Cities 31 (2013) 382–393

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Cities
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Where the sidewalk ends: Informal street corner encounters in Dubai

Yasser Elsheshtawy ⇑
UAE University, Department of Architectural Engineering, PO Box 15551, Al-Ain, United Arab Emirates

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Research on Dubai has typically focused on the spectacular and the city’s rapid urban transformation.
Received 4 June 2012 This study seeks to go beyond the city as spectacle by offering a detailed, empirical account of a street
Received in revised form 18 November 2012 in one of its low-income districts, Hor Al Anz. The neighborhood is a locale for South-Asian migrant work-
Accepted 2 December 2012
ers, for whom the street is the only recourse for public interaction. The street-corner in particular
Available online 8 January 2013
becomes a site for social gatherings, and thus provides a microcosm for the lives of these migrant work-
ers. The study is set within a larger context of informal urbanism where city residents take matters into
Keywords:
their own hand and begin to subvert established planning practices. Moreover, I am also providing a brief
Dubai
Informal urbanism
overview of Dubai’s urban development to contextualize the case study, in particular looking at immigra-
Behavioral mapping tion laws and the place accorded to such migrants. Census data and content analysis of media reports
GIS have been used in that regard. The study adopts a unique mapping methodology utilizing GIS technolo-
Urban planning gies, behavioral mapping and videography. The result is a detailed portrayal of the street’s inner life.
Urban studies Through this, policy makers and urban planners would have at their disposal a much more nuanced
Urban design and richer depictions of the lives of these migrant workers. Findings should lead to a more empathetic
understanding of inhabitants’ lives and accordingly spaces and neighborhoods would be planned which
are more responsive to their needs.
Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Prologue Introduction

On February 13, 2012, an Indian porter working in Al-Aweer
vegetable market in Dubai decided after finishing his shift to spend
the night in the market. He was too exhausted to take the long trip
‘home’ to a neighborhood called Hor Al Anz. The journey from the
market to Hor Al Anz takes no more than 20-min by car but by bus
it would be much more than that, maybe a couple of hours (Fig. 1).
In all likelihood he shared a room with countless other workers in
one of the shacks dotting the neighborhood. It was probably not a
comfortable home, so the decision to stay in the market may not
have been a particularly difficult one. He chose to sleep in one of
the containers which held numerous bags of onions. The container
doors closed and he settled for a night’s sleep. Unbeknownst to him
however, the onions absorbed all the oxygen in the confined space.
Next morning as other workers opened the container they
found him unresponsive. He was dead.1
⇑ Tel.: +971 50 6182798.
E-mail address: sheshtawi@uaeu.ac.ae
1
Aboul Hosn, Dina (2012). ‘‘Dubai Police to launch safety campaign after porter
dies in container.’’ Gulf News. February 13.
Dubai’s rapid urban growth over the last three decades and the
accompanying social and cultural transformations have been well
documented in numerous scholarly studies (e.g. Davidson, 2008;
Elsheshtawy, 2010; Kanna, 2011). These changes have resulted, in-
ter alia, in a fragmentary urban form, which appears to promote so-
cial exclusion along ethnic and socio-economic lines. Additionally,
given the city’s ethnic make-up a process of self-segregation (Vora,
2008) has intensified these divisions by relegating various groups
to isolated enclaves; this has been identified as one of the main
characteristics of the Gulf-Arab city (Khalaf, 2006). Limited mobil-
ity for the low-income populace, in spite of the introduction of Du-
bai Metro, aggravates the problem further by restricting their
range of movement across the city (Elsheshtawy, 2011).
Another dimension of this problem is related to the absence of
any meaningful public space. Sidewalks are strictly functional – for
use in retail activities and movement (Kendall, 2012). Gathering
spaces are so rare as to be almost non-existent. Yet somehow with-
in this dire picture city inhabitants have taken matters into their
own hands; they have transformed leftover spaces, sidewalks,
street corners and parking lots into something else. In many ways
this echoes what is taking place in other world cities, where an
informal process begins to subvert a constricting environment. In
Dubai, similar processes occur and it is the aim of this paper to
interrogate one specific street in a low-income neighborhood, to

0264-2751/$ - see front matter Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2012.12.001
 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393
Fig. 1. Map of Dubai indicating Al-Aweer vegetable market and Hor Al Anz district.
see the extent to which this is expressed in a city displaying such a
high degree of control. While the study is seemingly grounded
within a western understanding of urban space, I should note that
there is a growing body of literature on Gulf urbanism that seeks to
establish the uniqueness of their urban settings vis-à-vis other
world cities. For instance, the work of Sulayman Khalaf examines
the lives of migrant workers within Dubai’s camel market, Robina
Mohamad and James Sidaway have interrogated the lives of South
Asian men in Abu Dhabi, and Trisan Brusle has looked at the lives
of Nepalese workers in Doha (Brusle, 2010; Khalaf, 2010; Moham-
ad & Sidaway, 2012). My intention is to build on this body of liter-
ature taking into account convergences with other world cities.
The choice of this particular setting is based on extensive field
research conducted in the Fall and Spring of 2011/2012 during
which the city’s informal sites were mapped. Hor Al Anz emerged
as a particularly interesting case given its relative old age vis-à-vis
Dubai; its transformation from a neighborhood populated solely by
Emiratis in the 1980s to one that is dominated by a low-income
South-Asian populace; and more importantly the heavy level of
street use seen during preliminary site visits. The sidewalks of
Hor Al Anz, and where they end, offer an opportunity to explore is-
sues related to migration, informal urbanism and ethnic identity.
Specifically, in this paper my research questions are as follows:
(1) What patterns of behavior are observable in the street and
what is their diurnal rhythm? What potential reasons could
be attributed to observed activity patterns?
(2) To what extent does the built environment support these
recurring patterns of behavior?
(3) How is the district and the street related to Dubai; what role
does (has) it play(ed) in the city’s urban development?
(4) What particular lessons could be drawn from such an
inquiry as it pertains to urban theory?
In returning to the accident recounted in the prologue, my aim
is not so much to interrogate what caused this tragic incident, or to
383
engage in an indictment of Dubai vis-à-vis its laborers, but to use it
as a starting point to enter into this insular community. My study
will piece together a picture of Hor Al Anz, highlighting its positive
aspects as well as its negatives, and through this portrayal suggest
to policy makers and urban planners a much more nuanced and ri-
cher depiction of the lives of these migrant workers. Perhaps this
will lead to a more empathetic understanding, so that events such
as the death of an Indian porter in an onion container can be
avoided in the future.
Informal urbanism and contesting the city
Investigating the urban condition of Hor Al Anz street is closely
related to, and inspired by, the literature on informal urbanism and
the ‘right to the city’, i.e. the extent to which space is contested,
claimed and modified (e.g. Harvey, 2006; Lefebvre, 1971). In addi-
tion, I am grounding my work in the writings of Michel de Certeau
and his distinction between strategies imposed by planners and
the various tactics employed by city inhabitants to circumvent
those strategies (de Certeau, 1984). The spaces of Hor Al Anz street
offer a rich environment in which to interrogate the various tactics
(or behavioral patterns) employed by neighborhood inhabitants to
carve out a space that is distinctly their own. The work of the Sit-
uationists is another source of inspiration. Their efforts in the
1960s to offer a counter narrative to the modernist paradigm en-
tailed proposing a reconstitution of the city’s official geography
by seeking alternative sites and hidden spaces, which does in many
ways echo my own work on Dubai, unearthing its ‘hidden sites’ as
it were (Sadler, 1999).
Such critiques of the modern city continue to influence urban
theory and there is a large literature on the subject (e.g. Crawford,
1999, 2005; Jacobs, 1961; Sennett, 1977; Stevens, 2007a; Zukin,
2010). The work of Jeffrey Hou introducing the term ‘guerilla
urbanism’ is of particular importance as is the notion of ‘loose
space’, ‘liminal space’ and ‘ludic space’ (Franck & Stevens, 2007;
384 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393
Hou, 2010; Stevens,2007b). Here, alternative planning paradigms
are promoted, seeking to establish the value of informality and
the appropriation of indeterminate spaces (Groth & Corijn,
2005). Street corners in particular are places where such interac-
tions are intensified (Jimenez-Dominguez, 2007; Solà-Morale,
2004). This has also been of interest for urban sociologists such
as William Foote Whyte in his classic ‘Street Corner Society’
(Whyte, 1943).
I will use the methods and tools suggested by William H. Whyte
in his observations of public spaces in New York City and also the
work of Danish architect and urban designer Jan Gehl who ex-
plored public life in a Scandinavian context (Gehl, 1987; Whyte,
1980). By simply observing street life and, in the case of Whyte,
using a unique visual mapping methodology, they were able to of-
fer a rich depiction of ‘tactics’ employed by city inhabitants as they
navigate the public realm. More recently, urban designer Vikas
Mehta summed up his work observing social interaction on streets
in Cambridge, US as follows: ‘Look closely and you will see, listen
carefully and you will hear’ (Mehta, 2009, p. 29). With that in mind
my understanding of Dubai goes beyond its typical perception as
spectacle and delves into these hidden sites where an alternative
city can be found – along its streets, alleyways and sidewalks. I will
begin by contextualizing my study, placing the street observations
within the wider context of Dubai.
Contextualizing Hor Al Anz
Dubai provides a unique opportunity to address issues per-
taining to migration and the extent to which urban space is nav-
igated and traversed resulting in unique forms of belonging and
formation of identity. Two particular factors stand out: first, the
city’s population structure and second, a specific regulatory envi-
ronment related to migration laws. Both have great impact on
urban space.
First, with regard to the city’s much discussed population struc-
ture, Dubai is a migrant city par excellence. A 2004 study by Lisa
Benton-Short et al. ranking cities in terms of immigration showed
that Dubai is at the top of the list based on the number of its for-
eign-born residents (82%). Furthermore, estimates for the city’s
2011 population are 2 million residents.2 There are no official pub-
lic records of its current percentage of expatriates. However, various
reports indicate that the percentage of Emiratis is about 10%, South
Asians range from 60% to 70%, Arabs constitute 10–15%, and West-
erners have a similar range. Migrants from India dominate for histor-
ical reasons as well as geographical proximity. According to India’s
Ministry of Oversees Indian Affairs’ estimates there are 1.2 million
Indians in the United Arab Emirates.3 The majority of these economic
migrants travel from the Indian state of Kerala, three quarters are
male laborers and a half of these are unskilled. Labor and migration
laws vis-à-vis these migrants strongly impacts housing patterns, use
of public space, and identifying with the city in general.
Indeed, one of the main factors influencing social stability is
having a family structure and a support network. Yet the UAE’s
migration laws effectively bar a large segment from having such
a support. At the moment a minimum salary of 10,000 Dh per
month ($2700 US) is needed for an employee to bring his family
to the UAE.4 Considering that a vast majority of workers earn much
less, the impact is considerable.5 This policy resulted in a population
imbalance tipped towards male residents who are invariably
2
Dubai Statistics Centre. http://www.dsc.gov.ae/EN/Pages/DubaiInFigures.aspx.
3
http://moia.gov.in/pdf/UAE.pdf. Accessed May 13, 12.
4
Dubai Natural Residency Department. Also see. http://www.guide2dubai.com/
881-Revised-salary-norm-for-bringing-in-families-to-UAE.html.
5
Average salary for a service worker, e.g. a cashier at a supermarket, is 1,500DH;
for construction workers it is even lower.
described as bachelors. Their dominance is not so much felt in the
high-income areas of Jumeirah or New Dubai, but becomes obvious
once one moves into the city’s lower income districts such as Hor Al
Anz. The situation becomes even more tenuous if we consider the
sponsorship system requiring employees to be sponsored by individ-
uals or corporations. Housing is provided by the sponsor for low-cost
construction workers as well as professionals. However, there is a
large segment in the middle (mid-level professionals, service work-
ers, clerks, etc.) who have to secure their own housing leading, for
instance, to multiple occupancy of houses in areas such as Hor Al
Anz (Elsheshtawy, 2010).
One important question is how such groups interact in public.
Are there specific places which witness a mingling of sorts: public
parks, walkways and the like? Anthropologist Neha Vora argues
that the only ‘real’ public place in the city is the shopping mall
(Vora, 2008). Public parks require an entry fee thus barring low-
income groups. Because of this highly regulated environment,
some interesting displays of publicness have emerged, tying in
with the previous notion of informality and contestation of space
(e.g. Kendall, 2012). The use of unplanned spaces for gatherings
has become a feature in Dubai, and such sites are subject to numer-
ous investigations (e.g. Elsheshtawy, 2008).
One particularly salient issue in looking at forms of belonging
and contestation of public space is a conflation of ethnicity and so-
cial class. To a large extent exclusionary mechanisms are based on
class distinctions determined by level of education and salary. As it
happens however, in the case of Dubai, those at the lower end of
the employment hierarchy are mostly South Asians. Further down
the scale, the construction and service sectors are completely dom-
inated by this ethnic group. As a result outdoor spaces such as
streets and open parks, within certain neighborhoods, tend to be
filled with ‘Indians’, ‘Pakistanis’, ‘Filipinos’ and so on. Yet it should
also be noted that specific housing policies ensure that certain
areas are reserved for the local Emirati population. Moreover, with-
in labor camps ethnic groups are kept apart to minimize conflict.
This follows a general policy which anthropologist Ahmed Kanna
characterized as a ‘current of fear’ resulting in urbanists ‘building
urban enclaves embodying this fear’ (Kanna, 2011, p. 204; also
see Kazim, 2000; and Malone, 2002). The district of Hor Al Anz is
a good example for such exclusionary mechanisms, as I will discuss
in the following section which details the district’s inner life.
The inner life of Hor Al Anz street
Hor Al Anz is a district located in Deira, bordering the emirate of
Sharjah and in close proximity to the city’s main airport (Figs. 2A
and 2B). Originally planned in the 1970s as a neighborhood for lo-
cals who have since moved out, it is now dominated by inhabitants
from South Asia. The district was composed of identical attached
one-storey houses arranged on a regular street pattern. Some of
these still remain while others have been torn to make way for
multi-story apartment blocks. The older character is more evident
in the district’s western side while the eastern part has been mod-
ernized and contains large villas. A population of about 60,000
occupies an area of 0.9 km2, making it one of the most densely pop-
ulated districts in Dubai. Streets are well maintained with the
exception of back alleys, which have not yet been upgraded. Hor
Al Anz street is the major commercial thoroughfare containing a
range of outlets typical of such locales – restaurants, grocery
stores, typing centers, and hairdressers (Fig. 2B).
Hor Al Anz holds a special place among elderly Emiratis, who
have witnessed the city’s rapid rise – for them it evokes memories
of a lost age. A recent media report elaborates on the story of one
local resident who still returns to her old family home, which used
to be occupied by her mother. Her story is typical of what took
 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393
Fig. 2A. Aerial view of Dubai showing Hor Al Anz district in relation to the city
(Source: Satellite Image by courtesy of Space Imaging).
Fig. 2B. Figure-ground analysis of Hor Al Anz, indicating the main street artery, site
of study, with the main corners marked (Source: Author).
place in other parts of Dubai.6 These older homes – called Beit Arabi
or Shaabi, meaning Arab/traditional house – still exist but have been
in many instances converted to accommodate the large number of
single men hailing from Bangladesh, the Philippines and India.
Accordingly there is a sense of deterioration and a perception that
6
Constantine, Zoi (2011). ‘‘On location: Hor al Anz.’’ The National. February 17.
http://www.thenational.ae/featured-content/home/middle-teaser-2/on-location-hor-
al-anz. Accessed March 11, 12.
385
the area is in need of upgrading and development. To reflect these
changing conditions Dubai Municipality rezoned Hor Al Anz to allow
for more commercial activity in the neighborhood, particularly along
its main artery – Hor Al Anz street.
The current situation and the extent to which the district has
developed since the 1980s can be traced back to a Dubai Munici-
pality study conducted in 1995 and published in a report detailing
its problems and potential solutions. According to one of the
authors, the report was initiated because Hor Al Anz was consid-
ered a slum of sorts, contrasting with the remainder of the city
which was modernizing rapidly at that time. Specific recommen-
dations included a re-zoning of its main thoroughfares allowing
for commercial use and increase of permitted building height.
Additionally conversion of some streets into a one-way direction
was also suggested. These were implemented in a 2006 upgrading
scheme.7
While the above addresses the physicality of the district and the
extent to which zoning regulations and various upgrading schemes
have led to its current character, it is also important to consider the
social structure of the neighborhood as it impacts prevalent behav-
ioral and cultural patterns. Both the 2005 census, and the more re-
cent 2010 estimate, reveal a working class district, dominated by
South Asian males of working age, with varying educational back-
grounds (Figs. 3A and 3B).
Having established the overall context in which the study took
place I now turn to the specific ways in which I have attempted to
narrate its ‘inner life’ using specific modes of observation and anal-
ysis. The peculiar character of the district, the nature of its popula-
tion, and the questions in which I was interested led to a
methodological approach that I will elaborate on in the next
section.
Methodology
The methodology has been designed to capture the dynamics of
everyday life in Hor Al Anz Street. To achieve that I adopted the
tools of environment-behavior research, specifically behavioral
mapping and videography. The choice of particular methods as de-
scribed below is based on my architectural background and is
influenced by the pioneers in the area, William H. Whyte and Jan
Gehl, whose work I mentioned above (Gehl, 1987; Whyte, 1980).
Their specific methods of studying sites involved extensive obser-
vations, thus minimizing external interference so as to capture
people’s behavior within a natural setting. More recent work by
Quentin Stevens and Vikas Mehta continues this tradition (Mehta,
2009; Stevens, 2007b). The strength of this method is that it allows
for an understanding of how the physical structure of the space
influences behavior. I should note here that in assessing the extent
of the relationship between the physical form and behavior I am
not implying causality. Rather, I am relying on what ecological psy-
chologists call the concept of affordances (Gibson, 1979), which
suggests that the built environment provides possibilities or
opportunities for interaction. Thus, whenever these are present,
certain behaviors have a higher possibility for taking place. Yet
one particular shortcoming in relying exclusively on observations
is that they describe what is there without explaining why partic-
ular forms of behavior take place. Thus, data from observation are
supplemented by interviews and conversations (whenever this is
possible given language barriers as well as legal restrictions in
terms of conducting research in public in the UAE) as well as con-
tent analysis of media reports. The following is a brief description
of each method.
7
AME Info (2006). Sheikh Hamdan approves new Hor Al Anz development Plan.
http://www.ameinfo.com/105022.html. Accessed May 6, 2012.
386 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393

Fig. 3A. 2005 Census data. Hor Al Anz District. (Source: Dubai Statistics Center).

Fig. 3B. 2010 Estimates (Source: Dubai Statistics Center).

Behavioral mapping
In order to map activities taking place in a setting within a set
time interval, behavioral mapping is a useful method (e.g. Marusic,
2011; Mehta, 2009). For this specific study a stretch of 500 m along
Hor Al Anz Street, consisting of five blocks on each side (a total of
10 segments) was selected for mapping (Fig. 4). Data were cap-
tured through a walkthrough method, done with the help of three
student assistants. The assistants were all residents of Dubai, and
thus their choice of categories pertaining to ethnic groups, for
example, was informed by their deep knowledge of how different
nationalities dress, identification of facial features, in addition to
probing conversations with street users and shop owners. Validity,
as well as inter-observer reliability, was established in debriefing
sessions by detailing the various codes and constructs used to
avoid any conflicting accounts. Reliability was achieved through
a process of triangulation whereby multiple methods were used
to assure data consistency. Moreover, observations across 2 days
also helped in that respect.
The walkthrough method entailed walking along the street
focusing either on the western or eastern side. Stationary activities
(any activity taking more than 1 min) were recorded on a sheet. To
ensure trustworthiness students were instructed to take photo-
graphs using GPS enabled cameras, which were later placed on
the electronic mapping sheet. Once one particular time segment
was completed, another was treated in the same way and so on.
The resulting data, consisting of manually transcribed maps,
notes and photographs, were organized in folders according to
day and time. To facilitate analysis, all data were entered in a GIS
 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393 387

Fig. 4. Street structure and sampling.

program, which had been preloaded with a geo-referenced aerial
image of the site and a corresponding drawing showing street
blocks. Locations of people were plotted; in addition various attri-
butes such as gender, ethnicity, type and length of activity etc.
were identified as well. After entry the data were subjected to fur-
ther analysis as will be seen in the following sections.
Videography
While behavioral maps offer a compelling visual image of how
activities are distributed over time and space they do not reveal
the inner dynamics and subtleties of everyday interactions. To
achieve this, a technique of time-lapse video was used. This follows
in the tradition of William H. Whyte whose time-lapse recordings
of plaza use in New York City has been a mainstay of urban re-
search (Whyte, 1980).
While this study should not be construed as ethnography in a
strict anthropological sense, I have nevertheless borrowed from
the tools of ethnographic research by supplementing the quantita-
tive/objective data obtained with qualitative observations to fur-
ther understand the particular reasons why certain behaviors
take place. This entailed note taking during video recording, photo-
graphic capture and informal conversations with street users and
residents. The specific set-up used for the study (elaborate camera
and tripod; chair for sitting during periods of inactivity, etc.) be-
came an excuse of sorts for starting conversations as it attracted
the attention of passers-by.8
during a certain amount of time, and do not include any pedestrian
movement. The spatial distribution along the street is similar as
well, with a vast majority, more than 60%, using the western side
of the street. While both sides have a similar mix of retail estab-
lishments, the western side has a slightly higher number of restau-
rants and bakeries. Additionally it is in shade during the day, and
has more opportunities for people to sit (stoops and the like).
With respect to ethnic distribution, as expected South Asian
nationalities dominate. Moreover the majority of activities take
place in groups, with many preferring to stand. The charts in
Figs. 5A and 5B illustrate the street’s diurnal rhythm and the pres-
ence of a general pattern – more pronounced on Saturday – where-
by intensity of activities dip at noon-time, only to increase towards
the evening, i.e. 7 pm. After that time the level of activities more or
less tapers off but continues until late at night. The dip around
noon can, of course, be explained by increase in heat, making any
presence in the street very uncomfortable (observations took place
between April and June).
The charts are indicative of the level of activities but they do not
say much about geographic distribution or location. The behavioral
maps in Fig. 5B demonstrate that there are settings which are more
heavily used than others. To visualize this in more compelling
terms, GIS software facilitates the creation of a Kernel Density
Table 1
Summary of behavioral mapping.

Friday Saturday
Findings
Total 1352 1281

By aggregating the numbers of the 2 days selected for observa- Distribution

West 66% 64%
tion some remarkably similar patterns emerge but there are also
East 34% 36%
some divergences (Table 1). The total number of observable sta-
Ethnic
tionary activities as defined above is more or less the same on both
South Asian 94% 95%
days, 1352 on Friday and 1281 on Saturday – a large number given Emirati 4 4
that these constitute standing behavioral patterns taking place Iranian 1 1
Philippine 1 0
8 Groupings
With regard to the use of photography as a tool for ethnographic research I have
relied on the seminal work of John & Malcolm Collier (Collier & Collier, 1986). Two Group 86% 57%
ethnographies were of particular influence on my work, since they dealt with Single 14% 43%
understanding social processes within a physical setting and the extent to which Activities
multiple sources of data (media, interviews, observation/note taking and participant Standing 52% 46%
observation) could be used to answer research questions. They are Theodor Bestor’s Sitting 32% 25%
examination of the Tsukiji fish market in Tokyo (Bestor, 2004) and Gordon Mathew’s Instrumental 16% 29%
fascinating account of Chungking Mansions in Hong Kong (Mathew, 2011).
388 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393

Fig. 5A. Mapping results for individual time-segments and corresponding diurnal rhythm.

Fig. 5B. Aggregate mapping results for Friday.

Map, a tool that measures density across space. Running this anal-
ysis for Friday data shows that the most used locale is the corner at
Blocks C and D (Fig. 6). On Saturday it becomes the second most
used, while the activity center or hot spot, is shifted towards the
preceding corner. Conducting a similar analysis for individual time
segments indicates that the pattern is consistent across the day,
with the hot spot oscillating between these two corners. This focus
can be attributed to a variety of reasons. Retail stores, the presence
of bakeries, and restaurants offering tea encourages people to lin-
ger. Mobile phone stores and electric maintenance stores, which
display functioning TV’s on the sidewalk, are another factor. In
addition, opportunities for sitting are more prevalent on these
two corners. For example, a large pharmacy closes at night, but
its AC system remains active, so many workers simply sit alongside
its storefront, as recounted by one of my student assistants who
shared this position with observed subjects during a hot night.
Venturing a bit beyond the corners reveals the presence of fea-
tures and spaces that further contribute to the large presence of
people in these locales and a general perception that they are pop-
ular places to be in. A large tree next to corner D provides shade
during the day and therefore, understandably, becomes a popular
spot. Further, opportunities for gathering are provided by widening
in the sidewalk due to varying setbacks; some of these areas are
further shielded from the street by parking cars, thus creating a
semi-public space of sorts. I have in such spaces observed a large
number of people sitting and squatting while talking on their mo-
bile phones. Other nodes of interactions are points of intersection
between narrow back alleys and the main street. These nodes
 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393
Fig. 6. Density index – left image shows the distribution superimposed on the map;
right image shows the distribution without map to clarify density patterns. Corners
E and D are the highest used.
become a place of transition between the insular and private space
of the alley and the communal space of the neighborhood. Finally,
the existence of mosques along these roads acts as a magnet of
sorts, drawing people into its vicinity. In many ways the backstre-
ets and alleys leading to the corners become a living room for the
neighborhood’s residents, a place of relaxation and convivial
interactions.
The preceding data provide an overall, quantitative view of
street life. They are useful in offering empirical verification for
the high level of street use. Yet the particularly nuanced and com-
plex manners in which such interactions take place needs to be
understood as well. Thus, as discussed in the methodology section,
videography was used to complement the mapping data. The result
from one such observation is a time-lapse video of a corner, which
we named ‘Peshawar Street Corner’ after a restaurant occupying a
prominent spot in that locale. Filming began at 5 am and continued
until 9 pm. The resulting video offers a rich depiction of interac-
tions taking place on this specific street corner, illustrating the
dominant role played by the restaurant. Based on the time of day
different types of activities occur ranging from people going to
prayer, local teenagers from a nearby neighborhood acting in a
somewhat threatening fashion, and a gathering of a group to watch
a cricket game broadcast inside the restaurant (Fig. 7).
Further information was obtained through note taking, photog-
raphy and interviews with street users. Thus a series of interesting
events have been observed which are quite revealing in under-
standing the street’s ‘inner life’. For example, further away from
the previously mentioned corner is a restaurant, a locale that is
more or less reserved for a group of elderly Emirati locals. They
are in this spot from early in the morning until late in the evening,
with an afternoon break. These locals are former residents of the
district who come back to revive old memories having moved to
the newer suburbs allocated for Emiratis. Suspicious of outsiders
they refused to be photographed, and the only information gleaned
from them was through my student assistants. While many come
from affluent areas, others have more dubious origins – being
stateless – which may explain their presence in the street, a behav-
ior that is not typically associated with respectable elders.
Yet the majority of users are, of course, from the Indian sub-
continent. Indeed in talking to them one sensed certain amount
of pride as they observed that ‘everyone here is from Pakistan’.
One particularly poignant conversation took place with a Pakistani
street elder who had been living in the area for more than 15 years.
He took it upon himself to question me about my presence and
389
why I was filming the neighborhood; he expressed great satisfac-
tion about the dominance of Pakistanis. However, this is not uni-
versally shared; in conversations with Iranian shop owners, for
example, a clear hostility is expressed towards, as they put it, an
‘Indian invasion’. This is meant to be derogatory since it conflates
all South Asian’s into one ethnic group.
Media reports frequently hail the district’s sense of community
and that it acts as a haven for its inhabitants. One depiction offers
an idyllic village-like scene.9 Such portrayals obviously romanticize
the setting to a large degree. Indeed, Hor Al Anz is considered one of
the more dangerous places in Dubai. Its dark alleyways and narrow
lanes are foreboding and seem to be a site conducive to illegal activ-
ities. The constant presence of police patrol cars adds to the sense of
danger; media reports sometimes highlight criminal activities taking
place there ranging from robbery, sexual assault, illegal occupation
of houses and selling of prohibited services and goods.10
While I never witnessed any kind of illegal activities nor felt di-
rectly threatened in any way, constant interruptions to my activi-
ties, and curious questioning by passers-by seemed to show a
sense of suspicion towards outsiders. This was further highlighted
by one particular event in which a group of local teenagers from a
nearby neighborhood appeared on the scene. One of them carried a
screwdriver and their overall behavior was threatening. Their
appearance and subsequent interaction with me while filming sug-
gested that they were what is called, Menawi, local Shiites who are
usually stateless (Bidoon). Their presence in the midst of South
Asians constituted a curiosity and may reveal patterns of contesta-
tion and reclaiming of space. Indeed their overall behavior, appear-
ing on the corner I was observing, speaking loudly in Arabic,
entering a store without buying anything, and shaking a traffic
sign, point to larger issues pertaining to establishing and asserting
their presence within a largely impoverished community, but also
a way to carve out a space within a city that denies them any other
outlet or possibility for establishing a larger presence.
Discussion: design or accident?
In discussing the meaning of these findings and observations it
should be pointed out that one of the main issues emerging from
this study is that the street has transcended its function as a con-
duit of movement, to become a social place. Furthermore, these
interactions take place at street corners. Both metaphorically and
physically the corner becomes a microcosm for the district, a place
where inhabitants mingle and meet. These interactions sustain cul-
tural patterns and nurture a sense of belonging. Denied the pres-
ence of an extended family, inhabitants rely on each other for
support, exchange of news and so on (Gardner, 2011; Khalaf &
Alkobaisi, 1999; see also Walsh, 2006 with respect to British expa-
triates). The large number of those migrants within a relatively
small space is an important factor since it reinforces their sense
of community. The space is imbued with cultural indicators: crick-
et games; smell of food and drinking traditionally prepared tea;
signs and advertisements in native languages; and a relaxed dress
code. Forced to be isolated from the rest of the city and limited in
their movement, the neighborhood becomes a backstage to the ci-
ty’s glitzy and spectacular sites. Inhabitants’ sense of separation is
strong to the extent that some walk in the traditional undergar-
ment called lunghi, adding to the district’s enclave-like status. This
9
ibid.
10
This is just a small sample of what takes place in the district. Al Baik, Eman
(2012). ‘‘Two youths sexually assaulted 18-year old student.’’ Emirates 24/7. April 25.
http://www.emirates247.com/news/emirates/two-youths-sexually-assaulted-18-
year-old-student-2012-04-25-1.455742. Accessed May 9, 12; Al Baik, Eman (2012).
‘‘Sex customer burns another with petrol’’ Emirates 24/7. January 6. http://www.emir-
ates247.com/crime/local/sex-customer-burns-another-with-petrol-2012-01-06-
1.436122. Accessed May 9, 12.
390 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393

Fig. 7. Screen captures from the time-lapse video.

Fig. 8. Photographic evidence as captured by the research assistants, illustrating typical behavioral patterns as they take place during the 6 pm observation period.

is further highlighted by being an exclusively male space that pro-
motes and suggests specific forms of behavior, intensified by
inhabitants being away from their families and surrounded by
large number of males. This would entail such seemingly innocent
activities as holding hands, which has been observed on a number
of occasions.11
11
The issue of gendered urbanism within the Middle East has typically focused on
women and their use of public space (see, e.g., Rieker & Asdar, 2008). Some attempts
have been made to begin to address this from a male perspective such as the work of
Tristan Brusle concerning South Asian male workers in Doha and Mohamad &
Sidawi’s examination of South Asian men in Abu Dhabi (Brusle, 2010 Mohamad &
Sidaway, 2012). This obviously deserves further work.
What is of particular interest is the extent to which the physical
environment supports or inhibits the formation of these activities.
The literature suggests that such spaces merely offer affordances or
opportunities for events. Additionally, as noted earlier, the idea of
having what is called a ‘loose space’ or ‘liminal space’ promotes
open-endedness and ambiguity to cater to varying levels of street
use. While the sidewalks are quite narrow, once one reaches the
corner, the space opens up significantly. Minimal interference in
terms of street furniture and the resulting wide-open space allows
for gatherings to take place. Incidental features, such as large trees,
offer protection and shade. Empty sites provide further opportuni-
ties for gathering. Small modifications made to storefronts, such as
 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393 391

Fig. 9. (A–C) Detailed analysis of interactions taking place on a street corner between 8:07 and 8:10 pm.
392 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393
Fig. 10. Scene from Hor Al Anz – a place that seems frozen in time, standing in
contrast to the surrounding city.
the addition of stoops and placement of chairs, suggests an infor-
mal character, typical of such sites. These corners thus seem to em-
body the very notion of ‘looseness’ and liminality. They act as a
threshold, and their open-endedness removes restrictions placed
on behavior (Figs. 8, 9A–C).
The question is whether this was done intentionally by author-
ities to promote and nurture such behavioral patterns. Municipal-
ity reports, studies and interviews with planning officials seem to
suggest otherwise. The overall perception is that these workers
are a menace that needs to be contained. Labor camps, worker cit-
ies, etc. are the preferred solution. In the meantime, isolated sites
such as Hor Al Anz provide a temporary ‘holding’ place. However,
policies and planning decisions aim at assuring efficiency and con-
trol. Indeed, according to one person tasked with planning the site,
the main considerations in planning the district’s streets were
facilitation of traffic. Thus, converting the street direction into
one way and provision of parking resulted in a narrow sidewalk
and subsequent enlargement of the corner. It thus, incidentally, be-
came an ideal place for gathering.
Yet even within these limiting conditions small changes have
been introduced by storeowners, which substantially impact the
street’s social space. Protrusions, stoops, landscaping and the like
create opportunities (or affordances) for social interaction. Inciden-
tal features such as watching a TV through a window follows in
that same vein. Advertisements placed on lampposts and traffic
signs transform these otherwise neutral and functional features.
As a result the area appears to be ‘lived-in’ (Sennett, 2007) and
hence more vibrant and livable.
Finally, one of the main lessons to be gained from the study is
the role played by a supportive environment (Rapoport, 1990).
The street and its immediate surroundings act as a system com-
posed of settings and activities, which support each other. Mos-
ques accommodate large numbers of worshippers who, on
finishing their prayers, descend into the street frequenting its cafes
and restaurants or simply hang out on the street corner. A bakery
disperses bread but it also becomes a place to meet and chat, and
so on. Iconic retail establishments such as the Peshawar Restaurant
link the street to the wider city by becoming a destination for
visitors and a place that people mark for meetings, even without
using its services.
Conclusion: transnational spaces
‘The city, however, does not tell its past, but contains it like the lines
of a hand, written in the corners of the streets, the gratings of
the windows, the banisters of the steps, the antennae of the light-
ning rods, the poles of the flags, every segment marked in turn with
scratches, indentations, scrolls.’
Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities (my emphasis)
My intention through this study was not just to tell the story of
Hor Al Anz but to use this case as a framework for understanding lar-
ger issues pertaining to migration, formation of identities within a
transnational space, and the degree to which planning/architecture
impacts human behavior. With that in mind the prologue with
which I started this paper was meant to offer an introduction into
the lives of migrants in the city and the various challenges they face.
In recounting that incident, and subsequently the detailed analysis
of Hor Al Anz street, the overarching question was whether we can
form a better understanding of why it took place? We may never
know the answer to this, but the portrayal of Hor Al Anz indicates
that it is a transient site and therefore a transnational space, one that
is locally based but connected globally to migrants’ home countries.
Indeed its tenuous nature is intensified by the constant stream of
overhead planes, symbolizing transience and acting as a constant re-
minder of inhabitants’ eventual return. This temporality, in spite of
the street’s vibrancy, ultimately makes it a lonely place. There is a
sense of anomie and alienation due to the absence of a strong com-
munity sustained through established social networks. And this,
perhaps, may explain the porter’s fatal decision.
Aside from social factors, the district’s physical structure and its
location hinder the development of any kind of attachment. There
is a strong degree of isolation from the city – the district appears
remote and inaccessible. Narrow alleyways and deteriorating
houses containing thousands of workers evoke slum-like condi-
tions, which are not particularly comfortable. High levels of crime
and the stigma of illegality – highlighted by the constant presence
of police patrol cars as well as undercover informants – all add up
to a place that one would like to leave, or at the very least would
not be particularly keen on returning to after long hours of work.
These are the negatives, and they are admittedly speculative in
nature and need further work. However, my investigation revealed
also a positive side, one that shows the resilience of migrant work-
ers in the face of limiting conditions. They have been able to carve
out a space that they call their own, however, precarious and frag-
ile that might be (Fig. 10).
The detailed empirical inquiry was necessary to support this
contention, because it unearthed what would otherwise have been
anecdotal observations. It further facilitated a deeper understand-
ing of the interactions that take place in the district’s streets and
corners. The corner in particular proved to be a microcosm of the
neighborhood; observing and mapping interactions revealed an-
other world filled with nuanced and complex interactions. How-
ever, only a partial story was recounted here. By relying on the
tools of environment-behavior research and framing the study
through the perspective of an architect and urbanist, the physical-
ity of the setting was portrayed. There is a need though for a dee-
per understanding of socio-cultural processes. Indeed, an
ethnography would be revealing, enabling us to enter into the hid-
den world of Hor Al Anz residents, observing the places where they
live. But this is a tale that is still waiting to be told.
Acknowledgments
I would like to acknowledge the support of UAE University who
provided the necessary funding for carrying out this study (UAEU-
 Y. Elsheshtawy / Cities 31 (2013) 382–393
NRF Grant #: RSA-1108-00347). Also I would like to extend my
thanks to 3 research assistants: Omar Al Bastaki, Mahmood Alsadi,
and Mohammed Almutawwa; this study would not have been pos-
sible without their help and insights. Finally I would like to thank
the anonymous reviewers whose insightful comments greatly
helped in shaping the final version of this paper.
Appendix A. Supplementary material
Supplementary data associated with this article can be found, in
the online version, at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2012.12.
001.
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