ChinaKnowledge.

de -
An Encyclopaedia on Chinese History, Literature
and Art

HOME H /P L L /S A

P R

Liji 禮記

LITERATURE > CONFUCIAN CLASSICS

C C A
Jul 24, 2010 © Ulrich Theobald I /G
Y Liji 禮 記 "Book of rites" is a collection of T
descriptions of ritual matters written during the late
S W S 戰 國 (5th cent.-221 BCE) and G
F H 前 漢 (206 BCE-8 CE). It is one Z P L
S of the Five C C (wujing 五 經 ) and
one of the three ritual classics (sanli 三禮). H P L
Z L
The Three Ritual Classics (Sanli 三禮)
P D
Y 周禮 Z The "Rites of the
Zhou" S ,T ,F
D L
L
儀禮 Y "Etiquette and Rites" S ,L ,J
D L
C -Z 禮記 Liji "Record of Rites"
Y P L
Commentaries
X
M P L
三禮圖 S (Han) 鄭玄 Zheng
M Xuan Q P L

三禮圖集注 S (Five Dynasties) 聶崇 R L

L
義 Nie Chongyi M L
Z Related to the Liji

王制 W "Royal regulations"
D
月令 Y "Proceedings of
C government in the
different months"
B M
樂記 Y "Record of music"
E 中庸 Z "The doctrine of the
meanc"
L
大學 D "The great learning"
[E L ] 大戴禮記 D D L Subclassic "The Rites
of Dai the Elder"
H
S 夏小正 X "The small calendar
of the Xia"
M
P During the Former Han period books on ritual
matters with a length of 131 chapters were
gathered, one by the Confucian scholar D D 戴 德
B -L
C (Dai the Elder 大戴), who compiled a collection of 85
chapters (called D D L 大 戴 禮 記 "The Rites by
Dai the Elder"), and one by his nephew D S 戴
聖 , with a length of 49 chapters, which was
accordingly called the Xiao Dai Liji 小 戴 禮 記 "The
Rites by Dai the Younger". At the end of the Later
Han 後漢 (25-220 CE) the book of Dai De ceased to
be taught at the N U (taixue 太 學 )
and was overshadowed by the compilation of Dai
Sheng, which then became the orthodox classic on
rituals, together with the Y 儀禮 and the Z 周
禮.
Its status as a classic was enhanced by the fact
that the C scholar Z X 鄭 玄 (127-
200) wrote a commentary on Dai Sheng's Liji. Some
of the chapters are similar in content to the Yili, like
the capping or marriage ceremonies, but others are
not contained in the Yili classic, like the ritual game
of pitch-pot (touhu 投壺). The Liji also contains some
general chapters on Confucian ritual thinking, like
the conveyance of rituals (Liyun 禮 運 ), ritual music
(Y 樂記), or studies (Xueji 學記).
The chapter Yueling 月 令 is not actually
"Confucian", but it describes the proceedings of the
government in the different months from the
viewpoint of early Chinese cosmological thinking. The
traditional structure of Chinese government is
described in the chapter Wangzhi 王 制 "Royal
regulations". The chapter Yueji has been interpreted
by some scholars as the often-mentioned but
actually never identified sixth Confucian classic (of
the "Six Classics" Liuyi 六 藝 ), namely that on ritual
music.
Two chapters were extracted during the S
宋 (960-1279): Z 中庸 "Doctrine of
the Mean" and D 大 學 "Great Learning". These
two texts became part of the so-called "Four Books"
(sishu 四 書 ), together with the M 孟 子 and
L 論語.
Table 1. Chapters of the Liji
1. (1.-2.) 曲禮 Quli Summary of the rules of
propriety I-II
2. (3.-4.) 檀弓 Tan Gong Tan Gong I-II
3. (5.) 王制 Wangzhi Royal regulations
4. (6.) 月令 Yueling Proceedings of
government in the
different months
5. (7.) 曾子 Zengzi wen The questions of Zengzi
問
6. (8.) 文王 Wenwang King Wen, the heir
世子 shizi
7. (9.) 禮運 Liyun The conveyance of rites
8. (10.) 禮器 Liqi Utensils of rites
9. (11.) 郊特 Jiaotesheng The great suburban
牲 sacrifice

10. (12.) 內則 Neize The pattern of the

family
11. (13.) 玉藻 Yuzao Dresses and caps worn
by rulers
12. (14.) 明堂 Mingtang The Positions in the T
位 wei H D

13. (15.) 喪服 Sangfu Smaller records of

小記 xiaoji
14. (16.) 大傳 Dazhuan The great treatise
15. (17.) 少儀 Shaoyi Smaller rules of conduct
16. (18.) 學記 Xueji Record of studies
17. (19.) 樂記 Y Record of music
18. 雜記 Zaji Miscellaneous records I-
(20.-21.) II
19. (22.) 喪大 Sangdaji Greater record of
記 Sangfu daji mourning rites
喪服 Greater records of
大記 mourning dress

20. (23.) 祭法 Jifa Laws of sacrifices

21. (24.) 祭義 Jiyi The meaning of
sacrifices
22. (25.) 祭統 Jitong Summary Account of
sacrifices
23. (26.) 經解 Jingjie Explanations of the
Classics
24. (27.) 哀公 Aigong wen The questions of Duke
問 Ai

25. (28.) 仲尼 Zhongni Confucius at home at

燕居 yanju ease

26. (29.) 孔子 Kongzi Confucius at home at

閒居 xianju leisure

27. (30.) 坊記 Fangji Record of dykes

28. (31) 中庸 Z The doctrine of the
mean
29. (32.) 表記 Biaoji The record on example
30. (33.) 緇衣 Ziyi The black robes
31. (34.) 奔喪 Bensang Hurrying to mourning
rites
32. (35.) 問喪 Wensang Questions about
mourning rites
33. (36.) 服問 Fuwen Subjects for questioning
about the mourning
dress
34. (37.) 間傳 Jianzhuan Treatise on subsidiary
points in mourning
usages
35. (38.) 三年 Sannianwen Questions about the
問 mourning for three
years
36. (39.) 深衣 Shenyi The long dress in one
piece
37. (40.) 投壺 Touhu The game of pitch-pot
38. (41.) 儒行 Ruxing The conduct of the
scholar
39. (42) 大學 D The great learning
40. (43.) 冠義 Guanyi The meaning of the
ceremony of capping
41. (44.) 昏 Hunyi The meaning of the
(= marriage ceremony
婚)
義
42. (45.) 鄉飲 Xiang yinjiu The meaning of the
酒義 yi drinking festivity in the
districts
43. (46.) 射義 Sheyi The meaning of the
ceremony of archery
44. (47.) 燕義 Yanyi The meaning of the
banquet
45. (48.) 聘義 Pingyi The meaning of the
interchange of missions
between different courts

While some particular chapters are separately

dealt with, some examples may give an impression
of the heterogeneity of the collection Liji. The first
example shows the rituals adhered to during the
royal audiences in the "Hall of Distinction" during the
early Zhou period:
Quotation 1. The Positions in the Hall of Distinction
(Mingtang wei 明堂位)
昔者周公朝諸 Formerly, when the D Z gave
侯于明堂之 audience to the in their
位：天子負斧 several places in the H D ,
依南鄉而立； the S H stood with his back to
三公，中階之 the axe-embroidered screen, and his face
前，北面東 towards the south. The T D
(sangong 三公) were in front of the steps,
上。諸侯之
in the middle, with their faces to the
位，阼階之
north, inclining to the east as the most
東，西面北
honourable position. The places of the
上。諸伯之
marquises (hou 侯) were at the east of the
國，西階之 eastern steps, with their faces to the
西，東面北 west, inclining to the north as the most
上。諸子之 honourable position. The lords of the
國，門東，北 earldoms (bo 伯) were at the west of the
面東上。諸男 western steps, with their faces to the
之國，門西， east, inclining also and for the same
北面東上。 reason to the north. The counts (zi 子)
were on the east of the gate, with their
faces to the north, inclining to the east as
the more honourable position. The barons
(nan 男) were on the west of the gate,
with their faces to the north, inclining also
and for the same reason to the east.
此周公明堂之 These were the places of the lords in the
位也。明堂也 Hall of Distinction [when they appeared
者，明諸侯之 before] the duke of Zhou. The Hall of
尊卑也。[...] Distinction was so called, because in it the
rank of the princes was clearly shown as
high or low. [...]
Legge
1885.

Until the end of the Chinese empire in 1912, the

observation of a mourning period of three years for
the death of one's father was a common expression
of filial piety. State officials even asked for a leave
for three years. One chapter in the Liji is particularly
dedicated to the mourning period.
Quotation 2. Questions about the Mourning for Three Years
(Sannian wen 三年問)
三年之喪何 What purposes do the mourning rites for
也？曰：稱情 three years serve? The different rules for
而立文，因以 the mourning rites were established in
飾群，別親 harmony with men's feelings. By means
疏、貴賤之 of them the differences in the social
節，而不可損 relations are set forth, and the
distinctions shown of kindred as nearer
益也。故曰：
or more distant, and of ranks as more
「無易之道
noble or less. They do not admit of being
也。」 diminished or added to; and are
therefore called "The unchanging rules".
創鉅者其日 The greater a wound is, the longer it
久，痛甚者其 remains; and the more pain it gives, the
愈遲，三年 more slowly is it healed. The mourning of
者，稱情而立 three years, being appointed with its
文，所以為至 various forms in harmony with the
痛極也。斬 feelings [produced by the occasion of it],
was intended to mark the greatest
衰、苴杖，居
degree of grief. The sackcloth with
倚廬，食粥，
jagged edges, the dark colour of the
寢苫枕塊，所 sackcloth and the staff, the shed reared
以為至痛飾 against the wall, the gruel, the sleeping
也。三年之 on straw, and the clod of earth for a
喪，二十五月 pillow—these all were intended to set
而畢；衰痛未 forth the extremity of the grief. The
盡，思慕未 mourning of the three years came really
忘，然而服以 to an end with [the close of] the twenty-
是斷之者，豈 fifth month. The sorrow and pain were
不送死有已， not yet ended, and the longing loving
復生有節也 thoughts were not yet forgotten; but in
哉？[...] the termination of the mourning dress in
this way, was it not shown that there
should be an end to the duties rendered
to the dead, and that the time was come
for the resumption of their duties to the
living? [...]
Legge 1885.

The Liji also provides the description of an ideal of

local schools and a system of examinations that later
became the precedence for the famous
. The schools and "colleges" described
were reserved for sons of the nobility.
Quotation 3. Record of Studies (Xueji 學記)
[...]古之教 [...] According to the system of ancient
者，家有 teaching, for the families of [a hamlet]
塾，黨有 there was the village school; for a
庠，術有 neighbourhood there was the xiang 庠
序，國有 schools; for the larger districts there was
學。比年入 the xu 序 school; and in the capitals there
學，中年考 was the college (xue 學). Every year some
校。一年視 entered the college, and every second
離經辨志， year there was a comparative
examination. In the first year it was seen
三年視敬業
whether they could read the texts
樂群，五年
intelligently, and what was the meaning of
視博習親 each; in the third year, whether they were
師，七年視 reverently attentive to their work, and
論學取友， what companionship was most pleasant to
謂之小成； them; in the fifth year, how they extended
九年知類通 their studies and sought the company of
達，強立而 their teachers; in the seventh year, how
不反，謂之 they could discuss the subjects of their
大成。夫然 studies and select their friends. They were
後足以化民 now said to have made some small
易俗，近者 attainments. In the ninth year, when they
說服，而遠 knew the different classes of subjects and
者懷之，此 had gained a general intelligence, were
firmly established and would not fall back,
大學之道
they were said to have made grand
也。《記》
attainments. After this the training was
曰：「蛾子 sufficient to transform the people, and to
時術之。」 change [anything bad in] manners and
其此之謂 customs. Those who lived near at hand
乎。[...] submitted with delight, and those who
were far off thought [of the teaching] with
longing desire. Such was the method of
the Great learning; as is said in the
Record, "The little ant continually
exercises the art [of amassing]." [...]
Legge
1885.

Mourning dresses occupy a prevalent place in

ritual descriptions, and several chapters in the Liji
and Yili are therefore dedicated to this issue.
Quotation 4. Greater Records of Mourning Dress (Sangfu
daji 喪服大記)
大斂：布絞， At the fuller or great dressing there were
縮者三，橫者 three bands of cloth laid straight, and
五，布紟，二 five laid cross-wise. There were [also]
衾，君、大 strings of cloth, and two sheets—equally
夫、士一也。 for a ruler, a Great officer (dafu 大夫),
and a common officer (shi 士).
君陳衣于庭， The clothes for a ruler consisted of one
百稱，北領， hundred suits, displayed in the
西上；大夫陳 courtyard, having their collars towards
衣于序東，五 the north, those on the west being the
十稱，西領， best; those of a Great officer were fifty
南上；士陳衣 suits, displayed in the corridor on the
east, having the collars towards the
于序東，三十
west, those on the south being the best;
稱，西領，南
those of a common officer were thirty
上。 suits, displayed also in the corridor on
the east, with their collars towards the
west, the best on the south.
絞、紟如朝 The bands and strings were of the same
服，絞一幅為 quality as the court robes. One strip of
三，不辟，紟 the band-cloth was divided into three,
五幅，無紞。 but at the ends was not further divided.
[...] The sheets were made of five pieces,
without strings or buttons. [...]
Legge 1885.

The exegesis of the Confucian Classics had its

roots in the mid-Han period. Yet some statements on
the meaning of the books of the canon can be found
in some earlier texts, for instance, the chapter Lilun
禮論 (ch. 19) in the book X 荀子.
Quotation 5. Explanations of the Classics (Jingjie 經解)
孔子曰：「入 Confucius said, "When you enter any state
其國，其教可 you can know what subjects [its people]
知也。其為人 have been taught. If they show
也：溫柔敦 themselves men who are mild and gentle,
厚，《詩》教 sincere and good, they have been taught
也；疏通知 from the B S . If they have a
wide comprehension [of things], and know
遠，《書》教
what is remote and old, they have been
也；廣博易
taught from the B D . If
良，《樂》教 they be large-hearted and generous,
也；絜靜精 bland and honest, they have been taught
微，《易》教 from the B M . If they be pure
也；恭儉莊 and still, refined and subtile, they have
敬，《禮》教 been taught from the B C . If
也；屬辭比 they be courteous and modest, grave and
事，《春秋》 respectful, they have been taught from
教也。 the B R C . If
they suitably adapt their language to the
things of which they speak, they have
been taught from the S A
A .
故《詩》之 Hence the failing that may arise in
失，愚； connexion with the study of the Book of
《書》之失， Songs is a stupid simplicity; that in
誣；《樂》之 connexion. with the Book of Documents is
失，奢； duplicity; that in connexion with the Book
《易》之失， of Music is extravagance; that in
connexion with the Book of Changes is the
賊；《禮》之
violation (of reason); that in connexion
失，煩；《春
with the practice of Rites and Ceremonies
秋》之失， is fussiness; and that in connexion with
亂。[...] the Spring and Autumn Annals is
insubordination. [...]
Legge
1885.

Social entertainment among the nobility was also

embedded in certain ceremonies, like the pitch-pot
game, in which participants tried to throw darts or
small arrows into a pot. Before the beginning of the
game, the host invited his guests, which three times
refused to join—an early version of the polite
"threefold decline" (san ci 三辭).
Quotation 6. The game of Pitch-Pot (Touhu 投壺)
投壺之禮，主人 According to the rules for Pitch-pot, the
奉矢，司射奉 host carries the arrows in both his
中，使人執壺。 hands put together; the superintendent
of the archery carries in the same way
the stand on which the tallies were
placed; and an attendant holds in his
hand the pot.
主人請曰：「某 The host entreats [one of the guests],
有枉矢、哨壺， saying, "I have here these crooked
請以樂賓。」賓 arrows, and this pot with its wry
曰：「子有旨 mouth; but we beg you to amuse
酒、嘉肴，某既 yourself with them." The guest says, "I
賜矣，又重以 have partaken, Sir, of your excellent
drink and admirable viands; allow me
樂，敢辭。」主
to decline this further proposal for my
人曰：「枉矢、
pleasure." The host rejoins, "It is not
哨壺，不足辭 worth the while for you to decline these
也，敢固以 poor arrows and pot; let me earnestly
請。」賓曰： beg you to try them." The guest
「某既賜矣，又 repeats his refusal, saying, "I have
重以樂，敢固 partaken [of your entertainment], and
辭。」主人曰： you would still further have me enjoy
「枉矢、哨壺， myself;—I venture firmly to decline."
不足辭也，敢固 The host again says, "It is not worth
以請。」賓曰： the while for you to decline these poor
「某固辭不得 arrows and pot; let me earnestly beg
命，敢不敬 you to try them", and then the guest
從。」 says, "I have firmly declined what you
request, but you will not allow me to
refuse;—I venture respectfully to obey
you."
賓再拜受，主人 The guest then bows twice, and
般還，曰： signifies that he will receive [the
「辟。」主人阼 arrows]. The host wheels round,
階上拜送，賓盤 saying, "Let me get out of the way";
還，曰： and then at the top of the steps on the
「辟。」[...] east, he bows to the guest and gives
him the arrows. The guest wheels
round, and says, "Let me get out of the
way." [...]
Legge 1885.

The famous T - 唐 (618-907) scholar

K Y 孔 穎 達 wrote an 80- long
commentary, Liji zhengyi 禮 記 正 義 . During the Song
period it was merged with Zheng Xuan's commentary
on the text Liji zhushu 禮記注疏, with a length of 63
juan. At the same time Wei Shi 衛 湜 (early 13th
cent.) wrote a collection of commentaries called Liji
jishuo 禮 記 集 說 , in 150 juan. A book with the same
title was compiled during the Y 元 (1279-
1368) by Chen Gao 陳 澔 (1260-1341), but it was
only 10-juan long. This commentary was again
extended during the M 明 (1368-1644) by
Hu Guang 胡廣 (1369-1418) to the book Liji daquan
禮記大全. The most important Q - 清 (1644-
1911) commentary is Hang Shijun's 杭 世 駿 (1696-
1773) Xu Weishi Liji jishuo 續 衛 氏 禮 記 集 說 , in 100
juan.
Numerous commentators dealt with particular
chapters of the Liji, e.g. the Ming commentator
Huang Daozhou 黃 道 周 (1585-1646), who wrote
Yueling mingyi 月令明義, and Ziji jizhuan 緇衣集傳), or
the Qing scholar Shao Taiqu 邵 泰 衢 , author of
Tangong yiwen 檀弓疑問.
Sources:
Liu Qiyu 劉起釪 (1992), "Liji 禮記", in Zhongguo da baike quanshu 中國
大百科全書, Zhongguo lishi 中國歷史 (Beijing/Shanghai: Zhongguo da
baike quanshu chubanshe), Vol. 2, 547.

Translation:
Legge, James, Ch'u Chai, Winberg Chai (1885), Li Chi: Book of Rites.
An Encyclopedia of Ancient Ceremonial Usages, Religious Creeds,
and Social Institutions (XXX). Lî Kî //New Hyde Park, N.Y., University
Books [1967]. Also edited as Legge, James (1885). The Sacred
Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism, Parts III-IV, The Li Ki
(Oxford: Oxford Clarendon). (The Sacred Books of the East. 27-28)

Further reading:
Buckley Ebrey, Patricia (2001). Confucianism and the Family Rituals in
Imperial China (Princeton: Princeton University Press).
Galvany, Albert (2012). "Death and Ritual Wailing in Early China:
Around the Funeral of Lao Dan", Asia Major, 3rd series, 25/2: 15-42.
Gentz, Joachim (2010). "'Living in the Same House': Ritual Principles in
Early Chinese Reflections on Mourning Garments", in Lucia Dolce,
Gil Raz, Katja Triplett, eds. Grammars and Morphologies of Ritual
Practices in Asia: Section I: Grammar and Morphology of Ritual,
Section II, Ritual Discourse, Ritual Performance in China and Japan
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), 371-396.
Ing, Michael David Kaulana (2012a). The Dysfunction of Ritual in Early
Confucianism (New York: Oxford University Press).
Ing, Michael David Kaulana (2012b). "The Ancients Did not Fix their
Graves: Failure in Early Confucian Ritual", Philosophy East and West,
62/2: 223-245.
Legge, James (2003). "The Record of Rites (Liji)", in Robin R. Wang,
ed. Images of Women in Chinese Thought and Culture: Writings from
the Pre-Qin Period through the Song Dynasty (Indianapolis: Hackett),
48-60.
Liu, Yucai, Luke Habberstad (2014). "The Life of a Text: A Brief History
of the Liji (Rites Records) and its Transmission", Journal of Chinese
Literature and Culture, 1/1-2: 289-308.
Lu, Weijing (2013). "Abstaining from Sex: Mourning Ritual and the
Confucian Elite", Journal of the History of Sexuality, 22/2: 230-252.
Nylan, Michael (2001). The Five "Confucian" Classics (New Haven:
Yale University Press).
Puett, Michael (2010). "Ritualization as Domestication: Ritual Theory
from Classical China", in Lucia Dolce, Gil Raz, Katja Triplett, eds.
Grammars and Morphologies of Ritual Practices in Asia: Section I:
Grammar and Morphology of Ritual, Section II, Ritual Discourse,
Ritual Performance in China and Japan (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz),
359-370.
Zhou, Yiqun (2013). "The Status of Mothers in the Early Chinese
Mourning System", T'oung Pao, 99/1-3: 1-52.

2000ff. © Ulrich Theobald · M ·A