of 2% which was being levied on all businesses was
waived off and wealth tax reduced. To help Business,
VAT was reduced from 15% to 8%. Total tax exemptions
were granted to religious institutions. This greatly re-
duced the revenues of the Govt. which fell to only 9%
of the GDP.
Considering themselves unchecked and not respon-
sible to the people, Rajapakse Govt. in May 2019 banned
use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides (prohibiting
their imports) and announced total switch to organic
farming. This sudden switch without any background
preparation went with their autocratic way but agricul-
ture declined. Prior to ban, 91% farmers used chemical
fertilizers and pesticides. There was sharp decline in ag-
ricultural produce. Sri Lanka used to be self-sufficient
in rice production which fell by 20%. There was sharp
decline in the production of tea leaves which has been
the main export of Sri Lanka. The order was withdrawn
in November 2021 but damage to main crops was al-
ready done. This unprepared, unregulated, whimsical
switch forced Sri Lanka to import even rice and reduced
its exports.
While trade balance was distorted, payment of for-
eign debt servicing became a further burden. It will be
nigh impossible for Sri Lanka to service its debts. Sri
Lanka which used to boast of its transition to middle in-
come country is going around with begging bowl. China
has already offered 2.8 billion US $ and is considering
giving a further $ 2.5 billion. India has offered US $ 2.4
billion. Even Pakistan and Bangladesh have already giv-
en credits of US $ 200 million. IMF too has extended
credit.
With economic collapse leading to political crisis,
people of Sri Lanka are out in the streets. People’s an-
ger has pushed the ruling Rajapakses and their military
chauvinist backers on the backfoot. However, what type
of change this anger brings about will be determined by
7
the conscious forces leading the struggle and how much
and for what aims they can mobilize the people. Opposi-
tion ruling class parties may benefit from this anger but
these parties stand for the same policies which have led
to the present catastrophe and are discredited among the
people.
Another important lesson of the developments in Sri
Lanka is that people’s struggles for their basic econom-
ic issues are most important struggles for pushing the
agenda of chauvinist majoritarianism on the backfoot,
while conscious struggle will be required to decisively
defeat the forces championing this agenda. Such strug-
gles bring the people together cutting across social divi-
sions. Same lesson was furnished by the historic farm-
ers’ movement in India. Nobody hears of BBS nowadays
in Sri Lanka though they will most probably resurface
when the movement subsides if the present ruling class
politics remains and so does remain their need to divide
the people to perpetuate their rule and serve the interests
of imperialists and domestic reactionaries.
Sri Lankan crisis has much relevance for India
though it is a large country with deeper pockets of econ-
omy. However, some aspects are quite alarming. Indian
Govt. also heavily relies on borrowings to meet state ex-
penses. With elections out of the way for the time being,
Indian Govt. has increased fuel prices 11 times over last
13 days. On the other hand, public sector assets are being
sold from banks to railways. Govt. efforts at monetizing
public assets is continuing with pace. Besides, interest
rates of provident fund have been slashed. Despite ad-
mittedly record GST collections, states’ dues of GST
have not been given. Indian rulers too are following the
policies which are against the interests of Indian people
and in favour of foreign and Indian corporate.
Sri Lanka is witnessing a sharp crisis but the factors
leading to this crisis are present in a number of countries
including India, following imperialist sponsored path of
‘development’. And in this lies the lessons for the people
and tasks before the revolutionary forces.
New Democracy
April 8, 2022
8 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
III
SRI LANKAN WORKERS REVOLT
AGAINST THE KLEPTOCRACY
Lalkar writers
The island nation of Sri Lanka is enduring its worst-ever
economic crisis since its formal release from British co-
lonial rule in 1948. For months, petrol, diesel, gas, food
and medicine have been in very short supply and have
risen astronomically in price, as has the cost of trans-
port. People are compelled to wait in long queues to get
the essentials. Every day there are power cuts lasting for
hours because of lack of fuel for thermal power plants.
The Sri Lankan masses are placing the blame fair-
ly and squarely on the government that is led by Presi-
dent Gotabaya Rajapaksa, brother of previous Sri Lank-
an president Mahinda Rajapaksa, who is currently the
prime minister.
Cause of the economic crisis in Sri Lanka
To be fair to the Rajapaksas (not that they deserve
it), Sri Lankan governments from the time of its inde-
pendence have been persuaded (no doubt by economic
hitmen offering generous bribes to government lead-
ers) to take out numerous loans to finance infrastruc-
ture projects supposedly promising spectacular returns
that would make repayment of the debts incurred – plus
heavy interest – very easy. However, more often than not
the promised rates of return have not materialised and
debt servicing obligations have had to be met from other
resources, at the expense of the country’s people.
However, like very many governments in oppressed
countries, the Sri Lankan governments started to find it
necessary to incur fresh loans to pay back their existing
loans. Thus, between 2010 and 2020, for instance, for-
eign debt more than doubled.
From 2015 to 2019, it increased from US$23.4 bn to
$38.7 bn – an increase of 65 percent. International sov-
ereign bonds outstanding increased from $5 bn to $15 bn
– an increase of 200 percent. However, within the same
period, GDP only increased by 6 percent, that is, from
$79 bn to $84 bn.
Total foreign debt as at the end of April 2021 was
$25.1 bn, the amount having been reduced considerably
out of the proceeds of privatisation and sale of important
government assets such as ports, which Sri Lankan peo-
ple very much resent.
 Of this foreign debt, $7 bn is due to be paid back in
2022. However, Sri Lanka’s foreign currency reserve is
only around $1.6 bn. In 2020, Sri Lanka was in such se-
rious financial straits that it was barred from any further
borrowing on the international market.
The Associated Press commented recently on the
dire situation of the country’s finances: “Sri Lanka is on
the brink of bankruptcy, with nearly $7 bn of its total $25
bn in foreign debt due for repayment this year. A severe
shortage of foreign exchange means the country lacks
money to buy imported goods.” (Sri Lanka police open
fire at protesters; 1 dead, 13 injured by Krishan Francis
and Bharatha Mallawarachi, 20 April 2022)
An analysis produced by an Indian English-lan-
guage newspaper, the Pioneer, corroborated the narrative
that the stranglehold of international debt is the cause of
the crisis in Sri Lanka:
“According to the Sri Lankan central bank, the
economy has contracted by 1.5 percent in July-Sep-
tember 2021. These adverse conditions are mainly
due to heavy borrowings which require the island
state to pay nearly pay $12.5 bn on international
sovereign bonds. This cash crunch has meant that
Sri Lanka has severe inflationary conditions and
ongoing energy and food crisis leading to violent
unrest in the population requiring authorities to an-
nounce curfew in order to rein in the protests.” (Les-
sons from Sri Lanka on organic farming by Sriraj
Kota, 18 April 2022).
Imperialist looting
It is important to take into account the history of
Bretton Wood global financial institutions like the IMF
and World Bank. They have been – and always will be –
institutions of global imperialist domination. No matter
what short-term relief they give countries like Sri Lanka
in dire economic straits, theirs is a ‘cure’ that ends up ag-
gravating the malady further as the patient ends up more
indebted than ever.
Such loans are the sort given out by the mafia or
loan sharks to keep victims in a debt-trap – a permanent
state of dependency and financial slavery. Countries that
accept such loans are obligated to undergo ‘structural
adjustment programmes’ entailing the wholesale priva-
tisation of state assets, leaving entire economies at the
mercy of the vicissitudes of the global marketplace.
The livelihoods of not millions but billions are thus
left at the mercy of the profit margins of monstrous car-
tels of finance capital.
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
It is therefore clear that no long-term solution will
be found in the non-existent benevolence of Bretton
Woods institutions: it really does not matter how quickly
you get an injection of adrenaline once you realise you
cannot put Humpty Dumpty back together again.
President Rajapaksa does not make too much of the
debt-trap, much of which was built up under previous
Rajapaksa administrations, but he has ‘admitted’ that
much of the economic turmoil ongoing in Sri Lanka is
the fault of his erroneous policymaking.
“President Rajapaksa acknowledged on Monday
[18 April] that he made mistakes which had led to the
crisis, such as delaying an appeal to the IMF for help
and banning agrochemicals with the aim of making Sri
Lankan agriculture fully organic. Critics say the ban on
imported fertiliser was aimed at conserving the coun-
try’s declining foreign exchange holdings and badly hurt
farmers.” (Associated Press, op cit).
Lessons from Sri Lanka on Organic Farming
Well, going to the IMF for help, while it may have
been ‘necessary’ in the circumstances, in the end, as we
have seen, makes matters worse, not better. As for the
banning of agrochemicals, the main reason for this is
that the government did not have the money to pay for
them, which made ‘going green’ more obligatory than
optional!
It is certainly the case, however, that to make such a
fundamental change in agrarian practice could only pos-
sibly work if it was carefully planned in such a way as to
ensure that farmers were given all necessary support to
continue to produce at the same level as they had previ-
ously done with the help of artificial fertilisers. Failure to
do this must inevitably lead to a shortage of food either
for export or home consumption.
Making the necessary adjustments would, of course,
be perfectly feasible in a socialist planned economy, but
is hardly an option in a bankrupt oppressed country with-
out planning mechanisms or the resources to generate
substitutes.
The Pioneer article laid out the fatal flaw in Sri Lan-
ka’s organic farming experiment: “In spite of its undeni-
able benefits for the environment, organic farming is also
a severely debated concept due to its inherent drawbacks
which if ignored have the capacity to bring a nation’s
economy and food security to its knees. Sri Lanka has
been the unfortunate nation to experience the painful
ill-effects of adopting organic farming in a hurry.”
9
 Immediately, this should bring to mind the insolu-
ble contradiction of any and all attempts to remedy the
negative effects of human economic activity on the envi-
ronment under capitalism. To do so requires investment
in greener alternatives or the curtailment of such activity
altogether. However, we see that any attempt to do so
under capitalism leads to the greater impoverishment of
workers as a sacrifice on the altar of wide profit margins.
Take, for example, Margaret Thatcher’s closure of
Britain’s coal mines. Ostensibly, this would encourage
greener energyalternatives. The reason given by the Brit-
ish government at the time was that coal was losing its
economic efficiency. But where does that leave us today?
We now import our coal from the USA and Australia. In
what world is that more efficient economically or eco-
logically than sourcing our coal domestically? (Why is
Britain importing coal from Australia and the USA?, 18
November 2021)
Looking back at the aftermath of such a catastrophic
policy, this was nothing more than a manoeuvre towards
open classicide. Mrs Thatcher’s government was deter-
mined to wipe out the most militant segment of the Brit-
ish working class – with the loyal assistance of social
democracy – in order to be able to push on with a train-
load of neoliberal reforms.
To this day, Britain’s rulers persist with the ineffi-
cient practice of importing coal from overseas and with
open-cast mining – the most environmentally destructive
form of mining – frightened to death by the idea of re-
opening Britain’s mines and reviving mining communi-
ties. They may accidentally dig up the militancy latent in
Britain’s working class!
The key difference is that there is no obvious pos-
itive outcome for either side in the Sri Lankan organic
farming experiment – perhaps with the exception of the
fact that organic food fetches a higher return on the glob-
al market (especially the excellent marketing and PR that
comes with being a country that bans environmentally
damaging fertilisers altogether). However, the govern-
ment ended up having to reverse the project owing to its
disastrous consequences.
“But by then the damage had already been done as
food security of the nation had totally broken down due
to a third of Sri Lanka’s agricultural land remaining un-
used due to lack of timely availability of fertilisers. This
led to a rice production falling by a whopping 20 percent.
The sudden shift to organic farming sent shock waves
through the food sector of Sri Lanka, but this could have
been avoided.” (The Pioneer, op cit).
10 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
Reaction of the Protestors
After successive Sri Lankan governments, includ-
ing those headed by the Rajapaksas, have put the whole
country in hock to imperialism, burdening it with debt
while enriching themselves in the process, it would seem
that, by selling off the family silver, pegging the national
currency to the dollar to try to inhibit the flight of capital
(a measure that has had to be abandoned as too costly),
and cutting down on imports, the government has been
trying to reduce Sri Lanka’s indebtedness, which is a ra-
tional approach seeing that debt servicing is hanging like
a mill stone round the neck of the Sri Lankan economy.
Unfortunately, however, it is the masses of impov-
erished Sri Lankan people who have to fund the bulk of
these repayments in one way or another, and they natu-
rally resent it. After all, it is not they who have incurred
the debts or profited to any great extent from the finances
raised.
Largely ignored in western media, thousands of Sri
Lankans have been demonstrating day after day to de-
mand the unconditional resignation of the government.
The protests started off peacefully outside the presiden-
tial office and a key railway station in the capital city of
Colombo.
According to the Independent, however: “The ag-
itation turned violent after the protesters were asked to
move away from a key railway line that they had blocked
for hours.”
The conflagration led to the fatal shooting of one
protester on Tuesday 19 April and the wounding of 12
others. Far from deterring further protests, the move-
ment only escalated: “Scores of bank, port, health and
other state employees joined the protest in front of the
main railway station in Colombo, condemning the shoot-
ing.” (Sri Lankan police shoot dead protester amid polit-
ical and economic turmoil by Alisha Rahaman Sarkar,
Independent, 20 April 2022)
In other words, the state is responding to the protests
of the people with unbridled violence. The Rajapaksas
are for the moment refusing to resign.
Reuters has painted a clearer picture of just how
broad and controversial the protests have been: “Many
schools in Colombo were shut and several train stations
deserted on Thursday [28 April] as teachers and train
drivers joined mass walkouts demanding President Go-
tabaya Rajapaksa’s government quit over Sri Lanka’s
worst financial crisis in decades.
“Hundreds of employees from Sri Lankan state-
run banks, most wearing black and carrying black flags,

also joined other bank trade unions in a protest march
to the president’s office as thousands of people took to
the streets around the country.” (Sri Lanka teachers,
bank workers join mass walkout over economic crisis
by Uditha Jayasinghe and Alasdair Pal, 28 April 2022)
According to the same article, the country’s trade
union leadership has threatened the government with an
all-out strike from 6 May should the government dig in
and refuse to step down. Two main opposition parties –
Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the Tamil National
Alliance (TNA) – have begun the process of putting for-
ward motions of no-confidence.
The stakes for the Rajapaksa dynasty have never
been higher.
No way out while imperialist domination remains
The dire situation of the Sri Lankan people will not
be relieved when and if the government is forced to step
down, but only if the stranglehold of imperialism over
the country’s economy is smashed by overthrowing the
rule of the country’s comprador class, refusing to repay
exploitative debts, nationalising all important means of
production and installing of a system of economic plan-
ning for the benefit of the working people.
For countries such as Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Pakistan
and the very many others that are facing bankruptcy as
the world economic crisis deepens inexorably, this is the
only way out.
Let there be socialism!
Saturday
May 14, 2022
Source: https://thecommunists.org
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
Against Repressive
Laws in India
O
n the first death anniversary of Fr. Stan Swamy,
CDRO demands repeal of UAPA, Sedition law,
AFSPA and other repressive laws and the release of
all political prisoners charged under these laws
Martyrdom of Fr. Stan Swamy
5th July 2021 is a black day in the history of inde-
pendent India. On that day, the citizens came to a rude
shock when the doctors of the Holy Family Hospital,
a private hospital in Mumbai declared 84-year-old Fr.
Stan Swamy dead. The events leading to his death clear-
ly show that Fr. Stan Swamy’s death is nothing but a
blatant murder in judicial custody. Fr. Stan Swamy, a
leading democratic rights activist and defender of the
rights of the Adivasis and other downtrodden, was false-
ly implicated and arrested in connection with the Bhi-
ma-Koregaon case in October 2020. Already suffering
from Parkinson’s disease, he had sought interim bail in
May 2021 on the grounds of various health issues. He
had appeared before the Bombay High Court through
a video conference from Taloja Jail and had informed
the court that there has been a steady deterioration of his
health condition in prison, and he was unable to perform
even daily chores, including eating and walking with-
out assistance. His helplessness was clear when he had
mentioned on May 21, “I am eating less and less, and my
co-accused are worried about me. I would prefer to suf-
fer and die like this in Taloja jail than being admitted to
JJ Hospital. It will not improve; it will keep going. Only
one thing that I would request the judiciary is to con-
sider for interim bail. That is the only request.1 Despite
his pleas, the NIA continued to oppose his interim bail,
raising doubts about his health conditions. Even the jail
authorities persisted in their protocol of harassment and
deliberate neglect of Fr. Stan from the beginning, like
denying him a water bottle with a sipper and his slippers,
while undermining his deteriorating health condition. Fr
Stan Swamy’s death reminds us of the cruelty displayed
by the British colonial power in the death of martyr Jatin
Das, a comrade of Shaheed Bhagat Singh, an undertrial
who was denied bail even on the deathbed.
It is understandable why the colonial powers thought
people like Jatin Das a dangerous enemy of their regime.
But why did independent India treat Fr. Stan Swamy as
11
a “deshdrohi”? This is because Fr. Stan Swamy had op-
posed the laws promulgated that had reduced the rights
of the oppressed in general and tribals in particular.
Like he had questioned the non-implementation of the
5th Schedule of the Constitution, Article 244(1), which
clearly stipulates that a ‘tribes advisory council’ (TAC),
composed solely of members from the Adivasi commu-
nity, will advise the governor of the state about any and
everything concerning the protection, well-being and
development of the Adivasi people in the state. He had
questioned the silence of the government on Samatha
Judgment, 1997, of the Supreme Court which came as a
huge relief to the Adivasi communities in Scheduled Ar-
eas. This particular question assumes a great significance
as today the governments are wooing different national
and multinational private companies in the tribal heart-
land for mining operations in complete disregard to the
rights of the tribals over their lands and environmental
safety concerns. He was instrumental in raising similar
difficult questions in front of the governments. Thus, it
is evident that Fr. Stan Swamy had taken up a conscien-
tious fight for the rights of the Adivasis and his question-
ing of the government’s action/inaction makes him an
enemy in the eyes of the government.
Bhima-Koregaon Case
As mentioned above, Fr. Stan Swamy was arrested
in connection with the Bhima-Koregaon case. What is
this Bhima-Koregaon case in which Fr. Stan Swamy and
several other prominent public intellectuals have been
arrested by the National Investigation Agency?
Dr B. R. Ambedkar conceived the idea of commem-
orating the Bhima Koregaon Martyrs in 1927. Nearly
100 years before that, the Peshwas’ troops were defeated
by the British soldiers, of which the Mahar community
was the single majority. The loss of Peshwas at the bat-
tlefield in 1818 had become a symbol of the Dalit pride
since then. On 31st December 2017, the Elgaar Parishad,
a conglomerate comprising more than 250 organisations
headed by two eminent former judges Late Justice P. B.
Sawant and Justice Kolse Patil, had organised the 200th
commemoration of the Bhima-Koregaon Martyrs. The
next day the Dalits were suddenly attacked by saffron
flag-wielding gangs who damaged the buses and vehi-
cles, burnt stalls, and injured many Dalits. Several Dalit
victims filed FIRs at the Shikrapur Police station naming
RSS activist Shambhaji Bhide and BJP corporator Mil-
ind Ekbote for organising the attack.
These masterminds behind the vandalism were
12 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
left untouched while the Pune Police started acting on
the counter FIRs filed by the Hindutva elements. Fur-
ther, the Pune Police came up with a false accusation of
Maoist connection with the Elgaar Parishad event and
even claimed that they have evidence of an attempt to
assassinate the Prime Minister. Then in June 2018, they
arrested Surendra Gadling, Sudhir Dhawale, Rona Wil-
son, Shoma Sen, and Mahesh Raut with alleged Maoist
links for inciting riots. Shortly thereafter, they also ar-
rested Varavara Rao, Sudha Bharadwaj, Arun Ferreira,
and Vernon Gonsalves. In 2020, after the defeat of the
BJP state government in the Maharashtra elections, the
central government transferred the case out of the hands
of the Pune Police to the National Investigation Agency
(NIA) as the new political dispensation in Maharashtra
started talking of withdrawing or diluting these cases.
Gradually, more people were arrested and these included
Anand Teltumbde, Gautam Navlakha, Hany Babu, Kabir
Kala Manch artists, Jyoti Jagtap, Sagar Gorkhe, and Ra-
mesh Gaichor besides Fr. Stan Swami. As is clearly ev-
ident, most of the arrestees had no connection with the
Bhima-Koregaon event and they belong to different age
groups and different professions. Then what had prompt-
ed Pune Police and the NIA to arrest them?
All the arrested persons have a very praiseworthy
and open record for upholding the rights of the down-
trodden and opposing government policies, irrespec-
tive of the party in power, which harm the marginalized
sections of the society. From late Fr. Stan Swamy, who
was involved in the struggle for enactment of provisions
of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act,
1996 (PESA) in Jharkhand, to Rona Wilson, who was
one of the prominent persons behind organising the De-
fence Committee for Prof. S. A. R. Geelani; from Pro-
fessor Shoma Sen, an English professor in Nagpur and
a civil rights activist in Nagpur PUCL, who exposed the
Nanded blast case to Surendra Gadling, the defence law-
yer for Professor Sai Baba, the list includes people with
exemplary records of public service. Professor Anand
Teltumbde is a highly qualified professor, an alumnus of
IIM Ahmedabad, CEO of a public limited company, a
former IIT Kharagpur faculty and, at the time of arrest,
was a faculty member of Data Analysis and Science in
the Goa Institute of Management. Sudha Bhardwaj, an
IIT Kanpur alumnus, had given up her US citizenship to
work for the oppressed. Varvara Rao is an 82-year-old
Indian activist, poet, teacher, and writer. Mahesh Raut is
a tribal activist working for the upliftment of tribal life.
He was instrumental in organizing the tribal resistance
against private mining corporations in Gadchiroli region
and around 26 mining contracts had to be withdrawn by
the state of Maharashtra due to his efforts. Along with
Shoma Sen and Gadling, Mahesh Raut had been a part
of the fact-finding team that exposed the Gadchiroli
encounter killing of the tribals by the Maharashtra an-
ti-Naxal wing in April 2018. They had planned to file
court proceedings against this on behalf of the chieftains
of Gram Sabha of Gadchiroli shortly before their arrest.
Sudhir Dhawale is an Indian activist and publisher of
the bimonthly Marathi magazine, Vidrohi. Gautam Nav-
lakha is an intellectual and columnist in the Economic
and Political Weekly. Vernon Gonsalves is a trade union-
ist, human rights activist and academician. Arun Ferrei-
ra is another activist who has been arrested in the same
case. Another accused is Professor Hanybabu Tarayil,
an associate professor of English at Delhi University
and anti-caste activist. Even cultural activists like Sagar
Gorkhe, Jyoti Jagtap, and Ramesh Gaichore from Kabir
Kala Manch are not spared. In the meantime, indepen-
dent scrutiny by internationally recognised cyber foren-
sic research laboratories has proved beyond doubt that
the computers of the arrestees, in particular that of Rona
Wilson and Surendra Gadling were affected by Pegasus
and other malware. It may also be noted that spyware like
Pegasus can only be purchased by government agencies
and hence the studied silence by the Government and
the denial by the NIA comes as no surprise to anyone. In
fact, Sentinel One, one of the US-based forensic experts
have come up with a proof of the direct connection of the
Pune Police in the case of tampering with Rona Wilson’s
computer and mobile. US technology-focused magazine
Wired said that it had discovered a phone number and an
email used by a Pune police officer inserted into sever-
al laptops belonging to three Bhima Koregaon activists.
The numbers and email had been inserted into the devic-
es “To allow the hacker to easily regain control of the
accounts if their passwords were changed,” Wired said.
Ignoring all this evidence, the NIA has slapped draconi-
an UAPA on the arrestees which makes getting bails next
to impossible.
Flouting of democratic rights and fundamental rights
of the people
Thus, we find that the incarceration of the distin-
guished public intellectuals and noted human rights
defenders since June 2018 under the draconian UAPA,
a veritable weapon to keep anyone in jail without bail
for years, has since killed one, Fr. Stan Swamy. The
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
courts have refused to hear their cases (38 pending in
Bombay High court for varying periods). Veteran poet
Varavara Rao who was granted Medical Bail in between
has now been asked to surrender to the Court and will
be sent back to the jail in July 2022. Though Ms Sud-
ha Bhardwaj has been granted bail, the same clause has
been obstructed to getting bail to several others. In fact,
it is not just the people arrested in the Bhima-Koregaon
case but in every state jail, several political prisoners are
languishing under different black laws, UAPA, Sedition
Act, etc. These prisoners have to spend, as undertrials,
in jail for decades without bail. Then what happens to
the natural justice of innocent unless proven guilty or
the legal doctrine of ‘Bail is a rule, jail is an exception’
laid down by the Supreme Court Justice V. Krishna Ai-
yer based on the fundamental rights guaranteed by the
Constitution of India? The proof of burden has now been
shifted to the accused under the laws that can be termed
as anti-people black laws.
Black Laws
Sedation Act
Section 124-A of the Indian Penal Code, popularly
known as the Sedation Act, has recently been reviewed
by the Supreme Court on May 11, 2022. The highest
court has recommended for an indefinite stay of the Act
along with the provision of granting bail to the prisoners
accused under this section, and the suspension of this
section at various levels. In a declared independent de-
mocracy like India, the question has arisen as to whether
there is any need for such a notorious law to continue
as the vestiges of colonial British rule. That is the ques-
tion that the human rights, democratic, and civil rights
movement in India has been raising for many years and
demanding its complete abolition.
Many nationalist leaders, including Tilak and Gand-
hi, were arrested on sedition charges during the freedom
struggle. Many people from the cultural world were also
attacked in this way. In post-1947 India too, the ruling
parties, irrespective of their positions in the Centre/
States, have repeatedly misused this law. According to
a survey, 13,306 people were arrested under this section
from 2010 to 2021. The arrestees charged with sedition
include protesters from all walks of life, as well as the
ordinary citizens, ranging from cartoonists to journal-
ists, anti-ruling party political activists, human rights
activists, and environmental activists. On the other hand,
those who, after coming to power, sold natural resources
of India under the garb of building ‘New India’, who
13
have sacrificed national interest and promulgated all
kinds of policies in the interest of corporate, are termed
by the ruling elites as the patriots. Those who are protest-
ing anti-people laws at different levels, in different ways,
and with different badges are sent to jail as traitors. They
are being termed as members of “Tukde-tukde Gang”,
a term which the government has informed, the Parlia-
ment that, does not exist. The Supreme Court had also
acknowledged the need for such a clause in the famous
Kedarnath Singh case in 1962 but had downplayed the
directive to add evidence of direct involvement of vio-
lence with speeches etc. to prevent misapplication. How-
ever, such a statutory caution had no validity in practice.
At the same time, we must be vocal in demanding
the repeal of other horrific acts of violent repression.
The successors of the Rowlatt Act, TADA and POTA;
the UAPA has been in force since 2004 in the name of
curbing terrorist activity. The grips of this law have been
repeatedly tightened in 2008, 2012, and 2016. It is al-
most impossible for an accused to get bail under this
law and this has been admitted even by the judges of
the Supreme Court. Although all sorts of prisoners were
released under parole during the Pandemic period, the
prisoners charged with the UAPA were not released. In
the Bhima-Koregaon case, many people falsely framed
under this Act are still in jail since 2018. Fr. Stan Swamy
was deliberately led to his death as explained earlier. He
was not provided with a sipper, to facilitate drinking wa-
ter as he was suffering from Parkinson’s disease, by the
jail authority till the court had intervened. Sudha Bhard-
waj was granted bail in this case; she and other prison-
ers elsewhere (such as in West Bengal) got bails under
the most stringent conditions. Many of them have been
detained in the jail as undertrials for almost 10 years.
Professor Saibaba, who has 90% physical disability,
has been unjustly sentenced to life imprisonment and is
virtually deprived of all medical treatment. Though the
death penalty is the main punishment, the sentence under
this law is much longer than the general criminal law.
The length of police custody is longer and provisions ex-
ist by which an accused can be kept in jail custody for
180 days. It is not warranted under this law that one will
get bail after the charge sheet is filed. The judgment of
the Supreme Court in the Watali case is sadly retrogres-
sive. In the words of Justice V. Gopala Gowda, former
Supreme Court judge, “The Supreme Court judgment in
NIA v. Zahoor Ahmad Shah Watali (2020) ruled that it
is not permissible for courts to even engage in a detailed
analysis of prosecution case while considering bail un-
14 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
der UAPA and to weigh whether the evidence adduced
by the prosecution is even sufficient or not. The Wata-
li judgement further ties the hands of the defence. The
grant of bail is rendered impossible till the end of the
trial, which could take generations. The judgment needs
to be reconsidered.” 2
In the case of TADA-POTA, reports on the use of
this law would be submitted to Parliament at least once
every five years. Instances of its abuse were found. In
the case of UAPA, no trace of it possible. In contrast, the
powers of the NIA are completely unaccounted for, giv-
ing them the opportunity and power to do whatever they
want across the country. Thus, under the present ruling
dispensation, the main goal of the NIA has been to retain
the opposition in the prison under the UAPA clause.
AFSPA-immunity to kill even on suspicion
Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA) 1958 has
been in operation since the 1950s in various north-east-
ern states. This horrific one-page law gives a havildar the
power to shoot and kill anyone suspected of being a ‘mil-
itant.’ She/he has the power to search at any time. There
is legal protection for all these activities. People across
Manipur, Nagaland, Assam, and Meghalaya are still de-
manding the repeal of this law. Elsewhere in India too,
there have been repeated calls for the law to be repealed.
Although the Jeevan Reddy Commission, formed to pac-
ify turbulent Manipur after Irom Sharmila Chanu’s long
16-year hunger strike and torture and killing of Manora-
ma in 2004, has submitted its report the government did
not even release the report and giving recognition to its
content. A version of AFSPA is also in force in Kash-
mir (in amended form, adding section 6-A). Although
disturbed area status under AFSPA has been lapsed in
Punjab and Chandigarh since 1997, the Armed Forces
(Punjab and Chandigarh) Special Powers Act, 1983 has
not been repealed till date. It is sad but true, that in 1997
the Supreme Court gave this law constitutional legitima-
cy. Though the highest court had issued some guidelines
regarding Dos and Don’ts, these guidelines have no va-
lidity in virtually all “troubled territory” states covered
by the law.
National Security Act of 1980
To our shame, the framers of the Constitution of In-
dia have added a preventive clause to Article 22 of the
Constitution, which is not found in the constitutions of
any other country in the world. There were various laws
in that period - PD Act, DIA, MISA. In fact, except be-
tween the years 1977 and 1980, there was always one
preventive detention act or another in place. Although
these preventive laws were subsequently abolished, the
criminal law still contains the National Security Act of
1980, which provides for “preventive detention in cer-
tain cases and for matters connected therewith. The act
extends to the whole of India.”. With the help of this law,
any citizen can be imprisoned for twelve months without
trial, under the guise of being “dangerous in the eyes of
the state.” In fact, in reality, the period of detention can
exceed one year. This is made possible by the powers of
the government to continue to detain a person even after
the expiry or revocation of the original detention order
on the plea that fresh grounds for detention have arisen.
Criminal Procedure (Identification) Act of 2022
In April 2022, the government enacted the Crimi-
nal Procedure (Identification) Act, to replace the colo-
nial Identification of Prisoners Act, of 1920.3 It enables
to collect personal information of citizens through mea-
surement. Biometric data of their body measurements,
DNA, and blood will be taken and handed over to the
law enforcers if they are arrested in any case, if they are
arrested without trial, or if they get notice and convic-
tion under Sections 106 to 110 of the Criminal Procedure
Code. On the order of a Magistrate, this data can be col-
lected from any person (not just an arrested person) to
aid investigation. The data thus collected will be retained
in digital or electronic form for 75 years. Records will be
destroyed in case of persons who are acquitted after all
appeals or released without trial. However, even in such
cases, a Court or Magistrate may direct the retention of
details after recording reasons in writing.
Through the enactment of this law, the central gov-
ernment has consciously violated the right to privacy up-
held by the Supreme Court bench comprising of 9 senior
judges in the Puttaswamy case of 2017. The government
has overturned the verdict in the 2010 Selvi versus the
State of Karnataka case 2010 where the Court had ruled
that the use of such neuroscientific investigative tech-
niques constituted testimonial compulsion and violat-
ed an accused person’s right against self-incrimination
under Article 20(3), and their right to life and personal
liberty under Article 21 of the Constitution. Thus, the
present enactment goes against the ruling that a reluc-
tant person cannot be made to undergo a polygraph test,
BEAP, or narco test and instead offers the provision of
punishment in case of refusal.
Not only did the country move further towards a
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
police state, but even after the secret use of Pegasus be-
came known, the central government brought division
among the citizens through this law; those who accept
everything that the government does are good citizens
and and those who do not obey and resort to protests will
be termed the evil/bad citizens. Like in the case of “ha-
bitual offenders”, all information about this latter group,
including address and physical traits, will be preserved.
As and when necessary, the police and administration
will caution them from time to time and if such “med-
icine” does not bring about requisite effects, then there
will be UAPA to be charged against them.
What is to be done?
As the crisis surrounding farmers, workers, Mus-
lims, Dalits and tribals intensify; the real oppressive
agendas of the RSS-BJP government become more ev-
ident to the people and the paranoia of this regime in-
creased. Hence, they use all the tools at their disposal to
quell the fundamental rights of the people --- rights of
freedom of expression, free speech and the right to form
an association.
Free speech is one of the most significant principles
of democracy. The purpose of this freedom is to allow
an individual to attain self-fulfilment, assist in the dis-
covery of truth, strengthen the capacity of a person to
make decisions and facilitate a balance between stabili-
ty and social change. The sedition law, along with other
laws such as UAPA, is an attack on the fundamentals of
democracy. Since an individual’s autonomy is the foun-
dation of this freedom; any restriction on it is subject to
great scrutiny.
The rights of freedom of expression, free speech and
the right to form an association may be given to all of us
by Articles 19 and 21 of the Constitution, but under the
ambits of the same constitution, a law like UAPA has
been promulgated which is snatching these rights away
from the majority of the people. The democratic rights
workers mentioned earlier as well as several others have
always been critical of the anti-people government pol-
icies. They protested the government’s violation of the
rights to free expression, fascination with the death pen-
alty, neglect of a severe agrarian crisis, curtailing of free
medical support through primary health care centres, and
open justification of communal attacks.
On the occasion of commemorating the first anniver-
sary of Fr. Stan Swamy’s martyrdom, CDRO pays hom-
age to him and salutes all democratic and political activ-
ists wrongfully suffering in different jails in the country.
15
CDRO believes in continuing with the unfinished work
of Fr. Stan Swamy to secure the release of those held
in prison wrongfully. But the fight against anti-people
policies can be strengthened only when like-minded
people and organisations come together. CDRO, there-
fore, appeals to all democratic rights organizations and
democrats and right-thinking concerned citizens to come
together to discuss the means and modes for resisting
such a drastic situation we are encountering.
CDRO demands:
* Repeal UAPA
* Disband NIA
*Release all political prisoners, including the ar-
restees of the Bhima-Koregaon case, arrested
under draconian rules
Constituent Organisations of CDRO:
Association for Democratic Rights (AFDR, Punjab);
Association for Democratic Rights (AFDR, Haryana),
Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR,
West Bengal); Asansol Civil Rights Association (West
Bengal); Bandi Mukti Committee(West Bengal); Civil
Liberties Committee (Andhra Pradesh); Civil Liberties
Committee (Telangana); Committee for Protection of
Democratic Rights (Maharashtra); Committee for
Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR TamilNadu);
Coordination for Human Rights (Manipur); Manab
Adhikar Sangram Samiti (Assam); Naga Peoples
Movement for Human Rights ; Peoples’ Committee for
Human Rights (Jammu and Kashmir); Peoples
Democratic Forum (Karnataka); Jharkhand Council
for Democratic Rights (Jharkhand); Peoples Union For
Democratic Rights (Delhi); Peoples Union for Civil
Rights (Haryana), Campaign for Peace & Democracy
(Manipur), Delhi; Kerala Manushya Avahasa
Prasthanam.
Endnotes:
1
https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/fr-stan-
swamy-passes-away/article35143941.ece).
2
(https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/uapa-bail-justice-gopal-
gowda-supreme-courts-watali-judgment-178102).
3
The Identification /of Prisoners Act, 1920 had allowed
police officers during the colonial era to collect certain
identifiable information (fingerprints and footprints) of
persons including convicts and arrested persons. Also, a
Magistrate could have ordered the measurements or pho-
tographs of a person to be taken to aid the investigation
of an offence. In case of acquittal or discharge of the
person, all information thus collected was destroyed.
16 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
10 Reasons
Why UGC CUET
Will Create More Problems for
Students
All India Students’ Association
U GC is claiming that uneven and absurdly high
marking in board exams is the reason for high cut-
offs in universities and colleges, and that CUET will re-
solve this issue. Let’s see if there’s any truth behind this.
1) What really is the problem and where are the solu-
tions directed?
Can the problem of Exclusion through High Cut-
Offs be remedied by Another Mode of Exclusion?
For years, students have raised their voices against
sky-rocketing “cut-offs” for college admission. In the
last few years, even scoring 99 percent marks has not
secured admission to desired colleges and courses. And,
isn’t the doling out of 99-100 percent to thousands of
students making a mockery of Indian higher education?
All this is done at the behest of the private school cartels
who have emerged as the gate-keepers of higher edu-
cation. Their extremely high fees and blatant emphasis
on the ‘social status’ of parents as a criterion for admis-
sion has ensured the exclusion of students of common
and deprived backgrounds, who are then forced to study
in public schools which have been deliberately broken
down by the Indian state acting at the behest of private
education lobby. The doling out of 100 percent marks to
these elite private schools has not only made a mockery
of Indian higher education but also ensured that students
from common, deprived and rural backgrounds are de-
nied entry into the colleges of their choice. It is the pres-
sure of student protests that has forced the government to
scrap the cut-off system. But is CUET a solution?
The state Boards as well as the CBSE are under
supervisions of different state of central governments.
So why can’t the govt ensure some equivalence across
boards or, why can’t the govt issue strict academic norms
for reasonable marking across boards? Why, instead, are
the students being forced to go through another round
of Centralized screening/evaluation, for no fault of their
own? Further, when the CUET syllabus goes far beyond
what they studied during Plus 2 level, what then is the
real intent?
2) Elimination and NOT Admission is the real motive.
 So, the real reason behind the move is not uneven/
high marking by boards, for which there are wiser and
easier alternative solutions. The root problem is that the
government is unwilling to provide enough opportu-
nities – colleges, universities, seats and courses for all
the students who pass class 12th and wish to proceed to
higher education. So, it brings an additional screening
examination that is meant not to increase the scope of
admission, but to eliminate a large number of students
from receiving higher education. CUET does not come
with an increase in the seats or an increase in the number
of universities and colleges to ensure everyone “gets a
fair chance”, but it in fact narrows down this elimination
procedure.
3) What is the experience of several existing central-
ized exams like JEE, NEET, CLAT etc- meant for ad-
missions in several “professional” courses?
Last year nearly 16 lakh students applied for NEET,
for getting admission into medical education with around
83,000 MBBS seats, 27,000 BDS and 53,000 AYUSH
seats! The remaining students who couldn’t afford high
capitation fees and missed chances, migrated outside In-
dia to Ukraine, China, Russia and other countries. Sim-
ilarly, the case of IIT-JEE, India’s premier examination
for entry into IIT’s, NIT’s and other central engineering
colleges is no different. Over 22 lakh students had ap-
plied for IIT-JEE examination in 2021 conducted in four
phases for nearly 16,000 seats in IITs. Likewise, CLAT,
an exam conducted for entrance for law universities has
around 75,000 students appearing with 2100 seats avail-
able for taking.
We know how the students aspiring for medical, en-
gineering etc, have to repeatedly appear in these exams
until they get a college of their choice, and even drop
several years. This frustrating situation will now be ex-
tended to entire section students passing Plus 2 level.
4) In such a situation, who pays and who gains?
Coaching centres have already been feeding off the
cut-throat competition in “common” exams like JEE,
NEET, and CLAT. With CUET, Modi govt has planned
to roll out the policy of “crack the exam via coaching
mafias” for all sectors of higher education including arts,
basic sciences, and humanities offered in standard UG
and PG programs.
While for professional courses of NEET, JEE, and
CLAT there are coaching hubs like Kota and Hyder-
abad, for CUET, an entrance for all central universities,
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
coaching institutes will sprout in every nook and corner
of the country. Predatory companies like Byjus are al-
ready at our doorsteps with their online ads for CUET
training packages, even before the syllabus and structure
of CUET were announced!
5) Shifting the onus:
The whole process of fighting for a few seats,
through coaching and numerous competitive examina-
tions, pushes the onus on students and removes the ac-
countability and responsibility of the government to en-
sure accessible, affordable and quality education for all!
6) What would it in turn spell for Plus 2 level educa-
tion and Board examination?
Introduction of CUET will make the students sole-
ly oriented towards preparation of this exam to get into
the best universities and colleges. This in turn, will force
students to join coaching centres from class 11th itself,
which in turn will compromise their school studies and
board examinations. So, then what will be the relevance
of board examinations?
7) Additional Burden of a vast syllabus – What about
the students wanting to get admission this year, who
have had no clue of such an exam until now?
CUET will consist of 2 sections of languages chosen
by the students, 1 section of 6 Domain Specific Subjects
chosen by students, and another 1 section of a General
Test with questions on General Knowledge, Current Af-
fairs, Mathematical Reasoning, and Logical and Analyt-
ical Reasoning, etc. It is stated that these choices have to
be made as per requirements of desired universities. For
increased chances of getting admission, a student may
have to undergo the rigorous preparation of as many as 9
courses, even if we club the General Test as one course.
Long form reading-writing skills can be imparted
only through improved school education. But all the
focus on the objective-type CUET will completely de-
tach students from such school education, which will
be a mere credential attaining exercise, and increase
rote-learning for Section III subjects.
What justifies putting a student through the pressure
of going through such a rigourous preparation to get ad-
mission to a UG course? Only that the intention is of
elimination of the larger number of students, and not of
giving them access!
17
8) CUET reduces and/or takes away the choice to
change one’s stream after 12th.
A student wanting to study a subject, say History, at
undergrad doesn’t have to demonstrate prior knowledge
of History. CUET not only first asks a student to clear a
test before changing the stream, but also it effectively
restricts changing streams because how will a student
who has studied Science till 12th clear a test on Histo-
ry taught in class 12th? The least that can be said about
such an evaluation system is that it is unfair, burdensome
and discriminatory.
9) Under CUET, it is only privileges that will decide
what kind of education we get to pursue and in which
college.
With the vast syllabus of CUET, the skills it de-
mands from students, and the NCERT syllabus as the
benchmark for Section III it is obvious that the exam will
push out students coming from State Boards and other
smaller boards. In NEET and JEE mostly students com-
ing from urban, English-speaking backgrounds clear the
exams because they have more facilities and resources.
A centralized common exam, where all existing inequi-
ties in different levels of education have not been ad-
dressed, will continue to push students from rural and
marginalized backgrounds.
The inequalities will in fact get amplified with the
free-handed loot by the coaching institutes. It will fur-
ther reduce the already limited opportunities particularly
for women, if they don’t get desired scores and thus de-
sired university of their choice at first attempt.
10) What should have been done instead?
In India, different universities flourished with dif-
ferent kinds of strength and expertise. Students wishing
to pursue a particular combination for subjects can apply
for the set of colleges/universities of their choice and
appear for some specific entrance test if the concerned
University finds it necessary. Instead of a CUET type
One- size- fits- all model of Centralised Common Exam,
UG admissions can be based on a judicious combination
of Plus 2 level marks and some entrance test. Presently,
JNU, HCU, Jamia Millia, BHU, Allahabad Universi-
ty and others are following this mode, with reasonable
success and satisfaction. Why take this away? Even in a
large university like DU, there can be discipline specific
entrance test to moderate high cut off effect. Why force
every student to face a common centralized exam requir-
ing a defined skill set over and above what they learn
18 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
at Plus 2 level? And, larger is the ambit of a “common”
entrance/elimination test, easier and larger will be stran-
glehold of the coaching business!
Country needs Common and Equal Opportunity
to Access education, NOT Common Tests to Eliminate,
when opportunities are so vastly different. Instead of
forcing a “Common Entrance (/or Elimination) Test”,
why isn’t the govt committing to “Common School Sys-
tem” demanded by the educationists for decades. Instead
of devising ever new tricks of elimination like CUET,
the govt should increase seats and courses in Colleges
and Universities education to enroll more and more stu-
dents aspiring for higher education!
In sum, CUET is a part of the Push-Out-Policy of
education, which Modi government likes to call National
Education Policy 2020! The more privileged one is – so-
cially, regionally, caste-class-and gender wise, the better
chance at getting admission in one’s desired college or
university.
CUET is both anti-student and anti-education at all
parameters. If the need for a common entrance exam has
arisen, it means that the existing system is of no use. It is
only meant for step-by-step exclusion of students from
education at different points in their life from primary
to secondary to higher education. Giving everyone a
fair chance in reality means every student who wants to
study gets admitted into higher education institutes, and
not designing policies to eliminate them even from the
very threshold level of higher/ university education!
India’s youth need a policy to Educate-Empow-
er-Emancipate. Instead, Modi government’s CUET-
FYUP-NEP is a blueprint to Eliminate-Exit-Exclude!!
April 6, 2022
 many capitalist countries and even developed coun-
Is India a welfare state? tries spend on social security. In 2019, for example, the
United States spent 23 percent of its budget [equal to
$1trillion] on social security. In the same year the French
Dr S Jatin Kumar

T
government spent nearly one-third of GDP on social ser-
he directive principles enshrined in the Constitution
vices. Denmark, Sweden and Norway spend more than
of India declare that India is a welfare state. It is
25%. The 38 OECD [Organization for Economic Co-op-
said that the welfare schemes protect the poor and the
eration and Development] member states, such as Cana-
downtrodden, provide the skills needed to participate
da, Australia, Austria, Italy, and Japan, spend an average
better in the process of accelerating economic growth,
of 20% on welfare schemes.
and equip the economically inferior workforce.
India is now spending only about 4% of its GDP on
Social welfare systems provide assistance to indi-
subsidies. It is not a good reason for our economists to
viduals and families through programs such as food se-
explain that the country is caught up in an economic cri-
curity, unemployment allowance, health care, maternal
sis because of welfare schemes. This is a deceitful claim
and child care assistance, old age pension, widow pen-
that the poor are responsible for all the ills of the country.
sion, housing assistance, etc.
China’s experience and policy are different. China has
eliminated the problems of the poor by creating employ-
Are the welfare schemes really benefiting the poor?
ment and developing basic services, and has also solved
Is their standard of living rising? Are these schemes
the problem of poverty but not through subsidies given
able to instill any assurance in them of the security of life
in sectors like education, agriculture and sanitation. The
and the future? They are all questionable. On the other
difference between China and other countries is clear.
side there is a propaganda that these schemes should be
Free schemes are announced by any state taking
stopped because the welfare schemes and the facilities
into account the composition of the population, the ur-
provided free of cost to the people are draining away the
ban-rural differences, and perhaps the level of economic
exchequer. “Major share of the money obtained even
development. The administrative structures and political
from borrowings is utilized to finance these schemes.
decisions are built around it, so that an economic rela-
Spending too much for the free schemes instead of on
tionship is formed between the government in power and
manufacture or production sector is leading to econom-
the particular interest groups they focus on. But it is a
ic crisis. The economic development of the country is
type of “donor-donee” level relationship. Facilities are
slowing down”, they say.
not available to the people as a right, but at the mercy of
But are the governments really serious and sincere
the governments. India is being declared a welfare state
in implementing welfare schemes? Are they implement-
even before it became a developed country.
ing people’s welfare schemes or populist schemes? Are
The Indian democratic system is pressurizing the
the schemes intended to eradicate poverty or to make
ruling parties to act for electoral gains and they are in
poverty permanent? For 75 years, the rulers have been
a hurry to address the problems arising out of poverty
introducing a number of schemes in the name of “garibi
with subsidies and populist schemes rather than solving
hatao”. Did they reduce poverty or uplift the poor? Has
them with long-term sustainable policies. There will be
the wealth increased in the country? If so, where did the
a positive response among the people towards the party
increased wealth go? These are all questions to be con-
which is benefiting them with immediate financial aid.
sidered.
All governments focus on a group called “swing voters”.
In order to win back the parties plan to attract those vot-
Why are the welfare schemes failing?
ers towards them. So free schemes are introduced and
The welfare schemes are not being implemented
implemented not as permanent solutions, but as vote
effectively due to lack of transparency or accountabil-
bank schemes that temporarily attract the people.
ity, lack of citizen-centric policies, lack of community
As a result, these schemes are characterized with
participation, and no honest review or monitoring mech-
many shortcomings like corruption, crony bias, and the
anisms. The government’s purpose in designing and its
selection of beneficiaries as per the instructions of rul-
sincerity in execution of the schemes must be analyzed.
ing parties and loyalties of influential personnel. These
Most of the schemes are announced to appease people
schemes serve as royal means of transferring social
during elections. Schemes are announced in grandeur
wealth to the bank accounts of the selected people, most
but are funded meagerly. It should also be noted that

beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022 19

of them usually undeserving. People are getting their
benefits very unevenly and incompletely. The schemes
are being executed inefficiently.
Emerging market economies that use subsidies have
switched from production-based subsidies (subsidies
given for food, fuel, and fertilizers) to person-based sub-
sidies (cash transfers). Thus, governments are not tak-
ing care of increased prices but paying fixed subsidy to
cut their allotments. People are getting satisfied with the
small amount of money that is directly falling into their
accounts and are not realizing that the subsidy is reduced
in the real sense.
Subsidies on the three Fs—food, fuel and fertilizers
cost— 2.5 per cent of GDP, which some claim is more
than the amount allocated for all development projects.
It is to be noted that the government spends Rs 3-4 on
the Public Distribution System (PDS), to give one rupee
subsidy— revealed in 2005 NCAER study. The differ-
ence between words and deeds becomes clear when one
examines some of the schemes announced and imple-
mented by the Government.
Let’s look at three major areas— employment,
health care and nutrition— where welfare schemes are
in operation and analyze their effects on people’s lives.
Rural Employment Guarantee:
The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) has been in force since
2006. It aims to provide at least 100 days of wage em-
ployment for unskilled labor in adult members of a ru-
ral household. It was said that this will be the source of
livelihood for approximately 14.70 crore active workers
in rural areas during economic disasters and natural ca-
lamities.
The number of people seeking work under this Act
(MGNREGA) has increased to 13.3 crore by 43% raise
in the financial year 2021-22. However, the government
has reduced the allocation for the scheme by 35%. The
amount of Rs 73,000 crore allocated in the financial year
2021-22 has been utilised. 21 States face a shortage of
funds and negative balance now. Prior to the announce-
ment of the national lockdown in March 2020 the Cen-
tre had allocated Rs 61,500 crore for his scheme. But
due to the lockdown, workers from cities have moved to
their homes (villages) in a big way. The need to provide
employment in the villages has increased. Therefore, in
2020-21, the allocation was increased by 81 per cent to
Rs 1,11,500 crore as emergency measure. But later in
2021-22, even though things have not improved, it has
been reduced by 34 per cent to Rs 73,000 crore.
20 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
According to a study by Lib Tech India and Peo-
ple’s Action for Employment Guarantee, by 4th Decem-
ber 2021, the Centre is yet to pay wages of over Rs 4,500
crore under the scheme. The number of transactions
pending is 2.88 crore. Last year 64.36 lakh transactions
(valued at around Rs 280.42 crore), more than 2% of the
total transactions were rejected.
“It is very difficult to find work under MGNREGA.
Even after getting the job done, getting paid on time is
another problem. There are many loopholes in this entire
process for example, there is a woman named Reena.
We are fighting to get her a 90-day wage payment of
Rs 18,000. The government has no intention of solving
their problems. There is no proper order in providing
work when people need it.” Richa Singh, a member of
the Sangin Kisan Mazdoor Sanghatan (SKMS) in Sita-
pur district of Uttar Pradesh, explained in an interview.
Ironically, the developed states are using these
schemes more often, than the poorer states that really
need them. This is widening the development gap be-
tween the states. This scheme, designed to help those
in real need, is not even associated with any district or
block level development plan contrary to what is expect-
ed. In 2013-14, Rs 175 was spent on disbursing Rs 132
wages, of which only about Rs 90 went to the benefi-
ciaries, which shows how much wastage and corrup-
tion the scheme is steeped in.
Health Related Schemes:
Governments in India have been propagating on a
large scale that the health sector under the control of the
government is providing free medical care to the peo-
ple, as well as providing corporate level healthcare to the
poor through schemes such as Aarogya Sri and Ayush-
man Bharti. In this regard, proper review and rational-
ization is required. Among the Millennium Development
Goals set by the World Health Organization, India trails
behind in case of maternal mortality rate (113/100,000
live births in 2015 and 99/100,000 in 2020), infant mor-
tality (30/1000 births in 2015 and 26/1000 in 2020) rates
which are considered the indicators of health care in a
country.
India has public and private sectors in health care.
Priority is given to primary health care, prevention of
socially transmitted diseases and preventive vaccina-
tion of children in the public sector. In the private sec-
tor, secondary and tertiary care is preferred. Therefore,
only 20% of the problems commonly faced by people
are treated in the public sector. The free schemes run by
the government are not enough in any sense. Therefore,
everyone is forced to turn to the private sector for health
issues.
70% of the health care system is in the hands of the
private sector run either as a medium scale hospital or
a corporate hospital industry. The industry on one hand
attracts foreign patients and provides quality treatment
comparable to any institute of international standards.
Medical tourism generates 18% of the revenue. The
health sector, employing 4.7 million people, has become
a large market worth about $ 372 billion in 2021 earning
the highest profits.
On the other hand, in the public sector, the system
is deteriorating and losing popularity with substandard
services due to lack of infrastructure. Everyone knows
how much of a burden the private sector health care has
become for the people during the Covid 19 pandemic.
More than 63% of people’s spending on health is
from their own pockets. This is the highest of all the
countries in the world. Less than 5% of the population
has access to insurance. Every year 30% of patients are
slipping from the middle class to the below poverty line
group by borrowing money or selling assets to pay for
health care treatments.
“There is a need to increase our investments in the
public health system. India spends only 1.2 per cent of
its total GDP on healthcare, which is the lowest in the
world,” says Dr Ambarish Dutta, a public health expert
and additional professor at the Public Health Founda-
tion of India. U.S.A, U.K, and China spend 8.5 %, 7.9
% and 3.2 % of GDP respectively on health care. The
Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana is a health scheme
being implemented across the country. However, during
the Covid 19 pandemic from April, 2020 to June, 2021,
only 17.7 lakh tests [0.49% of the total tests] and 6
lakh [14.25% of patients] were hospitalized under this
scheme. No matter how many schemes the government
may announce, without developing infrastructure it will
not even touch the edge of the problem.
Dr Indranil Mukhopadhyay, associate professor of
health at OP Jindal University, says the focus should
be on strengthening primary care. The allocation in the
Budget for 2021-22 has been reduced to Rs 71,269 crore
from Rs 78,866 crore allocated in 2020-21 despite the
Coronavirus pandemic wreaking havoc, which means
the government is giving up its responsibility in the med-
ical sector and pushing people towards the private sector.
Nutrition:
It has been propagated throughout the world that
India is shining brightly, but the reality is different. The
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
vishwa guru’s place in development and creating a wel-
fare state of the citizens is not recorded internationally
as our rulers wish for, but in some indicators certainly
we are gloriously infamous. We are ranked 101st out of
116 countries in the world hunger index. If China is a
country with less than 5 points and no hunger problem,
our country is registered as a country with severe hunger
problem with a score of 27.5 points.
According to the FAO report, 14% of the popula-
tion is starving. According to UNICEF statistics, 200
million people eat only one meal a day and annually 25
lakh people die due to starvation. UNICEF reports—185
million Indians fall ill due to mal nutrition yearly. Every
year, 8.8 lakh children under the age of 5 die due to lack
of food. As of October 14, 2021, the Ministry of Wom-
en and Child Development has estimated that there are
17.76 lakh severely malnourished (SAM) children and
15.46 lakh moderately severely malnourished (MAM)
children.
According to the National Family Health Survey
[NFHS 2019-20 report], 89% of children in the age
group of 6 to 23 months do not get enough food. There-
fore, 32% of the children are under weight, 35% are
stunted, 20% are completely emaciated. 68% of children
and 66% of women are found anemic in2020. In 2016,
about 36% of children and 46% of women were anemic
as per NFHS. That is to say people’s health is deteriorat-
ing day by day. What happened to our welfare schemes
that claim to be the role model for the world?
What is even more strange is that since the 1990s
there has been no shortage of food in the country. Our
country has been number one in the production of milk,
pulses and millets, and we are second in the cultivation
of rice, wheat, sugarcane, groundnut and vegetables. Yet
we are in such a bad state in the hunger index. It is not
because of lack of food production but due to lack of
fair distribution. Food security was guaranteed to all In-
dians as per 2013 Act. The government has to provide
food grains to the people at a subsidized rate if need-
ed. This means that it is a failure of the ruling parties
of successive governments to fulfil their constitutional
duties. Their inefficiency is the cause of starvation and
malnutrition.
Instead of systemic changes and policies that erad-
icate poverty, the ruling classes are implementing eye-
wash schemes that cool the wrath of the people. The
Poshan Abhiyan Scheme was launched in 2018 to reduce
malnutrition. It is a government scheme to provide addi-
tional nutrition to children in the age group of 6 months
to 6 years, pregnant women, lactating mothers and ado-
21
lescent girls of 11-14 years age who are out of school.
The supplementary nutrition program (SANP) under
Anganwadi Services (AWS) and Integrated Child De-
velopment Services Scheme (ICDS) are intended for this
purpose. In the 2021-2022 Budget, all these have been
put together and announced as an Integrated Nutrition
Support Program.
Under the mid-day meal scheme, the government
under the aegis of the Ministry of Education provides
cooked food to all children studying in classes 1 to 8 in
government and aided schools. According to estimates
for 2020-21, Rs 12,900 crore was allocated for the mid-
day meal scheme, but it was reduced to Rs 11,500 crore
in the 2021-22 budget. That’s a 10.8% decrease. “The
closure of mid-day meals and ICDS during the pandemic
has had a devastating impact, which is pushing children
into severe malnutrition,” says health economist, Dr In-
dranil Mukhopadhyay.
Experts expect allocations for nutrition to increase.
In 2020-21, the total budget for ICDS was allocated Rs
28,557 crore, but it was reduced to Rs 20,038 crore in the
revised allocations. The allocation was reduced by near-
ly 29%. “We need to focus on nutrition for adolescent
girls. Still a lot of resources are needed.” Experts say
so. But the government is reducing funds for essential
welfare schemes. They are maintained nominally but the
campaign is heavy.
The country is drowned in a sea of debts.
They add a debt of Rs 10 lakh crore annually. From
1947 to 2014, about Rs 56 lakh crore was borrowed, fol-
lowed by Rs 80 lakh crore from 2014 to 2021. If such
huge amounts are used for the creation of infrastructure
and for productive purposes and development activities,
it may be understood, but new debts are used to pay off
old debts and interest. In 2021, we had debts equaling
60.5% of our Gross National Product [GDP]. Our tax-
es on gas (G), diesel (D) and petrol (P) were Rs 74,158
crore in 2014-15 and were raised to Rs 3 lakh crore in
2020-21. They say GDP has grown greatly but see which
GDP is increased!
“The public economy is currently in deep turmoil as
the fiscal deficit has reached an extraordinarily high level
due to huge spending on welfare schemes by the Modi
government,” said former finance minister Yashwant
Sinha. “On the one hand, welfare schemes for the poor
and on the other hand, policies that provide exorbitant
benefits to selected corporates are being implemented,”
he said.
In an interview to PTI, Sinha said, “The shocking
22 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
thing is that no one is worried about the financial con-
dition of the government, including those in the govern-
ment. The country’s fiscal deficit is projected to be 6.9
per cent of GDP this fiscal year. There are no signs that
any ruling party in this country is worried about this eco-
nomic plight. “Everything in today’s economic policy
depends on whether the government or the ruling party
will be allowed to win elections or not,” Sinha alleged.
His worry about the economic crisis and irresponsibility
of ruling parties is correct but his assumption of wel-
farism towards poor as cause of crisis cannot be accept-
ed. It is the welfarism of the big corporates causing eco-
nomic crisis.
If we look at the way our banks are managed, we
can see whose interests the economy revolves around.
Banks have written off bad loans or non-performing as-
sets worth Rs 2.02 lakh crore in FY21. SBI alone has
written off a total of Rs 10.7 lakh crore in the last seven
years. It didn’t happen just for a single year. This is the
policy followed every year. Rs 1,08,373 crore in 2016-
17, Rs 1,61,328 crore in 2017-18, Rs 2,36,265 crore in
2018-19, and Rs 2,34,170 crore in 2019-20, have been
written off, the RBI said. In the last 10 years, banks have
written off Rs 11,68,095 crore (NPAs). These banks have
recovered only Rs 64,228 crore [14%] of the loans giv-
en. They have waived off twice as much debt as they
collected in five years.
Moreover, banks misinform people by declaring
that it is only a book adjustment and the loans will be re-
covered as usual. According to an RTI response, between
2014 and 2019 scheduled commercial banks in India
have written off bad loans worth Rs 6.35 lakh crore and
have recovered only Rs 62,220 crore from written off
loans. It is well recorded that less than 10% of such loans
are recovered later and in practical sense, it is making the
big fish free of their loans officially
The debts of bigwigs, distinguished corporate com-
panies and personalities such as, Gitanjali Gems Mohil
Choksi [8018 crore], R. E. I. Agro [4314 crores], Win-
some Diamonds [4076 crores], Vijay Mallya [1943
crores], Deccan Chronicle [1915 crores], etc., have been
written off. 75% of these loans are written off by public
sector banks. But it is not possible for the same banks to
waive off the debts of small farmers who have a debt of
Rs. 2-3 lakhs. “It is not an economically good move and
it will not make any difference in the lives of farmers,”
the Union Finance Minister had recently said.
That’s why the farmers’ dues are recovered by auc-
tioning their food grains and seeds. We have recently
read in the news about SBI, which harassed a farmer
in Gujarat for two years by not giving him the required
certificate by saying that he did not clear a loan of 31
paise. Can there be a more glaring example of demon-
strating the purposes for which the government agencies
are working?
The wealth of India’s wealthiest families reached a
record high in 2021. The bottom 50% of the population
accounted for only 13% of the country’s wealth, with the
top 10 of India’s richest individuals owning 57% of the
country’s wealth. The 98 richest Indians have the same
wealth as the 552 million people at the bottom. The in-
come of 84% of Indian households has declined due to
the Covid-19 pandemic. But in the same 2021 period, the
number of Indian billionaires increased from 102 to 142.
The wealth of 100 high-profile households was Rs 57.3
lakh crore [Oxfam Report, 18 January 2022]. “This in-
equality is killing the country’s systems,” they remarked.
Does this in any way mean that the governments are
working for the “welfare of the people”?
It is in the nature of the ruling classes of today to
announce schemes in the name of the welfare of the
people, to release meagre funds and run them nominally
but to propagate them in a populist manner and to cre-
ate illusions that the lives of the poor are being lifted
up from poverty. In fact, they maintain a machinery of
government to the benefit of the big feudal and big cap-
italist classes. That is why no matter how many elegant
schemes are introduced in the name of the people; the
declared welfare will not be achieved. The plight of peo-
ple will not improve if they sail with these schemes as
executed presently. It must be remembered that many
welfare schemes and acts are introduced after long
fought battles. There is no way than struggles for people
to establish their rights. The welfare schemes are framed
deceitfully to submerge people in illusions and to obtain
their approval to the ruling regimens.
16/05/2022
Note:
1
Dr. S. Jatin Kumar is an orthopaedic surgeon by
profession and is presently vice president of Or-
ganisation for Protection of Democratic Rights
-OPDR TS. Contributed articles earlier to count-
er currents]
2
Source: https://countercurrents.org
beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
CCG Open Statement
on the Sedition Provision
in the Indian Penal Code
Constitutional Conduct Group
W
e are a group of former civil servants of the All
India and Central Services who have worked with
the Central and State Governments in the course of our
careers. Our group has no affiliation with any political
party, and we, as its members, believe in impartiality,
neutrality and commitment to the Constitution of India.
On May 11, 2022, a chorus of appreciation greeted
the Supreme Court’s interim orders on a batch of cases
which had challenged the constitutionality of the sedi-
tion provision contained in Section 124A of the Indian
Penal Code (IPC). The Supreme Court’s order was an
interim one, viz. to keep in abeyance this section and
all related pending trials, appeals and proceedings until
further orders. While we would, like others, wish to ap-
plaud this decision of the Supreme Court, we feel that, at
present, it deserves only a muted cheer.
The Supreme Court’s order, inasmuch as it results
in immediate relief against arrest, investigation or un-
der-trial detention under Section 124A, is certainly laud-
able (provided it does not adversely affect the persons al-
ready charged). Not so laudable is the impression it gives
that the suspension is a response to the union govern-
ment’s statement that it is reviewing Section 124A and
considering its revision and reform. Review and revision
by the executive cannot be a substitute for judicial deter-
mination of the constitutional limits of the power of the
executive to restrict freedom of speech and expression. It
is important for the Supreme Court not to get sidetracked
by the executive and instead to answer the fundamental
issue raised by the petitioners, viz. is Section 124A of the
IPC constitutionally valid?
Section 124A of the IPC is certainly a strange provi-
sion to have in a democracy. It criminalizes the feelings
of dislike, contempt and disaffection towards “the gov-
ernment established by law in India”, even where such
feelings are not linked to any violent, illegal or criminal
act. Disaffection and contempt for the government of
the day are feelings through which democratic republics
are born. Such feelings are considered criminal only in
autocracies. Where the government of the day can be,
and is, changed through the electoral process, it can sure-
ly not be a criminal offence for any citizen to merely
23
harbour and express feelings of disaffection, etc. towards
the government.
In the words of Mahatma Gandhi: “Affection cannot
be manufactured or regulated by law. If one has no affec-
tion for a person or system, one should be free to give the
fullest expression to his disaffection, so long as he does
not contemplate, promote, or incite to violence.” Yet this
disaffection is what Section 124A treats as criminal. Six-
ty years ago, in Kedar Nath Singh vs. State of Bihar, a
five-judge bench of the Supreme Court upheld Section
124A IPC, but qualified their decision as follows:
... we propose to limit [the] operation [of Section
124A] only to such activities …. involving incite-
ment to violence or intention or tendency to cre-
ate public disorder or cause disturbance of public
peace.
This limiting of Section 124A to activities which
involve incitement to violence or public disorder has,
however, been by and large ignored in practice by the
police and by the courts. As against the thousands of cas-
es charged by the police under Section 124A and sim-
ilar draconian provisions/laws, the low rate of convic-
tion casts serious doubt about the genuineness of claims
made during investigation and prosecution. It shows that
the real purpose of such laws is to provide autocratic rul-
ers a powerful weapon to suppress their rivals and con-
trol public opinion.
However, whether or not Section 124A is finally
deleted or altered, it will make little difference to the
common citizen insofar as freedom of speech and ex-
pression as spelt out in Article 19(1) of the Constitution
is concerned. This is because, apart from Section 124A
of the IPC, there are several other provisions in the IPC
and other Acts which shackle this fundamental right of
citizens and leave them open to arbitrary arrest and pros-
ecution by the government. The only way that the citi-
zen’s right to freedom of speech and expression can be
protected is if the Supreme Court examines Article 19
under the “basic structure of the Constitution” principle
with reference to all existing laws and provisions that
put curbs on this freedom.
The armoury of arbitrary weapons used to suppress
dissent and opposition and control the free formation of
public opinion has expanded over the years to include
a number of offences similar to those under Section
124A. Prominent amongst these offences are Section
153A of the IPC (promoting enmity between different
groups on ground of religion, race, place of birth, etc.),
24 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022
Section 153B (imputations, assertions prejudicial to na-
tional integration), Section 505 (statements conducive to
public mischief) and Section 505(2) (statements creating
or promoting enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes).
These provisions are today widely and routinely misused
by the police and their political masters with the same
objective as in the case of Section 124A.
Over the years, slowly and surreptitiously, the sub-
stance of the offence of sedition has been “snuck” into
the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 (UAPA),
defined more elaborately, and with more draconian con-
sequences, than in Section 124A. Significantly, no po-
litical party is blameless in this regard and governments
of all political complexions have been trampling upon
human rights and the freedom of expression
Section 13(1) of the UAPA states that “Whoever: (a)
takes part in or commits, or (b) advocates, abets, advises
or incites the commission of, any unlawful activity….”
shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which
may extend to seven years. “Unlawful activity” as de-
fined under Section 2(1)(o)(iii) of the UAPA is very sim-
ilar to the definition of sedition contained in Sec 124A
IPC.
If Section 124A of the IPC is held by the court to
be unconstitutional, because speech and expression that
merely create disaffection are protected (and not pro-
hibited) under Article 19(1), Section 2(1)(o)(iii) of the
UAPA will also need to be amended to delete elements
imported from Section 124A, viz. the criminalization of
speech and expression which is not an integral part of
any violent, illegal, criminal act. Deletion of one, while
retaining the other, would be irrational.
Deleting Section 124A from the IPC, while retain-
ing criminalization of “unlawful activities” under the
UAPA, will give substantial political advantage to the
union government and the party in power at the national
level. Currently, state governments are free to prosecute
persons for offences under the IPC, including for sedi-
tion under Section 124A. No permission of the union
government is required. States ruled by political parties
other than that at the national level sometimes use Sec-
tion 124A to prosecute supporters of the national ruling
party for sedition (as recently happened in Maharashtra).
The ruling party at the union level is powerless to pre-
vent such prosecution. The UAPA, on the other hand,
vests no powers with the state governments. It provides
that no court shall take cognizance of any offence of un-
lawful activity without the previous sanction of the Cen-
tral Government. Deleting Section 124A of the IPC will
mean that the power to prosecute those who promote
unfavourable opinions against the government will rest Resist
solely with the union government. This provides a ma-
jor incentive for the union government to delete Section
US-led Wars and Militarism
124A under the pretext of protecting human rights while in the Asia Pacific
in reality strengthening its ability to suppress liberty in

W
an even more draconian manner.
e are aware of the first visit by US President Joe
Given that no democracy can exist without freedom
Biden to Asia, specifically to the Republic of Ko-
of speech and expression, including the right to promote
rea and Japan this coming May 20-24, 2022. We are
opinions unfavourable to the government, the Supreme
aware of the key agenda of the said visit: on the Peoples
Court should use this opportunity to declare an overar-
Republic of China, the Democratic Peoples Republic
ching ‘basic structure principle’ of the Constitution pro-
of Korea, as well as the summit for the QUAD coun-
tecting freedom of speech and expression including the
tries, involving Australia, India and Japan. We are aware
reasonable restrictions mentioned in Article 19(2), so
that this visit is in tune with the Indo-Pacific strategic
that government interference with individual freedom
pivot of the US initiated by then US President Barack
of speech and expression can be prevented. In doing so,
Obama, continued by then US President Donald Trump,
the Court should hew to the principle that any permis-
and now being reinforced by President Biden. With great
sible restriction on speech and expression must be only
anxiety, we are aware that such visit by President Biden
against speech or expression that is likely to result in im-
- especially with the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict,
minent violence or restricts the freedom of speech and
US-China trade war, and the shifting defense policy of
expression of others.
Japan - is re-kindling the embers of war in the region.
Satyameva Jayate
Ensuring economic interest in the region: The US
Constitutional Conduct Group
profit-motive
(108 signatories)
We emphasize that the economy is the key driver for
the US shift to the Indo-Pacific. During Obama presiden-
12/06/2022
cy, the three largest populations in the world are found
in Asia Pacific, counting 2.2 billion people in China, In-
https://kafila.online/2022/06/12/ccg-open-statement-on-
dia and Indonesia. The world’s busiest trade corridors
the-sedition-provision-in-the-indian-penal-code/
would also be in Asia Pacific, namely: 33% of bulk car-
go and 66% of all oil shipments passing through nine of
the world’s 10 largest ports in the region including those
in Shanghai, HongKong, Singapore and Busan. The re-
gion accounts for 30% of global gross domestic prod-
uct (GDP). US direct investments in the region amount
to US$651 billion. US debt to China and Japan in 2013
amounted to US$1.27 trillion and US$1.2 trillion, re-
spectively.
This time around, according to the Indo-Pacific
Strategy of the United States dated February 2022 ad-
opted by President Biden, Asia-Pacific accounts for over
half of the world’s population, with 60% of the global
GDP, while 2/3 of global economic growth is expected
to happen in the region. US direct investment in Asia
Pacific in 2020 is around 970B USD.
We are cognizant that the Biden Presidency has re-
iterated in their strategic paper that under his presiden-
cy “... the United States is determined to strengthen our
long-term position in and commitment to the Indo-Pa-

beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022 25

cific,” and that “...in a quickly changing strategic land- We stand firm against US Imperialist agenda in
scape, we recognize that American interests can only be Asia-Pacific. We are against the efforts of Biden in pro-
advanced if we firmly anchor the United States in the moting and strengthening the US corporate interest in
Indo-Pacific”. the region. These US transnational companies take ad-
vantage of cheap labor in the region, while dumping
China, DPRK containment: The US hegemony in a their goods in the vast market of Asia Pacific.
multi-polar world We stand shoulder to shoulder in promoting peace
We have taken stock of the Biden presidency plans across the region and the rest of the globe. We will assert
for the region. The US “... will focus on every corner of the independence of the peoples of Asia Pacific against
the region, from Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia, to any form of intervention and aggression.
South Asia and Oceania, including the Pacific Islands.
This intensifying American focus is due in part to the May 21, 2022
fact that the Indo-Pacific faces mounting challenges,
particularly from the PRC.” The US objective on Chi- Note: The above text is a sign-on statement initiated by
na is stated as “... to shape the strategic environment in the ILPS Asia Pacific and the Resist US-led War
which it operates, building a balance in the world that Network on the upcoming visit of US President
is maximally favorable to the United States...” DPRK is Biden to Asia.
explicitly mentioned in the strategy paper, with the US
stating that “DPRK continues to expand it illicit nuclear
weapons and missile programs.”
We are aware of the white paper titled “China’s Pol-
icies on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation” released by
the State Council Information Office of the Peoples Re-
public of China in January 2017. The document states
how China aims to further increased its position in the
region, promoting the Belt and Road Initiative, the Asian
Infrastructure Fund and the Silk Road Fund, with explic-
it mention of relations with ASEAN and ASEAN Plus
Three, the China-Japan-ROK cooperation, East Asia
Summit and Shanghai Cooperation Organization among
others.
We are mindful of the efforts of the US to seek a
backdoor in its encirclement of China. The latest ini-
tiative called the QUAD, with Australia, Japan, and In-
dia together with the US forming this new alliance and
bringing in China’s neighbor India to the mix. We are
acquainted with the recent conflicts between China and
India along the Sino-Indian border in 2020 and the for-
mation of the QUAD can further strain the relations be-
tween the 2 giants.

The peoples of Asia Pacific want the US Out!

We are proud of the long struggle of the people of
Japan and ROK against the continued military presence
of the US in their countries. We are also aware of the
many atrocities of the US military in both Japan and Ko-
rea, including rape of women by US security personnel,
as well as danger to the social and living environment of
the population near the US military bases.

26 beyond the horizon Vol. V1, Issue 3. July-Sep., 2022