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    138 views955 pages

    Modern-Nepal C R

    Uploaded by

    Rijendra Pahadi

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    of 955

    I

    MODERN NEPAL
    MODERN NEPAL
    Rise and Growth in the Eighteenth Century
    Rise and

    & II
    Volume I &

    D.R. Regmi
    Regmi

    Win association with


    Dilli Raman
    Raman Regmi
    Regmi Memorial Library
    \

    t95l
    Published 1961
    First Published
    Copyright
    Copyright ©
    @ Dr. Dilli Raman
    Dr. Dilli Raman Regmi
    Regmi

    Published by
    Published by Rupa
    Rupa 6c
    & Co. in association
    Co. in with
    association with
    Dilli Raman
    Dr. DiIli Raman Regmi
    Regmi Foundation
    Foundation

    Published
    Published 2007 by
    bY

    Ra,a. Ct
    R.34-pst
    7116,Ansari
    7/16, Road,Daryaganj,
    Ansari Road, DarYaganj,
    110 002
    New Delhi 110 002

    Sales Centres:
    Allahabad Bangalooru Chandigarh
    Allahabad Bangalooru Chandigarh Chennai
    Chennai
    Hyderabad Jaipur
    Hyderabad JaiPur Kathman
    Kathmandu
    du
    Mumbai Pune
    Kolkata Mumbai Pune

    All rights reserved.


    reserved'
    No part
    No ofthis
    part of publication may
    thispublication may be in
    stored in
    reproduced, stored
    be reproduced,
    retrieral system,
    aa retrieval or transmitted,
    systemr or transmitted, inin any form oror by
    by any
    any
    means, electronic,
    electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
    mechanical, photocopying, recording
    or otherwise,
    or without the
    otherwise, without priorpermission
    the prior of
    permission of
    the publishers.
    the Publishers.

    Printed India by
    Printed in India bY
    Gopsons
    GoPsons Papers Ltd'
    PaPers Ltd.
    A-14 Sector 60
    50
    Noida 201 301
    Noida 301
    To
    His Majesty
    Majesry
    King Mahendra Vira
    Vira Vikrama
    Vikrama Shaha Deva
    In Token Of
    High Esteem
    Esteem And Regard.
    Introduction
    Introduction
    II feel greatly honoured
    feel greatly honoured and pride in
    take pride
    and take inintroducing
    introducing the thegreat
    great works,
    works,
    philosophy and life of aa 'Great
    philosophy 'Grear Son sonof ofNepal'
    Nepal'— - The late
    late DrDr Dilli
    Dilri Raman
    Raman
    Regmi. Regmi, for his whole life
    Regmi. Dr Regmi, politician, fought for peace,
    life as a politician, peace, non-
    violence
    violence andand democracy.
    democracy.As matterof
    Asaamatter offact,
    fact,he proved itit true
    heproved true that, to be be
    aa successful
    successful politician, it is not always necessary that
    always necessary that one
    one needs to be in power.
    power.
    Gandhi never took took the
    the reign
    reign ofof power
    power in in his own
    own hands, but he is remembere
    remembered d
    every
    every moment by the the whole
    whole world.
    world.
    Dr Regmi
    Regmi was a great admirer admirer of of Mahatma
    Mahatma Gandhi Gandhi and Lord Buddha
    and Lord Buddha
    for their role
    role asas an apostle for peace. On on Buddha,
    Buddha, I personally have
    have advocated
    an alternative titletitle since
    since 1995,
    1.995, asas 'Light
    'Light of the Universe'
    Universe' in place of the present
    'Light of
    title 'Light of Asia'.
    Asia'. In fact, ififDr
    In fact, DrRegmi
    Regmi was living today,
    was living today, he would have
    he would have
    whole-heartedly
    whole-heartedly supported
    supported this this notion,
    notion, for,
    for, he
    he was
    was a champion for peace. He
    even celebrated
    celebrated october
    October 2, Gandhi's birth anniversary anniver sary and Buddhapoornimaa,
    and Buddhapoornimaa,
    birth anniversary,
    Buddha's birth anniversary, every year. At this juncture, II strongly
    srronglybelieve
    believe
    that wewe need 'Light of
    need 'Light of Peace'
    Peace' even
    even in in this
    this age
    age of of so
    socalled
    called Space-War.
    space-war.
    Politically speaking, Dr
    Politically speaking, Dr Regmi
    Regmi fought
    fought against
    againstNepal's
    Nepal's 104-year-ol
    104-year-old-Rana-
    d-Rana-
    autocracy
    autocracy and stood firmly in favour of democracy
    stood firmly democracy during during post-1950-p eriod
    post-1950-period
    also. In In between,
    befween, he healso
    alsobecame Minister of
    became Minister ofEducation,
    Education, Foreign
    Foreign Affaires,
    Affaires,
    Health andand Home
    Home Affaires,
    Affaires, etc.erc- But
    But in in his part of
    his later part life, he
    of life, he rejected
    rejected even
    even
    the post of of the
    the Prime
    Prime Minister.
    Minister. The then rhen King
    King Mahendra,
    Mahen dra,after after his
    his infamous
    infamous
    Royal
    Royal Coup
    coup against the the then
    then elected
    elected B.P. Koirala Governmen
    B.p Koirala Government t in 1960,
    1950, had
    offered him the post of post of Prime
    Prime Minister
    Minister of Nepal. He He also
    also rejected
    rejected the
    the late
    late
    King Birendra's
    Birendra's offer to to be PM several
    be PM several times
    times during panchayat System
    during Panchayat system and
    even, to lead
    lead the post in
    the post inthethe1990
    1990interim governmenr.
    interim government.
    instances remind
    These instances remind me me of aa Sanskrit
    Sanskrit verseverse from the theoriental
    orienral
    philosophical al
    philosophic base of Geetaa: Geetaa:

    rasr +rq-i {q( i q,i ir


    T•Sle qSr*{1
    gat
    6qd:ra aqrtrt
    S:7i CI, nfuiq air4:1R111
    c11113131014R errd:ilr+t{,

    (natwaham kaamaye raaiyam, na swargam


    kaamaye raajyam, punarbhawam
    swargam na punarbhawam
    kaamaye
    kaamaye dookha taptaanaam
    taptaanaam praaninaam
    praaninaam aartah naashanam)
    naashanam)

    Meaning
    Meaning that I personally not have
    personally do not have any
    any interest
    interest ofof having
    having a nation-
    nation-
    state, want heaven,
    state' neither I want heaven, nor aa re-birth in aa high
    re-birth in high family;
    family; rather I want
    want
    to work for the
    work for thesuffering
    suffering people torelieve
    people to relieve their pragmatically, this
    pain...Pragmatically,
    their pain... this
    school
    school of thought
    thought tallied
    tallied with Dr Regmi's
    with Dr Regmi's later part of
    larer part of life
    life leading
    leading towards-
    Vodhisattva.
    Vodhisatwa.
    ' Dr Regmi
    Regmi was a great great scholar
    scholar of of Nepal.
    Nepal. He He never introduced himself
    never introduced himself
    as a historian
    historian but has seventeen
    seventeen books books in in total to his credit.
    credit. He was not only only
    the first D.Lit. of Nepal, but also first Nepalese
    also the first Nepalese to write Nepal's history history
    in aaforeign
    foreign language
    language — - English. Both spiritually
    spiritually and materially speaking,
    and materially speaking,
    whatever he earned
    earned on this earth, he gave gave it all to
    it all nation and the world.
    the nation
    to the
    He donated
    He donated all all his
    hisproperty
    properry including monetary gains
    including monetary gainsto to the then His His
    Majesty's Government of of Nepal.
    Nepal. Presently,
    Presently, Government
    Government of Nepal is is particularly
    particularly
    taking care of his
    care of generosity and
    hisgenerosity andcreativity.
    creativiry.
    Many pundits of History History of Nepal Nepal regard
    regard him as thereal
    as the real'Itihaas-
    'Itihaas-
    Shiromani of Nepal'. Some
    Nepal'. Some also
    also dicor
    decor him as Nepal
    Nepal 'Itihaasratna'. Both
    Both seem
    seem
    tending
    rending to denote
    denote aa'Crest
    'Crest Jewel'
    Jewel' among
    among Nepalese
    Nepalese historians.
    historians. We, We, from Dr Dr
    D.R. Regmi
    Regmi Foundation, are approaching approaching the GovernmentGovernment of Nepal, Nepal, now,
    now,
    to declare
    declare Dr Dilli Raman
    Dr Dilli Raman Regmi Regmi as 'NepalItihaasratna'
    as 'Nepal posthumously.
    Itihaasratna' posthumously.
    He had started
    had started his
    his serious
    serious writing
    writing in 1940's.
    1940's. Even
    Even though,
    though, he
    he belonged
    belonged
    to Guruju
    to Guruju Family, close to
    very close
    Family, very to the Ranas, but he was was aa vehement critic of
    vehement critic of
    the Ranas.
    Ranas. He had had to to leave
    leave Nepal
    Nepal to write against
    to write against them.
    them. The The outcome
    outcome was was
    book A Century
    popular book
    the popular Century of of Family Autouacy in Nepal.
    Family Autocracy Nepal.
    In the early
    early fourties,
    fourties, he he was
    was imprisoned
    imprisoned by by the
    the Britishers
    Britishers for for his
    his active
    active
    participation
    participation in the 'Quit-lndia-Movement.'Thus,
    'Quit-India-Movement.' Thus, he
    he was a'Freedom
    a 'Freedom Fighter'
    Fighter'
    in Nepal and abroad.
    abroad. But But he had to to pay price for it,
    high price
    pay aa high it, for,
    for, he lost his
    he lost his
    first wife Mrs
    Mrs Kalyani Regmi, while
    Kalyani Regmi, while he was in British British India jail. jail. Late Mrs
    Kalyani Regmi had
    Kalyani Regmi had aa heart
    heart attack mid-twenties from
    attack in her mid-twenties from the fear of the the
    news that the Britishers would
    bad news that the Britishers would kill/have
    kill/have killed
    killed him.
    him.
    This great soul Dr Regmi Regmi offered valuable contributions to Nepal, South
    valuable contributions
    Asian Region and
    Asian Region and the world at at large. Considering the high demand of his
    large. Considering his
    books
    books in the
    the market,
    market, out
    out of
    of his
    his vast
    vast treasure
    treasure of
    of works,
    works, we
    we are
    are proudly
    proudly
    reprinting and publishing his
    and publishing his already out-of-print books:
    already out-of-print books: Medieval
    Medieual Nepal
    (four volumes)
    volume s) and Modern Nepal (two
    and Modern (rwo volumes).
    volumes), This volume in your hand
    This volume
    is one of the great worksworks of of Dr
    Dr Regmi
    Regmi as a part of volumes mentioned
    of his six volumes
    earlier.
    earlier.
    I sincerely
    sincerely hope that the the scholars
    scholars of of the world will
    the world will highly
    highly benefit
    ber,cfit from
    from
    this master
    master piece.
    piece.
    opportunity to extend
    I also take this opportunity appreciation to Rupa E<
    extend my appreciation & Co,
    India, for
    Delhi, India,
    New Delhi, for taking
    taking interest
    interest to torepublish
    republish these books and
    these books and my my
    colleagues in Nepal for
    colleagues for supporting
    supporting my my mission.
    mission.

    11
    11 December
    December 2006 Dr Bishnu
    Bishnu Hari Nepal
    Nepal
    Gyaanodaya
    Gyaanodaya Aashram,
    Aashram, Chairman
    Chairman
    Lazimpat, Kathmandu,
    Lazimpat, Kathmandu, proposed Dr. Dilli Raman
    Dr. Dilli Regmi Foundation
    Raman Regmi Foundation
    Nepal Dilli Raman
    Umbrella Organization for Dilli Kalyani
    Raman Kalyani
    Regmi Memorial Library Development
    Regmi Memorial Development Board, a
    Government
    Government of Nepal Undertaking
    Undertaking
    Foreword th€ Second
    Foreword to the EditioD
    Second Edition

    tlris II have
    With this haveplaced
    placed before
    bolore thethereader
    roader the
    the second odition
    seoond edition
    'of 'Modern Nepal'.
    of 'Modern Nepal'. This
    This isis aa thoroughly
    thoroughly revised andenlarged
    revised and ealargod
    edition.Many
    edition. UaDy materials which hod
    materials which had not been i! the
    u.eal in
    boen used the
    earlier edition
    earlier edition havehave now beor incorporated
    now been incorporated p&rtly
    partly to
    to oouect
    correct
    errors and
    errors andininother waystotoadd
    otherways add totofacte ofofhistory
    facts historyso so far un-
    un-
    known. This
    known. Thiswas was not poosible while the.first edition oftho
    not possible while the.first edition of the
    book wasplanned
    book was plannedas asIIwanted
    wantedtotom&ke makeit ita3
    as Bhort
    short asaEpossible
    poBsible
    requiremoDt of
    to meet the requirement oftho studentcommunity
    the student commuuity prepsring
    preparing
    for university
    for univereity examination.
    oxsminstioDThe . Thenew primarily for
    editiouisisprimarily
    newedition for
    echolars.
    scholars.
    Tbe manuscript
    The manueoript was preparedin
    was prrcpared in lg6i
    1967 andand it
    it took some
    somG time
    t'o getitittyped.
    to get typed.ThisThis waswaehanded
    handedoverover totothe
    thopublisher four
    publirher four
    yoar8 ago
    years ago in 1070.I am
    :iq1970. I omsorry thatititisisjust
    sorrythat justnow
    novronly
    only seeing
    seoiDg
    Iight of publication.
    the light publication. But anybow II am
    But anyhow gl&d that
    am glad that however
    how€ver
    it is being
    late it boing published.
    published. Source materials wbich
    Source matsrialg which II thought
    thought
    to be origiual, bave
    be original, havenow nowbeenbeenueed
    usedbybyothers
    others asaswell.
    well. To that
    To that
    extont If have
    extent loetwhich
    h&velost whichwaswasmy due.The
    mydue. Thedisadvantage
    disadvantage of of
    delay in the
    delay this th&t
    press isis this
    tho press that now
    now &t
    at thie stage II cannot
    this Btago cannot claim
    claim
    originality of discovery
    originality discovery for
    for them although II possess
    them although poesess thom from
    them from
    1954 having
    1954 allcopied
    baving all copiedfromfromthetbs MinietryofofForeign
    Ministry AEairr
    F.oreigaAffairs
    duriog my
    during tenure of
    my tenuro of ofroo as' ForeignMinieter.
    officeaa,tr'oroigu Minister. Thon nobody
    Then nobody
    idea of
    had the idea the existence
    of the exieteuco of
    of these
    thsso materials.
    materiale.
    II mention it to
    mention it to the
    the knowledge
    knowledgo of all that a large pert of the
    large part
    sources for the
    lources for thehistory
    hietoryofofthetheperiod
    periodcomes
    comosfrom
    from the Foroign
    tho Foreign
    Officeoollections
    collectionsandandve weowe
    owea adebt gratitudetoto thoss
    debtofofgratitude those who
    who
    ,Ofrce
    depositod rith tho colloctioue tLeir own D&teriels from timo to
    deposited with the collections tia ir own materials from time
    time.
    —Author
    -Author
    PREFACE
    Edition ]]
    [I First Edition

    This is
    This the third
    is the volumeof
    third volume oftho aeriea-.Eirtory of
    the series—`History of Nepal'
    Nepal,'
    and
    end deals
    doals with the podoil between
    the period betr€en 1750
    l?50 aod
    and 1800
    1800 A.D.
    A.D.
    Tbo present
    The yoluno has
    -presont volume ni[o chapter!.
    hes nine chapters. The lsst chapter
    The last ohapt€r
    desoribos political
    describes politicalmdandecouomic
    economic conditionofofthe
    condition timo which
    the time which
    also applies to
    slso applies the half
    to tbo half of
    of the nineteenth
    niEeteenth century.
    contury.

    TYo bavo
    Wo separatevolumo
    haveaaeoparatb volume forfortho period of
    the period thoAnglo-
    of the Aaglo-'
    Nopal
    Nepal WarWarofof1814-1816.
    1814-f816.Originally
    Originallythis thiswas
    was designed
    dosigned to be bo
    inoluded into
    included intothe third
    the thirdvolume
    volume asasits secondpart.
    itssecond But on
    part. But on
    second thought we
    aecond thought wofound thetititdeserved
    fouudthat de8erved to togo
    go by itself as
    by itself ae a
    rep&ra.to voluDo,
    separate volume, and consequontly tho
    and consequently fourth volume
    the fourth volume was wag
    planuod. Further,
    planned- x'urthor. as
    ag we haveto
    we have maintain an
    tomaintrrin unblokon link
    an unbroken liok
    between all
    botwsan all ovents
    events ofof erpsnsion
    expansion audand conquest, we havo have brought
    entiro account
    the entire acoount of of sush
    such veuture3
    ventures together
    together &t at ono
    one instaDco
    instance in itr
    thig volume.
    this volumo.Thus Thuethe reader
    the will
    will
    reailer find
    ffnd tb&t
    that all
    all description
    descriptiou of
    of
    Nepells ffght
    Nepal's fight ovor andsonoxution
    over&!rd Garhwaland
    annexationofofGarhwal and Kumaon is ie
    incorporatod at
    incorporated at one placo in
    ono place iuthe
    thcpresent work.We
    proEsut work. We did not
    did not
    liko to
    like deal with
    to deal with tho
    the phaeea conquestaud
    phasesofofconquest expansionin
    andexpansion in the
    tho
    maauor that
    manner thatthethosame
    s&mo followerlthe
    followed thochronology
    chroDology of of the ruliDg
    the ruling
    tlyuaety. The
    dynasty. ThoyearyeEr180)
    1803hadhadseeneeen the the climarofofthe
    climax vholo
    the whole
    prooess of
    process expansionwith
    of erpansion withtho
    theboundary
    boundary of of the douain
    the Gorkha domain
    fixed atSutlej
    Exetl at Su ejwhere touched the
    whcro it touched Sikhl(ingdom.
    the Silih Kingdom. But this
    phase finds its
    ph&Be 6ods doscription iu
    it, description in tho nort volume.
    the next volumo.

    Prithvinar*yan Sbah
    Prithvinarayan Shahisisthe maker of
    the moker modern Nepal
    of modern Nepal and
    and
    therefore,
    thereforo, we begin our history
    wo bogitr pith his
    histor)' with hii career of conquest,
    career of conquest, and
    and
    thoexpansive
    with the phtsoofofthe
    expansivo phase tho Kingdr-rmofofGorkha
    Kingdom Gorkhawhich
    which
    &fter tworty
    after yearsof
    twenty years of incessant struggle to
    incessant Btruggle grow and
    to grow andwiden
    widen
    transformed in
    transformed italargesse
    in its tobecome
    lergesse to becomo aenew newstate its
    with its
    state with
    cnpitr)l irr
    capital inNepal proper.
    Nepal proper.This Thisstlto
    state from its yery
    itsvery inception
    iaception
    came
    o&nle tot,rhebecalled theKingdom
    calledthe Kingdom of Nepal.We
    of Nepal. Weshall
    shall see later
    sse later
    in the
    in the body thetelt
    oftho
    body of textthat
    that this
    this Btete different in
    was much different
    state w&s in
    size ardpopulation
    aize and populstionfrom
    from the old entity known in ancient ond
    the old entity known in ancient and
    medieval history bt
    medieval hietory by that name.
    namo,

    grew to
    Nopal grew
    Nepal to &u
    an irDmenso
    immenseeize sizeorpandi
    expanding ng onon eitber
    either flanks,
    flanke,
    reput&tion as
    sDd its reputation
    and thc home
    as the home of of tho Gorkbali fighters
    veli&nt Gorkhali
    the valiant fightere
    had spread
    spread far and wide wido in in tho oighteenth and
    the eighteenth niaoteenth
    snd early nineteenth
    centuries.The
    centuries. The Gorkhalis were rogardod ae inviooiblo warriors.
    Gorkhalis were regarded . as invincible warriora.
    The Go:khali rulor
    Tho Go7khali rulerhad defeatedtwo
    haddefeatod twoinvaeion
    invasions fromtho
    s from the south,
    organisod by
    one organised by Mir Kasim and
    Mir Kaeim another by
    and another by British
    tho
    the Britieh
    Governor Verelst., The
    Goyernor Vorelst defeatofofthe
    Thedefeat expediiion had
    Englishexpedition
    theEnglish hail
    generated n6tr
    generated neweDthusi ssm and
    enthusiasm and enhanoe
    enhanced d Nepal's
    Nepal's prestige in ia
    eyes of
    the eyes Indian people.
    the fodian
    of tho people. But But their got
    narchgot checkmat-
    thoirmarch cbeckmat-
    onc€ in
    ed once 1792by
    in 1792 bytho Chinesearmy
    theChinese armyininTibet, andst
    Tibet,and snother
    at another
    lime about
    time about22 22years Iaterininthe
    yaarclater Eimalayan region
    thoHimalayan region and&Dd in thetho
    reachesof
    Iower reachee
    lower oftho
    theSeveu,G
    Seven-Gandaks
    andake and andKosiKosiinintbethepla.ine
    plains by
    British,On
    tbe British.
    the Onboth
    boththethooccasions
    occasiona Nepal
    Nopal was wae heavily defcated.
    heavily defeated.
    But the second occasion
    second occasion proved
    proved moro critical
    more critical and
    and Nopal
    Nepal lost
    lost a
    sobstantial portion
    substantial portioa of its newly
    of ite newly added territorie
    territoriesE to the Britiih.
    to lbe Britkh.
    Since
    Sirce l816
    1816 Nepal
    Nepal also
    also ceased
    ceased to
    to be
    be a
    a great
    gq6s,1 couatry
    country power.
    power.

    But ininitsitsheyday
    But hoyday Nepal
    Nepal lived
    lived g)orioualybecause
    gloriously it kept
    becsuse it k6pt
    it8 banner
    its of freedom
    bsnner offreedo m aloft, met tho
    aloft, mot the enemies generously and
    enomies generously and
    cbivalrously and troated
    chivalrously and treated tho
    the vaaquis
    vanquishedhod with
    with dignity
    dignity and
    &nd
    Lindners.
    kindness.

    The ia this
    Tbe story told in this volume covero ia
    volume covers detail all important
    in dotail importsnt
    evontg of the
    events themost ohapters of
    glorious chapters
    mostglorious the hi:tory
    of the history of
    of
    lfepal.
    Nepal.

    Iu the
    In the past
    paet the treatmoot of
    thetreatment this period
    of this history had
    p€riod of history had been
    beon
    in the
    in formofofa passing
    theform a paesir:g referencetoto
    reference one import&at
    twoimportant
    on€orortwo
    peraona,lities ofoftLe
    personalities thetitno.
    time. As such it
    Ag euch coverednot
    it covered morethan
    notmore than a
    few pageo
    few pages ofofspace.
    space. Now Now ve have aa full
    we havo volumefor
    full volume for tho
    the same
    oame
    eubject.During
    subject. During the tholast
    laetseveral number of
    years, a number
    soveral years, of new datadatc
    had been
    had beenmade availablo,and
    madoavailable, ar,dthis
    tbishad made itit easy
    hadmade easy to
    to treat
    tle same
    the in all
    samo in all its
    its aspects,
    aspects, and
    and in fullor details.
    ia fuller dotails.
    Tho history
    The delineatediu
    history dolincrtcd inthc third volumo
    thethitd could be
    volume could be called
    celled
    olc of
    one of the crr}modern
    theearly period.Here
    -odcmperiod. Ecrc venonolonger
    we longor have
    h&vc to
    dopcnd on
    depend on inscriptions
    inscriptiont oror like
    likedocuments
    dooumeuts forfor sources.
    sourcoe. The
    Thc
    chroniclestcnd
    oLtoniolos tendtotogivo
    givenoro
    moreororlecs
    lessarccrtained dates ae
    ascertaineddates as the
    thc
    ohroniolcr il
    chronicler allcases
    in all orroehappens rritcabout
    happen!totowrite Bboutevents within
    events within
    hir memor5r.
    his memory. As Ar thir
    this pcriod coincidesrith
    periodcoincidcr pith oarly Britigh rule
    early British rulc
    ir India,
    in Indir, we hevo.hoin
    vc have also in m.oy British fndian
    instances British
    many ioatsuoel Indian sources
    souroee
    to verify
    to aoyunascertained
    vcrify any unrrocrtrined date figurca.Other
    detc figures. mst -
    lource mate-
    Othcrsource
    ridr ero ronc&, royal and of6ciil chrrt€rs, lettors and memo-
    rials are armada, royal and official charters, letters and memo-
    rials radnotes
    rials and notaprepared
    pnpuedby byforeign viritors.All
    forcign visitors. thismakes
    AIIthis motcr
    the writingofofhistory
    thcwriting hirtoryofof
    thethe
    period
    pcriodconcerned
    concernedcomparatively
    oomparatively
    eray affair.
    an easy Thcchapter
    affair. The providing tho
    ohopter providing the accouDt
    account of of Nepal's
    Nepal's
    relation nolghboun var
    rclation with neighbours written with
    was written help of materials
    with the help materiolr
    Eo.tly provided
    mostly byBritish
    proyidod by Britishsources oro6ptthe
    sourcosexcept thesection
    section about
    &bout
    thc Sino-Nepalese
    the War,for
    Sino-Noprlese War, whichre
    forwhicb we have assupplementary
    have as eupplementary
    svidcnce
    evidence materials from Nepalese
    materiala from Nepalose and
    &nd Chinese
    Chinose sources.
    sources.
    ABBR,EVIATIONS
    ABBREVIATIONS

    ItaliAni eto.-fmissionari
    ![i!rionEi, etc.—I
    Italiani Missionari, ,,,htiort,;r; itatiani d Tibet
    i&,li/}na nel nl
    ?iba ec nel
    .Wl, 77 parts,
    Nepal, psrts,edited
    oditGdbybyL.L.Petech
    Peteoh(in ltrlian) Rome,
    (in Italian) Romc,
    1952-56.
    1962-66.
    JBORS JBBS-Jourtd of
    rnd JBRS—Journal
    JBOBS and ol the
    tlu Bihar atd Orissa
    Bilwr and Rescrrol
    Orieoa Research
    Society, tftorwudg ,Iotanotr
    Socicty, afterwards Journal of tluBihar
    o! the Bifut Boallrl&
    Research
    Society.
    Sooiety.
    Kirkpatrick-lr account
    Kirkpatrick—An acawt o! X.iltlilonl of
    tlu Kingdom
    of the Nepoul,lnfrot
    of Nepaul, London
    l8l l.
    1811.
    'Oltlfield-Btcroi
    Oldfield—Sketchesa Jron Nipl,22 Vols.
    from Nipal, Yols. (1878).
    (1878).
    l,ovi-La
    Levi—Le lYepoI, Eirtorique d'un royaum
    Nepal, Etude Historique hindou, I3 Vol..,
    myaum hindou, Voh.,
    Parir, 1905-08.
    Paris, 1906-08.
    NS-Nepal
    NS—Nepal Samvat.
    a
    VS-Vikram Sa,mvat.
    VS—Vikram Samvat.
    Daniol-.Ed ebg of
    Wright, Daniel—History oJ Nepal, tnnrlatod from
    Ncpall, translated from Parbatiya,
    Parbatiyo,
    Cambridge
    Cambridgs 1877.
    1877.

    6. S.-SaaalrrtSamdesa,
    S. S.—Sanskrit t monthly
    Satd;eea, a magazineof
    monthly magazitro of antiquity (ir
    (ir.
    Sanskrit).
    SausLrit).
    KPJ-K. P.
    KPJ—K. P. Jayaswal
    Jayaawal
    Abs. PLR
    PLR—Abstracts of
    -,4DrrractP.tth,n Letters
    ol Persian lre,tarsReceived.
    Reeioail.
    C.P.C.-Calenitror of
    C.P.C.—Calendor of Persian
    Pereian Correspondence.
    Coreaponilcau.
    S.C.—Select Committeo.
    S.C.-Select Committee.
    Sec. Con.—Secret
    Con. Consultations
    Cousultatione
    -Secret
    0.0 —Old Correspondence.
    'O.C Cotrespondenoo.
    -Old
    Pro.-Sslect
    Sel. Com. Pro.— Select Committee
    CoEmittso Proceedings.
    Proceedingr,
    E;D.O.C.-IIome
    H.D.O. Department Original
    C.—HomeDepartmont Original Consultations.
    Consultetions.
    LE.Q,-Ilitiaitt Hi
    I.H.Q.—Indian tor nl Quarterly.
    Historical Qllar?zrlq.
    Cons.-Political
    Pol. Cons,— Political Coosultstions,
    Consultations.
    IERC- Indian Eirtorioal
    IHRC— Indian Historical Records
    Rsoorde Commission.
    Commioeion.
    BIBLIOGlR,APHY
    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Aitohiroa :i Treaties,
    I Aitchison Engagetnenls and
    ?rcqtiar, Engagements and Sanads (19O9),
    Sannile (1909)
    YoI II.
    Vol II.
    2. Ariaria
    2. Vol. II, 1790.
    Eeeearchea, Yol.
    Asiatic Researches, 1790.
    J. Atkingon:
    3. Atkinson : Etmalagan
    Himalayan District Vol. II(Chaptor
    Gazettcts. Vol.
    Distftct Gazetters, II (Chapter
    Eistory.)
    on History.)
    4. Brian
    4. Brian Hodgson
    lfodgron : (a)(a) Miscell,anecua Eroayr, Trubner,
    Miscellaneous Essays,
    London, 1880,
    London, 1880, 22 Volumes (b)_Essays
    Volumes ;; (b) .@c-"oys on the
    the Language,
    Longuage, Litera-
    Literu-
    ,u?c atil
    ture Rcligion ol
    and Religion of Nepal
    Nepatr etc, London, Trubner,
    etc. London. Trubner, 1874.
    1874.
    6. Calendar of
    6. of Persian
    PeruiorCorrespondence. Yole. 1I,
    Oorresponilenu. Vols. lI, IV,
    lV, VI,
    VI,
    v[I,
    VIII, IX, X.
    8. Chatterji,
    6. Chatterji, Nondalal,
    Nnndalal, Mi,t (l?60-68), Allahabad,
    Quastm, (1760-63),
    Mir Quasim, Allahabod,
    1935.
    1936.
    7. Markham
    7. Morkham Clements
    Clements R, R.:: Narratioea
    Narratives of oJ the
    the Mission
    Miasion ofoJ
    George Bogleloto?ibet
    Gcorge Bogle Tibetand,
    andofoftfuthe Journeyof
    Journey ThomasManning
    ofThomas Manning to to
    Tibet, Lor.don, I87('.
    ?ibet, London, 187F.
    8, Daniel
    8. Daniol Wright History of
    Wrigbt :a fli,ttnry Nepal, translated
    of Nepal, traDslated from froD
    Parbatiya,
    Parbatiya, 1877.
    1877. London.
    Loadon.
    9. Eitihaeib
    9. Eitihasik Patra Sangraha (Nepali) 1937.
    Patua Sangraha I957,
    lO, Iorresfe
    10. Forrest's Seleclions
    Selectionstrom from the Becorda oJ
    the Records theForeign
    of the toreign
    Dcparlme
    Departments, s,I,
    I, 1772-85.
    I7?2-85.
    Il.
    11. Gleig G. Memoirc ol
    R. :z Memoirs
    G.R. ,heRt.Bt.
    of the Eon'bl,eWarren
    Hon'ble. Warren
    Hastings, 1841.
    Easlinls, 1841 .
    12, Gorkha
    12. publisbed by
    Yameaoali, published
    Gorkhn Vamsavali, Mahant Naraharinath
    by Mahant Naraharinath
    (in Nepali).
    Nopali).
    13. Hamilton
    13. Eamllton :a An An Account
    Aaaount of oJthe Kinq,lomofoJNepaul
    lheKingdom anil
    Nepaul and
    .nfiutnA;ng territories
    surrounding anneced. Edinburgh, 1816.
    teniloriee annexed, I816,
    11. Indian Records
    14. Series ;; Port
    Becord.a BerhE Willbn-Indid House
    Fort Willim-India Eouse Corres-
    Cofies-
    pondence (1801-1R03),
    ponaLnce editedhy
    (1801 -1803 ), edited by Taraporewala.
    Taraporewala.
    16. Iti,hu
    15. Itihas Prokas.
    Pmkae,22 Vols.
    VoIe. (1956-58) published in
    (1956-58) published in Nepali.
    Nepali.
    lt3. I miecionary ilal,ta:tti nel Tibet e nel Negal. edited
    I missionary italiani nel Tibet e nel Nepal, edited by
    Petech Vol.II,
    1952, Vol.
    Potoch 19,52, II, Part l-4.
    Part 1-4.
    17. JBORS,
    17. JBORS, XIX XIX(1933V,
    (1933\, Tibeto-Nepalse War, 1788-93.
    llibeto-Nepalae War, 1788-93.
    18. Kirpatrick :i An
    18. Account of
    An Account of the Kingilon oJ
    lhe Kingdom of Nepaul,
    N epaal,
    l8ll.
    Lotrdoq 1811.
    London,
    19. Nepnl
    19. Nepal Sanskritik ParhM Patrika,
    Bawkrt$b Parishad Patrikq Volumes & II.
    Volumec T & IL
    20. Oldfield
    20. Oltl0eld :z *Sketches From Nipal, 2 Volumes.
    Sketchp* Erom Volumee.
    21., Papera
    21. respecting lhe
    Papers reapectitq the Nepaul War, London,
    Nepatil War, L. Cox,
    [pndon, J. L. Cox, .

    1824.
    1824.
    22. Poona
    22. PoonaResideney Correapoailcncc, Vols.
    ReaiihneyCorrespondence, XII, XIV
    Vole. XII, XIV
    (Sindhia Affairs)
    23. Riaz - us -' Sala
    23. Rtaz tin, translated
    Sol,alin, intoEnglish
    translotod into byAbdus
    English by Abdus
    Salam.
    24. Corre,sytonilence of
    2t. Ross : Correspondence FiretMarques
    of First MarqueaCornwallis,
    Oornwollia,
    London,
    London, 1959,
    1969. 3 Volumes.
    26. Cammann,
    25. Commann, S. S... Trade Tkrot4h Thc
    Traile Through The Edmolayaa (Prinoeton,
    Himalayas (Princeton,
    r95r).
    1951).
    26. Sanskrit
    26. Sandesh, Vol. I.
    Banabrit Sandesh, I. (1952-54).
    (1952'64).
    27. Selections
    27. from Englieh
    Belnctione frorn llecorile of
    English Records EenryWellesley's
    of Henry Well,ealey'a
    Correspondence
    Coneaponileace (t801-03), by Saletore,
    (1801-03), edited by Allahabad, 1955.
    Saletoro, Allahabad, 1955.
    28.
    28. Seir-ul-Mutaqherin of Gulam
    Seir-ul-Mutaqhertn of Gulam Hussain
    Eussain Khan, Vol. II,
    Khan, Vol.
    English tranelation
    translation by Raymond.
    Raymond.
    29. Levi,
    29. S.:: Le
    Levi, S. Vol. II,
    Nepal, Vol.
    LeNepa,l, Parie,1908.
    II, Paris, 1908.

    30. Samuel
    30. Samuel Turner :: An Account
    Aecount of an Embassy
    Dmbaeay to
    to the
    the Court
    Court
    o[ Teshoo
    of Lama ,i,n
    ?eehoo Lama in Tibet cotrlaining aa Narrative
    Tibet containing of aa Journey
    Narrative of Journoy
    tbrough Bootan and Parts
    through ofTibet,
    Parts of London. 1800.
    Tibet, London. 1800.
    31. Translation
    31. ofMaharaja
    Transl,ation of KalyanSingh's
    MaharajaKalyan Bingh'aKhulasat-ut-
    Khulasat-ut-
    III, by
    Tauari,kh, III,
    Tawarikh, byKhan
    KhanBahadur
    Ba[-odurSarfaraz Eussain Khan,
    SarfarazHussain Khan,
    JBORS,
    JBORS. V, IV(December,
    Pt.IV
    V, Pt. (December,1919).
    I1)19).
    32. Unpublished
    32. aboutAbdul
    Documentsabout
    Unpublisheil Documente Kadir's Miseion
    AbdulKad,tr's Mission of
    oJ
    1895 96 in
    1895 9d the U. P.
    in the P. Government
    Government Records Room of
    Records Room at Allahabad.
    Allahabad.
    33.
    33. 17
    Yerelst'e Rule in
    erelst'sRule Iniliaby
    in India N. L.
    by N. [,. Chatterji,
    ChaCterji,Allahabad,
    Allahabad,
    1939.
    1939.
    34. Vamsavali
    34. Vamsaauli in the possession gf-tho
    tbo possession he aui.hor.
    author.
    36. Vansittart,
    35. Vansitbart, tI.
    H.:: z{. NorratioeofoJTransactions
    A Narrative Tranaactions in
    imBengal,
    Bengol,
    1760-64,
    l?60-64. 3 Volumes.
    Volumes.
    36. Vansittart
    36. Vansittart :: Lt.
    Lt. Col.
    Col.Eden, Gwkhat (( AA Handbook
    Eden, Gurkhas Hanilbooh ),
    ),
    1018.For
    1918. fndian
    X'orIndian Sources of of
    Sourcos Anglo-Nepalese llelations in the
    Anglo-Nepaleee Relations
    Eighteonth Century
    Eighteenth Century we
    we have
    have used thefollowing
    usod the following published
    publishod mate-
    rial's ofofthe
    rial's thoGovernment India;besides
    GovernmentofofIndia; besidesmany
    manyunpublished
    unpublishod
    palers from
    papers differentDistrict
    from different District Rocords Rooms (Bihar),
    Records Rooms Indian
    (Bihar), Indian
    Natioual Archives
    National (Delhi) and
    Archivos (Delhi) andU.U.P.P.Central
    CentralRecords
    RocordsOffice
    Office
    (Allahabad).
    (o) Selections
    (a) Beleationa from
    fromUnpublished Record,s for
    t)npubtisheit, Records theyears,
    for the gears,
    1748-67, Vol.f,
    1748-67, by J.
    Vol.I,by J. Long.
    Long.
    (b) George
    (b) George W. Forrest
    Forrest a"" Selections the Letters,
    from the
    Seleatlons from Letters, Des-
    Des-
    patches, anil,
    pal,ahes, and other state
    etate papers proserved in the
    papers preserved tho Foreign
    X'oreign
    Departmont of
    Department Glovernment of
    of the Government offndia 1772-85 in
    India U72-85 in 3
    Vols.
    Vole.
    (")
    (0) Calendar ofPersian
    Cal,enil,ar of Persi,anCorrespondence, Yolo. II,III,
    Correspanilenoa, Vols. fY,
    II, III, IV,
    v, vr,
    V, VIII, rx,
    VI, YrIr, x.
    IX, X.
    "(d)
    (d) Ird,b Eouse-lort William
    India House-Fort WilliamCorrespondence,
    Conespondenae, Volumes
    Yolumos as
    a,s
    to in our text.
    referrod to
    referred
    (e) Ind,e*
    (e) Index to the ?ore,i,gn and Politiaal
    Foreign anil, Political Department
    DepartmentRecords,
    Recorils,
    Vol. I, 1756-1780
    Vol. (Published by National Archives).
    1756-f780 (Published Archives).

    (f) Select
    (f) DocumentsoJ
    Sel,ect Doaumenta the British
    ofthe PeriodofofInil,ian
    British Peri,od, Indian History
    Hi,stwy
    of the
    of tke Victoria
    Vdctoria Memorial,
    Memorial,, edited by D. C. C. Ganguli.
    Ganguli.

    (g) K. P.
    (g) P. Mitra's article 'Anglo-Nepalese
    Mitra's article Relatians in
    'Angi,o-Nepalese Relations in the
    the
    last
    laat decade
    d,ecad,e of the Eighteenth
    Eighteenth Century' Proceedings of
    Centurg' in Proceedings of
    theIndian
    the fndianHistorical
    HistoricalRecords
    RecordsCommission,
    Commi-"sion, Vol.
    Vol.
    XVIII.
    (h) S. C. Sarkar's article
    (h) article 'Some
    'Some notes on the Intercourse
    notes oru Intercourse ofof
    wtth Northern Countrtes, i,n the Seconil Eal,f of
    Bengal with Northern Countries, in the Second Half of
    l8tk Century'
    the 18th Century'in Proceedings of
    in the Proceedings Meetings of
    of Meetingo of the
    Historical
    Historical Records Commission. Vol. XIII,
    Commission. Vol. XIII, 1932.
    1932.

    (i) S. C. Sarkar's article


    (i) artiole 'The
    'The Nepal
    Nepal Frontier in the
    ?rontier itt, the Second
    Seconil,
    Half ofofthe 18thCentury'
    the18th Century' inin the
    theProceedings
    Prooeodings of of the
    Iudian
    Indian History
    History Congress,
    Congress, 3rd
    Srd Session. 1939.
    Session. 1939.

    (i). K.
    (j), K.K.
    K. Datta's article 'On
    Datta'sarticle 'On Some
    SomeUnpublished
    Unqtubti,aheit,Record's
    Recoril,'s
    in JBRS, XXV, Parts 33 and
    and 4.
    4.
    (k) Unpublished
    Unpublished papers preserved
    preserved in the National Archives
    Arohivse
    of India
    India (New
    (New Delhi).
    Delhi).

    (ll Political
    Politiaal Consultations,
    Consuhatbn*, 1790-1800.
    1790-1800.

    (2\ Secret Conaullationa, 1775-1800.


    Scaret Consultations, 177 6-1800.

    (3) Select
    Belcct Committee Proceeilin4t, 1756-74.
    Conmitlu Proceedings, 1756-71.

    ($ Public
    Publio Proceedings,
    Proouilin4s,

    (5'1 Le$ere
    Letters lo
    to aail
    and from
    from the
    llw Court
    Court of Direolorc etc.
    of Directors etc.
    Home Miscellaneous
    Eonw Miscolb,neoue and,and Public
    Publia Series.
    Beriee.

    (\ Unpublished
    angublkhd papera in tlu
    papersin U .P.
    the U. P.Government
    GoocrnncntRecords.
    Recoril*
    Ofice at
    Office at Allahahad (Ohiefly related
    Allalahad (Chiefly to Abdul
    related to Abdul Kadir's
    Kodir'e
    Misrion of 1796).
    Mission 1796).
    I
    I
    I
    I
    I
    I
    I
    I
    I
    i

    t
    I
    CONTENTS
    CONTENTS

    Foreword
    Preface
    Prefoco
    Abbroviationr
    Abbreviations
    Bibliography

    Chapter
    Chaptor II The
    ThoBackground
    Background 1I
    II Founding
    II Founding of Gorkha State
    Gorkha Stats 29
    III Kingdoms
    III Kingdome of of th€
    the Sena Dynasty ...
    SeD& Dynssty 58
    56
    lv Prithvinaroyan Shah's
    1V Prithvinarayan EarlyCareer
    Shah'sEarly Careor 88
    v Battle
    V BottloofofSirhanchok
    Sirhanchok 129
    IS PrithvinaraynDefeats
    VI Prithvinarayn Defeatsthe British
    tho British 182
    t82
    vrt End
    VII Endofofthe
    thoMalla Dynasty
    Malla Dynasty ... 198
    YIII Relation
    VIII withthe
    Relationwith theChaubisi
    Chaubisi1770-1774
    1770-1774 225
    IX End Eod of Ptitbvinarayona's Career
    of Prithvinarayana's Careor 247
    rx(A) Pratapsimha
    IX(A) Protepsimha 271
    271
    x Baby
    X Kiogand
    BabyKing andRegency
    Regency •••• 285
    285
    x(a) Regent
    X(A) RegentBahadur's
    Bahadur'e Six Yearl
    Six Years 320
    Pt XI Bahadur's
    XI PolicyTowards
    Behadur'sPolicy Towarde Palpa
    Palpa
    and
    aud Conquest
    Conquest of Kumaon
    Kumaon •• • 333
    XII Nepal
    XII Nopaland itsNeighbours
    andits Neigbbours 371
    XIII The First Gorkha-Tibst War ••••
    XIII The First Gorkha-Tibet War 425
    425
    xIv Anglo-Nepalese
    XIV Relations(U77-l?89)
    Anglo-Nopalese Roletious (1777-1789) 520
    520
    xv Two
    XV Two British
    British Missions
    Migsions 523
    623
    IP xvr SixSixYears
    XVI YearsofofRana
    RanaBahadur
    Bahsdur as
    ae
    Ruliog King
    Ruling 564
    684

    Appondir iGenealogy
    Appendix Gonoalogy of Prithvinarayen Saha
    ofPrithvinarayan Saha 603
    The
    Tho Pande
    Pende Fomily
    Family 606
    The Barnet
    Baenot Family
    f,'amily ••• 607
    Bhimsen
    Bhimeen Thapa
    Thapo 607
    Ahiram Kurr
    Ahiram Kuar 608
    Anar Simba
    Amar Simha Thapa 608
    fndox
    Index•-• ••• Incro;rorated in
    Incroporated Vol. II
    in Yol. II
    1

    I
    CHAPTER I
    THE BACKGROUND
    I. EARLY HISTORY OF THE BAISI AND CHAUBISI
    The Baisi
    In rhe l4th century several ruliog families and collarcrah
    of Rajputaoa wet€ torced to l€ave hcme and takc sholter itr
    th€ hilly areas of what is now called West Nepal. For
    some time they were €ngaged to rehabilitate thcmselvcs and
    gradually they settled down but in coutse ot anothcr frfty
    years they oust€d one by one the native iohabitants of the placc
    from all positions of vaotag€, aud itr tbat procesg were born
    the two sets of principalities vaguely numbering 22 and 24t.
    later known as the Baisi and Chaubisi. The Baisi occupied
    roughly the areas west o[ the River Narayani right up to the
    River Mabakali. The Chaubisi covered the eastertr region up
    to the River Darraudi, some fifty miles west ot Kathmaodu.
    Later as Gorkha became a principality on its own thc
    boundary line shifted to thc river Trisulir about eight€en miles
    closer to the Nepal Valley. It may be recouoted herc that tbese
    divisions did not mark any conootatioo ot alliaoce or political
    appellations. These represeDt only geographical groupiog taking tho
    upper line of GaDdak as the startitrg point. To take an instanco
    of the loose character of the grouping, it so happened that in
    ordinary count most of them escaped notice atrd proper demarca-
    tion was difficult, The cause was, of course, the immetrsity of tbe
    problem-too many small states over a limited area and also tho
    fact that the border principalitios particularly Piuthan, Khuogri and
    Bhingril that tay in between the two territories had an unasceltain-
    ed location, and also in practice shifred froE ooe side to the
    other.

    I lo HaEiltoD's coumeratiotr these two ar. ioctuded io the Brisi.


    2 MoDERN NBPAL

    To begin wilh rhe Baisi, first of all let us note that the number
    of states migbt not be exactly 22, and the naEe of the historically
    &nown group as tbe Baisi coDnotes only a vague geaeralisation, as
    iB the case with its counterpart towards the east. We have attach-
    ed herewith a table for eacb of tle two groups to give an instance
    of how names and numerical strength differed IroD oDe list to
    anotbef. On a map spread from west to east the location of thesg
    22 principalities will appeat like the following. It will appear
    lhat lhey were situated between the rivers Mahakali aod piutban
    shosc boundary touched palpa, an important Eember ot the
    Chrubiai.
    To note the priDcipalities :
    (l) Junla in the extreme trorth-west with a large territory
    expatrdiDg in parallel directioo in tbe north as well as
    to the east;
    (2) Doti in the extreme west, south of Jumla covering the
    middle raDges ot that part of the eub.Himalayan rcgion;
    (3) Bajhang in the. north.east of Doti; this touched the
    Tibetan State near the lake Manasarovara;
    (4) Achham south-east of Doti at the same altitude 3
    (5) Tballara (of tbe preseDt rime witbin the Doti divisioo)
    just north of Dandeldhura, its beadquarter3 tbe area is
    situated between Bajhang and Doti ;
    (6) Dailekb further east of Doti;
    (7) Jajarkot, sourb-easr of Dailekhl the (6) and (7) occupied
    sreas iust below Jumla;
    (8) Bamphi now irside the Salliana district at the eastern
    extremity :
    (9) Dang Deokhuri, south of Salliana, occupying also a
    portion of the Terai as far as Tulsipur (now in Gonda
    District of the Indian province of U. p.) ;
    (10) Phalabhang, north-east of Dang at;the Upper region; at
    tbe moDeDt this occupies the eastern portion of tbe
    diltrict of Salliana and is tbe seat of the Raja of
    Salliana;
    (ll) Roalpa, Dortb of Salliana;
    (12) Rukumkot, fdrther east of Salliana I
    THE BACKGROUND 3

    (13) Musikot now probably withio the Jajarkot Raj, which


    has merged its-idcDtity;
    (14) Khungrikot on the border of tbo present Piuthan District
    and
    (15) Bhingrigaon further iouth. The last three also figute
    in the list ot the Baisis given by Hamilton. These werc
    ruled by Chandela chiefs. Tbe last o[ the Baisis touched
    Piuthan and lvlalaibam ot the Chaubisi group.
    (16) Jabari lies to the soutb-west ot Piuthatr;
    (17) Chhilli, south-east ot Dang l
    ( l8) Malnetta ;
    (19) Kalagaon;
    (20) Gutum:
    (21) Goriakot l
    (22) Gajur, the last tDur accordiog to Hamilton constituted
    Sattala with three more as per list of Kirkpattick
    uanamed io some and unidentified i! others.r
    Contrary to what hb beatd in Kathmandu theo, Hsmilton thinks
    that Galkot and Malaibam should be included in this list. Tho
    8tates from No. 15 above onwards could not be traced in the latest
    nrap of Nepal. It is possible that these wer6 totally forgotten by
    the time the map was drawn as they gradually came to be depopula-
    ted on account o[ tb€ exodus alter tho disappearance of thc local
    ruling chiefaains, or owing to the same factor they wers totally
    merged in ooe or other states each to lose its separate.ideutity.
    We give the table ot the Baisi states as per lists of different
    individuals who collected the data, and of the cbronicle, at page 4,
    For tbe description of these states oul principal authority of
    information is Hamilton who in 1802 made aa extensive survey
    ot the geoealogies of states within tbe Kingdom of Nepal, -'hile
    he was in the capital. Tbe value ot his account is heightened all
    the more because of the fact tbat he tried to make it as thorough
    as could be possible on the circunstances in his pressntation,

    ? Gutum and Gajur along with Khumii bavc b.cn includcd iq thc list of
    Chaubisis by ao aoonymous writer of the lTth c.ltury (ltihos Prukot, ll, 3.
    pp. 586-87),
    4 MODERN NEPAL

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    T}IB BACEGROUND 5

    aDd correcred all what Kirkpatrick in l79l had failed to grasp


    and produced out of misundcrstanding.
    Jumla was tbe biggest principality in the west both in poiot
    of territory aDd status and at the time we deal with this was the
    most important stat€ lor the whole of the region thea occupied
    by both the groups. Hamilton's authority ioformed him that
    its suzerainty was acknowledged by the entire group of ststes up
    to the river Marsyan3di.r The Gorkhavamsavali whlle trying ro
    give that honour to Gorkha cannot but put Jumla on a footing
    equal to that couotry. According to Hamilton the ruling dynasty
    of Jumla was the only pure Rajput family to have migrated to
    th€ hills. The first €migrant of this family arrived in Jumla
    some five hutrdred y€ars ago, He belonged to the dynasty of
    thc Sun.
    In tbe begiDoing Jumla included also those tetritories now
    forming parts of Kumaon in the east atrd north-east as well a
    part of west Tibet around the preseDt Manasarovar. Towards
    lhe later stage not only Kumaon portions were lost, but Doti,
    Jaiarkot and Bajhang-all tributaries asse.ted independence and
    also made repeated encroachmeots at the cost of Jumla, for
    which reason it was reduced to a comparstively smaller position.
    But Jumla's jurisdiction over the portioo of west Tibet was
    maintaioed tbroughout its career as a separate entity. The last
    ruler ot Jumla who fled the county after a hard fight against
    the Gorkhalis was Sobhan Sahi. It was said that for some time
    Sobhan Sahi operated from his part of the Kingdom beyond the
    Himalayas before he was compelled to retrea! to Lhasa for
    asylum.
    lo dealing wirh the Baisi and Chaubisi we shall avoid details
    and also tbe description ot less important principalities. Io

    3 S.e Hamilton, p.283. Hc wrote. '.Wc may safely, howcver, coacludc,


    that his superiority was acknowledgcd cverywhcte betBceo the Kali rivcr aod
    Nepal. His authority, however, was still morc limited thao that of tho latE
    Ceesars of Germaoy, his rubjects f.cqueBtly levyiog war, not oEly agaiolt
    c.ch other, but agri[st thcis sovcrcigo; oor sras thare atry ass.6bly of ltatcs
    from whicb he coirld obtaio alsiltsDcc agsitst a com(oou c8rEy.,'
    6 MODERN MPAL

    accordance with what ha8 been suggestcd the narrative will bc as


    bricf as possible, and we have also intended only to emphasi8e
    eveots as far asthey relate to the. later bistory of Gorkha ir its
    expansive activities, We bave already narrated tbe account of the
    ancietrt past of the region comprising the territories of those
    lwentytwo States now koown as the Karnali Pradesh. The present
    description cov€rs the period since the 15th ceotuty A. D. The
    Rajput settlers had been perDanently posted as our history started.
    Soit becomes the history ot the principaliries founded by Rajput
    settlers.
    Wecall the period immediately following rhe l4th century tbe
    Post-Malla period. Two outstanding names appear from lhe data
    of certain copper plate inscriptions receotly discovered, which aro
    variously dated Saka 1315, 1320, 1326. These names are Balirai
    who styles bimself as Maharajadbiraj and.Medini Varma who also
    adopts a title of that type. Two of these copper plates are issued
    from Srimat Sinla (bhidhana) nagars. According to the chronicle
    of the Kalyalsabi family, Baliraj is rhe 60rh in the line, and he was
    born in Jumla, his parents having gone there from Raiputana. Bati-
    rai obtained a small principality to rule irom the Raja of Jumla.
    Possibly Baliraj rose to become the ruler of Jumla after overthrow-
    ing tbe original ruliog fanrily of Jumla. It aopears from the
    chronicle that Baliraj's dynasty continued to rule over Juorla till it
    was overthrown by tbe Gorkha ruler. Batsaraj about whom we
    have written more below is put at his soD. Salio Sahi came seven
    generations after. Baliraj and Medini Varma are joint signatories to
    a state decre€ issued through a copper plate dated Saka 1326 from
    Jumla Swarna Gramanagara (the present Sunaragoan).a Arother
    name which, however, belongs to a differeut place and south of
    Jumla, is that of Mabaraiadhiraj Sansar Varma who addresses in a
    tAmrapatra (date Saka 1318)*t tbe adhikaries, Karkis, and Tbapac
    and Rokayas of Bhukha to ioform that be has freed some lamilies
    in that localiry of all tbe 36 kinds ot taxes, duties, 6nes, etct the
    wianess represented constitutes as in previous itrscriptions the saEe

    4 Thic vill.Sc is oo the s,ay to Jrisrkot froe Sioia. Irir,c, Ptokot lL ii,
    pp. 10G09.
    TIIB EACtrGROI]ND 7

    Dharma and Sangha along Bhuml the mother Barth. This suggects
    lbat up tilt Dow Buddhism was resPected in some ParB of the
    coutrtry, Bhukha is in Dullu, the Durlatrghyapur of thc inscrip
    tions. But a questioD tlow comes as to the identity of the luler-
    'Wae Saosar Varma-indepeodent ot Jumla? or he hapPened to bc
    one itr the line oI Medini VarEa? Sioce this time Jumla was being
    tnown as faveswardesa.
    Two inssriptions in copper platc itrcorporatiog the decre€ of a
    ruler mentioning fumla occut again itr bonosction with Batsatai
    Naregvara. These have the same date S,aka 1372. The decree ic
    addr€ssed to thc authoritiee of upper and lower fumla, (upri Jumla,
    tali Jumla) the Karki Mahatara, Rokaya, Budharana, Thapa to
    protect the gratrt of a freehold to gome Brahmana-we have as tho
    q,itness Budha dharma, Saiva dharma, etc. in cootiEuity of lhc
    iraditional usage.
    Dullu and Dailekh, areas iust south ot rumla' scem to have
    separated from the direct jurisdiction of Jumla siDce the middle of
    the l6th century. Achbam, west of Dailekh, has its own King at
    about the same time. Each of them addresses himselt as thc Maba-
    rajadhiraj. Although Dullu's ruler called himself Raskoti, both
    Dullu and Dailekh seem to belong to a common stock of ances'
    lors, In tbe Raskoti chronicle, the two soos of Ant8ri Malaibam
    are giveo each Dullu and Dailekh respectively. In a tamrapatra
    obtained recently Saimalsahi ot the Raskoti family and Kalyalraia
    Maharajadhirai Vikram Shah pledge iD the year Saka l54Z (162z0
    A,D.) Bhadrapada Krishna 9 to stand together itr woal or woe.
    They had pltdged not only to live tog€ther in peace but also to
    meet the challenge of an enemy with a combioed strength of both'
    The former got additiooat territory by favours of the latter. It is
    6aid that these two rulers were cousins, sons of brotber aod sister'5
    About this tims lhe society of tho place also underwent a furthet
    metamorphosis, and Buddbism in any form disappeared for good.
    This is reflected in the lamrapatras (copPer plates) ot thc.day, which
    make tro Eore obeisance to the Buddhist trioity as was the practice

    5 Tucci: The Mallas, tha Discovery.


    E IIODERN NEPAL

    .8rliet. It is probablc rhst Salim Sahi wbo iE the Kiog reterred to


    in a copper plate grant (of Sala f5l3=1591 A.D.) rtarted a ocw
    chapter itr tbe history of Balirai's dyDasty, The capital from which
    lhe decree was issued is no longer Semia. It is oow Chhinasim
    qualified by Rajaothan. Tbe ruler's name is spelt in differetrt ways
    in diEerent records. He is Mukti Sabi Salimsahi or Sailam Sahi.
    For atrother two hundred years the dynasty of Sailam Sahi ruled
    over Jumla. Tbere are some important names of this dynasty. Otre
    such name Krishna Sahi in tho middle ot the 18th century is metr-
    tiosed in Tibetan chronicles to have seDt a trade mission to Lhasa.
    The decrees ot tbcse rulers bear the stamp with Sri Bailrinatho
    Iayati' Sri Mukitinatho layali.
    The reference to Badrinath is probably to suggest fumla's hege-
    mony over Garhwal and Kumaoo at one tim6 io the past. Similarly
    the adoption of invocalioD to Muktinath implied control of Jumla
    over MustaDg. Krishna Sahi's name is not trac€d in tbe cbrono-
    logy of the family. But he has a copper plate inscription of the
    ycar Saka 1704'(1882) with the same invocation. The invocation
    to Badrina(h and MuktiDath appears for the first time in copper
    plates sinco the tiBe of Surath Sbah (date Saka 1646 masa 4 etc.).
    Tbis was probably reassertiotr of old claims.
    We close this.chapter with a translation of a relevant portion ot
    a copper plate inscriptioo ot the Kalyal Raja Sudarsan Shah. Tbis
    inscription commemoratcs the building of the royal palace belong-
    ing to him between Saka 1667-1673. From this we obtain an idea
    of how wages and prices obtaioed in tbat part of Nepal in the 17th
    ceDtury.
    .'The King came, with whom as bodyguards also came Khasas
    and Brahmans of the 22 Sub-districts (Maujas). A big wooden pole
    was erected as a victory pillar. Some expert ofncers were directed
    to decorat€ and embellish the pillar. The total expenses required
    to meet the construction of the palace was what was paid to difter-
    ent groups of workers, e.g. Rs. 6,000/,- tor the Kbasas; Rs. 3,000/-
    for the Jadyas (Bhotias).......,.25 masons were employed to lay the
    bricks, 40 meo were to lift stone pieces from the mines and about

    6 hihos Ptakas, II, i, pp, t35-37.


    THE BACTGROI'ND I
    a thousand labourerg wcrc to cary ttodet atrd timbcte and rondcr
    similar dutie8 without receiving any wagco. The heads of labour
    gatrgs were to receive 7 rupees each, and all of thcm were paid
    Rs. 140/.- plus 52 (ThEn) cloths. Th€ mason$ wotking on earth
    and clay were paid in total Rs. 800/- and each above Rs.44/; plus
    15 X20 pieces of clotbs. Those who were not paid wages obtained
    in all Rs. 1400 plus 260 blaolets, 140 sbeep,........,
    "Two bundred Brahmans who performed thc sacrificial cere'
    mony were awarded Rs.200 plus 32 than cloths worth R8.69/,- plus
    9 items of tur colour€d pieces oI clotb worth Rs. 15/,' a colt priced
    Rs. l0/,- in addition to 6X28| pouods ot Gbee, 16 blankets, 32
    shcep-paddy worth Rs.44, banners afld flags of l0 then pieces ot
    cloths &nd cochin costing Rs. 50/,-. Rings and bangles priced from
    i.s. l8 to Rs.200,4 borses.and l5 colts were given as special gifts
    to experienced brick masoos, the carpetrter's share was Rs. 22 plus
    9 than clotbs. Tbe overall charge for the building was Rs. 7500
    and 84 maunds of iron."t
    II
    More obout the Baisi
    Having presented tlre anci€ot and medicval history of the Kar'
    nali basin, we row proceed to make a passing teterence to some of
    the comparatively importatrt states of the Baisi and Chaubisi,
    which will include lhe accoutrt ot Palpa, Lamjung and Gorkha up
    till the rise of Prithvinarayan Shah.
    (1) Our accoutrt begins with Doti, the State occupying an area
    on tbe basin of the Kali and its Iributaries at the western extremity
    of the Baisi region. Doti's lineage was like that of Jumla derived
    from Salivahana and from Asanti, and Vasanti according to Hamil-
    ton. The forty-first name is that of Krishoa Shah whose son Dip
    Shah lost bis kingdom to the Gorkha ruler.
    (2) Saliana is another important state. Accordiog to Hamilton
    its ruler was not of a pure Kshatriya family. But he claimed to
    be a SuryavaDsi prince from Rajputaoa. The last ruler Ranabhim

    1 lbi.t, pp, 148-149,


    t0 MODBRN MPAL

    .Sbah married a daughtet of Prithvioarayan Shah, atrd accepted


    Gorkba guzerainty itr the next reign by conctuding a treaty of
    subsidiary alliance, A considerable portion of Daog was attach€d
    to Salliana by Bahadur Shab as a dowry to his sister. The original
    pritrcipaliry is still known as Phalabang.
    (3) The tbird importast uDit is that of Dang aod Deokburi,
    situated south of Salliaoa. The ruler belonged to Samal claD of
    Rajputs. Tbe territory was not as largc as tbat of Salliaoa, but
    from parts of Bhitri Madesh (inner Terai) fallen to its Bhare, DaDg
    derived a larger revenue. DaDg's last rulcr aecordinE to Hamiltoo
    was known as Nawab Singha. The Terai laodc were beld as a
    -Zemindari under the Nawab of Oudh.
    (4) Cbbilli, slother member ol tba 22, coDfederacy, lying to-
    wards the €ast, otr the 6ame altitude and locatiotr, was rul€d by a
    member of the Datrg family. Chhilli eDioyed territories also
    ,io Terai.
    (5) Dullu-Dailekh wlth its capital at Bilaspur had a Khasa
    chief (Hamilton, 'p. 2S1). lrhe last Raja incoDvenienced the
    advancing Gorkhalis by frequent loots, and was put to death.
    Rukum, Musikot and Jajarkot were in the middle regiotr
    hetween Malaibam and Jumla in tbe trorth. Bamphi was to lhe
    South of Jajarkot. Hamilton locates Gajur, Darna aod Jahari
    in lhis region. A chronicle provided to me by the presetrt Raia
    ot Salliana has tbe same genealogy as that ot the Nepal Valley
    and this is true of all the periods for the lime dowr to
    Harasimhadeva. It then separates the dynasty and traces the
    origin of the Salliana Raja to the fourth successor ot the
    above mentioned ruler, who s/as then ruling over tbe Terai,
    tile other progeny having bcen ruling over the Nepal Valley.
    One of the descendaDts of the stock ruling over the Terai went
    ro Udaipur. There they ruled for several generations. Tben
    came the Muslim invasion, wbicb compelled the ruliug family
    to seek refuge itr the Himalayatr hills, Vikfam Sinba Sahadeva,
    sucb was tho oame of tho cmigrant, fouoded a principality,
    which two geseratioDs later itr the time of Maharajadhiraj Tula
    Siogha Shah came to be known a8 the Salliana Raja. His son
    THB AACKGRO(ND lt
    Sri Krirhna Sbah was a contemporarary of prithvinarayana
    Shab and it is said rhat he rendered a great help to the laltcr
    in his siege of Kirtipur. Prithvinarayana was so obliged that
    he gave bis daughter in marriagc to Sri Krishna Shah's son.
    Having dealt with the importaDt principalities situated in
    the extreme west let us trow take up tle narrative about (6)
    the state of PiuthaD which touched the Baisi at its easterD
    exlremity. Piuthan lras a confused place in the comity. It wag
    placed either ways with the Cbaubisi and Baisi. We havc
    already said that its ruler claimed to have come of a Chandela
    Iamily.
    He controlled a pottion of the Terai called the Tuppa of
    Sheoraj. For a tong time it was regardcd as an important
    principality. Tavernier notes a feud over Sheoraj raging
    between Piuthan and Palpa. Hamiltoo says that piuthan paid
    tevenue for rbis holdiog to tbe Nawab Vazir through the Raia
    of Bansi. Motichaodra, the last ruler, fled without a struggle
    before the marchiog Gorkha troops reached lhe border of
    PiuthaD. The ruler aod bis sotr took shelter in Ramnagar.
    Moticband has two documents of laod grant of ZS .lg35 and
    Saka 1702 respectively published in Eitihasikapatrasamgraha llr.
    pp 9l-92. (7) Malaibam lay to the noth of piuthan atrd
    stretched at that latitude from east to west to touch Kaski and
    Jumla respectively aloDg tbe stretch o[ the snow lines of the
    Hioalayas, Dhawalagiri and west.
    Tbe Raja claimed Samal origio. Hamilton says that he
    heard that he was born of a Bhotia woman by a Gautamia
    Brahman father. Hamilton r€fuses to believe that Dimba Ra.ia,
    the Erst ruler of the family, beloDged ro the Gautam Raia
    Brunch of tbe Rajputana settlers. Dimba was a Brahman wbo
    bad married the daughter of a Bbotia chief. The nert ruler
    Nagabamba €xhibited his exploits ar wrestliog and was awatd€d
    a Khilla, by the Emperor of Delbi, Malaibam fought Jumta
    on various occasions, ard it is said tbat he had blood
    relationship with the Khaea Mallas ot Siola. Since hie time
    th€ PriBcipality camc to be called after his namc. The last
    ruler Kirtiham wbo was very unpopular with his subjccts
    12 MODERN NEPAL

    yacated bis tbroDe' when aatackcd by Damodar Pander aod


    crcaped to Balrampur in British India. At thc tim€ of Malaibam
    Malla the second in about the l6th century, the country began
    to be called Malaibam ; otherwise it was known ts Parbat till
    tb€D. ThiB priDcipality had under its jurisdiction the area
    kaown as Bagling, tbe whole of the upper reaches of the
    rivers which are the Gandak's tributaries io the west and
    beyond upto TiDglibhot (inclusive ) ; the latter stretcbed upto
    the lact range of snowy mouDtains. Hamiltoo suggested that the
    Chiefs of Golkot, Jajarkot, Musikot, Jahari, Bomphi, Rugam
    ard Sallyana were collaterals of Malaibam.
    The letters Ehich enlighten us about lhe military campaigns
    of Prtbvinarayana aod bis successors help us io locatiog the
    capitals of tbe differeot principalities in the Chaubisi and the
    Baisi rcgions. As the prominent states are easily identifled, we
    shall also refer to obscure names. A letter of Prthvinarayana
    Shah writtcn to Mahaota Bhagvantanatha of Sallyana meotions
    principalities, to wbich messengers were sent on a goodwill
    mission. Such principalities are Jumla, Jaiarkot, Sallyanal
    Piuthan, Dang, Kaski and Parbat. More states come for
    mention in some other letterc (ltihasaprakasa, l. pp. 15t-53)
    Among tbese are Palpa, Ridi, Ghiring, RisiDg, Bhirkot, Gulmi,
    Golkot and Musikot. Yet one moro state Mallahi is to our
    view from otre of Prthvinarayana's lotters.r We had
    corfusion about Satatala in the Baisi region and Hamilto0 in
    bis ignorance had suggested that it meant a group of more
    than one principalities. One of Rana Bahadur's letters cleats
    the point in lhis regard as in some others. The letter
    (published in Himoval Sanskriti. t. 3, p. 13) was written by
    Rara Bahadur to tbe commander of the west region talks of
    changes made in the Mititary command and Admilistralion
    tberein. The followiug capitals of former states are meotioned,
    Doti, Darna, Achham, Dullu, Gotam, Bamphi, Jajarkot, Bajura,
    Bajhang, Cbhani, (Perhaps the same Acbbam of Hamiltotr)
    Thalara, Suni Talkot, Satalo, and Jumla. A principality ot

    . Lctt.r to Kalu Pandc dat€d 1829. PhalSuDa sudi 3 roi 4


    TgE EACKGROT'ND r3

    Datga is mentioncd but it wa8 anncled to a biggar unit of Doti


    Dearby. Add to thesc are added Sallyaaa' Dang, ChhiUL
    Rukum, Dullu, Darna, Gajur and Malneta. Dang as a separalc
    €tat6 is metrtion€d in a letter setrt by Prthvinarayana Sbah, a copy
    of which io preserved in lbc Foreign ofticer. Chhilli to thc south
    w€st of modertr Sallyana wqs allowed to be anBexed by thc
    Iatter while the Gorkhalis had matcbed on the region. We bavo
    several lcfters on the subiect of Cbilli written by the Rsia to thc
    King of Nepal. More stat€s fgure in the corespondencc..
    Some of thesa 6tates 6gure in the account of tbe advsnce ol the
    Gorkbali army.
    Both Phalabang and Sallyana were ruled by diftereot rulers.
    Phalabarg had cooperated with the Gorkhalis and thc Raja
    became tbe ruler in the other principality aftes their victory. Io
    tbe iime of PrthvinarayaDa Shah Phalabang rooe to rule over a
    larger entity before Gorkha caEe itrto the scene. Dartra had
    acknowledged Doti's suzerainty. It stood all alone s,hile Doti
    was liquidated by Gorkha invasion. Jehari is another principali-
    ty owing allegiance to Jumla but with an individual axistetrcc.
    Tb€ states minus Phalabang and Darna Eight NuEbcr 22" But
    v,/e must be cautious about deletiog statcs oD hearsay cvidenco.
    Probably the numb€r bas to be sacrificed before docuocntsry
    €videoce. Howevcr, on rough count there wero twentytwo 0tates.
    However, all states to the Wert of the smaller Bheri river
    flowing through Piuthan came into the Baisi, wbile thoso to (he
    East including Piutban belonged to what we call the Chaubisi area.
    The id€Dtity ot the Cbaubisi Btates is comparatively easily
    establisbed because up till now the names of tbe clates arc retaiDcd
    and tbere are documentary evidences in the various letteB
    written itr course of time the fateful dayi of tho cotrquest oI
    these states by PrthvinarayaBa Sheh of Gorkha. It should ba
    marked here that Gorkha its€lf was not included itr the coum€ra-
    tion of the Chaubisi,
    I do not rhiDk that what Hamilton heard of federatod prioci-
    paliries is correct, The ruler often combined agaiost a colrEotr

    ' Letter to Kalu Patrdc datcd lA79 Pholgano tudi 3 toi 4.


    l4 MODERN NEPAL

    enemy, but tbe idea of a federation sas far from tbeir mind and
    at6o tbe deDomiralion of common enemy changed.
    In the pres€nt map Palpa is noted as a district beadquarter
    ot the Magistrate who tuled over 2 or 3 such developmentat
    units. Musikot, Paiyn, Isma, Galkot, Argha, Khanchi, Gulmi,
    Dburkot, Parbat occupied the upper Gandak reaches on both
    sides Noakot, Rising, Ghirings Bhirkot and Dhor are placed in the
    tow€r mouDtainous reacbes of the river Kali aDd Seti GsndaLis.
    lfhcy lie on the Doab of tbe riverr Kali Gandak and Seti. Kaski
    loday is also a developBent district in the c€trtral extensivc valtey
    ot the Seti with the Madi river as the eastern bouodary, While
    LamiuDg and Tanhou arc situared far tbc east oo thc basin of
    tbe river Marsyatrgdi, the former expanding to the south to coy€r
    a stretch of territory in the low land, while the latter exteDded to
    the Himalayas. Piuthan sometiDe taketr as a priDcipaliay of the
    Baisi might belong to tbe Chaubisi it the mountain tributary ot
    the river Rapti 8o kDown in the low land wa8 a boundary between
    them in Geographic cotrtest.
    Hcrc we have only 19 principalities, Iocluding Gorkha, the
    li6t mighr contain 20. Four states are missing. But tb€(e might
    be states North and Northeas! of PiuthaD and as a substitute
    of oDe or another bigger unit such as Palpa, Tanhou aud
    Lamiung or Parbat. Probably the two branches of tbe Palpa
    family in Vinayakpur and Rajpur could be couDted as two
    members. But the probability is that more stat€s on the North-
    west of the Chaubisis existed so that there were still 24 of them
    in the time while Prlhvinarayana and atrcestors were ruliDg in
    Gorkha.
    A chronicler of the Samal family has Deochandra as the first
    member of this dynasty, who was awarded this ritle by bis
    grandfather, the King of Jumla. This Deochandra started his
    rule over a part of Jumla called Achhem as his domaio. His
    Dirth successor had two sons, oDe of whom ruled AcbhaE
    and another went to Gotam and carved out a priocipality fot
    himself. From Gotam the dynasty branched further, one stayiog
    tbere and the other going to Rukum. Then more members of
    this family claimed Jaiarkot, Darna and Galkot.
    TIIB BACKGF,OUND l5
    Anothet cbronicle has Gorkhar Dburkot, and Bajhang in place
    ot Gotum, Rugum aod Bhingrikot. It seems that the list exclud-
    ing Gorkha was prepared betore Gorkha came into existence as
    a separate state. But all the later notirgs have Gotkha io the lisr.
    As Baibang is still existing as a principality, it surely formed a
    member of tho Baisi.
    Ambika Prasad'g ,History ot Nepal' has Khuprikot and Bhin-
    grikot in place of Hamilton's Gorkha and Tarki.
    According to Hamilton's informatiotr the members of the Chau.
    bisi tcderated severally iDto groups as follows :
    (a) (l) Palpa, (2) Noakon (3) Rising, (4) Ghiriag, (5).
    Argha' (6) Khachi and (7) Gulmi led by Palpa. Rieing
    did not exist lor more tban 50 yeass and was also Iar in
    distanco lowards Tanhou; eimilarlyr Noakot was absor-
    bed in Palp8.
    (b) (8) Bhirkot, (9)Garahaog, (10) poiun, (u) Nayakot
    (Nawakot) utrder Bhirkot.
    (c) (12) Malaibam and (13) Galkot.
    (d) (14) Piuthan leading tho combination ol (15) Musikot
    and (16) Iama.
    (e) (17) Tanhoun, (18) Kaski, (19) Lamiuog, (20) Dbor (21)
    SatahuDg led some time by Lamjung and some tiEc by
    Tanhoun, (22) Gorkha wae all alone and iodependent of
    these. It wa8 even outside th€ Chaubisi for a long tim€.
    Hamilton does not heas of Tarki nor there was a sepa-
    rate principality at Pokhra (Vansittart). He also places
    Dang and Jhilli or Chbilli of Kirkpatrick,s list in the
    Baisi table.
    Deorali and Kailkho of Vansittart do not also seem to be sepa-
    rate principalities. To make tbe number ?4 we have rath€r to in.
    clude Mackwanpur and Chaudaodi, the two divisions of Lohanga,s
    originate kingdom in the Terai. Butwal a8 will appear frorn rhe
    following accounts remained distinct from Palpa only for a genera-
    tion and so was Bever couoted as a Chaubisi.
    ln lhe Dsstur. ul- Amal-mushtamil. ber Dastrur-i-Bailshaha.i.
    16 UODERN NEPAL

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    TIIB EACKGROIJ!{D fi'
    tlind (Dastur-shahrumd and shagurt namd-i-welayafr' a Persian
    MSro in the patna Oriental Public Library, Prof. Askari traces re-
    ferences about Nepal in the culreot account of political and eco-
    nomic condition of lndia (on folios 22a-28a). The author of the
    Ms, who does not give his name but who belongs to Patna finishes
    his account in 1831 (1248 A.H.), and it is generally agreed that
    much of ttre information he provides should.not be dismissed as
    something vague and inaccurate. He gives a list of the chaubisi2
    whice can be of some interest to us.
    L Jumla (the Raja most excellent, with his capital in Chiqna'
    chin, he is now in Lhasa-a portion of it falls in Bnot).
    II. SirJdhinarsinha of Kaski, 145 kos from Kantipur and adjoin'
    ing Malaibum.
    Iil. Gorkha, the Victor who established his sway over the
    whole of Nepal.
    lV. Kantipur (24000 houses), Patau (22000 houses) and Bhat-
    gaon (18000 Pucca houses).
    V. Palpar its Raia Mukund Sen had divided his principality.
    The daughter of the Raja Mahadutta is married to Bahadur Shah.
    It retained also Butwal.
    vI. Malaibum; Tanhou; Makwanpur (with Janakpur); Rajpur-
    vtt. Khauchi; Udaipur ruled by the petty Brahman Za,mio'dar
    tx. Urghaloo (Argha).
    x. Paismana (Paiyun).
    xI. Salliana.
    XII. Garhan.
    XIII. NIusikot.
    xlv. Khemiitari (Khidim).
    xv. Bhootana (Piuthan).
    XVI,
    XVII. Ghering.
    6 of Tawaluk B3g (extracts)
    9 of ltesamuddin of Nadia, who was sent by Shah Alam to London tq
    represeot his case (a complete copy).
    10 The entire work coosists of 119 foll. lines 18; size of the written portioo
    10" x 61", 4 Proceedings of the Historical Recordg Commission, xviii, 1942.
    pp. 184-88.
    1
    n8 MODERN NEPAL

    XVIIL Sambharkot.
    XIX, Raja Sewansingh (?)
    XX. Gulmi.
    XXI. Dhor.
    XXII.Noakot ruled by Mandhata Shab. This reached KaDti-
    pur by a bridge over a river Banasi. GorkhalaDai is a walled city
    on Budhi GaDdsk with gates aDd bridges,
    XXIII. Lamber Jung (Lamjung).
    XXIV. Roogum.
    Above a Iew names have been misspelt. Tbe correct spelling
    we have given alongside witbin brackets. I.t appears lhat rhe list
    has altogether 28 states, and these extend over the eDtire length and
    breadth of land between the Mahakati and Metchie. possibly tbese
    were the only important principalities wbat were called rlle Baisi and
    Chaubisi. The information about Noakot (XXII) is not correo.
    According to the document all these states f,rere wiped out by
    Ptithvinarayara's successors. The writer gives also the facts of the
    last days of the Malla rulers. These tally with the generat descrip.
    tion of the events as dra*n by autboritative chronicles.
    The ruling families of tbe €ight principalities, Bhirkor, Nuwakot,
    Garhos, Dhor, SatahuD, Ca$ki, Lamjung and Gorkha belonged to
    oDe stock atrd branched oft from on€ commor ancestor as will ap-
    peat from tbe following account The original aocestor had settled
    in Lasargba.
    We have no nraterials for a detailed bistory of tbese principali-
    ties even for tbe 17th and l8th centuries except in a few cases. The
    chrooicles provide just a genealogy about each priDcipality and
    Dotbing more. The genealogy itselt is Do better than an ordinary
    family cbronological chart, which omits all recordable achieye.
    ments and incidents. The above account, therefore, is devoid of
    bistorical setting aod is useful only to the extent of elumeratiog
    political divisions tbat came to be set up in the worst days of
    feudal chaoe.
    III
    Rise of the Gorkha Power
    Evidences about the origin of the Gorkha dynasty vary greatly.
    THE BACKGROUND 19

    The Nepalese Chronicles (e.g. Wright, p.276 ff\ trace it to one Bhu'
    pati Ranaii Rao of Chittor, whose son Fatte Rana had tetused to
    give his daughter in marriage to Empetor Akbar and instead cho8e
    to meet a glgrio[s end for the tefusal with life. He was killed and
    all his territories were ceded to the victot. Cbittor was thus elimi'
    nated, but two of Fatte's brothers continued to offer resistance.
    They were one Udayambara from Udaipur which he himself foun'
    ded and another Manoath from Ujiaitr where he had repaired in
    course of the flieht. According to Wright's authority and other
    Nepalese chronicles Manmath's son and his grandson, Bhupal
    Ranaji entered the ceDtral Himalayan region aud reached Lasargha
    near Ridi in Saka 1417 (1495 A.D.) ald pushitrg a little tarther east
    catved out a principality, touchiog the river Seti, a tributary of the
    tiver Gandak in tbe east to itrclude modern Bhirkot and adioining
    areas.
    Another source takes the ircident of flight to have taken place
    at the time ot Allauddin Khilzi' This is supported by Gorkho
    Vamsavali and R, B. Gaurishankar Hari Shankar Ojha (History of,
    Udaipur, p. 87). Col. Tod rhinks that the dynasty of Gorkha was
    founded by Samarssi Rana." One remarkable fact about thesc
    sources is tbat they agree wholly a$ to the Raiput atrcestry of the
    family that at a lati:r stage rul€d over Gorkha. But the list b€fore
    Bhupala Rao seems to be imaginarY.
    Bhupal was not a sovereigu of a viable state. This principality
    he handed over io two separate palts to two of bis eons, Khaocha
    and Micha, the latler mote commooly known as Michakhan. The
    division reduced tbe size of the original state. Accordi[g to some
    chronicles their names wete resPectively Harihar Sinha and Ajaya
    Sinha. Hamilton (p. 240) tbioks that these are pute Magar deriva-
    tives suggestitrg the origin of the names teferred to from the tribe
    of the same name. Heoce he cotrcludes that the Gorkha dynasty
    has littl€ lo do with Chittor stock. But there seems little truth iD
    what Fiamilton says. Nobody catr refuse to accept the lact of im.
    migration of settlers from Rajputana. Hariharsinha or Katrcba got
    portioD of Magarat (the land of the Magars) in-
    Y, "*"rt.
    ll Atnals & Antiqritiei ol Raiasthan-
    20 MODERN MPAL

    cluditrg GarboD, Satahun and Bhirkot (Thes€ were dismember€d at


    a.latcr stage, and €ach constituted a self-gov€rDing priDcipality but
    all in the hands of Khatrcha's desccndants). Michakhan in his turn
    became tbe ruler of Noakot furtber east, It was rhis branch of the
    Udaiput dynasty which was destined to play atr importaDt rolc in
    futurc. At a later date Caski was added to Noakot and a very able
    successor of MichakhaD,'by the name KulamaDdar Shah succ€eded
    in overtbrowitrg the powerful Magar chieftains of the Doflh thus
    eolarging ths domain of the emigrant Rajputs io that part of the
    Himalayae.
    Other sources Eu,ch as Goruksadhisa Champu cotrrposed in the
    thirties of tho l9th century repeated what tho chrooicles had to say.
    Tbere are two nrore works on lhe subject composed in the tim€ of
    Rama Sbah sbose reigD is partty documented at lar 8s available
    meaerials go. But the treatmeDt is generally sitr,ilar as those ot the
    chronicles. Let it be uoderstood tbat by the cbronicles we mean those
    whicb are czlled, Bhasa Yamsavali today. According to Baburam
    Acbarya one ot them wtitten by ore Shernran Singh ir publi-
    shed as 'Gorkha Vamsavali' covering a span of time from lhe so-
    called Chittor period up lo the death ot Narabbupala Shah. The
    olber also treating thc subject of genealogy in similar lashion
    conrposed by Sberman's brother Buddbiman bas the same beginning
    but carries the eDd up to lbe Sanrvat 1815, the year of the comple'
    tion of bis sritiDg. Most of the chronicles passing as modern ores
    are th€ copies ot BuddhimaD's chronicles, depending otr lhe time
    they were written. Some have covered events occurring eveo
    after VS 1835, The Bir Library has a copy of 6uch a cbronicle.
    Also a similar copy has come into my bands.
    It appears lhat lbe Chompu described in the earlier paragraph
    is the source of all rbe modern chronicles as regards the chaPter
    preceding Prthvinarayana. Altbough it deals with events uplo tbe
    birth of Surendra Viravikram Shah the treatment is very cursory
    and full of mistaken notions aboul Prthvinaralana arrd bis imme'
    diate successors. The author seems to be a contemporary of
    Bhimsen a Thapa whose praise he siogs but it is hardly credita-
    ble that be has wrong information of facts happeniog ill that
    TIIE BACKGROT'ND 2t
    period or just earlier to tbat. These mistakes have heen repeated
    by the authors of. the BhasaVamsavalis. We have tried to correct
    them wherever possible judging in the light of reliable documents.
    But thc Champu has an importance of its own in spite of its
    mistakes and consequent unreliability as a bistorical document.
    Baburam Acharya rightly observes that the Champu is one
    Eore attempt at defining the relationship of the ruling house o[
    Gorkha with the Sisodiyas. In so doins the authorities has ever
    overstepped the mark. Unlike Chitravilasa and the writer ot
    GoraksaYamsavali, he has created ore more .imaginary list of
    names tracing descent from King Salivahaua who set up Risira-
    ia Bhattaraka on the throne of Chittor conferring on him the
    title of Ranaji, The Rana was followed by 13 kings on the
    lines, and the fourteenth Ayutabam was conquered by the
    Muslims (implying that he was a feudatory). This man renounced
    the title of Bhattaraka and also Ranaji for bimself and his
    progenies but the lSth ruler, Audumbara obtained from the
    emperor as a mark of service, the title of iRao., His grandson also
    succeeded to please the emperor and was awarded the title of
    'Ranaji Rao.,
    Tbe story after Bhupati Ranaji has been told in the first few
    paragraphs of the present section and we need not repeat it here.
    Nor what' followed after hirh we intend to add at this stage
    because that has been narrated in the paragraphs following. The
    truth or otherwise of events following Bhupal,s entry is discussed
    in the next few passages where we deal with Dravya Shah,s
    predecessor in Kaski and Lamjung. On the whole the Champu
    as its counterparts, the chronicles, might appear is least trust.
    worthy and more a Egment of imagination than a historical work.
    But I would not categorically reject all such fictions poetic
    as Baburam Acharya, one of <iur oldest and learned historians,
    has done. I have found both the Champr and cbronicles useful
    in a few instances. As we proceed to narrate the events the
    reader will know how these have been tested.
    We have two other genealogies prepared in the time o[ Rama
    Sbah. But these are not eltensive as the others.
    .., tr'ODI]RN NIPAI.

    ADother genealogical work in verse copied by one Dharanr-


    dhara ealled the geoealogy of Gorkha kings was composed in the
    tima of Rama Shah. There ar€ 3l starzas, The genealogy is
    elaborate aod touches upon the division oI the lamily itr its
    stretch from Suryakhan oowatds' who had conquered Khilung.
    Rama Shah's is the first reign, which is documented as is shown
    by thc maouscript colophous clted in tbe preceding paragraph.
    Is his tinre a local poet called Chitravilasa composed the genea'
    logy oI Gorkha kingsl' and liDked lheir ancestry to the Sisodiya
    dynasty of Chitoro. The man was a court poet of Rama Shah
    and he wrote the composition at the iostaoce of his benetacror.
    His work stylad 'Rajavamsavali' starts its geooalogy from
    Jillaraja'the coDqueror of tbe couotry's tshils' meaning Raiputana.
    After giviog certain Dames reproduced in tbe table below Chitra-
    vilasa gives Jama Kbana bis son Suryakhao, his son Michakhan,
    his soo Vicbitrakhan, tbel hts son Yasobrabma' his son Drabya
    Shah followed by his son Puina Shah whose son Rama Shah was
    r€igniDg at thc tlme. The 7'strnze getrealogy goes wilhout date
    line.r"
    Cbitravilasa's genealogy is the foreruouet of every other
    genealogy prEpared lor tbe ruliDg house rrl Gorkha.
    Accordiog 10 Chitravilsa whitc Kbancba became master o[
    Bhirlor (he younger Micha founded the prircipalrty ot Noakot.
    The history wo bave trarraled in the earlier pages tallies wholly
    with rbe list of 'Gorkha Raja Vamsavali.' But certain Dames ale
    different are rlifferently spelt' Yasobrahma becoues Jasabum, and
    Lamjung becomes Latariuog. Tnis work also omits to metrtion
    Chhetra Strab. Thc genealogy betore Suryakhan mentions his
    farher Jailhau who bad settled down io Lasargba. Ttre f,rst
    anc€stor mentioned is Ayutbam. Ths intermedrate Berealogy
    looks like the one given by Chitravilssa except lhat one name is
    cbanged. Manmatha bad left Chitore with his younger son
    Jaikban, and entered lhe hills pushing on to Batadarldm which
    be made his caPital,

    12. I t ihoso pruk as a, ll, P. 57 8,


    13. Ibid, pp. 573'75.
    THE BACKGROUND 23

    Coming to the latter part of history 'tbe Gorkha royal genealo.


    gy' makes one Mitra Shah, son ol Michakhan, the kiog ot KaskL
    wbile Bichitra was rulitrg over Latariung, Jasabum was tbe son
    of the latter, who had also brought Gorkha under his control.
    He was the tather of Drabya Shah whose son Puroa Sbah had
    begotacn Rama Shah, the patron of the author.rl
    Theee genealogies seem to be the very earliest att€mpt to
    Rama Shah give_recognition to Rama Shah's anc€stral connection
    with the ruling house of Chittor. The list as we shall observe
    again is not genuine and the stories of exits and entry are all fako.
    But we must view all such io the light of general eftorts orade by
    the Rajas of the hills like Sallyana, Palpa, Tanhou and others to
    connect their ancestry with Chittor. I think that Rama Sbah had
    initiated the process. By claiming Raiput desceot the Rajas
    enhanced tbeir prestige. The temptation was too great to bc
    shunned in an environment wh€re the rulers had to deal tvith
    people in almost barbaric conditioo. The Rajputs in those dayr
    were considered as natural leaders of men. Our rulers had to
    impose their leadership by asserting their blue-blood status,
    Works ot Benealogy written in the 19th century while Gorkha
    became a big kingdom concocted more phantastic stories than
    what Chitravilasa and the author ot 'Gorkha genealogy' did.
    For example, the 'Goraksadhiso Champu"6 it can be cited and we
    know what a phantasy it has woven round the chronology of
    Gorkha. This work has not evetr cared to note many fact8
    about Prthvinarayana Shah. His socalled 'adveotures' iu the
    attack of Noakot are rightly called height ot notrsetrse by Baburam
    Acharya, It has given a chronology cootormiog to the wisbes ot
    the patron but even there tbe stories recouoted are much exag-
    gerated. It is the only poetic work to speak of Akbar's attack
    on Chittor, which had forced tbe ruler to flee, and thereafter seek
    refuge elsewhere. Wilhout namitrg tbe emperors of Delhi it
    gives stories ot obtaioiog titles by the descendants oI the tormcE

    t4. lbid., p. 552.


    15, I t i hd s o prukasa, 11, Dp. 598.
    24 DIODERN NEPAL

    Iuler of Chittor. These stories ar6 most absurd. But the treat-
    mcDt does not eBd here, There are other incompatible stateDeDtS,
    shicb, bosever, Dight trot be repeated.
    Ilhink tbat the Udaipur chronicle adopted in Rajyakalpadruma
    is tbe inyention of the author. This was there to show that thc
    two genealogies agree with each other. I doubt if such a list
    ever to be found itr tbe Udaipur genealogy. For one rhitrg tho
    Sisodila family is the descdndant of the sotar dynasry while the
    Gorlha family is line-solar. For another why should Udaipur
    adopt the Gorkha genealogy beginning froor Manmatha and
    ending witb Surendra. This is obviously a trick of tbe author
    ard his patron to pass the wbole thing as make believe.
    The same can be said ot Goraksa Vamsavali. This work has
    even lailed to note Chbetra Sbah, who was Rama Shah's brother,
    why tbis work and vilasa give fewer names earlier to Manmatba
    i8 not erplainable. 'lhe Goraksa Vamwali makes Yasobrahma
    as king ofGorkba. Tbis is also contradictory to the traditional
    conceptioo. Instead of Krilamandan ae given by other sources, tbis
    work makes Milra Shah as fouoder ruler of the principality ot
    Kaski and Vichitra as king of Gorkha. All these rulers came
    only 3 or 4 generations oarlier to Rama Sirah. Yet a glaritrg
    confusion is itrtroduced,

    Gorckasc Yamsavali Local Chronicle Udaipur C lrotticle


    I J

    Manmatha Bbupal Rao (Ridi) Manmath


    Jaikhao shifted to Khilutrg Bhupal Khan
    Surl ak han Miocbakhan (Noakot) Michakhan
    Mincha fagankhan fayantkban
    Noakot Suryakhan Suryakhan
    Mitra Sbah (Kaski) Sicbakhan Sichakhan
    Vichitra (Latarjung) Vichitrakhan Vichitrakhao
    Jasabum (Gorkha) Kulamandan Shah Jagdeokhan
    Purna Shah Yasobam Shah Kulmandan Shah
    Yassobam Shah
    Ram Shah Drabra Sbah Drabya Shah
    THE BACKCROUND 25

    Raiyakalpadrum Chitra )ilasa Goroksa ChamPu


    (CPMDN, 1, p. 242)
    4 5 6

    lvtanmath MaDmatha Matmatha (Ujiain)


    Jainkban Jainkhana Bhupnta (Ridi)
    Sooryakhan Sooryakhana Removed to Bhukot
    Michakhan Mickakhao Mincha (Noakot)
    Vichitra Vicbitrakhan Suryakhan
    Yasobhtam Yesobrhman Vicbitra
    Drabya Shah Drabya Shah Kutamandan (Kaski)
    Purna Shah Yasobam (Lamjuog)
    Rama Sbah Dravya Shah (Gorkha)

    The chronicles give too many names fol the itrdePendeDt line
    of
    the
    Chittor, wbich is bardly believable. Tbe genealogy, whatever
    source catr be oDly fictitious. Aftff tracing the descent to otre
    Rishirai Ranaji who was instatletl by Salivahana, tbe chronicler
    Dames 34 kings precediog Manmath, before they left Chittor'

    Goraksa.aia Wright Udaipur Rajya Chitravilasa


    VaEsavali genealogy KalpadruBal6

    (a) (b) (c) (d) (.)


    Atibum l8- Audumbar afler 6te bcSlng froo ,illrlaja
    AbIrBba Rinaji Rana naoes cooc. Vil(raE Jitarria
    Audumb.ra 19. Bbattaraka Audumahar (Himaeiros- Atallaraia
    Bhattarai :0. Bir Vikram- Rai aBsgrt3) Tutharaia
    fiuarai jit Bhatta Rai who camc to viEiliraia
    Aiita 21. Jilla Jailla Rai thc hills. Hariraia
    22. Alllla Aial Rai His Bon Brabmanikt
    AllavuEr 23. AtaI Tutha Rai Jilta Raia Matroatha
    Tutha 24. Tutha Aiit
    ViEikirai 25. Bimiki Bhamasi Atallaraia
    Hariral 26- Hari i\ an- H.ri Tutha
    gi BrabrDa BiEikraia

    16. CPMDN, I, Pr€face, pP. LXXI, LXX[.


    26 MODERN MPAI,

    (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)


    Brahroaaika 27. Brahma Matrmath Harirsie
    28. BakhaD BrahEaraia
    29. MaaoBtba Manoath
    30. Iaya
    3l, ra88tra
    32. Bhoia
    33. Bhupati
    34. Udaiyabao
    atrd
    Maomath.

    Other Pincipalities
    Scattered within an area of 2500 square miles and
    occupyitrg
    various portioos on the outskirts of palpa and Tanhoun
    on tlree
    sides were the six principalities of Gulmi, Khanchi,
    Argha, Musi-
    kot, Dburkot and Isma, Tbe ruler of each claimed Rajput descent
    and belonged to olls family. We shall hcar more of these in
    connection with rhe advance ot the Gorkha army in 17g0.gg.
    We now proceed to d€al nith aoother set oI prircipalities.
    Tbese are mostly such ot rbem as occur within tUe originai
    luris-
    diction of Palpa atrd also comprise areas in the Terai.
    Up till here only states that were situated in the valleys aod up-
    lauds of the seveo Gandaks have come for notice.
    Palpa, wbich was for a long time the most important state of
    tbe Chaubisi group deserves to be treated separately.
    Very recently Pandit Buddhisagar, Superintcndent of the Bir
    Library, had gooe on tour of the disrricas of Kaski atrd Noakor_
    Syanja where he obtained a genealogy of the rulers of Gorkha as it
    had btanched oft. Tbe geneatogy does not also seem to be auth€u-
    tic as it has every trace of an attempt at sonncctiog the lioe with
    lhe dynasty of Udaipur.
    In regard ro the gcnealogy of the kiDgs ruliDg Noakot, Kaski,
    ete. This list ha6 rbe followiog names atter Michakhan, Khincha:
    Micha
    Matlkbatr J agaukhal] Jab uthau
    (Noakor) (Kaski) (Lamjung)
    TIIE BACKGROUND 27

    The story of Dtabya Shah's founding ot Gortbe' as an oftshoot


    oI tie kingdom ot Lamlung is the same as given by'thc chtonicles'
    8 or 9 Etates
    Baburam Acbarya thinls that there wcre already
    We
    belore Lasargha became tbe headquarter of a n€w dyoasty'
    priocipality of Lasargba can
    canoot say de0nitely if the fact ot a
    be tegarded as true. Probably Palpa bad alteady eristed as a -state
    Uefore any of the principalities east of tbe river Kali was
    born'
    by but
    One can imagine Lasargha to have been visited newcomers
    it is possible that tbey shifted actoss tne Kali to Khilung in Bbir'
    kot once they lound rhat they could not wield any power in that
    area. We say tbis irrespective of what the Champu or the various
    eight
    cbronicles say about their movemeDts. But the Athtika or tbe
    collateral kingdoms, were gradually fouoded as the ruling dJnasly
    prlocrpa'
    branched off, and agaitr no one suggested that the western
    lities ot the Chaubisi group and tho Baisi foltowed the tounding ot
    Athtika.
    According to tbe ChaDpu the Kanchha went to rule over Dhor'
    Garhoun, Satahoun, in addition to Bhirkot, while Noakot
    was
    ruled by Mincba bis successors. One of Mincha's successors went
    the
    io Kurfi uoa tounded tbe principality with the mastery over
    Pokhra valtey Kulamandana in the saBe bratrch called bimselt
    The
    Shah instead of Khan aPplied to the name ol his predecessors'
    Shab carne to be addetl after the name of the ruler since then' aod

    itwas the emperor of Delhi who was graciously pleased to confer


    into
    the title on the ruler. Then came the rulership of Lamiung
    the band ot the tamily. To this Gorkha was added as tbo last
    prize. But in all lhese states the rulers were different aod although
    tbe; belonged to lbe same stock beheved like strangers or
    enemies lowards each other.
    you look iDlo the passage following wbele wc have given
    Il
    tbe narratives of the cbronicle, we shall koow that tbe chrotricles
    have tbe same genealogy to tell. The story of the creation o[
    the
    Gorkha ptincipality i3 also quite similar'
    We are not sure of the genealogy also of the Post-Bhupa Rao
    period and it is obvious that authors of genealogy upto Kulaman-
    dan Shah show disagr€ement. This applies equally to two works
    28 MoDERN NEpAL
    prepared in tho time of Rama Shah, which we
    above. But we are not going to discuss have described
    the discripancies, as they
    of minor importance to us. It is
    ao
    -are
    because ,h";;;-i, oo ir"giouri H:"rTrll",r}:rff:il
    .oi."o
    having ite origin in Udaipur.

    t
    t
    \
    CHAPTER II
    FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE
    Now to follow the'cbronictes. Tbe chronicler puls that
    Kulmandan's title, Shab, sas bbtained due to favoui lavished
    by the Delhi Emperor oo him. As hc 6tatcd, Kulmandan was
    thc frst ruler of a Himalayan state to obtain this tille, Noa-
    kot sas still a separate principality ruled by a collateral of
    the family.
    ln the next reign Kaski had tbe honour ot setrding oDe
    ot th6 Raja,s 7 soDs ro rule over anorber Magar principality
    towards tbe imm€diate east. Tbus the Raja,s youngest ror,
    Yasobam Shah became the.first Ksatriya ruler of Laojutrg.
    Thc cbronicler writes that a previous assignee, the second elder
    broth€r of Yosobam by name Kalu Shah was killed by some
    Sekbant (?) tribes-men wbo would not like a Don-lribal
    ovcr
    the Gaddi of Laojung. Tho identiry of the sekbant Eibes is
    not rcv€aled. Probably it referred to lhe various sections of
    the GuruDg tribes which formed th€ vast tDfljority of the peo-
    ple living in that area. But tbe story is no! Eo reliable.
    Thc
    Raiput settlers, however, were lrying to carve out atrd extend
    new kiugdoms. From Lamjung rbey aimed at Gorkb;. The
    emphasis is ever shifted towards the east. The Udaipur
    dy-
    Dasty io its erpansive phase moved in tbat dfuection.'
    Untit
    now the base wa8 colstantly cbanging and the lamily
    war
    just branchiog off. When Gorkha came ioto existeace
    tie base
    b€came stalionary atrd there was no further branchiog.
    Now it
    was Gorkha,s turn to welcome rbe Rajput. In the l5th
    cen_
    tury the Brabmaaa and Khas
    in tbar part or rbe caodak rH:'111tU;T""*"J',",":l'J;
    ruled by a Rajput prilce. The Kbadka chief, a Magar by
    caste, was not of a pure bloodl and the BrahDanas wetc
    cons-
    piriog apaiost bim because their Hindu concepaion of royalty
    would not tolerate to be subjected to his prete$ions. Thc
    30 MODERN NEPAL

    smigrants made efforts to un8eat the ruler and pave the $'ay
    for a Rajput ptince to come and occupy the thrcne' The Raia
    of Lamjung being near at hand they approached him, and the
    youngest son who had had miraculous levelations iu his childhood
    *o. ,.ot thither in fulfilmedt of their demands' The Kbadka
    cbiet hatl to yield his throne tc the Raiput iDtruder'
    UDlike what bis foretathers experienced in Lamiung' prince
    Drabya Shah had not a smooth sailiDg in Gorkha' He bad
    ro battle his way before he could become its rulet'
    Drabya Shal's accomplices were Bhagirath Patrtb' Ganesha
    Pande, Gangaram Ratra Busal, Narayana Ariya!,
    Sa esvara
    Khanal, Kesava Bohra atrd Murti Kbawas-all of them
    be'
    longed to Gorkba and knew the areas, its ins and
    outs itr-
    Narayana Arjyal was his Guru (spiritual tutor) wbile
    iirl
    "ty. Pande and Bhagirath Paoth were minister and com'
    Gasesha
    mander-in-chief (in a limited seDse) respectively' Sarvesvara
    Kbaoal was ths priest appointed' ln tryiog to capture
    the Raia
    oi Cortna first they attacked tbe tortress of Liglig in lhe Dorth'
    west of Gorkha oear the upPer basio of the river
    Darraudi'
    and captured it as it lay unprotected because of
    the Gurung
    tribal liaders to have gore outside for an annual fair' This
    conrotiOutea, they proceeded to encircle the
    Gotkha ridge'
    Gorfta tett to the invader without much difficulty on tho day
    for
    of Vilayadasami. According to a chronicle the battle raged
    Eear tbe Eaiq fort cbang'
    flfreen days with an iEportatrt Place
    ing hands several times.
    Gorkba, thencetorth, became a sePatate entity' and
    atr addi'

    tion to the alreatly existing members of the RaiPut


    controlled
    ,iut.r. ft does not Egure itr the list ot 24 ptincipalities as

    .itnir"o i. th€ €arly days of Ra,put Eigration' Kirkpatrick's


    ;;il;; also can be explained bv this tact' Dtabva shah
    -t*, the boutrdary
    J*-,"aO"U ot Gorkha both on the north aoC the
    ;;;. Gbale chiefsr were subjugated itr that course and
    strategic hill for'
    i,.'"rr, -"t.o.d victoriously to the thenperiphery'
    in the
    rr".s., io those tegioos some ten miles
    '--4
    I Ghate it:a sub-tribe:of Gurulgt'
    FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 3l
    Drabya Shah's is the first dated reign ot Gorkha and of
    all tbe principalities for tbis period. His entry into Gorkha
    had been noted with particular date line, which on various
    evidence is Saka 1481:L559 A. D.!-All chrotricles are sileot for
    the regnat data of his predecessors. Daabya Shah is said to
    have died in 1566 A. D, (Wrighr, etc.) or in 1577 (Gewali).
    The Gorkha Vamsavali says tbat he ruled for ll years (see
    also Wright and Gewali) atrd was succeeded by Puraodara
    Shah. By this calculation no date can be fixed for his deatb.
    Gorkha in bis time comptised a few ridges aod villag€s si-
    tuated within an area of nearly 1400 sq. miles.
    At the tim€ Gorkba becamo a kiDgdom, Lamjung was be-
    ing ruled by Drabya Shah's elder brother Narahari Shah.
    According to a chronicle in the po8session of S. B. Gewali, Nara-
    deva is said to have carved out Lamiung after fightiDg and
    driving away the local chieftains, but this is not corroborated
    by other sources of information. This Naradeva is also not
    traced in the other chronicles of the period, Here we have
    to heed another warnirg. Tbe waroing is that all that we
    wtote in the above paragrapbs might Dot be true at all, be-
    cause it is based on tbe flctitious account of the chroDicles.
    Even Drabya Shah's date is coojectural. So are the dates ot
    his descendants upto Prthvioarayana Shah except otherwise based
    on dosuments like letters, ms. colophoDs, etc.
    In the life time of Drabya Shah, Gorkha was once tbrea.
    tened by LarDjutrg whose ruler conspired to kill tbe brother
    invitilg him to meet unarmed on the occasion of their father's
    Sradha ceremony. The brothers met on tbe baok of the river
    Chepe on the side of Lamjung, and the ceremony ovea, there
    was some more activity deliberately introduced by the ruler
    of Laojung to etrgage Drabya Sbah's attention, which was
    causing deliy in latter's departure. But itr tbe meantime tbe
    Gorkha ruler suspected some foul game, swam across the ri-
    vulet to ioio bis contingent, was pursued by enemies for a

    2 Thc particul.B: Soko 1,t81 Bhadta vrdi' Rohini noksatra btdhqtaro


    Subhayogq.
    )L MODERN NEPAL

    distalce without success and fortunat€ly saved' Since then Lam-


    juog and Gorkha had seldom conducted friendly telations in
    iheir dealing and military engagemeots took place off and on
    to disturb even brotherly feelings. Lamiung was always aggte-
    ssive, would even at the itritial stage advance 10 a distancc
    when Gorkha used to be caught uDawares atrd sometimes did
    not hesitate lo act through other eoemies of Gorkha to wreak
    his own vengeance. But th€ account of Dravya Shah and
    Narabir Shah frghting agaitrst each other is not given by any
    authoritativa chrotriclo.
    But in the beginning, either in the second reign ot thereaftet
    it cost Lamiung a great deal in terms ot frietrdship with neighbourg
    at tbe rules was being looked upon with grave suspiciously
    his
    compatriots. The Raia had already embittered Tanhou' and tbe
    latter now sought Gorkha's help' The Gorkhalis had
    impressed

    their neighbours as men of valour in their skirmishes tbey


    tought here and there. Gorkha and Tanhou were allies'
    and

    their alliance continued for a long time' Gorkha


    gained advantages
    to that extent aod anothei gain was the cessation ot feuls' n'ho
    controlled Gorkha's trade routes ro Tibet' Tho cbtotricler writes
    that at the ioitial stage this chief caused scarcity of
    salt in Gorkha
    by blocking the rrade. Now his friendship being obtaioed he wae
    ,ub.irrin" to the Raia ot Gorkha, the supply of ralt aod other
    col.oOrti.t became flowed uninterrupted to Gorkha' As a mark
    of friendship Tanhou had presented one elephaDt to Gorkha's
    ruler. lt was said that the sight of elepbant was utrusual iB that
    pnrt ot tt" CUuoUisi KiDgdom and it creat€d awe in some'
    Tho
    ^Gorung. 10
    aod Magars had thronged in Pokharithok witnesg

    the sce-ne of an elephatrt walkiog' Surtao also was


    there' He
    lras Dot only impressed but over awetl' This was tbe
    reason ho

    ioally submittetl to tbe ruler of Gorkha' InstaDtaDeously he


    of salt for
    pi"Og.a a provide 2 muris (21 x 150 pounds in measure)
    the use of the people of tbe principality.
    Protrably the story came out of the figment of the cbrcnicler's
    imagination. may or it n]ay not be lrue' Dravla Sbah and
    It
    his successors must have toughl Magar and Curung chiels as they
    consolidated tbeir Position.,
    FOI,'NDING' OF GORKHA STATts 33

    Hamilton (p.2a3l stated that the Raja of Lamjung received


    land revenue of Rs. 22000 which he used to support his family.
    He also desired some income from trade with Tibet which passed
    through Morang. The southern trade route passed through
    Tanhou, along the river Marsyangdi to Deoghat and thence to
    Chitauo and thence* to the Moghul border. The creation of Gorkha
    by Drabya Shah is attributed to the prince's revolt against his
    brother. Drabya Shah seized the southern and eastero part o[
    Lamjung across Chepe, which brought Rs. 12000 annually.
    In the chronicle Drabya Shah is followed by his son Purandara
    Shah, and the latter by his son Chhetra Shah, who died after a
    reign of 6 months. A chronicler said that one of the queens of
    Purandara Shah was a daughter of the Raja of Sallyana. She
    became pregnant and due to evil forebodings was living in her
    father's place. The issue born was a son and now as Chhetra Shah
    died, he became the next successor to the throne. Rama Shah,
    such was his name, was yet in his teens while he was called upon
    to succeed. The noblemen of Gorkha brought him to their
    capital and installed him on the throne. Later he became known
    as Ramshah.

    Ramo Shah
    According to the chronicle the genealogy o[ the Gorkha dynarty
    from Drabya Shah to Rama stands as follows:-
    VS Saka
    Dravya Shah 1616 1481
    Purandara Shah 1627
    Raja Purandara Shah ruled for 35 years. He had two sons,
    Chhetra Shah and Rudra Shah by his two queens. According to
    the Champu they were born of the same mother. Chhetra Shah
    died after a short reign followed by Rama Shah whose rule started
    in VS 1663.
    According to Baburam Acltarya's source Rama Shah was 20
    years old as he acceded the throne. Both Chhetra Shah and
    Rama Shah were of the saue age being born of separate mothers.
    tsaburamji thinks that the story o[ the mother's going to Sallyana
    3
    34 MODER,N NEP.I.L

    is not true. According to lhe chronicle Puraodara atrnexed


    Dhading and Sallyana in the east aDd Liglig in the west, But
    the Acharya thiuks that it was Rama Shah who had anDexed these
    arcas, After all the acquisition of territory was a small one and
    in the abseoce of reliable evidence it matters littte who annexed
    what.
    It is said that Rama Shah wanted to marry a daughter of the
    Raja of Palpa but the proposal accepted initially was turned
    down when the Gorkha ruler wanted actually to fetch his wife,
    and he was in Palpa for that purprse. With this treatment at tlle
    hstrds of the Palpa ruler he felt very mdch insulted. But then
    the Raja of Golkot came to his rescue. He had a niece, th!,
    daughter of his late sister and tbe Raja of Musikot. He arranged
    a marriage between Rama Shah and his niece, Musikot and
    Golkot were as prestigious as Palpa. So Rama Shah,s honour
    was saved.
    The Sena chroaicle published by the Bir Library talks of one
    daughter of Hambira marryiDg Rama Shah bDt the statemert is
    coufusing. According to modero cbronicle Rama Shah had two
    wives, Ratoavati and Nayanavati. It is difficult to say about their
    parentage.
    Whatever might the chronicles say about the acquisition of
    territory by the Gorkhali rulers, it might be conceded thrt Rama
    Shah beir':g very promioent have acguired teffitories in the East,
    North and South. Probably the Geographical boundary in the
    east touched the fringe of the Katbmandu principality of the Nepat
    valle,.
    Rama Shah expanded his kingdom towards the east, nortlt.
    €ast and south to cover a large slice of territory which extended
    upto the fringe of the Trisuli valley near to Nepal proper in its
    immediate west and north, These areas happened to be inhabited
    by the Gurungs and Tamangs whom he vanquished. Ram Shah,s
    exfloits on the border of Tibet were also noteworthy. He ha(l
    successfully laid haod oD rhe strategic ateas of the border ot
    Kerrong in Tibet. Though be had to relinquish the occupation
    of the border fort due to Tibetan pressure retainitrg only the Pass
    FOI'NDING OF GORKHA STATE 35

    iE the Ruhibhot, rhe frontier was marked at a place called Kukur-


    ghal' wbich up till now bcars the ioscribed stone, This gave
    the mercbaots of Gorkba immense advartages of sommercial
    contact. Sardar Bhavani Singha was killed in tbe battle, aod
    thete wcre a few more casualties. But the loss was well compen-
    sated. This part of tbe elpansion opened a chatnel of direct
    contact with the areas from which Gorkha got its supply oI salt
    and otber necessities. Towards the south also Gorkha,s contact
    with the Terai ryas Dow uDinterruted, as tbe border now touched
    the areas beyood tbe Mahabharata ranBes. The area Gorkha
    tben comprised wae about 2,000 sq. Diles-about l/281h of rhe
    present day Nepal while occupying the portion between t[e rivers
    Marsyangdi and Trisuli from west to east. It is said that Rama
    Shah pushed the frontier litre ftom the.Budhi Goodak to thc
    Trisuli occupying the stratelic Salyan and Tamang areas variously
    called 500 Kholas, Dhading, etc. On th€ otbef side of Marsyaogdi
    Iay Tanhou and some Parbatiya Thakuris wers ruling.over the
    land east ot tbe Trisuli, but tb€ Iatter paid tribute to the rul€r of
    Kathmandu. The bouodary with Lamjung lay on lhe river
    Chepe.

    The chronicles (Gorkha Vamsavali and a lew others) credit him


    to have estabilished connectioo for the first time with the rulers
    of Delhi atrd Udaipv (Gorkha Yamsavoli) oa the ooe band and
    with Malla rulers of the Nepal'Valley on rhe other. Rama Shah
    had sent good will missions to these kingdoms, From Udaipur he
    wanted to check his own genealogy and find out how far the list
    in the former agreed with his owD. It is recoided in the cbronicle
    that the ruler of Udaipur was pleased to note the whereabout o[
    the missing kinsmeo about whose migtation into the hill they
    had heard. The work of Chitravilasa was the result, but we
    caDoot put reliance on bis gcr:ealogy. In Delhi also the mission
    recoived a cordial welcome aDd the E4peror was pleased to
    honour Rama Sbah by grastiog to him the privilege of the aitls
    of a full fledged sovereign, aod more particularly the address of
    .tMaharajadhiraja Chakrachud,0mani,,, The 6tory, however,
    lacks contirmatioD,
    36 MODERN NEPAL

    Rama Shah i3 said to have called a conference of lhe imporlant


    cbieltaiDs of the westerr regioo, and this met at the headquarter of
    Galkot with the co-operatio,r of its chief Naramalla, his uncle'in'
    law, Rama Sbah had just married a prircess of Musikot at the tiDe'
    According lo Gorkha Vamsavali Ranra Shah bad earlier undergone
    vigorous rapaJy4 (penance) by fastirg under the canopy of a cave
    in the snows wbither he had gone travelliog with the Raia of Galkot'
    During the penaoce one Brabmau of Banaras by name Nanda Mirra
    BiDistered Diksarnanfia to Rarua Shah. Since this time the pro-
    genitors ot Nanda Misra became the first spiritual guide (Gayarri
    Guru) to the Rajas of Gorkha bypbssing the traditiooal tamily'
    We do Dot koow the obiecl for which lhe penaoce was undertak'en
    as such ioflictilg a physical torture for hiorself' But this is what
    tbe GV says. But lhe reference to th€ royal conference seems
    odd. The same c&n bc said of the penance. It is said that Raoa
    Shah had attetrded the yajfia performed by the Raia of Parbat.
    Sohe say that it was the Raja ot Galkot, who collected the princes
    logether. Amongst the contemporaties the name of the rulet of
    Nepal is given as SiddhiDarasimha, who wBs then ruling over
    ParaD, with wfiom he had signed ao agr€emetrt. From lhat time
    Gorkha had regular commercial relation wilh the valley of Nepal,
    and some of the Newar tradets settled down in the Gorkha aleas
    sioce ttrat time, A chronicle states that Rama Shah and Siddhi'
    narasimba ontered iDto a treaty relation to live in peace and regatd
    each other 8s blood relations.
    It is said that sioce Rama Shah's time the Arjyal family of
    Brahmanas ceased to futrction as the royal epiritual tutor, because
    at that time one Nanda Misra of Banaras wbo was on a visit to
    Galkot came to Gorkba to become the ruler's Guru'
    Rama Shah is credited with the Possessioa ot'Raghava Pandava
    vijaya kovya'(DLC. III. 68)3 for his own study. He had a literary
    taste and he bad got copied lhe ,amous lyric ot Kalidasa called
    Meghddura wiah the commentary of Ananda Vardhana on Saka 1540
    Pausa sukla 11 Gurudina:Thursday, l7 December, 1618'' In bis

    3 Atso publishcd in LPN'


    4 Sansk l Sandesho,l.E P.29.
    FOUNDING OTi GORKHA STATE 37
    reign a Brahman Jayabhadra by riame copied in Gorkha
    vilage a
    text of Rudrapaddhati on samvat 167g saka 1543 Kartika
    vadi g nak
    satraT Sukravasara:Friday, 2g September, 162l A.D.
    We have
    also two more inscriptions of his time. But
    we shall treat them
    a'little later to determine the period of his reigh. These
    works are
    available to us as documents for the reign of Rama
    Sbah, while
    they also might suggest that he patronised
    literary men and
    encouraged such writing.
    Rama Shahr however, is known for his regulation (thiti)
    th,n
    for anything else. we have described these regulations
    in the next
    few passages.
    As we descibe them we do not take into account
    their authen-
    We have no proof to take them as emanating
    licitf.
    Shah. They certainly appear like orders of
    from Rama
    chiefs. But they
    might have been in practice for a long time in the past.
    Rama Shah,s rule lasted tor 27 years (Wrigbt,
    and Gorkha
    Yamsavalil. He was one of tbe most important rulers of Gorkha
    who laid the foundation of an administration in
    that principarity
    riegtined to grow into a large kingdom some
    time later. He was
    not a mere warring chieftain. A he added more
    areas to his
    kiogdom, he took care to see that these were properly
    looked
    after by an organised administration.
    It is said that he systema-
    tised the existing customary raws. and introduced
    many more in
    accordance with the newly deveroping situation. These
    extended
    to tribal areas, and other principalities also were drawn
    by their
    merits to incorporate them. Rama shah,s contacts wiin
    his
    neighbours were regular and cordialr and he encouraged
    zonal
    meetings of rulers. Gorkha's lead was accepted by several princes,
    although we discount the story about tbe acceptance
    of Gorkha
    suzerainty by rulers of palpa and Jumla as suggested
    by Gorkha
    Chronicles.
    IVe now enumerate some of the customary rules enforced by
    Rama Sbah:
    (l) Loan taken at l0% inrdrest gets doubled after ten
    ),ears,
    so interest should be paiil only till the expiry of the tenth
    year and'nr f urther.
    38 I{ODERN NEPAL

    (2) Minor cases of dispule such as violation of order ot th€ '[rst


    '- ;;;" first Eerved, io pubtic wells, tanks
    aod use of canal
    water in proPortion as lhe ar€as of the
    freld demaoded'
    to the court' through
    sbould bc seitled without re[etriog
    village assemblies'
    lands held by a non-tiller the
    tsl f;r iirta lands and all other
    rent was fixed at I /4 of the total produce'
    declared to vest in the ruler but
    te) ine ownersuip ot iand was
    he liked'
    the holder could dispose of it in any way
    Eeodicanti
    (5) Brahn:ans, King's collaterals' and monks and
    were immune lrom capital punishm€nt'
    (6) Public places of worship and rest''public thoroughtares .and
    (Gauchal) and woods in
    the rees liniog lhem' grazing freld .

    of lhe wells-all of them were made inviolable


    ii," vicinity
    iv p*.iur*ioo' A fine of Rs' 5 was imposed for any act
    places'
    oi niotatioo of thc saDctity of these
    the rudimeotg
    To Rama Shah goes the credit of creating
    and iudiciary' in a
    of n,, uOlrrioiruotive ofder' both execJtivc anv kind ot laws
    ;;";;;;i; ;o far had existed witbout
    to eotorce them' Th€ chiel ofrcer of tha state was
    "ii*,*i", ard this dignitary was always either tbe Kiog'E
    ""i "**y
    Hc was the Raia's
    own unole or brother or I neal collrteral'(Treasurer)' tbe Di'
    "^ino
    ;iii;. Below him were lhe Khazaochi
    Io"'i"'j"o*" "trist€d by a Bichari for tbs civil cases)r Kaipardat
    Kazr who supetvised
    ,in charse ot the Royat robos and kttobco)'
    H;:; il;;, oiarmaontara (Chiet Jurlge tor criminal cases)'
    (in charge of records and exterrral aftairs)'
    Tb€
    u-oOinu fUrrii"t high.posts alter.
    These
    ir"r$ no the men in military eogagements. (Pande' Partba'
    ,"i.iy *.* lo lhe members of tbe sixas families'
    Chhathar' who had earlier
    eriri,, iii"r"t, RaDa, Buhara) known Gorkha These families had
    pr"oy, Sbah in the captule of
    "rii*o would go to
    ;;";;; Surua trom rhe ruter tbat thesc priviieg€s
    "
    their desceDdasts as loog as thc dyBasty of Rama Shah reigned'
    persooal'
    ii" .J.inirtrution wa! rougb, celtralized and very
    €ach under an Omrao
    The territorY was divided into 7 Thumr,
    The Omrao eollected
    assisted bY a Dware (literallY door-Iecper).
    FOUNDING OF GORKIIA STATE 39
    rent, of which hc took a certain percentage in order
    to Baintain a
    6mall r€tioue of aroed metr, atrd their cquiporent
    of arms, o.g.
    Khukri, Khuda atrd bows and arrows. Each Thum
    had also irs
    own Tharis and Bicharis to sit in judgement over cases
    o ocrl
    They were generally .e, of importance to tt" tu.oi,ry.
    lfP*:::
    llhe village Committee often sat for the purpose. The Kotwal
    acted as a policeoan aud scrved noticc or summons
    on lhc
    accused.
    The various state offcers, however, wer€ not always
    distributed
    accorditrg to the raoks, The highest of them,
    tbe Kaziship and
    Sirdarsbip, went to cases in recognitioo of meritorious
    services
    in military eogagements. At a later stage the Kazi perforoted
    tbo
    work of a minister, aDd there were four of them
    judicial caseo also on appeal. (For
    but they beard
    a deaaited ,oru"y ,"i"i a,o"
    chapter at tbe eod).
    Tbe Ditba came to render function of a judicirl
    outhority as
    Kazie wcre wont to assume public duties of a ministerial
    head.
    A.:.u lu,_:. stage it so happenett rhat tbe Chautaria
    ,hereditary being a
    dignitarian c.-ased to be effective in the administration
    spccially when infaDt succeeddd to this post.
    Since the one of lbe
    Kazis played the role of the Cbief Minister, anrl it
    was Jy ,nt"o
    lhe Chautaria came of age that he relinquished the powe-rs.
    At
    times there were more than otre Chautaria, and in
    .rat ,t,"
    oldest of them iq relationship became the chief of "n.a,Not
    Cbautaria.
    rhat all of the Kiog,e collaterals become Chautaria.
    Tbis post was
    given ro such of them as stood io the nearest
    relatioiship of
    &inship with him. Those who would not be Chautarias
    ehare.t
    honours and titles with other commooers.
    Allhough strictly $peaking tbere was no Jagirdari system,
    -_ all tho
    higb posts of the srate were paid through holdings ot land in
    lieu ot
    nronthly or aanual cash salary. Hdmilton (p. l0Z) who
    visireJ
    Nepal in 1801 notes the following mode of puy-"ot oot
    of abour
    a third of the state revenue that was divided.
    (l) Chaularia f/.5
    (2) Sbalrelyu or Nayak I 15
    (3) Chief Kazi t/3
    40 MODERN NEPAL

    (4) Sirdar l/10


    (5) Jelha I 120
    We do not get from documents of Nepalese sources any
    knowledge of these assignments. What we know is that
    each
    of these dignitaries had iagir lands assigned them' from which
    they collected their own salaries out of the tevenue yielded.
    by -!hem.
    Ruo,u Shah systematisetl weights and measures' He made
    weighing and measuring scales of copper sealed with his stamps'
    although these were very irregular, and tbere was no fixed
    rheasurement varying as the wooden pot (Ari or bamboo tube'
    Dhungril of an individual was shaped' However' the
    present
    day system of nreasurement owes to his systematisation:
    l0 muthi 1 mana (l lb')
    8 mana I Pathi (8 lbs')
    20 Pathi I rnuri (160 lbs')
    l0 lal I masa
    l0 masa I tola (11'663 gm')
    18 tola I Pal
    27 tola 1 bodi
    4 bodi I vissauli
    2 vissauli I Dharni (2| Indian Seers')
    During Rama Shah's reign Gorkha's relation with Patan
    vas very intimate. Both rulers had pledged words to nomi-
    nate lhe successor of the one in case the dther died without
    any such issue.u
    WherevertheRajputshadsettleddown,thesuccessiontogadi
    waq regulated by a- kind of law of primogeniture. The eldest
    eon of the King born cf a married wife became the Crown
    Prince'and heir apparent. He was known as Saheb'
    The system of administration outlined above prevailed in
    all parts of Chaubisi and Baisi, and what we have observed
    above must also be taken to represent the condition for the
    whole of this region.

    5 ltihos Prakas,ll,3,P, 425.


    FOUNDING OF CORKTIA STATE 4l
    It does trot scem, however, that Rama Shah created this
    sysiem. It must have been a pattern that was in use at the
    time. Rama Shah in all certainty fotmally anaounccd a structure
    on the line and stabilised it to pass for a meacure of perma.
    neDt settlement in the administrative spbere.
    We bave noticed two main shottcomitrgs io the s€filement.
    (a) W6 ond no :cheme o[ a monetary policy and (b) there is
    also no provision for a policy of commerce. According to
    certain Europeatr travellers, the entire region was going without
    ite currency aod the monetary units of the Nepal Valley were em-
    ployed tor exchange. Obviously the area was economically much
    backward, and more backward than the valley of Nepal.
    Rama Shah is credited to have invired the Newat traders to
    Gorkha to traosact busioess and assist the flow of tradc bets.e€n
    tbc Nepal valley and his Kiogdom, We take it that the traders ot'
    thc valley of Nepat had the field in tbeir hatrd, even though it was.
    a rural economy tbey had to handle io the whole of the westertr
    rcgion.
    'Itappeare as a corollary to what we said in the above para-
    graph lbat any kind of cotrtact betrve€n -the valley o[ Nepal and
    tbis region began very late.
    Rama Shah is said ao have died in 1633 A.D.
    Three of Rama Shab's immediate successofs accordiog to
    Wright (p. 279) stood in the following order; the tegnal years are
    the oame in other chronicles.
    Danrbar Shah succeedisg in 1633 A.D. ruled 9 years. But we
    shall find that the y€ar o[ succession is wrong,
    According to Roiyakalpadruma (CPMDN, I, p. 242) Rama
    Shah (Shahi) was succeeded by his son Drmbat Shah and after biE
    the list tallies in toto with that of Wrighr. Dambar Shah is mentioned
    in Pratapamalla's accouot cf victories (Inscription No.. 18 of
    Bhagvanlal Indraji) as a ruler meetiog defeat at the former,s hands.
    Dambar Sbah married a daughter of Hambira of Mackwanpur.
    It is possible that like Nasabhupal who itrvaded Noakot itr lZ37
    wilhout success he was tempted to make an inroad into Pratapn-
    malla's territories aod was halted sustainine a severe reverse.
    MODERN NEPAL

    Kriera Sbah eucceeding in 1642 A.D. ruled 1l years.


    Rudra Shah oucceeding in 1655 A. D. ruled 16 years.
    Rudra Shah's 5 sons in order of seniority werc Prthvipati Shab,
    Madhukara Shahr Atibala Sbab, atrd Jayaotn Sbah from tbe elder
    Rani anri Chaturbhuj Shah trotn tho youngcr Rani. There is a
    documeDt in the name of Rudra Shah dated Samvat 1730 Jyes.
    thasudi 14 roj 2, This records a loan taken by the prioce lrom ooe
    Brahnau in Gorkha (Itihasapatrasamgroh* II, p, 16,)
    We h{ve lwo inscriptions of Rama Stah in Gorkha (Po-
    khrithok) one dated yS 1671 Saka 1536 (1614 A.D.) and atro-
    ther dat€d Saka 1558 Asadha Suchi l0 Rovan Navami (luly.
    August, 1636 A.D,) bhanuvoru. Tbe latter inscription provides'
    a Droof of the fact that Rama Shah was ruling in the year
    1636. Tbis also cootroverls the date figuro above given for thc
    begioning of the reign of Dambar Shah, which should now be
    corrected. He caonot succeed before f636-37 A.D. In Gorkha
    Prthvipati Shah has also a stone pillar io froot of a Siva temple
    suppofling a statue of his, wtlich is dated Saka 1602" asadha
    ktisna panchami (dvandavka risksevasan, 1602 :1680 A.D.). Rudra
    Shah aod Krsna Shah have been given each areign of l6yeats
    by the Go*ha Vamsavali. According tu the same source Prthvi'
    pati Shah acccded the throne ifl Saka 1589 (1667 A.D.). This
    is also supported by another chronicle.
    Prthvipari Shah ruled 4? ycars. It this is true tben his
    reign murt bave come to an enl i[ 1714. But fronr a other
    source his grandson Narabhupelshah appeats lo have asc:n'led
    lbe lhrotre in 1716. The earlier date about the dealh ot P,thvi'
    pati Shah is certainly a mistake. We have a document of l7l5'
    (see below) in the nanre of Prtbvipali, So this particular source
    leems to be correct. His son Birbhadra Shah died io the life
    time of his father. Narabhupal succeeded his graod'falber irl
    1716 ard ruled lill i742 for 26 years.
    P hvipati Shah
    Kirkpatrick, Han:iltor:r and Pcrcival Laodon have omitted tho
    6 All the thrca 'sscriptioBs atc rllo pub,ishcd in ltlhasaprakoso,
    I t, pp,40-41.
    FOUNDING \)F GORKHA STAIE 43

    account of tbe Gorkha dyDasty altogetber. So tbe lists are not


    available in their accoutrts. Wright's list seems to have beetr
    copied in the Dote prepared by Vaosittatt tor the Government
    of India (p. 25, 1918). Levi seems to have followed Wright,s
    cbrooiclet,? and the genealogy is iust reproduced and so are
    otberS.
    Prthvipati had 12 brothers, and he Eade otre oI them, Md-
    dhukara his Cbautara.
    During Prihvipati Shah's reiga Lamjung Inade eocroach-
    ments on Gorkha's territories. It was saiC that the(e were ll
    etrgageEo[ts withio niae years and the areas betw€en the rives
    Chepe anJ Darraudi were actually rhree times occupied. It is
    said tbat the Gorkba ruler,s secocd son Ranadurlabha Sbatr
    ingratiated himself ro his uncler ruler of Lamjuog on pretertg
    of goiDg against his own father, and was left in possession ot
    lhe areas fornterly b:longiog to Gorkha. Later, he iDviled his
    father to invade, and this restored tbeD to thek lawtul owser.
    One of the invasiols was truslrated by tbe people of the areas
    itrvaded, aod anotber by tbe etrtire nrass of the people who
    were conscriptcd for war (See Gorkha Vamsavali for deraits).
    Wright does trot meDtioo this story, nor tbere is the name ot
    RaDadurlabha Shah aDoDg6t his sons it he is not the same
    as prirce Dal Sbah, Prthvipati,s second son. Wright otr the
    orher hand gives prominence to the youugest brother ol tsir-
    bhadra. The crownprince wss married to tbe daughler oI lhe
    Raia ot Tanhou; *hose name was Mallikavati. This man Chaf dra.
    rup Shah obtaioed back the heir apparcDt, son of the eldest
    Birbhadra, for his father fron the cusrody of the'Raja ot
    Talhou. lt so happe[ed tbat at lhe time wheo Birbhadra
    dird, lhe heir apparetrt's mother was pregnant and had gooe
    to live with her parenls io Tanhou Srrr. The tact ot
    pregnancy was koowo only to tbe prioce who, however, had
    confidrd tbe fact lo his brorher. As soon as the Rrje oI
    Tauhou fouod that be was it possessiou of Gorkha,s beir

    7 Lcvi, lI, p.262, He has ooitted Prrhvipati Sbab.


    44 MODERN NEPA!

    apparent's person he began to devise plans to ulilise ahe situ:r-


    lion in order to expand his own lrontiers furthfi east. But
    very few in Gorkha koew the fact of pregnancy' and when
    lbe crown prioce's death ca,fir€ it caused a crisis over th€ issue
    of guccession. His six sons each vied against one another to
    claim the throtre lor himself, one on the ground of seniority
    and another otr the grouod of popularity, etc. According lo
    tbe Gorkha Yamsavali, the second son Dal Shah had almost
    succeedcd in his obiective, and the iscue was about to bE
    decirteit in his favour, but thc timely interventlon of Chandrs-
    rup turDed the table otherwise. The baby prince was lying
    with bis mother io the $af€ custody ol one Gauriswar
    Pander who happened to havc been a very. influential man
    io Tanhou being the guru ot the Raia' Thc chronicler writee
    that thc queen mother beitrg a clever woman scented dangerg
    io lelting the baby to glow io her father's place, aod had
    removcd him away to save him tro6 any evil concs-
    quencca. The baby was baoded over to Gorkha on a seatcb
    madc fot hiqq by the party led by Chandrarup' Wright's autho-
    rity attributcs th€ credit of this tuccess to the nutse of the iofatrt'
    whom the uocle had handsomely brib€d. The conspiring uncleo
    rrerE eriled by Prthvipati Shah. Bitbhadra visited Bhatgaon
    ie
    where he wa8 a guest of Bhupatindramalla, This anecdote
    not mentioned in the anoals of the valtey' Again it is said
    that io the reign of Narabhupal Shah his son paid another vi-
    sit to Bhatgaon aud exchanged head'dress with lho crown ptincc
    to cement existing friendship b3tween the two houses of Gorkha
    and Bhatg aon.
    The offspring who was born after the death of his latber
    was

    Narabhupai StIah, father and predecessor of Prthvinarayanr


    Shah

    who is credited with the foundiog of modern Nepal aud


    the pre-
    sent dytrasty of its rul€rs. Till the time he ceme ot age' Nara'
    bhup;l'g mother supe(vised lhe administralion for her gon'

    Prthvipati dietl a little eatlier. She was a poise lady


    and well
    known for charities aod munifrcence' Narabhupal obtaioed
    trainiog in bet care, and grew in disposition to be devoted to Piety'
    though aEbitious.
    FOUNDING OF GORXHA STATE 45
    Tbe slory of Chaodrarupa,o feats in rescuing the baby prince
    ts given by the Gorkha chrolicte, but it is discounted Uy
    oft"rr.
    Sonre authors also thiDk that the baby was brought to
    Gorkha afrer
    the death ot prtbvipati Sbah. Baburam Acharya thinks
    that
    Prthvipati Shah was livirg even at the time of his graDdcoD,c
    nrarriage with the princess of Khanchi.
    ID the reigns of ptthvipati and his grandson Gorkha
    came to
    be involved iD the politics of the Nepal valley, This
    wc lsarn
    Irom some Thyasapus, and lhe information are deeoed
    to be
    corred. Accotding lo rhe Thyasapus A (f. 7) prthvipati
    Sbah
    and Nrperdramalla exchanged rurban to pteOge t i.iOstrip
    on
    Asvina Sukla 10 adityavara ol ?98:Sunday, I5 September,
    i078.
    Corkha also joined in an expedition carried by patan
    against
    Mackwanpur on803 Kdrtika Krsna I0 Hasfi nak;ata
    ,rguiouuro
    tasl6 to l0 ghoti=Tne8day, 14 November, 1682. Anorhlr part-
    ner was Lamjung. Again on g06 pansa Krsna 7
    budhovara
    \=llednesday, 6 lanuary,1686). Gorkha,s ruler met partiivenOra
    Malla and Jitamitra Malla at Gad€mohan. Obviously
    fle purpose
    was to impress lhe Katbmandu ruler. We shall
    know fat.r- ftut
    Mrckwanpur was often the object of attack by one
    or ii. ott.,
    rulerof rbe Nepal valley an<t Gorkha.also
    joining one group or the otbe.. ifuy.O i,rlur, ty
    In Narabhupala,s time Gorkha ttied to be of help to
    Bhafgaoo.
    Actualty a corfederation of states with Bhatgaoi
    uoJ- ii*r,"
    bad come ioto being. But all this took pfu." *Uif, f.,iiipu,i
    Shah wac ative. It does not appear rhar
    Aoiifu i"., uil".X.O
    from outside ercept by Lamjung, It is alco "*
    rlnt toitta
    had never carried lhe itrvasioo on its part single "t"",
    haaded.
    The following afe the documeols in the n6me of
    frthvipati ShU
    and Narabhupal Shah.
    Pnhvipati Shah:
    1, The Thyasapu A (f.6-7)
    2. Renewal of a Sale deed wirh Samvat l77Z Bhddra Sudi t0
    (Itihasopatra Sangraha,ll p. 50):UlS A. D.
    3. Prusasti ratnam (DLC IlI. 140) Saka Dliara4i Khagabhu
    parimite suchau masibhe Samiranasure site hari tithou jyava_
    46 MODERN NEPAT

    ranyite Md Prlhvipati Varmd Samasla Prlhvi Bharatavarsryaya vasla


    sara bhfrta GorakSa parvate pradurbabhutta etc etc (- 17I I A. D,\
    Narabhupala Shaht
    (11 AyotlhyAkanda (DLC.III. 63) Itya he Balmiki Virachitont
    Ayodhyd Kdnd,a Ekonavintsat Tyutlara Satatanu 1783 Samar"a
    Katika Saptamyantsukra Vosare (: 17:6 e. D.) Gorkho grameta
    N ar abhu pala S hdh R aiyam ane.
    There might be more coloplrons but they are not useful as lhe
    reigo is au established fact.
    The cbronicler of the GV says that Natabhupal ruled for !6
    years. Baburam Acharye thinks that we must utilise the date
    given for Prthvinarayan's accegsion for Narabhupal's death. I
    think that this is a krgical assumption.
    Itr the initiation cetemony the sacred nwnlrom was mioistered
    by Gaurishankar Pande's son Gokul Vilas, This was a rewatd
    for his services in taking care of the baby prince wbile at Tanhou.
    But it is said that Gokul Vilas out ol a fear of a rival ministered
    bot\ Gayalri and Diksa mqntru the same time against pre'
    ^t
    cedents,
    Narabhupal Shah and his reign
    To continue the narrative and the chronology, the offspring
    who was born afler the death of Birbhadra was Narabhupal Shab,
    fathcr and predecessor of Prlhvitrarayana Shah, who is credited
    *ith the founding o[ modern Nepal and the present dynasty ot
    its rulers. Till the time he came of age' Narabhupala's mother
    supervised the administration for her son. Though it was Prthvi.
    pati himselt who hid named him a successor but as be did
    not lite long enough to traio bim personally, it fell to the bor's
    mother to ourse the baby and train him iB the best tradition of tbe
    rolal family. She was a pious lady and well known for charitieg
    and munificence. Narabl;upala obtaitred traioiog in her care, and
    grew itr disposition to be devoted to piety, lhough ambitiouo.
    In his reign Jebangir Shah was appoitrted Chautara. He wanted
    to push the frontiet of his dominioo, but failed in his attempts.
    At oDe tilce he was oeavily defesaed by Jayaprakasa's fotce in
    FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 47

    a battle on tbe bank ot the Trisuli, The Gorkha Vamsavali mercly


    meo(ions tbe lacts of advance and retreat due to bad weather and
    nor-cooperation of th€ Magars.s The Magars were regarded
    as sDme ot the most loyal followers of the royal family. It is
    said that the king took the event seriously. as a defeat. The
    Magars are a tribe ot people living mostly in the basin oI the
    Gandak, but they are also scattered throghout central Nepal. The
    Gorkhali figlrters included Khasas and Magars in general, It is
    also said that most cf the Magars deserted Gorkha to take tefuge
    in N€pal. Narabhupal, however, set at traught the revised efforts
    of Lumjung to retake the once lost territory aod saved his
    domain from the greedy eles o[ Lamjung,s ruler Ripumardan
    Shah.
    Some say rhat Narabhupal bad acted with sheer zeal and
    hunger for conquest without assessing his own oirength but he
    had a fully mature scheme in his mind. He had built a stretegr,
    vhich kept his adversaries in a position unabte to create obstEcles
    in his way. Through his Guru he was on good terms
    with Tanhou, ruled by his nlateroal uncle. Because he was
    fgbting the Nepal valley rulers, the Chaubisis were likely to get
    suspicious. In pusbing forward his scheme of conquest Narabhu.
    prl saw in Lamjung a powerful adversary who could frustrate his
    desipns. But he had met the defeat on his own.
    Narabhupal had four wives. The first, Cbandraprabhavati was
    the daughter of the ruler of Khanchi. The second was the dau-
    ghter of Kiog Grndharva Sen ot Palpa. Later be married the
    granrl-niece of ,he Raja of Malaibam and then Tanhou Raia,e
    daughter. Prthvinarayana Shah wa! born of the second queetr,
    Kausalyadevi, but was bred and trained by the first queeu. prthvi-
    ndrayana Shah wrs born on 27 Pausa of YS t77g corresponding
    to Saka 1644 Pa sa masa krsna amavasya (ghsti 4 pala 2) tadupai
    pratipada brhaspatiyoru (:Thursday, 27 December, 1722 by rhe
    Juliatr calendar).

    8 Thc Magals arc o tribe of people liviog mostly io tb. ba!i! ot


    the Gaodak, but thcy are also sc8ttered throughout cetrtral Ncprl, The
    GorLhali flghtcr! includrd Kham! atrd Magar! io gcocml,
    48 MoDERN NEPAL

    The GV stated that Narabhupal who was a believer in ritual


    prictices and rheir efficacy in solviEg worl'ly problem thouBbt
    that his petrance would belp him to win baltles grew despotrdent
    .*bile lis ambitions were shattered. He grew more despondent as
    days passeal, aDd retir€d lrom public life. Some of his courtiers
    thougbt tbat he was thetr no longer in a position lo discharge his
    responsibilities ot a ruler, and therelore tbey proposed tbat Prthvi'
    oarayatra should become King' But this proposal met with a
    stiff resistance from other quarters atrd was put into a cold storage.
    ,Jebangir Shab, Dal Stah, Shantarupa Shah and Bbupatindra Shah
    were among tbose who waDted to seo Narabhtrpal cotrtinuc, wbile
    some royal collaterals and Kazi Maheswara Pantba, and a few
    ooblemeo were for a change in the irlterest of strong Govelnment
    takiDg power in view Gorkha's ambition for territorial cooquest'
    The Pandes and others kept neuttal. It is said that as a result
    .ot the proposal being disliked by the palace, the queen mother
    and queens, thos€ who favoured Prthvinarayana's immediate suc-
    cession were expelled from Gorkha'
    The account thus fai depended on cbronicles. But a bio-
    grapher of Prthvinarayana, the learned Baburam Acharya lhinkg
    that chronicl€s arc not reliable and he proiects differeDt points
    which could be refuted.
    Later Years ol NarabhuPal
    PlthviDarayana had four more blothers born out of lhree
    mothers. They were five brothers surviviDg on the legitimate
    line. So they were called the fitte Pandavos. Tbis fact is al'
    so mentioned in Divropadesa a small work of sermons oi prac'
    lical politics ascribed to Prthvinarayana' The names of thc
    brothers are mentioned in ordet of seDiority, Mahoddam Kirti
    Shab, Dalamardan Shah, Daljit Shah and Surapratapa Shah.
    Prthvioarayana Shah, Dala Mardan Shab, Prthvipati Shah and
    siste! Padma Kumari were born of the same mother. Virendr4
    Kesar Shah and Surapratapa were botn of the princess of Par.
    bat. Mahoddam Kirti Shah, Daliit Shah and one daughtet
    were born to ths priDcess ol Tatrhou. There were 5 illegiti-
    mate soos and 2 deughters. Ooe of theE, RaDarudta Shah
    FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 49

    becamc a close associate of Prlhvinatayana in lator years. The


    {ister's name is given ae Padmavati. She was alco called
    Kanchhi Maiyan. The brotbers were atl helpful to Prthvinaray8na
    Shah io his adventures, even so padmavati was serving him
    by her advice. She remained unmarried. But she had a hard
    lime during Raiendra Laksmi's regency while she was accused
    of supporting Bahadur Sbab.
    Baburam Acharya thinks that because Narabbupal was per-
    suaded to have faith io rituals by his Guru of the pande
    family this ultimately led him to believe in Bhosts and spirirs
    and further as an obsession all this drove hi6 to iosaoity. But
    why accuse the Guru? Tbis was a commoo practice of the envfuon-
    metrt in the royal housebold as well as in a poor mao's home. Not
    even the dynamic Prthvinarayana seems to have been free from
    this practice. He was no less a believer in prayers or rituals
    than his father, which any historian oI the lime would adEit.
    Narabhupal Shah died on tbe day of Rama Navami in
    the Vikram year 1799 after ruliog for 26 years. His youngest
    wife Subhadra Divi was burnt with him on the fuoeral pyre.
    Prthvitrarayana Shah was quite growo up at this time, But
    tbe eldest que€n abstained from offering h'erself into the pyre
    because it was her teeliag that Prlhvioaaayaoa needed her con-
    tinued care and attention, Other Rauis had also their owr
    reason to stay behitrd aside the pyre,

    The Brahmanas in Court


    The Brahmanas played a very importaDt role in the poli.
    tics of these titry principalities. Tbey appeared io diftereDt ct-
    pacities as spiritual tutors in initiatioo cereaonieg as teachers
    and as astrologers, They also rendered coEmunication service
    to propitiate tbe deities in times of conflicts and crises. The
    largest influence was wielded by the mao who ministered the
    gayatri tnan rams duritrg the ioitiatiotr (upanayana) cereEooy.
    Noxt in impoataoce was the mrn who gave iliksaro rnantratn.

    9 It is a praycr io Vcdic icxt cotrlpotcd io the old rystcE of vcrlc.


    l0 This ic a litaoy io ho[our of ths tatrtria fsDrle deity.
    4
    50 MODERN NEPAL

    The royal astrologer had his owo importarce. But tber€ could
    be more than one Artrologet aDd bis oYeral importaoce was
    delermined by the way his progrosticatioDs wers seen in
    practic€.

    It was said that wben Gokulvilas Pande became Narabhu'


    pal's spiritual guide (Guru) in the initiation ceremony, he
    Dot oDly Einist€reat Gayal mantram but also lbe Diksa-
    Ordinarily lhe two mantram must be obtained from two indi-
    viduals. But Cokulvilas out of fear ot a.rival appearing as
    Di&sa Guru secrelly minirtere d bolb mo rum' ln Prthvinara-
    yaDa'c case the same story was r€peated by Sriharsa Misra
    who Pas brought from Baoaras. It wae said rbet this gave
    cause for re8entment both to the Arial Ioshi who were pro-
    mised the privilege ot becomiog Dil<sa Guru as well as
    to Gokulvilas ard his sons sho thought to get for theil fa-
    mily the right to adEinister Gayarri in perpetuity.

    Gokulvilasa Pande's privileges of becoming a spiritual


    tutor to other soBs of Kirg Narabbupal wete promised. I do
    not know, however, whether this promise did materialise. We
    have also not Eany sources to know all about Gokulvilas
    and his btothers, But one of them Narayana Pandit, nepbew
    of Gokulvitas, appeats to be a recipient of a letter from
    Prthvinarayana in carryiog out his design on Tanbou' Thc
    Pande family were influential in Tanhou as the Grru utrtil
    the very end. In Gorkha it was said that while a Pande
    Brabman bad come as spiritual tutor mitristering Savilri or
    Gayatri mantro for the royal family the Ariyal Brabmans who
    hrld tbat posiliotr up to Rama Shah's time lost it for gooJ
    not oDly in this field but also in mioistration ot DikJa' I think
    lhat in the same way tbe Pande Brabmans also lost influence
    in the court and until 1846 none of them was chosen fot the
    iob of the Guru ; although they coDlinued as paDdits for
    some tiDe.
    The Ariyals were, however, relained as priest as well as
    taugbt the princes in the palace. Tbe post of Dharmadhikar,
    FOUNDING OF CORKHA STATE 5t
    i.e. officer.in.cbarge of religious adorioistration was he,d by
    persons of difteretrt subcastes of Brahmans. In the time ot
    Narabhupal lhe Ariyals enjoyed tbis position and they were
    allowed to continue in later periods. One Moksesvara copied
    on saka 1794 Chaitra 20 Saturday a cbapter of the Sararsu-
    iataprakarana (DLC, III, 67)11 by order of Maharajadhiraja
    Kumara Yuvaraja Prthvinatayatra Shah belongecl to tbe Arjyal
    family. Besides royal priesthood in their hands the Arjyals
    who because of their knowledge were called Jaisi or fosi, al-
    Eo lunctiotred as the chiet omcer of the King in chargc of
    all his executive functions.
    Bhanu Josbi Arjyal is reported by the chronicles to be
    also functioning as the Chautara Mabarani,s chiet ol the house-
    hold, who arraoged marriagec, and made contabt with princeg
    across the border.
    The removal of the Patrde and otber preccptoas from Seats
    of vaDtage in the palace enabled the throne to a$crt its in-
    herent privileges quitc independently. The Misra Guru biing
    otten out of Kathmandu because of his residetrce in Banaras
    could Dot and would Dot exercise a8y kind o[ reStraint oE
    the King, wbile others were lesg importatrt because of their
    status. But probably the prhtinc influencc woutd not work
    if the Kiag was powerful enough to exetcise hif authority in
    the manner iospiring all amorg his courtiers. At least Chandra.
    prabba fouud it possibl€ to cast her child into a Eould,
    yhich 8he thought would, iopart to the Eonarch bcroic qua-
    lities standing in stead of a larger and bigger prospective.
    According, to BaburaE Achatya,ou source Maheswara pantha
    was exiled at the tiEe of Narabhupala,c detcat itr Trisuli. We
    shall know from the next chapter that betore Narabhupsla died
    there was a lime when Prthvioarayans became a so.tegent. Frotrr
    the GV we learn that Jabangir Shah and some others were 8uspected
    of wielding utrhealthy infruenco on the king and wcre exiled.

    ll Datc correspoBd! to Saturd.y, 17 March, U38.


    t2 LPN, I,
    5? MODERN NEPAI

    Tbereafte. Rani Cbandraprabba began to discharge also the dutics


    of Chautara. She was being called Chautara Raoi.

    Rise ol the Khasa f omilies

    bis Divyapodera the kiog of Gorkha, Prthvinarayana, is


    lt
    repo ed to have said that be tought Nepal with tbe sbields ot the
    Pandes and swords of tbe Basnets.
    The Pandes wEte tbe otfsPriDgs of a Pande Brahman by bis
    non Brahman wife. Such offspring were tegarded as lower itr casle
    thaD the Ksatriya Thakuris, They would have been a caste apart
    by tb€Eselv€s. Probably at the ioitial stage th€y were so, But
    et a laler stage th€y got mixed up with tbe Tbapas, Basneb aod
    otbers who were being called as Kbasa Ksatri) as' The letter
    claimeal Ksatriya origin but malried into the oon'Brahmatr
    tamilies of the former caste. By the lTth ceotury all descendants
    ot a Brahman by Magar or Khasa wife were called Khasa Ksatriyas'
    Tbus the Pandes and Basnets were botb Khasas.
    PrthvinarayaDa said in tbe statemeot that his maternal utrcle
    had advised him to rust thc Kbasas mote tban any other castes.
    Therefore his regime had Beco upgrading of Khasa Ksatriyas as
    castes and he granted them the status of nobility.
    Tbis, however, does Bot mean that tbe Brabman Pantha'
    Patbak Khanal, Paudyal aod otbers both Brahman and tbeit
    illegimate issues had ceased to be influeotial. But the main
    section of his Dobilily belonged to wbat we call the Khasa
    casteS.

    The Brabmanas also like the Ksatriya Khasas aod Thakuris


    became ministere aod coomandets.
    The Brahmanas aod Kha:as held predomiuant position all over
    the hilly region now in lhe Nepalese territory. It was Dot only in
    Gorkha but in the whole of Baisi and Chaubisi principalities these
    people held positions of ttust and respotrsibility' In many states
    the BrahmaDas and Khasas where ministers.
    Nert to Brahnaoas and Khasas came the Magars io inpor-
    taDca. But thefu aree of iofluence was the Cbaubisi. With their
    FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 53

    home on both sides of the Kali Gandak they were the first tribal
    people to come into cootact with the emigrant Raiputs and Brah-
    manas sioco thi early llth ceDtury. Tbe Magars were totally
    metamorphosed in the Brahmanical society and held a place in
    the casae hierarchy below the Khasas. The Brahmanas were
    their priests and preceptors. The Magar cbiefs ruled small princi-
    palities as far as tbe western border of the Nepat valley kingdoms.
    The Rajput emigrants had not only wrested power trom them but
    also mixed with them by marryiog their womeo. Prthvinarayana
    called bimself tbe Raia of the Magar country (Magrar). The
    Magars were recipient of royal favours and some of them had
    become ministers.
    So far we have written tbe history of the period on the basis
    of the materials called the Gorkha chronicles. These chronicles
    q,ere ptobably composed in the time of the early Gorkha rulers
    who bad conquered the valley of Nepal.
    The writer is said to be one Shermao. The chronicle itself was
    written in the time 'of Bahadur Shah, the second son of Prthvi-
    trarayana Shah, who worked as Regeot. This chronicl€ covers
    evetrts upto tho former's time. But sources aro not reliable. It
    is much probable as Baburam Acharya propounds that the chroni-
    cle borrowed all its itrformation from the genealogical accounts
    composed in Rama Shah's time;
    If the chroniclc was composed leter then the source was
    definitely thc earlier described .Champu,, which givos in de-
    lail accounts of events also dealt with by the chronicler.
    In assessing the account of ths chronlcle we suggested that
    much of it was based on unscientiflc data. This applies to
    chronicles of all types and descriptiotrs. Therefore the thesis stands
    lbat all this mskes the chronology of the period as put for-
    ward by the cbrotricler unreliable on the whole. However,
    the two Vamsavalis can be utilised for <iur history writing to
    fll aome gaps lelt by the absence of other materials or verify
    events in their light, which might not be, ot course, quite in-
    dependent. Similarly Sherman,s chronicle statrds to fiU up the
    gap for the earlier period, rhich lacks otber sources.
    54 MO, DERN NEPAT

    It is vety casy to criticise th€ chronicles. The anciont aDd


    medicval history 8re prcseDted in o matter, which looks Eoro
    a legcnd than tactual history. if,he evidenco of reliable data
    are ignorect anat fictitious ascount is utilised in -their writiog'
    ThiF i. not 8o s,hcn we como to the latsr period. But herc
    also the acsount is not free trom defects.
    But the questioa comes how far csn we diopeose with thc
    utilisation of such a sbronicle written in Bahadur's time. But
    ther€ is anotber chrotriclo which is gcnerally ktrown as tbe
    laDguage chronicle (literally meaning written in Nepali laDgo'
    age); lbe rl'rme Bhasa Vamsavali is given to tbe latter. This
    particular Vamsavali distributed in sevcral copies was srittsn
    by Kharidar Buddhiman Singh. It does trot give the details
    .of th€ earlier chrotricle as far as the reigos up
    to Narabhu'
    pal Sbab. But since Prthvinarayana's reign the description is
    elaborat€d atrd in various statemetrts it is also not too wido
    of the mark. Some think that both the chrooicl€8 were written
    during Rajcndra'e reign.
    Buddbiman's cbroniclc gives dates for events of his des-
    cription, which can be judged with toference to the corrcs-
    ponding dates of reliable documentg such as correspoodetrce'
    insffiptions, atrd de€ds of land graot deeds. But wheteas Somo
    of thise dates are not confirmed and sometimes look absurd
    as the real dates miss, some dates of the chronicle appear
    correct. Whatever may be tho defects of the accoutrt given
    by rhe chronicle, the tact temaitrs that tbis is the ooly soulce
    Earerial tor the history ot Gorkha bGfore Prthvinarayana'
    Criticisnt ol the Chronicles

    cannot think of aDy scieDti0c evidence to assess the sub'


    I
    staDce of the anecdotes as giveD by the cbronicler'
    There
    are scholars $ho think that se ought to discimiDete between au'
    thentic atrd unauthentic description of events' I do not think
    that such a classifcation is possibte' But Baburam Achatya
    bolds that soDe €vents could bc regarded as
    possible oo L
    defined basis. Thus the Acbarya does not take seriously
    the
    story of the queen mother of Lamiung and Gorkha throwiDg
    FOI'NDING OF GORKHA STATB 55

    her own milk over the Chepe so that the same became the
    frontier line between two states. He also does not believe
    the Bhima Malla story natrated in our Medieval Nepal (part II).
    We have read his criticism of the other points also. But all
    these are side issues. After all, we do not have reliable evi-
    dence to work but a scientific line to be' the basis of our
    history writing. The chronicles has a tendency to exaggerate,
    and he does show accuracy in providing dates for the occur-
    rence of eveots. We may not accept all the details he gives.
    But what is the way out ? The Acharya himself dries not
    do anything more than guess work and commenting on tbc
    many mistakes of chronology one. But we should not forget
    that when one resorts to guess work many other absurd things
    can be interpreted as correct. For example when the Acharya
    contradicts a report appearing in a narrative connected with
    the lif€ of Prthvinarayana Shah about his visit to palpa on
    his way back fron Banaras he thinks that this was not possi-
    ble because his iourney to Gorkha must be through Noakot
    not far from Palpa in the south east. We know that the
    Acbarya by his interpretation wae only exercising his imagi_
    nation and trying to make appear events as plaueible to the
    best of his knowledge. But we could also very well imagine
    that Prthvinarayana had taken the route of palpa, had crossed
    the river Gandaki at Ramdi, come to Bhirkot and thence to
    Dhor, Satahoun, Garhoun and entered Tahhoun or he might
    straight enter Kaski before he entered the small principalities.
    According to Acharya his aim was to know personally the
    real condition of these principalities. After alL all these rulers
    were friendty to Gorkha. So any route could be fixed. The
    chronicler might or might not be correct. similarry what ma-
    terial difterence it makes to a historian if the chtonicler had
    rvritten that Narabhupal was brou3ht to Gorkha on prthvipa-
    ti's seeking his grandson or accidentally. The circumstances
    might vary. But nevertheless we have to be caretul in weigh-
    ing their evidence, and it is also true that only a scientific
    approach will yield correct results. But eveots by themselves
    coulc be noted without hesitation. There are numerous instan-
    56 MODERN NEPAL

    ccs of' inl€rptelalioD, ald attempts at passing tbem as


    real. I do know tbat a reliabl€ hiEtory of tbe period before
    PflhviDarayana Shah cannot be writteD until letters, stories
    and coDterDporary records of eveDts are available' It is no use
    criticisiDg lbe cbroDiclers for lheir mistakes, because the tendetrcy
    for commifting errore in lhe circumstances was oaterial'
    We sbould not leel disgusted with the chroDiclers when they
    project rhe kings and gods, Eiling legends ald histories toBe-
    it,er, anO thus by ccmmunicating a Dost pbatrtastic picture is
    brought to us. Again more tban buman power supertratural
    forces seem to be working in tb€ history of the chroniclers'
    Tbis contradicts the scientifrc basis. But then the broad mass ot
    rhe people w€r€ livirg in a world of superstitioo and so was
    rbe cbronicler tbough be rlived 100 years later. The point is
    that €ven if we reproduce some of theEe phaotastic accoutrt
    there is Do teasotr to thitrk that this was doDe with a view
    to oake it show real. I am happy lbat the Acbarya is not
    given to coDdeEnitrg all aspects of the chroniclers' accounts'
    ibough'his ptejudices are sometimes Bot iustifled' ws notice
    tbat be has wrltteD two chaPiers based on 6V' In spitc of
    the defects of the accouDt giveo by the chronicle' tb€ fact
    reEains that this is the only source malerial for the history
    of Gorkha belore PrthvioaraYana.

    Laniung
    The cbroniclegives lhe followiog DameE of rulers alter
    YaEobrahma lor Lamiung : -

    l. Yasobrahma
    ?. PurDa Sbabi
    3. Chuda Sbahi
    4. Achundra Shabi
    5. Narendra Shahi
    6. Nararoja Shahi
    The last is followed by Raja Kesharinaralana (There ir a
    rOI'NDINC OF CORKI{A STATE 57

    secord ot landBraut by rhis Rata made on Saka 16 of masa


    I - 1684)'3 then the ge[ealogy stands as below :
    Ripumardan Sabi
    Viramardan Sahi
    Bbima Shah

    13 ltihosoporo Somgruha,ll, p,16


    CHAPTER III
    KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASIY
    Palpa and its Satellites
    (A)
    Refore dealing with the spectacular advancc of Gorkha and
    ,its rise and consolidation as a big Etate, let us take a bursory glaoce
    itrto the position of other Eembers oI rhe Chaubisi group. We
    have seen tbat at least eight of them along with Gorkha were said to
    have been ruled by offshoots of tbe family that laadcd froo
    Udaipur in the baEin of the river Seti,r Most of the others were
    the rulers in name and the state they ruled was not even worth
    callisg a principalily. But Palpa occupying the vallcy atrd adioin-
    iDg ridg€s of the river Narayali was much different from these.
    Witb the portioo of thc Terai in its possession, Palpa both lerri'
    torially aod from the poiot of economic resoutces commanded a
    position of vatrtago much superior to any of tbe Chaubisi iocluding
    for some time even Gorkha. The dynasty also ctaimed its origin
    from the Rajput kings of Chittor. Hamilton was led to tbink that
    this dynasty alone could legitimately claim a Sisodiya desceot.
    Palpa was also rhe oldest of the Chaubisi haviog been in exislence
    for a century earlier than any of the others. Its importanco also
    lies in the fact that the rulinB family of Palpa branched off in
    several dyDasties to rule over Tanhoun further east aod Mackwao-
    pur, Chaudandi and MoraDg further south'east. Tbe latter in'
    chided territorics comprisiDg the easternmost district of the present
    Nepalese Terai (as far as the north of Purnea district of Bihar).
    Mukunda Sena, ruler ot PalPa, is meotiotred io lhe Nepalese
    cbroDicle to havt iovaded Patan in rho 14th century with a large
    conting€nt of Magars. His identity is not €stablisbed with refer'
    etrc€ to the Palpa chronicle. But accorditrg to Bhavadatta's gene.
    alogy he was l2lh otr the line of the emigrant dynasty.

    l de aotc.
    KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DINASTY 59

    Other deBils about the otigio and rise of the houee of Palpa
    are not available up to date. As Haoilton who is ao iEportant
    autbority about the genealogy of the rulers of some of these priDci'
    palities, anal whom we have largely followed in pIeseDt delineatiotr,
    says corr€ctly that the chieftains in their zeal to tracc their aoccstry
    to Rajputana itr otder to eitablish tbe fact of tbeir pure Ksatriya
    birth added cerlain commonly uoderstood Raiput app€ndages to
    rbeir family surnatnes. Thus the Raja of Piuthan had his sutnamc
    atter the Chandelas, the Rajas of Kbanchi aod Dhurkot aftet
    Medhasi and the Raja of Parbat bad a Malla surname but oftcn
    said that he belonged to Samal clan of Raiputs aloDg with tbo
    chiefs of Galkot and Ghiring. The families related to the original
    stock of the Raia ot Gorkha called themselves Khaos and Shahis,
    later on Shahs, Accordiog to Hamilton the rulers who called
    themselves Sen Raiputs at the time of Gorkha conquest of Nepal
    bappened to be of those of Palpa, Taohoun, Mackwanpur, Rising
    aDd Paiyun aod also ot Mackwanpur, Chaudandi and Moraog.
    The other houses of Gulmi and Argha who had also Sen surname
    did not share with tho rulers ol Palpa aoy kind of collateral blood
    relatiotrship.

    Hamilton's ioforEatiou is that the rulets of Gulml Khanchi,


    Argha, Musikot, Dhurkot and Isma belonged to one family (pp.
    263-64) ancf whetr standitrg single none was important. Bhavadatta
    says that tbese principalities were carved out by Mukunda Ssoa'8
    dcscendatrtS.

    In followiog Hamiltoo I do Dot think it is of aoy uso to get io-


    volved into th6 coDplicatiotrs of the genealogy betote Mutunda
    Sena, I am sure that it is a futile exetcise to apportion time to
    fictitious iodividuals who were regatded to have captured places
    itr the hills Dear Palpa. According to Samat Bahadur the dylasty
    first settled in the Terai, and worked in lbe servicc of a Tharu
    chief Tutha Eoved to Rising. Rudrasena negotiatiog through
    Palpa and Ridi became the first ruler of Palpa,

    Because no chroDicle is reliabler it is


    not possible to say with
    authority if Rudtasena was even a historical figure. But as he is
    60 MODERN NEPAI

    quite n€arer to ascertaiDed cbroDology, lbe chtonicler,s accouot of


    his foundiog a kingdom might be true.
    A genealogy prepared by Paodit Gangavisnu at the itrstance
    of Trivikram Sen in bis book .lchdtadipol< dated Saka 1674 tyestha
    sukla 5 (178\ :1752 A.D lists Mukunda Seoa to bc the ,arher of
    Bbrirgi vho heads tbe family tree ot tbe Tanhoun kirgs (CpMDNr
    I, p. 153). The same name of Mukunda Sena occurs iD the palpa
    g€nealogy and he is said to have extetrded his kingdom far and
    vide to touch tbe Malla territory in tbe east aDd Moghalan in the
    8outh.! In his tio3e Palpa controlled tbe whole of the easr Terai
    as f4r as Moraog.
    According to Hamilton's (pp. 130-31) aurhority the atrcestors
    of MukuDda SeDa came from Cbittor aod settled down near tbc
    present Bettia (North Bihar) district on a site where the river
    Gandak enlers tbe plain. Ajit Sen, the frrst emigraDt to thlE area,
    Lilled the Bhanar Raja of Raipur aDd founded the Scra dyDasty
    shich was destined in course of time to subiugate Magrats ,urther
    trorth itr the hilts. By Bhawar tribe Hamilton probably meant tbe
    Tbarus, Another of Hamilton's authority puts l'utha Sen and his
    son to have conquered the outlyitrg Terai region and pushcd into
    Butwal and Rising farther west and nortb. After giving certain
    names after ifutba io order of herediiary succession, the same
    authority mentioDs Dbarmapala Sen, bis son Anekasinha Sen, his
    son Ramraja SeD, bis eon Cbandra Sen ald his son Rudra SeD.
    Tbis genealogy is the same as that of Bhavadatta, and therefore it
    is obvious tbat Hauriltoo had borrowed his data from this source.
    Hamilton personally takes the genealogy as valid aod dismissed as
    invalid the version which plac€s Dambbar and Gajapati to precede
    Chandra Sen. Baburam Acharya (Bhanubbakta Memorial)a wbile
    agreeiDg with Hamilton tbinks tbat Khan Raj (Ra$raia of Hamil.
    ton) adopted the Sen appendage for the first tiore. Unhke the
    Gorkha list, the one o[ Palpa does not except in a few cases agree

    2 The couotry rulcd by thc Moghuls,_


    3 Thc laod i[habitcd by the Ma8ar tribc,
    4 Rcad ao articlc in BhaDubhalla M€morial publicatioa by Baburaro
    Acharys about thc SeD dyDasty of Tslhou,
    iCNGDOMS OF THE SENA DINASTY 6t
    vith the Sisodiya genealogy, The so.called old cbrooicla publisbod
    6y tbe Bir Library, however, calls th€ dyoasty a Sisodiya congi.
    dering its founder to havo migrated from Chittor, Either it might
    be due to the lack of tact and foresight to adopt thc schedule on
    the part ot the cbronicler or tbe lioe had originated froE a stock
    untraced in tbe plains aod hence the contusioo. But it may be
    added bere tbat the chrotricles have a common list of names almost
    similar.
    Rudra Sen and bis sotr Chandra Sen are the commooly ac€ept€d
    trames for Palpa genealogy. Rudra Sen married the daughter of
    Piuthan ruler and founded Tansen where he established his capital.
    Rudra Sen ruled between 1440 and 1475 A.D. But this is just a
    guess work.
    Accordirg to one authd Chaodra Sen absorbed the territorieg
    formerly belonging to the Raja of Gorakbpur.Champaran. He
    not€s siorilarity itr the mode of royal address of Madan Simha the
    last ruler of tbo locality, wbo died issuelesr and as well as of Rudra
    Sen. (For Madan Simha's address rezd, CPMDN, I, p. 223t.
    Bhavadatta who wrote his chronicle in Saka 1724 (+74 -1392
    A.D.) has nothing to say about this.
    At tbe time while Rudra Sen was ruling over Palpa, there was
    in the areas further north and trorth-west the principality of pirbat
    in a flourishing state. The rulers claimed Rajput descent and
    atided Malla appendage as tbe Eurname of th€ family. Bua
    Hamilton's informant says that like many other chieftains rhey
    were no better than a Khasa in desceDt, According to bim tbe
    first ruler of rhis family was a child of a Gautam Brahmana by
    his impure'Bohra wite. Bohra is a family surname of a dynasty
    of Khasa Ksatriya. Whatever tbat be, it was a fact that at one
    time Parbat which was also called Malaibam after one of its rulers
    had extensive domioion touchiog Juu:la in the west and Kuski in
    tbe east. As we observed above Parbat also included a good
    portioo of Tibet beyond tbe Himalayss. Bur the original territory
    was parcelled out to three collaterals, aod shortly bcfore Rudra
    Seo of Palpa started to expaod his frootiers, Malalbam was
    rendered weak by internal disseosioDs, It is said that Duch of
    62 MODERN NEPAL

    felt to Rudra Sena $as acqu ed out of the


    the territoties that
    doErain of Malaibam. Kirtibam ot tbat state was
    a contemporary
    ot PrthvinaraYana Sbah.
    jerk'
    After Mukunala Sena's death Palps €xperienced tbe same
    the
    On Bhavadatla's Etatement the same was divided amongst
    obtained the original
    f*, ,or. of bis. The eldest Vinayaka
    prircipatity, Manikya seized Butwal, Brihanga declared bimself
    i monarch'at Tanhoun and to Lahanga fell Mackwanpur' About
    ,to" ouaa, one tnore source of inforEation available to flamilton
    (p. '170) says that it was Manikya who as tbe oldest member
    ii tl" tu.ify inherited Palpa and Vinayaka bad seized Butwal'
    Other writers on Nepalese history follow
    tbis account as w-ell as
    ,U" hit,o.y of tbe Tanhoun ruling famity as
    rarrated by llamilton's
    But a Palpa chronicle (i'e' composed by Bhavadatta)
    "oinotrty. as ths p€rson
    c,hich rii bave foltoweil in the oain gives Vinayaka
    to inh€rit the origioal principality of Palpa'
    According to; notiDg in an oltl diary wtitten
    towatds the €nd
    of the eightleenth century the line of succession in Palpa after
    the disme;bermeot of the original principality stood as
    follows:
    VinaYaka Sen (1553'1563)'
    Jasu Sen (1563'1568). Bbavadatta slated tbat he vras
    tbe person to seize Butwal.
    Damodar Sea (1568'1598)'
    Bbalbbadra Sen (1598'1642)
    Ambat Sen (1642'1693)
    rulers as Ropa-
    The old cbronicle gives tbe titles of the Palpa
    Darayanetyadi Maharaiadhiraja etc'
    --
    a.Uui Sen vras succeeded by Gaodbatva' He is taken as a
    ,.rf irpoaruo, persooality Dext to Mukuoda Sena I in Palpa chro'
    Diclbs of the dYnasty.
    It was 6aitt by Bbavadatta that the Palpa
    ruler having died with'
    out auy heir, tis fourth cousin of Butwal got his son ascended the
    ttroiiio.ul"iog in one priocipality the two portions- of--what
    r"r-pt.riottfy-Mukunda Sena's original dodain' Hamilton's
    irio,ruo, Samat Babadur, who was a youDger blothet
    of the Iast
    iJir ot patpa, Priitrvipal Seu, says that the person concerned was
    KINGDOMS bF TEB SENA DYNASTY 63

    Gaodbarbba Sen, who $as his own great graodfather (1693-1756),


    added soBe more territories to his slate at the cost of rhe Magar
    chief of Balibang or Baldhyang which was fractioned iDto tbt€e
    parts to be each iDcorporated ioto Gulmi and Khavichi. Khilung,
    a Dew 6tate, cias qeated out of what remaised 'on the division
    aDd a Brabmana was declated to be its ruler. He had accepted
    the suzerainty of Palpa. Onc of Gandbarbha's daugbters was
    Darried to kiDg Narabhupala of Gorkha. Gandharbha's grandeon
    Mukunda Sena II ( 7756-1782 ) who.succecded him befriended thc
    Nawab Vazir and secured from bim tbe Zamindari rights over
    the estate of Tilpur and Rajpur situated to the west of the rivcr
    Gancak in shat ie now called lhe Nepalese middle Terai. He also
    pul on tbrone in Gulmi a collateral of hic, Gulmi was later on
    restored by tbe Gorkba king Raoa Bahadur Sbah to its original
    ruler. Mahadutta, the son ot Mukunda bad his regime ( 1782.
    1793 ) too Duch mixed up with the €vents of Gotkha expansion,
    aBd rhcrefore is Eentioned in detail in that chapter. Palpa lost
    its individual existence after the death of Rara Bahadur, grandson
    of Prthvinarayaoa Shah io about August, 1803 A.D. trhc last
    rular, Prthvipal Sen was killed in Katbmatrdu on a charge of
    consptacy.
    Tanhoun
    (B)
    From Palpa lct us come to Tanhoutr, the Porlion that was
    by Mukunda's third son Bhriogi. A ms. Acharudipika
    captured
    by Gangavisnu alt€ady . referred to gives tbe following geuealogy
    after bim:
    Mukunda
    I
    Bhridgi, the chiel of kings, who b€came the fir8t
    I ruler of TrisriDgadesha ( 1548-1571 )
    Hambira ( l57l-1630 )
    I
    Tula Sen This name is Triviktama Sen in the
    I old Sena Chronicle.
    P(atapa'8 8o!
    I
    Damodara, caued by tb€ poet Dayalu'DaEodars
    I ( l6s3-r673 )
    64 MODERN MPAL

    Digviiaya ( r673.1694 )
    I
    Kamaraja Darta ( 169+1749 )
    I
    Trivikrama ( 1749-176: ),
    The list agrees in toto as it is given in ltihasa Prakasa. Tbe old
    cbronicle traces the line from one Trivikrama Sen.
    The last two datc figures are from Ambika Prasad. Hambira
    ( d. 1630 ) with his capital at Sur added to bis principality Rising
    which was previously handed over to Ram Sen, asp[ss/ e1
    Mukunda. It was said that RaE Seo haa died without a male
    heir, but so was Hambira and thereatter Tula Sen called Mukhiya
    who was the Raiput ruler's brother according to a cbrooicle
    succeeded to the throne of Tanhoun. But from the abovo given
    genealogy of Acharatlipika. TuIa appears to be the son and
    successor of Hambira, Accordiog to old Sena cbronicle Praaapa
    had 7 wives. One of the daughters was married to king Rama
    Shah ot Gorkha, He.was succeedec by Damodara Seo.
    In this reign the Raiput branch disappeared altogether owing
    to the ruler being childlese and Tanhoun also got parts ot the Terai
    as far as the Cbittaun and the Dun areas o( thc Rapti, Tbe €state
    of Ramrragar near Bettia was iocluded fu this domain, but the
    Raja held it under ptolection of the East India Company
    ( Hamiltotr, p. 182 ) when the latter acquired diwaoi over the area
    known as the province of Bibar.
    Atter Digvijaya Sen ( Sce table above ) his son Kamarajadatta
    Sen asceoded the throne. Accordiog to Ambika Prasad ( p. 79 )
    he added Gorakbpur district as a Zamindari under EDperot
    Farrakshiar. This could not be true. His predecessor was ott€n
    troubled b,'tbe Bettia'ruler who carried raids itrto the Deighbour-
    ing area, buthis reign was comparatively calm. He died in 1749
    leaving his son Trivikrama Sen on the throne'
    Once Trivikram caltre into conflict with Prthvinarayana Shah
    and later he is said to have died of a paoic, wbile rhe Gorkhalis
    wero to launch attack on the west after theit victory over thc
    Nepal Valley.
    KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTY 65

    Trivikram Sen was the autbor of a few works in Sonrkrit as


    s{ggested by two mss. (L\ Mantamahodadhitika' dated VS U9l
    Maryostrsa sudi (2) Sripfridtilakam,G without date but eith
    Srimdn maharaiadhiraja Kamaraiailatta wpali suri suru Sri
    Mahesvaracharanarenu Trivikrama nrpati virachito. We havo
    already referred to Acharadipika, which was composed at his
    instance by a scholar named Gangavisnu ( 1752 A. D. ). Like thc
    rulers ot Palpa, oll the rulers of Tanhoun adopted tbe titles of
    Md. Rupanarayana.
    His time coincides with the rise of the ruler ot neighbouring
    Gorkha as a conqueror. In the latter's expansionist activitics,
    he came into clash with the Gorkha forces several times. His
    f,€soutce$, however, were not slrorg eoough to meet the challeoge
    poEed by Gorkha's risiDg military strstrgth. At a late stage ho
    was enticed and imprisooed as a result of a plot organised by the
    Gorkba ruler.
    But h€ wanted to live otr amicable terms with the Gorkhalis,
    andlbat friendship existed as long as Narabhupala lived. Twicc
    in l7l5 and 1722 Tanhoun along with Gorkha also had participated
    in a war that was waged between the rulers of the Nepal Valley.
    Later Trivikram Sen added to his domain Lamidanda which war
    in possession of Gorkha haviDg it caPtured duriDg the aloresaid
    war. This Lanidanda was the cause of the trouble between him
    and Prtbvinarayana Shah, because the latter had claimed suzeraintJl
    over the same. Trivikram refused to comply, and he was ag a
    result captured by the Gorkhalis who detaioed him for som€ tiEe
    in prison. But Tanhoun was attackod with tull force in 1769'
    Trivikram's son Kumaradatta Sen committed suicide while his
    capital was beseized by the Gorkhalis. Frcp L Danapatrd, ia
    appears tbat the date of his death occurred some time atter the
    month ofVaisakhd ot yibam Samvat 1831. Afler this iocident

    5 ibid, I. 168. 9, It appears that hc had only causcd the nr,s' Mantru ahQ
    dadii to be writteo.
    6 See thE Old Sena Chrooicle itr a publicatio! of lhe Bir Library.
    7 Darbar Library catalogue'
    5
    66 MODERN NEPAL

    flarakumaradatta Sen purchased peace with a pledge to follow


    Gorlba in all the latt€r's v€ntures. We sball mention tbe price he
    paid some time later. Actually Tanhoun's. contiDgent ioined
    Gorkha in tbe latter's attacks lurlber west. But Prthyinarayana
    virtually failed to advaDce as Laniung.Kaski resisted him.
    Haradatta Sen beaved a sigh ot relief aDd Tatrhoun was spread for
    lbe n€xt reign ol Nepal for lotal submission and aDnexatioD,
    But lben it had become a subsidiary state of Gotkha.
    Early in A, D., a Christian missionary from Italy Padre
    1756
    Tranquillo by name visited Tanhoun. He interviewed Raja
    Trivikram SeD, aDd preseoted to bim books oD Christianity. Tbe
    Rrjs was much impressed witb what he heard about the Cbristian
    faith 8nd begged of Father Benedetto tbrough a letter to send tleo
    prieste for preaching work. Written in rhe Nepali language, the
    letter to Benedetto was addressed in lhe name ot Maharajadbiraja
    frivikrama Ssn with date line Magha Sudi 14 ( verified for 14
    February, 1756 A. D. )r from bis winter camp at Ghat. The Ghat
    probably ref€rred to Deoghat near the confluence of the Gandak
    and its main tibutaries, Bhere the Raja of TanhouD had his tem.
    porary beadquarter for the three moDtbs of the cold seasoD.
    It is not known whether any Padre was stationed at TanhouD
    as was lhe case in lhree kingdoms of the Nepal Valley. Probably
    in the turmoil wbich accompaDied the rise of Gorkha as a power
    coilciding the Efties of tbat century, the very idea of expanding
    their activities at tbat stage beyond the,confines of Kathmanrlu,
    Patan and Bhatgaon could not bave strongly weighed with the
    Capucbin missionaries. No records are available bearing testimony
    to the existence of a resident mission in Tanhoun or anywhere in
    the realms ot the Ba-isi and Chaubisi, It appears from a letter of
    Father Tranquillo that he had also visited Gorkha to secure
    timbers from its forest for tbe construction of a church building
    in Kathmandu ( Kathmandu, 13 October, .1756 )'. The King of
    Gorkha was ailiDg at that time and sought medical treatment by
    the visitiDg Father. The 6ame Father TJauquino has left us a
    8 C. D. 38, Missionary Italiari Ncl Tibet el Nel Ncpal, part IV, p, 231.
    9 DocuEeDli Misliooary ltaliaDi, e!c. yo!. IL pal! Il, pp. 198.99,
    KINGDOMS OF TIIB SENA DYNASTY 67

    brief account ofTanhoutr, which i8 incorPotated in the lettet


    abovo referred to: "Tashoun is at a distance of ll to 12 days'
    journey from Patan. The Kingdom of Gorkha is iust thtee days'
    journey from the capital of Tanhouu ( Tanhounsur )r0. The
    principatity of Tanhoun is bounded in tbe north'west by Palpa
    whose Raia belongs to the same family. The city ot Palpa is at
    a distatrce of tour days' journcy. To the north of Tanhoun is
    Kaski and Lamjung. The leltd touches Tibet 'in thc north but
    it has no dependents in that part. Lamiung is iust close to
    Tanhoun only a journey of a day aod a balf'l! To the south
    th€re is Mackwa,trpur and Bettia. It takes 11'12 days fol reacbing
    thetetr
    ,,Taohoun is half mountaioou8 and pretty cold ag cool ae
    Itaty, thoug'h thete is no snow but it receives cold wind from
    Lhasa. fhe other hatf is a low tand which is watm. We have
    great iungles abouniling in tigers, €lephants, bears, rhioocetos and
    wild boars. Though it is extensive, it does not have more than 24,000
    houses all over. There are two big rivcrs which ioin at Mukam
    Deo Ghat ( uuion of a God with a Goddess ). The ioint 8tream
    theDcetorth b€comes Gandak, then it flows to Bettia, to Chappra
    and to Patan to ioin the Ganges.
    ,.In Tanbouo as in the half portion of the kitrgdom of
    LaEiung religion is Brahmanism. Peoplc are malicious but rot
    much euperstitious. They aro ignorant and not at all gifted. Often
    tho countly is visited by the Brahmans of Banatas who havo
    cast evil influence on them. Thc inbabitants have no books of
    teligion. Pagodas ate few.-the psople wolship red stone8.r'
    In the mountains the people have a Eoderate complexion ; they
    are neitbet fai! nor datk ; in the plain8 they atc dark 8nd all
    are dresged like the Hindustani. Tbey say that there ate some

    10 Actqally thc diltaDco is trot so ouch. Thc Padro !toB! to havc


    covered the distatrcc by himscli io so liaoy days' He Dight baYe be€o a
    sick oaD to tlavel to !low. tho distatrce is less thaB l0 Bilcs'
    t I Tho actusl distance is otrly 6 Bilcr.
    12 The distalce is about 60 Dile3 througb a circuitout route'
    13 Eitber the deity Gaoerba or Hanumau.
    68 MODERN NEPAL

    Musalmang in Tanhouo. Coins of Nepal circulatc more thao


    those of India. The King has only copper moDey. No gold and
    silvcr money are issued by him. The itrhabitstrts afc a bit giveo
    to luxury in the Terai, while io the mount&ins they are more simple.
    A tcgular civil war upspts social life in tbcre aroas." ( a girt
    of what the Padre wrote. Thie is in the laoguage of tbe author
    froE tbc Italian ).
    Lct us add a few worde about th€ Mohamadan population
    of Tanhouo, which was markedly observed by rhe Chtistiao
    vieitor. The Muslims were the emigrants from the plains. 'fhcy
    had gotre to Tanhoun from Bettia invitcd by the ruler to trade
    in bangles. We have sanads io the name of some families gratrting
    th€m lands for s€rviceg rondered to the Darbar in tbat course.
    UDlikc their compatriots ia the N€p:al Valloy the Tanhoun
    Muslims migrated from North Bihar. Those in Nepal came
    mostly from Kashmir and Panjab.
    The following passages from Tavernier a F(enchman about
    the descriptiotr of journey through the Terai of Gorakhpur to
    Palpa and theoce to tbe Tibetan border occur in Levi, which we
    have thougbt to reproducs here for the interest of the teaders:
    ..Let us now dwell oo the road which it is trecessary
    to follow
    to coovey otreself from.Patan' to the Kingdom of .Boutan, which
    journcy the caravan completes in tbree motrtbs. It usually starts
    from .Patatr' at tbe end o[ December atrd reachee .Gorrochepour
    on tho eigbth day, This is, as already stated, the last town of
    this side ot the great Mogul,s states and where merchants provido
    themselves with provisiotrs for a part on the journey. From .Gorro-
    chcpour' to the feet of the lofty moutrtains there is still aDother
    eight or nine days, journey, during which time the caravan sufters
    considerably, because the country is lull of forests wherein roam
    many wild elephaDts. The merchaDts itrstead of taking rest at
    night, keep on the alert and light a big fire while firing theit mus-
    kets to frighten away these animals. As the elephant moves about
    uoiselessly, be surprises everybody by his suddetr presence before
    tbey can be aware of him.
    .,It is not that the elephatrt intends hurtiog
    man, he is pleasecl
    KINCDOMS OF TI{E SENA DYNASTY 69

    to carry away victuals which be can lay hold of, for example, a bag
    of flour or a pot of butter of which there is always a considerable
    quantity. One can travel from tPatan' to the feet ot these moun-
    tains in carriages or in .Pallekis' (PalaDquin); but oxeD, camels
    and country horses 6re generally made use of. These horses are so
    thort iD 8tature that man'g feet touches the ground when he is
    riding but they are very strong and can run very well doisg twenty
    loagues at a stretch and eatiDg and drinking very tittte. Some of
    these horses cost as much as two hundrcd halt-crowns aod when
    oDe peDetrates into tho mountain, ope caDtrot but use this only
    means of crossing the many defrles which are too narrow. Although
    th€ horses are strong and small they often find it difficult to cross
    these lofty mountains; (One crosses Nepal then) the caravan having
    r€ached the foot of these high mountaiDs, known today under
    the name of rNaugrocot' and which cannot be traversed inside ot
    nine or t€n days, as these are exceedingly high and narrow with
    g,r€at precipicesi many people como down from various places and
    the majority of them women and girls who come to bargain with
    tbose of the caravan, to carry the meor the victuals aod the met.
    chandises, beyond the mountaios. This is the way they gct about
    it- fhese som€n have a pad on the two shoulders to which is
    attached a substantial cushion which hangr on tbe back on which
    the man i$ seated. Three wom6n alternate one another to carry a
    man by turn, and all baggage and provision are loaded on the back
    of goats who can carry up to a huDdred atrd frfty pourlds, Those
    who briDg horses with them are often compelled, in narow and
    dangerous defiles' to hoist them by rope: it is mainly due to thig
    diftculty, as already Eentioned, that horses are not used io these
    regions. They give them to eat ooly in tbe morniDg aDd itr the
    evening. In the moroing a paste made of a poutrd of flour with
    half a pound ot black sugar and the same quantity of butter mixed
    with water, serves the purpose. At evening time a small quaDtity ot
    peas, broken and allowed to soak for half an hour in water, i8 all
    they get; and this is the sum total ot their nourishment in tw€nty-
    four hours. Tbe women who carry tbe men oDly eartr two rupees
    tot th€ ten days of passage and the same amouDt is paid for each
    MODtrRN NS?AL

    hundredw€igbt carried b) the goats or Bhe-goats and for each horse


    tbat is brought up,
    ..Alter crossiDg these mountaitrs, one has a means of coDvcy-
    aqce upto 'Boutan', oxed, camels and hors€s and even .Pallekis'
    (palanquin) for those who wish to travel more comfortably."r'
    Although io the secood paragraph we find Nepal Eentioned in
    tbe itinerary, actually speaking, the area referred to was nbt under
    Nepal in rhose daJs. Tavertrier canfused the Kingdom oI Palpa
    with Nepal due to misund€rstatrding on account of tb€ir gcographi-
    cal position.

    Mackwanput
    (c)
    The closing of Tanhoun narrative will take us to Mackwanpu.,
    the state of LohaDga otherwise known as LavaDgapratapa. He
    bad pushed his coDquest towards the east aDd subdued half a
    dozen chiefaains of the areas now called Mobattari and Saptad
    dist.icts (Hamilton, pp. 134-36). Hamilton's informant says that
    these were rulers of the Bbawar tribe, and in Morang one Viiaya-
    narayana a d€scendatrt of a Chief commonly b€li€ved to belotrg to
    a royal family of Assam, may be be was a Koche chief, was ruling,
    whom Lobanga kitled with the help of the Kirata tribes living in
    the hilts trorth of that place. According to a ms' oI Pratapamalla's
    time Mobattari was ruled by one Kirtinarayana. (Darb. Lib. Cat.
    I.979). This is dzted 772 Chaitru sukla 15 (= April, 1652). Agham
    Sioha, a Kirata itr the service of Hamilton, says that the Kiratag
    retaiDed their &utonomy even though submitting to LohaDga,
    baving their own man as Chautata or minister of the realm aDd
    certain other rights. Irhaoga enteted into an alliance with the
    Kirata ruler of the arear by name Libuk Hang to effect a settlement
    to that end, It is said that since theo Maithili was adopted as
    official laDguage of both th€ Kirata atrd ot the areas directly uoder
    Sena rulers. As a result, we find sevcral docuoentS, sanads aod

    14 Lavi, i, pp. 83'84; Thc six voysgcs olcaD BsDtistc TaYrloicr II'
    Cbaptcr XV.
    KINGDOMS OF THB SBNA DYNASTY 7I
    stamped l:tters also written in Maithili, which supports thtr
    statement,
    Lohanga's grandson or eoo, according to the old Sena chroni-
    cle, Raghava Seo adtpted the title ot Hrodupaii. He was suceeo-
    dcd by bis son Harihara Setra. He wac a grandson of a Samal
    Chief througb his mother. The latter had two wives and he
    Iavouted Subha Sena his son by the younger queen Mahadevi in
    preterence to three others by the elder queeo Mahosvari. After
    big death Mackwanpur wa8 divided into rpo paris, the river Kosi
    wac the boundary between the two, and while the westero portion
    fell to Maharaja Kumar Subha, over the eastern portion Judubi-
    dhata Indra, the son of Chhatrapati becaEe a ruler, Chhatrapati
    was tbe eldest son of Harihara but he was not a favourite of his
    fatber aod thus Indra Sena had been declared Kiog, It is said thrt
    in bis time Auraogzeb's army while on their cay to Assam in
    vaded Morang aod the Raje had to purchaee peace by surretrderiog
    some elophaots aod mon€y, According to Sir Jaduoath Sarkar
    the Moghul army had invaded Morang. The old SetrE chronicle
    menlions the marriage of Mahesvaridevi and her sister Mahadevi
    with Harihara two princesse$ of Krch Bihara (p. l4). Brth
    Chhatrapati and Subha Sena were nephe*,s ot the Kooh Bihar ruter
    Prana Narayana. Hamiltoo sugg3sts that Haribara bad pushed his
    conquest as far as Koch Bihar. The two principalities M.rrang
    and Mackwanpur wer€ cruelly sacked by the Purnea Nawab several
    times, and a good maay portions of ths territorie8 wire taken away
    and absorbed into the Nawab's domaio. It is said that Subha
    Sena's step brothers had gone over to the Nawab, aod they could
    also succeed in wiooing ovgr the ministers of ths Mackwaopur
    ruler on their sidc. The conspirators at last succecded iu catching
    tbe persoo of Subha Sena aod he was currendered to Ntwab Isfun-
    dar Dyar Khan of Purnea.l!
    Bidhata Indra went to tbe assistaoce of his uncle but he was

    15 The chrooiclc of thc Kirata gives a diff..cot vErrioo of th. story.


    Hc !ay! that Subhaoga was rcscuetl by a corDbiocd forcc of Kitata! aud
    MoraoS which invaCed Pu.oca. They io commotr pluodercd thc N.prb,g
    troasury aud laid haods on gold aod silvcr worth about Rr. 3 lakhs,
    72 MODERN NEPAL

    alsb defeated. Botb the uDcle and lh€ nephew were sent to Delhi
    and were Eurdered th€re, Tbe queen of Indra S€na tried to aveDg€
    her busband's d€ath with lhe help ot the Kirata chiets and soldiers,
    shs defeated the Nawab and expelled his occupation of the bord€r.
    All these evetrts took place in 1706 A.D. It was said by one sourcc
    that SubhaDga Sena himself sas ransomed off by agreeing to pay
    annually as a tribute soEe eleplaDts, The cbronicler of the Kirata
    Sives a different version ot the story. He says tbat Subhanga was
    rcscued by a combined force of Kiratas and Morang which invaded
    Purnea. They in common plundered the Nawab's treasury asd
    laid halds on gold ood silver wortb about Rupees 3 lakhs. Accor-
    ding b rhe old Sera chronicle the title of Hiodupati appears for the
    first time iD the royal epitbets of thiB monarch. He bad four sons
    Matrdhata, Mahipata, Manikya, and Jagat, the last . of whom was
    taken to Chaudandi by Hansu Rai, the Kirata minist€r of the area.
    The contemporary Thyasapu written itr the Nepal Valley speak
    of the invasions of Mackwanpur by the rulers of the Valley.
    The excursion into the MackwaDpur territories began siDce the
    time of Pratapamalla whose contempotary was, Subha Sena.
    According to Tbyasapu D Pratapamalla aDd Srinivasamalla
    had iointly carried an irvasiotr of the border areas of MackwaDpur
    on 790 Magha krsna 4, but had returned without acbieving
    anything. Next year on 790 lyestha krsno 12 budhavara Sriniva-
    samalla alone invaded MackwaDpur aDd he was accompanied
    besides his own soldiers also by 4 ministers and 100 soldiers
    of Bhatgaon, Murari Sahi of Gorkba and Jagbatria. However,
    he was comielled to retreat and all fled back to Patan. The
    Thyasapu D further informs that oa 801 Choitru sudi l0 the
    men of Katbmaodu went on atr expedition against Mabakumar
    (Subha Sena) tbose of the 4 ministers of Patar and Bhatgaoo
    werb also to be there but they told Kathmandu that lhey werc
    to go to Sindhuli. About a year later, however, it was
    declared that Sindhuli had been captured ot 801 Yaisokha krsna
    2 anwadha naksltru adityayara= Surday, 24 Aprll, l6E1 aod
    lhe lead was given by the kiDg of KarhmaDdu.
    The Tbyasapu A (f. 3l) under the samo date lioc notes lhc
    KINGDOMS OF TiIE SENA DYNASTY 73

    evenrs of conquest of Sindhuli (Dinding, Tinipatao, PstaliDga


    -these 4 days later) by Parthivendramalla, and says
    that all
    the 3 rulers had participated. It is said that ot 80L Bhadra
    sukla 13 dngatayta, the grandson of Hiildupati (Harihara),
    Bidhata Indra, came to the Kantipur palaco escaping with a
    rhinoceros. The cause of the flight is not given. Perhaps
    as Baburam Acharya also says, Indrasen had temporarily taken
    8h€lter io the Nepal Valley. He had quarrelled with bis.
    uncle.
    The Thyasapu E in coofirmation of this account under the"
    same dateliDe adds that all the pramatras and peoples had
    joired the figbt so did the 3 Chautaras, According to this
    Thyasapu Mackwanpur was conquered ot 803 Phalguna swli
    chatuflhi asyini naksatra angarayara at '15 ghali past night
    Tuesday, 24 February, 1683. But the invaders abandoned forts
    captured by them as they heard that Tanhoun had marched to
    the help of Mackwanpur. As tlte invaders were running away
    lhrough the route of Pharping, Srinivasamalla fell into the
    bands of tbe defenders who were chasiDg attackers, But the
    rulers of Bhatgaotr, Kathmandu, Lamjung, Gorkha, Bhirkot,
    Palpa, Rising, Ghiring and Sisiya combined to defeat Mackwanpur.
    In this conflict Jagsing Bania was sent tb€rc (probably to
    ncgotiate) Kathmandu got one elephant as a prize.
    It looks that the attacks on Mdckwanpur conductcd by
    Pratapamalla and Srinivasamalla were aimed at intervening in
    bebalf of Subhasena, who was one of tbe parties contestiDg
    the throne ol Mackwanpur. This becodes clearer froD the
    following paragraph, whero we discuss a letler of Pratapamalla
    to oD€ influeDtial person in Mackwanpur,
    The Bir Library has recently acquited a letaer of PratapaEalla
    ot date Phogunavadi 9 (brur witbout year and week day)
    addressed to Dalakha Baoia asking the lattet to manoeuvre by
    all means for placing Subbaeena oD the tbrole of Mackwanpur.
    It adds that tbe advice now tendered was in pursuance of
    their previous coosultatioD. The letter presupposes a state ot
    afiairs coEplicated enough for the smooth succession of the
    ?4 MODERN NEPAL

    €ld€st son to the throne of hiE fath€r Harihara Sena. Subhasena


    was tho secoDd son. He had no title to the throne. But the
    principality wao divided between the two. What intercst
    Pratapamalta hart in Subhasena is not cleat. We have seen
    lrom the Thyasapus that up till 806=1685 A.D. the attack on
    Mackwanpur was being caried by the Nepal valley rulers.
    As Pratapamalta died in early 79a p674 A.D), the lettet
    Dust belong to the time earli€r to this date, P€rhaps Chhatrapati
    and Subhasena were struggling for the throne, and there was
    enough room fot manoeuwe because of the weakness of their
    father Harihara Scna. ifhe struggle was takiog place itr tho
    .lif€ time of Hariharasena. Ultimately Harihara was forced to
    divide the kingdom. What part bad Pratapamalla played ie
    lowheto clear in the letter nor in the Thyasapus. The identity
    of Datakhava Bania is also unktrown. He seems to bc a very
    .important personality of Mackwanpur on the side of Subbasetra.
    We also fail to koow.how Subhasena's kingdom was attacked
    if he was a friend. We cao utrderstand the latter attacks by
    Patan and Kathmandu but as long as Pratapa lived, this could
    not have been possible.
    Unfortunately wc cannot pursue further the poidt of
    Mahammadan invasion of Mackwanpur o[ Nepal valley records.
    They say nothitrg about it eveo distantly.
    Attacks on Mackwanpur were repeated. But lh:re is no
    mentiotr of attack on the territory of lndra Sera. It seems
    Iodraseoa was a friend of the Nepal Valley kings thE latler favour-
    ed. Under d$e 8lO Phatguno sukla I1 pra 12 adityavara=Etd ot
    Februaryr' the Thyasapu A mentions tbe visit of Patasaha
    ( obviously Iodra Sena or his gtandtather ) to Siodhuli, where he
    was received by the ministers of the three kingdoms of the
    Valley,
    Whatcver that be, the fact is certain that Tanhoun always kept
    aloof, when it meant helping the rulers o[ the Ncpal Valley in their
    attack on Mackwanput but Gorkha had ioined thero'

    16 Thc dat€ ii irregular. This is Wodoccday aod oot SuDday,


    KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTI 75

    As eome Tlryasapus speak of Kheda operations by the Valley


    rulers Baburam Acharya thinks that although tertitorial gain at
    the cost of Mackwanpur was not possible' the Malla rulers bad
    obtained the rigbt of hunting elephaots itr the forest beloogiog to
    the doDain of Mackwanpur. This might be possible.
    Chaudandi and Morang
    (D)
    It ha8 been said by Hamilton that otr the capturc of Subha Sena
    his two sons wete temoved toKirata areas. Baburam Achatya
    recollects that he had an old notiog to say that they had been
    carried into safety and kept at Sindhuli Garhi.
    Mandhata Sen became the kiog ot Morang while to Manikya
    Sen was given the throue of Mackwanpur. Thet€ is a documeot
    io Mahipati's name, a land grant made to Dewan Ish Rai who has
    been to carty the admioisttation as usual ( Samvat 1882 Maghavadi
    roj 6 ). Tbis was issued from his capital Vijayapur't' Manikye Sen's
    son, Hemkarna, was an carlier cootemporary of Prthvinarayana
    shah. In Morang Mandhata was succeeded by Kamadatta sen'
    It is said that Jagat Sen who was the ruter of the parts of Morang
    ro the west of the Kosi was made king superseding Kamadatta
    Scn, Kamadatta sas a weakling, he was dominated by one o[
    the Kirata chiefs wbose naoe was Bichitralaraya0a Rei. His soE
    was to ptay an importaot role in Morang's conflict with
    Prthvinarayaoa Shah, Visvambhara Sen's rec.rrd ot latrd graot
    ro otre Satbaha Rai dated 1807. Asvin sadi 2 roi 6'8 issued from
    Vijayapur is an evidence of his reign. Atter his death Kaoadatta
    reassert€d his position and occupied the capital.
    Hamilton talks ot the principaliti of CnauCandL aod as it wiu
    appear this came into beiog atter Partitiotr of the MoraDg
    principality,
    The names of the rulers at the time oI Gcrkha conquect
    mentioned by Englisb authors are Kamadatta io Morang with

    t7 ChcEjong, A Histot! of The Kirato PeoPIe,lll'


    l8 kilfita P1kqsa, I.90. Thc date correspoods to l;riday 2t Scptcobor'
    !750.
    v6 MODERN NEPAL

    Vijayaput as capital, KarDa Sen in today's Mahottari aDd


    Saptati ( Chaudatrdi ) atrd HeBkarDa in Mackwanpur, which
    iocluded slso part of Mahottari ( HaEilton ), Hemkarna had
    inherited the original pricipality of Mackwanpur. His soB
    Digbandhana Seoa was the last ruler of th€ line to rule the
    principality. He fled to British terrirory wbile Gorkha attacked
    Mackwanpur. Certain Kirata chiefs particularly one Budha
    Karna Rai acting as ministets were powerful .in Kamadatta's
    part of &e country. This Budha Katna came to play an important
    Part in Morang. He was not on good terms with Kamadatta who
    was killed by the ministet's machioation, and wirh active help
    rerdered by Sikkim whose Raja bad pushed his western trotrtier
    to river Kankayi. Previously, Vijayapur included all lands upto
    th8 river Tista as well ias the mountaioous region what is Dow
    called East No.4 upto the rive( Dudh Kosi. As well as Dhankuta
    8nd Illam districts of Nepal and lhe western balf ot Darjeeling
    districts oI West Bengal. The prinpipality touched Bhatgaon's
    ftontier in the billy region of a poitrt near about the river
    Tcmakosi. The Sena chiefs were finally driven away and expelled
    lo takc refuge in tbe company's territories, when the Gorkhalis
    tcacbed Morang in course of their military expedition. The eveDts
    are r€counted at leDgtb in tbe chapter dealing with the life ot
    Prlhvioarayana Shah.
    ADother story of a Moslem invasion on Morang is narrated
    by lhe cbroDicler in Kamadatta's time ( oot lhe one mentioDed
    above ). The venue of the figbt was Taxoganj ( Fatehpur ). It
    is raid that the attack was repelled by a united army ot the ten
    lfribal'Kirara chiefs and thc ruler of Morang. By the agreement
    sigDed after the lruce the Nawab of Purnea, Ahmad Khan, pledged
    to re6pect lbe iDtegrity of the donain of MoraDg ( where lived nine
    lakh Hindus ),
    Tbere are letters and larmans issued by the coDcerned rulers,
    wbich bave been preserved upto date in the possessioDs of the
    'descendaDts of tbe iDdividuals to whom they were atlached. One
    such document purports to prove lhe fact of tbe Muslim attack
    io H. S. 1159. Two more documeuts which cover orders issued
    KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTY 7?
    by the rulers of Moraog to thc ten proviDcial heads of the Kirats
    atea to asscmSle at the headquart€r gives an idea of how tbeit
    coutrtry faced possibilities of occasionat disturbances (l) VS
    l7l9 ( 1663 A. D. ), (2) 1764 VS ( 1707 A. D. ).'e The above n.l
    was issued in tbe name of Jivadevi wife of Indra Sen ( see below
    ).
    From a few more documents it appears thst Matrikya Sen and
    Mandhata Sen ruled in Mackwanpur atrd Morang respectivcly,
    aod there were nine rulers in betweeo Lohanga Seo and the lagt
    ruler of the line.
    The Mackwanpur chronicle says that daughters of thc Raja ol
    Mackwanpur was married to Rama Shah and his name was to a
    distatrce when Gorkha used to be caught unawaros and sometimEr
    itc rulet did Dot hesitate to use feeliogs of animosity harbourcrt by
    some other Chaubisis to wreck his own veogeanc€ on Gorkha.
    HamiltoD (p.243) stated that the Raia of Lamfung reli€ved atrd
    revenge of Rs.22,000 which he used to support hie family, Ho
    also desired some income from trade with Tibet whicb passcd
    through ManaDg. The South€rn trade route passed through TaD-
    houn along the river Marsyangdi to Deoghat aod thetrce to Chitaun
    and the Indian border. The creatioo of Gorkha by Drabya Shah
    is attributed to tbe prince,s revolt against his brother. .Drabya
    Shah seized tbe South€rn and eastem part of Lamjung across
    Chepe, which brought Rupees 12000 annualty.
    The genealogy drawn by Hamilton,s informant is not accurate,
    and there are mistakes even in regard to data applying to the period
    some quarter-century before he visited Kathmandu in 1g02.
    According to Hamilton,s information'0 the scume between the
    sons of Harihar took place before his death. Suspectiog tbat
    Subhasena was going to be the next ruter of tb€ Rai, the three other
    sons by Mahisi attacked tbeir father and made bim captive, He
    was rel€ased through the eftort of Chhatrapati,s wife but oa condi_
    tiotr that the kingdom was divided into four equal parts. But
    Subhasena did not agree to this proposal aod a war of 8ucces8ioa

    19 Publish€d by P. B. LiEbu.
    20 P. 132. Accordiog to Baburam Acbarya's Bourcc thc Upadhyr aDd
    Thapa lived in Taohou priot to thoir appoiotmcotr io Meckwa[pur.
    78 MODERN NEPAL

    defeat' But Harihara out of love for


    contitrued resulting in their
    Chbatrapati's wifo gxaDted the whole ot the principality east ot the
    Kosi to her newly born son [ndr4. Hamilton further wrote that
    Subha Sena quarrelled q,ith his Brahman minister Pradyumna
    Upa<thyaya. The latter incited his army chief Patasuram ThaPa to
    rebellion against the master. It is said that the Upadhyaya gave his
    liaugbter in matriage to the ThaPa descended on the father's side
    through a BrahEan ancesior. Both conspired to seize the person
    ot Subba Sena and were about to hand him over to Isfundiyar Kban
    of Purnea but where frustrated by Subha's neph€w Bidhata Indra.
    Later one Kalu Upadhyaya, a relation of PradyuEDa, surreptitiously
    acted to avetrge his relation's death aDd caught hold of the petsoDs
    of both the kings and handed them over to the Nawab who setrt
    his prisoners to Delhi wbere they were deprived of tbeir caste.
    HaEilton turtber said that oDe Prabodha Das who held the rank
    of a minister removed the two sons of Subba Sena to the Kirata hill8.
    The eldest Mahipati was installed as ruler in Saptari and Morang
    carving a kingdom east of the Kamala, wbile the second, Manik,
    obtained the te[itory between the Adhya river and Kamala with
    the original kingdom of Mackwanpur. The cbronology of the
    Mackwanpur and Morang as given by Hamilton agrees totally with
    that of the old SeDa chronicle. Mahipati was also called Mandhata
    according to Hamilton's information. He left his part of thc
    territory to his son, Kamadatta who was always on bad terms wilh
    his Kirata minister, Chitra Rai' It was said that this quarrel
    ultimately deprived Kamadatta of his territory west of the Kosi,
    where lvith the capital at Chaudandi was placed on throne his
    brotber Jagat. Kamadatta continued to tule Moraog from his
    capital at Vijayapur. As we shall obsetve a little later Kamadatta
    is reported to have visited Calcutta to plead his cause with the
    British and his mioister Buddhakarma Rai ousted him from power
    and Eanaged to keep him away from the caPital. For some time
    Kamadatta was restored to power by his own effotts though the
    British dirl not beed bim. Kamadata was later killed by the Rai's
    machination during a confabulation between the parties of the
    king and the ministry. Oo his death Buddhakarma Rai declared
    Karna Sen as Kirg of Morang. Thereafter the couDlry was ovcr'
    KINGDOMS OF TIIE SENA DYNASTY 79
    taken by tbe Gorkhali invasioD, One of Hamilton,s informants
    says of Jagat Sen as the 8on of Manik wbo goverDed his rich area
    for 2 years in Mackwanpur. Hemkarna, both as Hamilton and
    the chronicler of the Seoa Vamsavali sayr was the next ruler beitrg
    tho eldest son, He figures in the history of the time as the father.
    in-law of Prthvinarayana Sbab. Mackwanpur was annexed to
    Gorkha in U6l.
    AccordiDg to old chronicle of the SeDa dyDasty Kamadatta had
    Iour sons, Hema Karna, Jagat, Jayamaogal and Vikrama, Jagat
    was a nominal ruler ot Chaudandi. He left no igsue and lvas
    succeeded by his brother Vikrama. Karna Sen was the son of
    Vikrama, It is difrcult to say which Dame stood exactly wbere
    unless thefu identity is establisbed by other meatrs, e,g. for exampte
    by documerh belongiog to the reigo oi PrthviDarayaDa Shah.
    Accordirg to thc Kirata Chronicle the foUowing points of agree-
    mGDt were accepted by the parties in Lohaoge Son-Kirata alliancc:
    (1) 'the MiDiste. of the State (Diwan) will be the pereon elec.
    ted by the ten provincial heads and people of the Kiratd desa,
    whos€ tenure of office will be for five years.
    (2) Aoy migration to this Brea and to Morang will be taken
    cogBisatrcc of aod entry notified to check uDauthoris€d person
    coming over thcre.
    (3) Every tenth year a cenrus of the population will be takeD,
    and registered in the capital city of Morang.
    (4) Every adult aboye the age of lg and below 50 will undergo
    a Eilitary traitring with bows aod arrows for thtee months at the
    provincial headquartet, the €xpenses to be met out of the goneral
    exchequer,
    (5) For emergency €ach Rai, the h€ad ot tbe province, shall
    keep in readiness 150 men.
    (6) The Governmeat will Ievy taxes otr lauds at the ,ate ot.
    Re, l/,- for I plough.
    (7) The revenue will be spent as follows:-
    l0$ to go to ths provincial executives,
    45% Ior the Eaioteoaoce:'of the militia a[d the rest to bc
    deposited at the ceDtral treasury itr MoraDg,
    80 MOI'ERN MPAL

    (8) Tbe Provincial executive will try all ofiences except the
    big five. ones involviog heinouc crimes aod othcrs aoouotiog to
    'moral turpitudc,
    (9) Whoever violates tbc laws of the slate or rebels against the
    lawful authority, (tbe Raia of Moraog ot tribal beads), 6hall bc
    punished with depositioD aod banishment,
    In tbe same treaty tb€ distribution of areag per head was
    arranged thus:
    (l) Around Pokla Ysang Yok (fort) in present TaplejutrE dis-
    trict under Feyohang.
    (2) Around Augdang Yok in IIam under Loli Mahaog.
    (3) Around Fedeo Yok in Punch That (Ilam) under Papohaog.
    (4) Aroutrd Kurle Yok in Taplejuog under Mahohaog.
    (5) Around Hasta pu Yok utder Linee Haog.
    (6) Around Pomajung Yok in Athrai (Ilam.Tapleiung border)
    under Akluff.
    (7) Around Takluk den Yok under Khecho Hang.
    (8) Meribg den Yok on the bank of TaEor under Sisiyetr.
    (9) Chenlung Yok under Maijug Hang.
    (10) Takpe Suyok in the north under Samba Sreng Hang.
    Although the portion of the hiuy atea in between tbe rivcrs
    Dudbkosi and Aruo was within Morang's jurisdiction, the same
    system of tribal rule obtainod thero also. This was divided into
    twelve seotioDs each under its own Rai Raja as wae the belt
    b€twe€n the riv€rs Aruo and Kankayi just Drentioned.
    The ancieDt history of all these areas is, howevet, enveloped in
    darkness. Before we ptoceed to give aDything in that directioo
    it is nccessaay, therefore, to make a thorough search into their past
    .The basin of tbe river Arun appears to have held a thriviog cultufe
    in its lap as did the Karnali region ot West. The search may open
    new fields of research and study to a historian.rt
    The followirg are some of tho importaot original documentt

    2l A History ol Kirats by Preo Bahadur LiEbu (iD Nepali). Thc autho!


    provides copics of roEc docuDeots' but thcsc have !o bc ohcckcd Erd
    vcri6ed.
    KINGDOMS OF T}IE SENA DYI.IASTY 81

    relatiflg to the events ot the history of the Kosi basin in the lTth
    8nd lSth centuries :-
    (a) A Sanad iorued by Ahmad Khan Daulat Bahadur of purnea
    io the name of certain Kirata chiets dated Hizri 1125,
    (b) A proclamation in the name ot Kirata chiets to a88emble
    in Viiayapur, the headquarter of the Seo Raja of the region, iooued
    by Harischandra Sen and others, which dates Vikram Samvat 1719
    Pausa Sudi 4. This Harischandra Sen was the same ruler a8
    Haribara Seo.
    (c) A decree ot the Sena Prince sent to all the Kirata chief8
    to rise to arms against the Sikkimese proclaimed in the name of
    MaharaDi Jivadevi, dated V.S. 1763 Asvin vadi 8.
    (d) Aoother order calliog to arms the Kirata chiefs in defencc
    of the moth€rland issued by Mandhara Sen dated Y,S. 1764 Asvin
    Srdi 5 to bight the Nawab.
    Nothing more could be written about these petty states ruled
    by the Senas. We now proceed to bring this sectios to a conclusion
    by udding a few passages from foreign accounts, which, though
    brief in themselves, are likely to shed further light on the ecotromic
    aod political condition of the localitie0 coDcersed.
    We have already quoted passage from Taveroier for a descrip-
    tion ot a iouroey to Palpa. Below we give a gist of what Fatber
    Cassino wrote about Mackwanpur, Fatber Caesino had valked
    through the territory of this principality to reach patan along the
    course of the river Bagmati in about the begioning ot the year
    1740 A.D. Th€ noling which he made is picked up from
    bis
    diary ( author's traDslatioo ).
    '.Jujut is a village belooging to Mackwanpur. There is a
    fertile juDgle 20 kos in extension. The King gets substaoaial income
    out of the forest. He goes on a shooting and hutrtiDg expedition.
    He catches elephants, rhitoceroses and wild buffaloes and sells thsm
    at a heavy price. Even the smallest of €lephants and rhinocerog
    ( tau 3 cubits ) fetches each Rs. 500/-. It it is of longer size, the
    price i8 Rs. 5@ more for every additiooal cubit, The customs
    levy is charged to a conkactor who pays six monthsio advance to
    the king a portion of tbe amount due to hio. Vory often he
    6
    82 MODERN NEPAI,

    of cultivable land.
    bscoEes iDsolvent. Mackwanpur has very little
    Itis sparsely populated, The population i8 sbiftiog. Most ot
    tbese repair to the hills during the taiDy season for fear of
    mslarial lever."4
    I,lVe reproduce another passage from Levi and tbis one givirg a
    ot Mackwarpur is interesting for the many
    des$iption of the Terai
    informations though brief, it provides in regard to lhe fauna,
    flora and geograpbical situation of tbe locality concerned.'"
    ..Tben .Kalpaghur, XIV ; .Barrihua' XVI ; which is rhe
    frontier of the Moghat Empire ? One crosses after this on the
    t€rritory of the Raiah of 'Mackwanpur', and through a thick
    forest ot 28 thousaDd paces in widtb, and 100 in length from east
    to w€st; elephants, rhinocetoses, tigers aDd bisons roam in thele
    and many other wild aoimals so that ooe really runs the risk of
    death. At night big fires are carricd on the fout corners of the
    palanquir, then sbouts, beating of drums, musket shots are
    r€sorted to, to frighten away the tigers. But the carriers and the
    guides wbo are idolateri make use oI superslitious figures aDd
    of magical charms. The huntirg ot the wild animals gives the
    Raiah of Mackwanpur a profitable income. In the depths of the
    forests otre discovers a number of rui[s, they ate, 8o rumou( says,
    the reEains of the great and atrtique towtr of 'Scimaoagada'. Many
    stories have been woven on tbis town, and a plao €ngraved on a
    stone on the great square at Batgas ( Bhalgaotr ) is still tbere ro be
    8bown one. Old coins are also foundr but rarely, which resemble
    her in construction in the sbape of a labyriDth,
    "From Falber Grueber's accoutrt it appears that the Rajah ot
    Mackwanpur ( he calls Morang but this Dame was applied to
    Mackwanpur because Morang was a part of thst 6tate, which came
    to the knowledge of the missionary ) paid a yearly 'tribute of
    2150,000 richedales and of seven elepbaots' to the Moghal, Io
    this connection Kircher's memoraldum addsi "Ibe kingdon ot
    .Moranga' wedges in tbe kiDgdom ot 'Tibet' its capital Radoc is
    the last statiotr reaobed by Father d'ADdrada io his iouroey to

    22 ItaliaDi Missionari, etc,, Vol, ll. Pt.iv, p. 15.


    23 Lcvi, i. p. I20 (Georgi'! coopilalioo).
    KINCDOMS OF TIIB SENA DYNASTY 83

    Tibet, lhey redound with numerous iodicatiotrs of the Chdstian


    taith which had planted, in the names of men still current, Dominic,
    Francis, Antony".
    GeneruI Political Picture ol the Units of the Baisi anil Chaubisi
    The picture is charactetised by
    (l) too maoy states in a limited area,
    (2) the av€rage size was not at alt viablo lor a political ertiiy
    (3) Tho biggest of them such as Jumla, palpa, Mackwan-
    pur and Vijayapur contained more than 20,000 houses I tbe
    rest in varying number from 2000 to 8000 houses with the smallest
    600 to 1400 hovcls.
    (4) The income shown in a record for the Eost qnviable
    of them trever went beyond a few thousand rupees.
    (5) Thus except Jumla, piuthan, patpa, Tanhoutr, Mackwan-
    pur and the three states of the Nepal Valley not one of theo
    could be called a principality even io a limited sense. The
    status ot the ruler could as well not be greater than that of
    a chiet of a group of villages.
    (6) The larger statep also suffered from various deficienclee
    in economic tesources and man power, and if it wete not for
    the isolation naturo dictated in their cases, they would have
    been wiped out by a superior. pow€r appeariog in the neigh.
    bourhood in tbe Gargetic plains.
    (7) In their state ot divislon and backwardness, th€ entirc
    Chaubisi and Baisi region was vulnerable to atry kind of preseure
    of a superior strategy and Eilitary streagth either fiom outsido
    or within itself.
    Such was the situatiotr which PrithvinarayaDa found himself
    in as he aspired to carve and consolidate a strong kingdom in
    tbe Himalayan ranges,
    Thank God, Nepal had not attracted Dotico of a counlry
    power emerging in the plains. Otherwise, ths dream of pri-
    thvinarayana Shah would have remained only a dream or even
    this dream would not come to his mind. The eame oatural
    factors had precluded the possibility of territorial power iD the
    84 MODBRN NEPAL

    plaiss to expand its sphere up th6 high altitude ol lhe moun'


    taiog in the lap of the snowy peaks But tbis bad left a
    vacuum wbich lhe aspiration of the Gotkha ruler could fill by
    crcating 8n iDdigenous power witbin the regioo' Prlhvinara'
    yana's rise to powel a8 tbc head of a Himalayao state was a
    counteracting influence to check 'any design of an outsider on
    th6 EouDtain fastness of Nepal. His success to form a viable
    slSte oI its own bad, bowever, ullimately ptoved a counter'
    poise to the machination oi tbe British who wanted to peDelrate
    iDto lhe region fol tbeir own benefits and colonial ioterest'
    In the nert chapter we shall see how Prthvioarayana Shah
    ovelcame tbe difrculti€s he tncounlered in the way oI the
    ful'
    filment ot his ambition lo create a formidabte political force
    in the c€trtral HimalaYas.
    The consideratioo ot tbe Baisi and Chaubisi in their his-
    torical petspective as was attempied in the last few pages is
    hefewith over.
    Ennology ol the Ruling DYnasties
    All persons cvho acquired ore or anothet kind of membersbip
    in the area now laown as Nepal claimed descent ftom the
    Rajputs of Raiasthan in west central Iadia, and said that
    their fotetathers had migrated from tbat region. But we do
    not know if tbis claim can be doubttessly established' Some
    families oight have found tbeir way into the sub-Hinalayan
    territories. However, Dot all families came that way' And the
    fact also remains that in lhe environmont they lived it was
    not possible ro maintain etbnic purity. From accounts available
    it does nol seem that tbey had manied into Ksatriya tamilies
    ol Raipurana, tbe home of the Raiputs. Families claimiog
    Rajput origin who lived in the border areas on the south
    $,ere alteady for such relationship. But one is not c€rtain
    it
    these fsmilies also could indisputably establish the evidence of
    their Rajput coonectiotr. Besides this thc Nepalese princes had
    oatrimonial relation with thosc of Mackwanpur, Bho had
    married the daughrer ot tho tlaia o[ Koch Bihar whose ancestry
    was withoul doubt ore oI ths hdo'Mongoluid Koche tribe' On
    KINGDOMS OF THt] SENA DYNASTY 85

    top of the indigenous legcll.ls a d chronicles talk of some


    it
    families of the oew settl€rs mirrrying daughter$ of the Magar
    chieltains who wore ruliug in the midwest rcgion of Nepal
    before the tettlers seized powers fronr thom.
    The Raia ol
    Mackwaupur Hariharasena had married t*,o
    daughters o[ the rulet of Koch tsihar aod
    tris line of succesots
    were descended fronl them. Ooc of the sons, Subhaseun, nephew
    of Prananarayarra, was the great grnndfather of the lirst queen o[
    Prthvinarayana Shah.
    And we know the genealogy of Koch Bihar roy Lrt tamily
    whose ancrstors certainly beloDged to the Koche tribe. lo the
    18th century the royal lamily of Mackwanpur enjoyed a superior
    status and the hard ot its princess was sought by tbe ruler ot
    GorLha.
    The ruler of Palpa in the v€ry earlier period of his settlement
    had married into a family of th€ Magar tribe wbich had their
    home in tbe Gandaki basin. The ancient Sena chrooicle
    published by the Bir Library stotes oDe Abhaya Raja, fourth
    in succession to tbe first ruler of Palpa, had married withlull
    rites a daughter by name Kantimati of the Magar Raia,
    Gajalaksmana Simha ot Mackwanpur, ooe ot their d€scerdants
    had married the princess of Isma, another the prince$s of Argha.
    Rudra Setra was the loth . lineal descendant' and his son
    Mukundasena who had adopt€d the title of Hiodupati and
    Emperor of the hills. lheir eleventh successot Mukunda Sena
    was born of the daughter ot a chciftain of Madbyadesa (Terai)
    and her name Asanamala. Anolher son of Rudrasstra by name
    Ugrasena s,as born of the daughtcr ot tbe Raia ot Piuthan.
    Mukunda Sena had 3 wives. The second was a priDcess of the
    Magar Raia of Parkot. The thiid was tbe daughter of lhe
    Raja ot Piuthan. Visnu Sbah's wite was a princess of PalPa
    who had in ber Magar blood. She was thc mother ol the
    hcir apparent Shri Krishna Slrah who had urarried his cousin,
    a daughter of the mrternal ulcle. Dambrr Shuh, tour Bcnerations
    earlier to Prthvinarayanr Shah was maried to a daughter of
    Hambira Sena of Tanhrruo. The Raia o[ Juurla had also married
    86 MODERN NEPAI,

    into th€ Mackwanpur royal family. if Gorkha could not claim


    So
    pure Rajput descent the same was the case with Jumla, But
    Gorkba, Lamjung, and Jumla had the right to claim Ksatriya
    blood in them as their ancestors on the male side at least
    had probably migrated from modern Rajasthan, The mixing
    up of blood between families by marriage was so intimate
    that Done of the royal fanili€s either in the Baisi or Chaubisi
    wete maiDtaining ethnic purity.
    Tbere were certain practices whicb they had inherited aDd
    cotrtinued to observe in lhe new situatioD, and tbese made
    theE a class apart from the royal families in Rajputaoa. For
    example, almost all these belonging to royal families in mouo-
    tainous Nepal could marry tbeir first cousin, outside their
    gotru. Aad during the autumn festiyal o[ Dasain the goddess
    has had to be propitiat€d with the ofter of a sacrifice of a
    pig killed in the sanctum sanctorium. Although they do not
    eat the flesh of a pig, the sacrifice is compulsory.
    These two practices are not known in RajasthaD, the home
    of the so called Ksatriyas of India.
    I do not thitrk that one need go to discuss this problem.
    Further we have already suggested that several ruling fanrilies
    wer€ mixed up iu blood wilh royal dynasties which originated
    from Mongoloid Kiratas or the SemiAryan Khasas. Such royal
    families might be tbose who ruled in the eastern Terai and
    Koch Bihar. The Doinwar or Danuwar or Mohattari who
    ethnically are allied to the Koches ot Modern Koch Bihar are
    in particular seen iD contact with different ruling houses itr
    the Chaubisi group. But it is absurd to suggest rhat all the
    ruling families in thc region were Kiratas.
    It bas been said by some that the rulers of Mackwanpur
    and eastern regions belonged to the Kirata tribe of the Kbambu
    origin, According to their opinior the ruler was a Kirata
    prince who was born and brought up in the Rajput family.
    These people even go to the rxtent of clai$itrg lhat the Sena
    dyDasty ilself sas a Kirata dynasty. A writ€r recently put
    fotward a theory tbat the Hioalayan states lrom Kumaon Io
    KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTY 87

    Bhutao were ruled by royal families descended flom thc


    Mongoloids,
    But nothitrg can be said dennitcly about ths origio of the
    ruling princes io the Himalayao states. But the Ssttika 8tat68
    and Palpa, and Doti and Jumla otr the Karoali basin were
    most probably emigrant Rajput families.
    CHAPI ER IV
    PRTHVINARAYAN SHAH'S EARLY CAREERI
    We have seen how the various clans of Rajputs, some ot
    pute and some of mixed blood had settled down in the Cetrtral
    Himalayan tracts and how they lived in a disturbing conrtition
    of perpetual enmity and internecine struggles. There was no
    strong power wbich could wield the split forces in a bond
    closely together, While collectively they owed in tbeory allegiaoce
    to the Moghuls at Delhi, each was almost as independent a.s
    a tovereign kiDg and powerful to his capacity to resist encroachment
    and maiDlaio freedom trom aDolher,s aggressioD. Being isolation
    in their mountain ,astness, lhe situatioo sas such as lo make
    sat tra.tural and every little issue gave rise to occasional feudal
    coDter lion amoDgst one anotber. To this was added the almost
    unique state of anarchy. and the misrule made tbe life of the
    general nrass of rhe people quite miserable. The Raja concluded
    his affairs in tbe capacity of a private proprietor often loo
    much exacting, who made it ir rule to plunder. While in theory
    he maintained a court, his Dewau called Chautaria, a Rajguru,
    ao AstroDomer Royal, some Sardars, judicial Kazis all rhe
    parapbernelia of Moghul formality ; in practice they bacl no
    futrctioDs apart from wbat $as diclated by the master, Neitber
    the Kazis were real judges of events atrd policy makers,

    I Scc for details thc followiog:


    (a) fifc of PrthviDarayata Shah itr variou! cbronicles.
    (b) His speech already publiched. This Bivcs how hc built bis
    3ttatcgy (CorakhaDath pith)
    (c) Life of prtbviDarayaaa Saha io the writing of fgrcign travcllers
    aod dclcgatioDs.
    (d) Asiatic Rdearchca, Vol. IL Joieph's article.
    (c) Kirkpatrick, Account of the Kingdom of Nepat, lgll (Lo!doo)
    (f) tlaDilton, AccouDr ol Ncpal, t8l9 (Editrbursb).
    (g) Oldfield, Skeiches froE Ncpal. Vol. I.
    PR]HVINARAYANA SHAII.S BARI,Y CARBER 89

    Ilor the Sardats wer€ in teality comoandiog auaies or the


    Cbaularia had political duty to perform which sas rot the
    bitlding of his Easter' The GovernEent was just thero in
    Dame. Policies were deterEiled by court intrigues, aod wars
    were laulcherl on personal whimsies of the tulers' Bvetything
    was feudal, clumsy and ill organised.
    Tbis was the time wben the British were gradually peoetratiDg
    ioto IDdiaD tetritoties. Tbey bad r,eatly succeeded in constitutitrg
    tbemselves a force to be counted wi&. But tb€y were 8o fal
    confined to the s€a shores of India. No$, witb covetous ey€8
    they turned to places beyond the coast liDes to the great
    Ildo-Gaugetic plairs and to the Himalayas. Every couotry lay
    exposed to rhem in these areas. Allhough Nepal did not face
    iEmediate datrgers of penetratior, the possibility of being
    exploitetl and hit bard al the weakest hour of disunity and
    strife uas always there,
    Prthvioarayana Shah, Raja oI Gorkbar cherished abov€ every'
    thing else a hope to build a greater Nepal, strong etrough to
    tie together the various split forces inside the area and organised
    in a way lo turn down any invasion from outside. An elenent
    of ambition was always there iD his scheme of conquest and
    nobody can dcny tbat he was primarily a conqueror aod all
    bis intentions were woven round hie desir€ to cooquff. Perhaps
    the Botive behind his conquest was Dot tbat of one who kdew
    of Nepal as we undetstand today. Patriotism or uational feeling
    could not conceivably apply to any urge for conquest or
    er.pansion ot the teuitory. But Prthvinarayana consciously
    appli€d himselt to the task of building a viable Kindgom of
    only to satisfy his ambitior.
    Prthvinarayana's Kingdom suniYes today and augmeDted in
    ar€a later in lhe late l8th or l9tb CeDturies it became a
    national state. Therefore eveD though originally a cteation ot
    modern Nepal was far lrom his mind, we tnust admit that
    because of the tetritorial fouDdation he laid, this had taken
    shape, and to this extent he must get the credit of beiDg the
    buildet of a Datiotr state of NePal.
    90 MODERN NEPAL

    His was a premature birth, being born in the seven montb of


    conceptiotr, which created a dispute as to ouccession, for he had
    a brother only three months younger than him by his step mother
    and this brother was deemed his equal or senior in ordinary course
    of birth ( because he was then i0 the womb in the trinth month )
    but he died in his very infancy, which afterwards dismissed the
    tougb question of succession, making Prthvinarayaoa the
    undisputed successor to his fathet,s realm. According to a
    chroDicle his brother coming in dispute about srrccession was
    Kirtimahoddam Shah, but the actual date of birth was regarded
    by all as tbe decisive factor. His father hal married four wives
    ot boys out of which
    atrd hom each except the first he got couple
    five survived. Prthvinarayana Shah being the €ldest was
    nomitrated hair appar€nt to the throne. His mother was
    Kausalyadevi who was a dauglrter of the Raja of Palpa.
    One might imagine a highly cultivated mao to have attained a
    position which Prthvinarayana Shah did, but oo one is prepared
    to accept a man of his type, one who was only lit€rate, to have
    displayed a high sense of diplomatic and military skill as he seems
    to have done in his acbievements of glory in battle fields and
    organisation of state. He was a master of military strategy though
    an intriguer, an experienced diplomat, and alt io war aod diplo-
    macy he wonderfully achieved without the very rudiments of edu-
    cation atrd training. Because his education consisted of a few
    €lementary books of the type ol Sdplasati and Chanakyanill wbich
    are regarded as help to rapid reading rather than imparting koow-
    ledge. His teacherc were those of the Ariyal family, but they were
    themselves not very learned, md naturally the depth of education
    imparted to the prince was limited. The Arjyal famity did also
    minister Di*sa Mantram. ID that eveot tbey were more tban
    teachers. Prithinarayana Sbah's initiation ceremony was per-
    lormed in Maidhi, a village near Berughat. Shri Harsa Misra
    ministered both gayati ar,d Diksa. The Guru belonged to the
    family of the Banaras Brahmans who often came to Gorkha when
    demanded.
    It is Eaid that sincd his childhoo,.l Prthvinarayana Shah rrxhibited
    PRTIIVINI,RAYANA SHAS,S BARLY CA.RBIR 9l
    nriraculous qualities which placed bim above the geseral class of
    childreD. He was intelligent and a8siduous, He was a good orgaoi-
    sor in rural games and made marks in them, Above all he drew
    to himself comrades who loved him' We may not believe all
    stoties of miraculous doiDgs of his childhood. But he was not a
    chitd of a common type. He appeared precocious, and promisisg.
    Prithvi's contribution to the unity and gteatoess of Nepal and his
    rise to fame and glory are factors that certainly cannot be ordi.
    narily conceived, He was, however, not without potential qualitieg
    of head and heart for such altainments; he wag a good horseman,
    mountaineer, musketeer and all what a royal life in the Eoutrtains
    dictated; he had from bis childhood displayed qualities of greatness
    which his guardian mothcr, Prabhavati, (not his own Dotbcr,) put
    to harness to make binr an ideal king, Prabhavati gave him above
    all a fair und€rslandiDg to enable hiD to grapple with his own
    problems. It was due to her that he developed his Eense of duty
    as a kiDg and he could draw his linc of.action in the anarchic state
    of that period. Prabhavati who ruled as a tegent for five years
    during the itrsaoity of his father instilled in him an ambition and a
    will to pupose, a knowledge of the senss of unity he was to
    achieve if Nepal were to be saved from further ruination. These
    proved more than wbat a school ot a colleg€ was to provide. The
    training he obtained in his mother's lap could give bim more than
    what be would have received in a scbool and like other figuree in
    bistory-Akbar, Sivaji and a host of othcrs, who bad to compen-
    sate the absenc€ of schooliDg by practical training in statecraft,
    PrithviDarayana Shah tower€d above his contemporaries despite
    wbat he lost by methodical education aod he had also made up the
    deficiency by other factorc such as fell to the lot of the boy kiDg of
    Gorkha.
    In 1739 he was appointed a co-regent along with Prabhavati and
    got practical experience of the government and was brought in
    close cotrtact with some of the military stalwarts of his time. In
    1737 headed by the Pantbas, Khasas and Magars the army of his
    father Narabhupal was heavily defeated while fighting in Noakot,
    and his Tanhoun adveotu(e was also frustrated in thc Same veio,
    92 MODERN NEPAI-

    s,hich so disappoioted him that ho becamc iosane two years


    later,
    DecessitatiDg a regency which as we hrve said includod prithvi-
    narayana.
    A year later prabhavati arranged his marriage with the daughter
    of Hemakarna, tbe Raja of Mackwarpur, who according
    to Hamil-
    ton was a rare beauty but apart from purely a sentimental
    satisfac_
    tion this marriage gaye to Gorkhalis, it also simultaneously provi-
    ded ao opporiunity to look about the importance of Macfwanpur,
    as the Southern gate of Nepal. There atose, however,
    a flimsy
    quarrel between the two parties at the aime of celebration
    and
    tbough all marital rites were performed as pre-arranged, prithvi
    was sent back without his bride, But this at least prevented for
    the time being the intetrded blockade of the valley by the Gorkha_
    lis who would have asked Hemakarna to oblige him as a price for
    that marriage. It is said that the quarrel slarted over the custom
    of allowing the bride to r€mair at her father,s place for sometime
    further, which the Gorkhalis were iDtending to break and in the
    event ot the bridal party,s persistent refusal they teft the
    place. It
    wao not' as Hamilton supposed, a controversy over racial superi-
    ority, Ior if it was so Mackwaopur would not have consented to the
    marriage befole the wedding itselt (pp. 144-45). The Go*ha Vsm-
    sayali adds one more point and that vas that the party of th€ bri-
    degroom asked as a dowry a valuable necklace (the bride had it
    dudog thc ceremony) called navlakhia and one particular elephant
    (Ekdantye) with one tooth, which earlier the owoer had refused to
    pres€nt ro the Nawab (Mir Kasim).
    According to Gorkha V amsavali he married a daughter of a
    Rajput chief in Banaras immediately after he returtred from
    Mackwaopur. He was very much angered by Hemakarna,s
    bebaviour and therefore wanted to marry soon.
    In a Ms. Jasavanla Bhaskarapara nama Samvatsara Kfitya
    Prakasa kept in Darbar Library there is a fassage wtirten in a
    different band on a 8tray page with date NS 893 phalgura 9, which
    runs as follows , :-

    2 Quotcd by Baburam Acharya ir his LPN, p. 148.


    PRTI{VINIRAYANA SHAH'S EARLf CAREER 93

    *larfr qil{rfl -{, r{qTir+d


    j rI] q-6 Ecr(EfHq-s{d5.nt1
    1 *ryq1q6-;o1fdf+t-tftqru
    i cqrilqE-gqt{tq qflilrfr
    Baburam Acbarya argues that Dayaramasimha was a Rajpur
    landlord of Gorakhpur. The daughter married to prthvitrarayana
    bore tbe name, Narendralaksmi.
    8ut the above lines alone are not suffcient to iDalicate that
    Dayaramsinha belonged to Gorakbpur.
    It appears tbat Prthvinarayana Sbah witb what he eaw around
    himself in his late teeDs caEe to be seized with the ides of conquest
    of the Deighbouitrg territories to carve out a viable kingdon in tbe
    Himalayan mountains. He bad sbrewdly observed the condition
    in the country, aDd satcbed carefully how vuloerable ii was. He
    Eu6t bave Burely poo6essed keen insight lor this assessmetrt,
    It was 6aid tbat $rough the persuasion of prabhavati that the
    boy even tbougb itr bis teeEs was allowed togcther €xperieDce
    in the ood and anarchicat political stage of the va ey of Nepal,
    where be had proceeded in 1736 as a friend of the son ot the Raja
    o[ Bhalgoan on iDvitatioD, tbe lalter being aolious to be a frieod
    of the Gorkhalis against his cousins of patan and Kathmaudu
    and secretly nursing as attack naturally welcomed him as bis own
    son. During lhe tw€lve monthB ot his stay in Bbatgaon he studied
    the hopeless stare of Nepal politics, its weakness and its rapacity,
    tbe Raja's freaks aDd clumsy behaviour and tbeir a.ttitude to otrc
    another, things wbich poinred oua to the possibility ot an easy
    conquest of the country, rf only a strong power acro8s outside the
    Valley. To the task of cteating such a power bis mother
    Prabhavati had drawn bis attetrtion addiDg that it was wortbwhile
    to undertake lhe same hinrself. Prthvinarayana was not allowed
    to stay there for long ; the war which his tatbet waged to capture
    places east and sourh of DhadiDg aroused suspiciotr in rhe minds
    of tbe Malla rulers against Gorkha and rhe peopte of Bhatgaon
    not likiDg bim, he was coupellcd to return to Gorkba (Wriglrt,
    p. 198) in 1737, but he rsturned as one imbued wirh a thorough
    94 MoDERN NEPAL

    knowledge of the place and its erlvironments, which in the end


    be put to practice to further his ideals tor a strong Kingdom of all
    the peoples in the areas now comprising Nepal.
    Tbe above account, hosev€t, has to bo taken with a grain of
    salt.
    The story of his visit to Katbmandu and Bhatgaon at that
    Etage does not seetn to be true, for io lhe Divyopatlesa
    Prttrvinarayana has said that \rbile returning from Mackwanpur
    he travelled along the Rapti, and went as far as the Chandragiri
    mountain, from where he could catch a glimpse ot the Nepal
    Valley. Prthvinarayana was so mdch attracted by the natural
    beauty aDd contour of tbe valley as displayed in the three cities
    that he cherisbed a desire then and there to possess it. The
    possession, however, would come only by conquest. Realising
    this Prthvinsrayana vowed in his mind to take possession of the
    valley and tbenceforth directed his energy to this etrd.
    Wheu the idea was born in his braio, the way to fulfilment
    was shown equally by his power ot und€rstanaling. For the first
    1ime after several hundred years a ruler of a mouotainous
    principality had thought tb push forward with a patriotic desigtr
    to consolidate forces for the creatioD of a viable political unit in
    the area which $as diseased by too many states aDd too many
    adventures. We remember Prthvinarayana Shah for the vision of
    a state worth the name and for the courage and statesmanship he
    displayed in carrying out the same into ptactice.
    A few months later, he visited Batratas more eager to
    cultivato allies and triends for his crusade. The chronicles make
    a capital of this visit and coDcoct stories of his several heroic
    featc while there. Such feats wele jumping into a deep tank
    atrd beating down the private Suards of a landlord, who were
    .realising custom8 in a particular route. It is also said that
    Prthvirarayana had met the Raias of Sirmoun and Jajarkot,
    who were impressed by his heroic deeds and paid homage to
    them. The clash with the forces of the laodlord took place
    on return in a post on the bank of the river Varuna not far
    ftonr the nunicipal limits ot today's Kasi' It u as said by
    PRTHVINARAYANA SH.{HJS EARLY CARILK 95

    th€ chronicler supported by another chronicle published some


    time back by tbe Bir Library that Prthvinarayana killed some
    chowkidars (guardsEeD) as he was provoked, But he avoided
    a bigger clash and hurriedly proceeded on his journey back home
    through Gorakhpur. Earlier while he was visiting the temple
    of Visvanatha be had to confront a host of anti elements who
    wanted to intimidate hiE, But PrthvinarayaDa gave tbeE a
    hard blow aDd they got themselves threatetred by his cuperior
    skill and valour.
    The vieil to Batraras is not mentioned iD one of any other
    records. The Divyopadesa regarded as work, of his own oayings
    as nothiDg to obeerve about the visit. I do oot koow how
    to reconcile this contradiction. Somo biographer8 have believed
    the story, although diftered as to the routo he took on teturtr
    journey, which, however, iB a vety unimportant question. The
    chronicle has made much of this story to glorify the earlier
    part of Prthvitrarayana's career. But one Eay or may not take
    the story seriously. I am not ole of those who would weigh
    evidence for or agaiost Prthvinarayana,s doiDgs performed in
    Banaras. By the statrdard such authors have introduced to judge
    events, more depends on one's choice, because no scientinc basis
    is sugS,est€d in the argumsot.
    It .was said by tbe chronicler that while in Banarac the
    Gorkhali pritrce exhibited some miraculous teats. The Gorkhalie
    were given a very bad treatmeot by the proud town dwellers
    of Baaaras, Wberever they wetrt they wero received with scorn.
    But Prthvinarayana dealt tbem a llard blow on beiog obstructed
    by tbe hooligals at rhe Bare ot the temple ol Visvanatha. The
    Gorkhalis bad displayed their sbarp daggers, aDd then alone
    they could eoter'the sacred spot. Tbe cbronicler adds that
    Prthvinaral ana's bodyguard protected also the Raja of Sirmourl
    who had therealter pledged loyalty to Gorkha, Ot course, the
    eraggerated accouna of drawiog luyalty froor another prince of
    a far ofi billy couotry is little to be believed.
    On return Journey tbe Gorkhalis were harassed at tbe police
    cbowki of one latrdlord wlo controlled the access route to the
    96 MODERN NEPAL

    city. The chowkidars on duty demanded exorbitaot money ftom


    the visitors. But here again they had to use force to facilitate
    their movement aloDg the route. the zemindar's metr had trot
    only shown scaDt courtesy to lhe Gotkhatis but had taken
    trying to arr€st them. So Prthvinarayana
    aggreosive attitude
    ordered to meet the guardsmen using daggers. His men killed
    Bome meD on the spot, but as news reached the lsndlord, he
    sent more men who outmstchod tbe Gorkhalis in number.
    Prthvinarayana Shah bad no way but to abandon the cbowki
    and proceed fast on bis lourney in older to evade a gerious
    clasb, Prthvirarayana shah and his ,riends made good their
    escape, the soldiers ftom Banaras not bsing able to trace theE.
    The Banaras trip of Prthvinarayana seemed in description
    s purely fabricated story if it was not for a teliable evidence.
    Heie again a reliable evidence has come to out rescue to
    enable to iudge tbe statement of chroricles.
    The Noakot inscription8 ot Prthvinatayana Shah of 1762
    talks of his erploits at tbe custom house in Banaras and of
    his fghts against the Muslim zemiodars' From this no doubt
    remains about bis visit to Kasi. We are ooly igootant of the
    date of the visit ald also of the roules he travelled. We can
    only coDj€cture details of the iourney. It might be through
    Burwal and Palpa or through Butwal Noakot, Satahu, Garhou,
    Dhor aDd Tanboun or it migbt be through Chitauo and Deoghat.

    Prthv irwayana declared king


    Io of Ramnavami king Narabhu-
    rhe year 1742 A,D. on the day
    pal died and Prthvinarayana Sbah was d€c'ated king.
    Aftcr the mortuary rites were over Prthvinarayana Shah gtarted
    preparations for the conquest of Noakot in fulfilment of bis long
    cherighed ambition of his life.

    3 zr5 6fu a.rilsgftqrm gc{{f(g fifqig{fig{ r q} ETIl(


    qflqg$s iltfi{ ile +}a aqiq waail r
    OORrEA BEOOUAS TINODOU OD }IAPAL 97

    This hill fortresr5" was ths gateway to Kathmandu and


    ovor siuoo tho Gorkhalis understood the grandour and impor-
    tanoe of a united Nopal, they wero determined to efrect ths
    oapture of that plaoe as a prelimiaary to furthor advanco
    towards tho descent to the Nepal Valley. Another gateway
    to Nopal was providod by Machwanpur and with the Raja,o
    cooporation Prithvinarayan oould hava attained his objectivc
    of marohing towards Kathmandu. But Dlackwenpur wa; out of
    the quostion, bocause the Raja wae not dispqped to boliovo tho
    Gorkhalis and hovo faith in tho eincerity of Prithvinaroyan,c
    action and an attompt to briug him to hit fold turned a
    failuro in 1743. IIo, thoreforo, tried to cepturo Noakot as a
    first stop. Tliinking that thc provious attack launched by
    Clorkha, failed on account of his fathsr'a partiel troatment
    of the offieors of the Pantha olan, he rostored the Magars to
    the old position arrd eutrustod to Kazi Vijaya Thapa tho
    command of his forces. The Kazi, howevor, would uot, cross
    the rivor Triouli, though there wac no resiatance from ths
    Now&rs, because he understood that tho unfavourablo nature
    oftheuplandsofNoakot placod tho defonders in advantago.
    But Prithvina,raya,n himsolf intorvoned and not minding the
    catrltaiu's advice the forces crossed the ?risuli with Maheswar
    Pantha. But like his fathor he was heavily defeated by
    Jayaprakas'sarruy, whioh commanded nunerical superiority
    and possessed groater ammunition. The Gorkhalis rotreated
    burnniug over the bridge only the Trisuli.
    A fow monthr later, he visited Bhnarae out of a renso of
    frustration and more eagor to eultivate allies and friends for
    his crusade. Ee oould not give up tho drcam of possoasing
    the valley. He was too Qnamoured of the idea to leavo it
    at that stage. It had left a permanent impression in hig mind.
    In his speech Prithvinaraya,n Eayc that while rotumiug from
    Mackwanpur he took a routo to reaoh the summit of the
    Thankot ridgo from whore tho surveyed the entire valloy and
    5. Spult Noakuto, Nayakot, Nawakot, Noakut.

    7
    08 UODEBN I(EPAL

    this oroated sn inprussion in hiir thet ho oould eaeily oubiluc


    tho region.
    Noakot hold out tbros prosPoots boforo him' Firdtly, itr
    oocupation gavo the iuvador a s[bP to odvancs towards tho
    valley of Nopal. Noakot liea on a ridge ia the south-westom
    oxtenrion of Mount Dhaibung between ths river Triguli aud
    Tadi. It oponr a pathway to tho valley of the river
    Bindhure which joins with the hill of Bandipur forming tho
    outskirt of the vtlley. Secondly, the undulated plain between
    the two rivers expanding as a dolta to thoir confluence st
    Debighat called Noakot Tar, provides a lururious Yeget&tion.
    This place is full of fruitq and crops, which could be used
    vith profft by a conquoring army in order to launch a,n attack
    on stations lying furthor eest &nal south. Thirdly, Noakot
    was a fortifiod hill as nowhere tho Malla ruler of Kathmandu
    presumed to buitd one and Jayaprakasa attechod more than
    an ordinary importauce to it. But the Noakot ridge had
    mauy stretegio shortcomings. Bcsiiles, the Kathmandu rulsr
    was not comm&nding the support of tho people of that area.
    Thero was grountl ouough for Prithvi to think tha,t s fort of
    peychological breakdown vaa ineviteblo, if Noakot could bo
    wrosted from tbem, and he could assure himeelf that this fort
    was not invincibls.
    so, it was quito essontial thst tho &ttempt for tho capturo
    bo onco moro rebowed. This timo Prithvinarayan Shah rot
    out on his taek with courege and detormina,tion and with
    adequate and prop€r preparation. Ee know that he sufrered
    from the ahortage of arms and ammunition aod also lacked
    in man povcr. Bor this task he ordered o goneral mobilisation,
    all thoso between 16 and 30 years were freely recruited to ths
    oolourg ; and a lsrge Btock of arms to be distributed &mongst
    tho youth of Gorkha. IIe got them trained in tho art of guns
    by somo experienced Hindustaui exports, Sheikhjobar,
    Muhammed Taki and Bhekh Singh. Ee ra,s impressed with
    their skill during his engagements with Mir Kasim, Tho
    employment of non-Gorkhalis in the important. plsts of
    OOBtrEA BEOOUE8 TINCDOU OX NE?rL 99

    ofioere in the army naturall5r was ropugnant to the ptriotio


    feeling of the Gorkhalis, p,ithvi with his zeal of a conguefor
    satisfied the opposition. His troops consistod of severar
    o@-
    'panies, eaoh with I00 gunmon under a subedar and 16 Eavildarg
    (both iron.commjseioned officers). Besides, there were men who
    used only Khuda and Khulri (daggers and swords).
    Eis warring force consisted of the mass of tho people, even
    though. the chief officers were his faithful folrowers from the
    select farnilies. But whether in the rank and with tho ofrcers,
    ,o d-iserimi,ation was made betwoen communities. The test of
    recruitment was patriotism and loyalty to his porson. The
    entire population of Gorkha had been up with a,,-s to fight for
    a ca,use. Brahmanas, Ksatriyas, Thakuris and Khasas, Newar,
    Vaisy.as and peasants,-Gurungs and Magars wore all enlisted.
    No ono of them felt that hc was prevented from rendering a
    duty. The untouehable tailor and bandplayer, the cobbler, tho
    blacksmith and the sweeper, eyeryone of them, had his place
    in the schemo of things launched by his mdster. All were to
    render the duty assigned to them each in his own sphere.
    It
    rvas a loyal and contented band offollowers that prithvinara-
    yiin was destined to command. Although it was a motley
    crowd that Prithvinarayan attracted at the first hand, Iater
    with the training he gave to the recruits his troop became
    such
    a forrnidable band of fighters that in encounter after encouuter
    victory camo to him ail by iteerf. rris opponents had failed
    to orga,ise a foroo like this, and they felr one by one before tho
    conqueror.
    Prithvinarayah's next step was to mobilise re'ources. Ho
    obtairred contributions o'a maes scale. The peolrle were asked
    to contribute to the 'rvar fund in cash or kind aceording to their
    possessions. The chronicle states that the idea of a patriotie
    war of cruquest had seized tho entire adurt citizenry of Gorkha
    rrrespcctive of caste and sect. There were people who were
    irhysically unable to participate in the battle, but came fnrward
    witS hard cash, preeious metare ancl jerelreries. Many wlrc
    lyc'ro poof enough not to possess jewels and hard
    cash gave
    I00 MODEBI{ NTPAT.

    catabloa, grains, fruits and vegetables. While the battle war on,
    the people waited in their villages to seo the wounded return
    antl they looked after them. In the battlefield tho people of
    the ueighbouring villages took out of tbeir own accord what'
    ever ration w&s necessary for the Glorkha eoldiers. Such was
    tho stste of preparedness with wbich Pribhvinarayan Shab
    embarked on the exped.ition for the creation of a new stato
    of Nepal.
    Another aot of his was to appoint Kahr Pande, a brave
    and sageoious man, as his ohief mirister, whose help vas
    valuable to him in all matters including war strategy and his
    advicre saved him from good many disasters.
    Thie was not onough. Gorkha had many onemiee amongst
    the hill Rajae and it was not quite impossible if some of them
    tried to invade Gorkha when its Raja was engagod olsewhere.
    Thoro was specially a deepseatod joalouey between Lamjung
    and G$orkha, whioh always weighed with the Gorkhalis in their
    fear of the inimical action from that quarter. To guard
    against gueh thrrats and dangers Kalu Pande suggested a
    poli"y of allignment with the Chaubisi, with as many of them
    as responded to Glorkha's ofrer of friendship and alliance. It
    was suggested that they ehould bo enthused over the prospect
    of the oonquest of the rich valley of Nepal rnd division of
    s1nils and territories in tho event of victory.
    Therefore, deputations were sent to the hill Rajas ; Earihar
    Kadaria Upadhya and Sadaeiva Upadhya to Tanhoun, Mani
    Kantha Rana to Palpa, Gangadhar Pauta to Kaski and
    Ranarudra Shah, Laksminarayana Pande and Gunanidhi Panta
    to Lamjuug. Ee also placed the strategic areas of Rudrabhot
    in the north and Dhading towards the south under expert
    commanders. But none of tho Rajas agreed to abide by his
    request owing to tho fear of iuvasion from the Tibetan Lama,
    who they thought would come to tho as6istance of his ally,
    the Newar Raja, with whom he had long cultural and commer-
    cial contoct. They left to the discretion of the Raja of Lamjung,
    their leader, to reject or acoept the requeat of Gorkha', Brrt
    GOBTB^ BTOOUES X:NODOU O' NrPAr, l0l
    the Lamjung ruler in his hoart of hoa*r vas ill.diapoecd
    towards Prithvinarayan Shah. Ee proved adamant for some
    timo, but Kalu Pande himself, by his reeourcefuhets, tact and
    persbveranoo won him ovor. A mooting was arranged betweon
    the Raja Ripumardan and Prithvi at the conf,ueneo of t[e
    Qhepe and Mareyangdi, nea,r Ragin&E, phich r6Bulted in the
    amicablo EottlemeDt of all disputos and bound each party to
    tarms of mutu&l a88iEt&nco. Ag a mward Kalu paudo rocoived
    th€ post of a Kazi but hithvi owarded bim Kaziahip only
    s1t6r aeoortaining publio opiaion and opinionr of tho Baiei ard
    Chaubisi Rajasob as well ar aftar consulting tho queen mother.
    As it
    wers to prove Gorkhe sineerity of tho acceptance oftho
    pact, a diapute aroso Ksski and L&mjung ovor the ownemhip of
    Arghaun, l.hich brcught a military con0iot, Gorkha appearir,g
    on tho side of its ally. Though l(aehi ultimately Becurod the
    placo dofeating LamjuDg in en ongagomont, Gorkha nevertholesg
    had o moral bone6t, as it proved that it coolil ota,uil by
    Lamjung in th6 lattor's nosd. Thertaftor tho GoLha Ling
    sincorsly stuck to the lost word of the treaty, tho"gh it
    ultimately appeared to harm its own local intorest, Confl.iott
    botryeen the two rroro, howover, coEmon, vhon Glorlba
    occupied SindhupalchoL.

    Political Affaira in the Nepnl, Valtag


    As we obeorved in anothor contort matters in the Nopel
    Volloy wero NuniBg in f&your of kithvinarayan ; tho ceDtury
    old quarrol hetweon tho threo rulers of Bhatgaon, patan and
    Kathmandu vas yst as sevcrs as to erclude the poaribility of
    sry joint action sgainst the invader. gortunately for hithvi,
    Bonajitmalla, the Raja of Bhatgaon, was hi! goal father
    and plaoed full confidenoo in him and tho oircumstance8 no
    appreheneion of a hostilo cct from tbat sido wa8 to b€ enter_
    tohed by ths Gorkhali roler. Tho patan Raja, Virhnumalla,
    35 Accordiug to Ptjthitralay&a,s
    atateoelt tr&lr pande obtaiaed thir
    .ugost post aE h6 proreil .up€rlot iD Ei6iloE to Blllj BsLhsti who
    srs trhc
    Xilg'a 6rat choice.
    t02 MODEBN I{f,PAL

    va6 si imbocilo being iu old oge. Eo had no eons and had


    appointed Rajyaprakasa aa hi8 Buodoasor,s' which faot had aleo
    golo to strain his relations vith Ksntipur. That &l8o mesnt,
    if Patan could not poesibly act tiloue, thero w&s no occasion for
    it to eombine with others. With this background tho ovsrall
    position had tended to booomg eafe for the ruler of Gorkha
    to push his plan of conquest. Thero was alao o deepseated
    rivalry between theE€ rulers on person&l plane, one never looked
    kindly to tho other and on top of it confliotg were oommoD
    botweon the8e rulora individually and their nobility. Kath-
    m&atlu was Beething in discontent as Rajo Jayaprakasn cruolly
    drovo his brother Rajyaprak&s& out of his country (Wright,
    p. 223). Rajyaprakaaa wag popular with a section of the pooplo.
    Woteo thaa that, Jayaprakas& w&8 very unpopular with his
    army which mainly conristed of tho Indo-Mongol and Khaea
    clans. A eoction of hia irregular retinue forco waa now cotr'
    spiring with his brother tic thwart hia aime. It soemod tbot
    thoy had como &t the parting of ways aud Jayaprakasa, there-
    fore, had enlistod a body of plains-mon, mostly from Gorakhpur
    aad Champaran &E & count€r measurs. But this led hie Parba-
    tiya followors to conspfue mom openly with Bhetgaon and later
    on even with Prithvi.ro
    Beforo ootually embsrking on the campaign, PlithYinareyen
    ostsblished a Council of Regoncy consisting of the leadere of
    warring wilgs of the army to look after the businoss of tho
    Gov€mmsnt in his absonce end to dofoud the borders in timeg
    of oxterB&l attack by tho neighbours. Tho Council conristed
    omong othom of Rudra Shah, Mohoswata Panta, Govinda Joshi,
    Clayarima Pando and Ka'lu Rana and several othors.
    fn Soptember 1744 Prithvin&r&yan rsached Khinohet on the
    b&nk of the rivor Trisuli with a foroo of 300 men. There ho
    befriended ono Kalyan Upadhya, e much influontial man of
    that looality, who promised to deliver him e,rPPlies and boate
    to orog8 tho riYor.

    I
    5c olilfleld Skercher fiom Ncpal, \'ol. I. P. 249
    5d Rea<l tho gecoDdl Yoluae ol ths 80!1e3.
    OOBf,E.t E'OOU!8 AIITCDOX OF NEPAIT IO3

    At tbe time ths invoeion of Nepal took placa, prithvi had


    one more advantoge to his side and that wss tb.s 8ta,te of
    enmity eristing botw€on the three rulors ofths Nepal Valley;
    which lod ons to iDyit€ tho Gorkhalis egainst tho other. A u#
    quarrol had flared up bstwoen patan and Eantipur. ft
    was tho
    time when actnally tho Kazia of patan invoked his help to
    ffght
    Jayaprakasa ond exte,nded a promiee to [im as , pril to "be
    aeutral in his fgbt with tho lattor. Althougb eeyer&l tines
    bqfgre, Patsn and Kantipur could combine, they ve.ro juat
    lat€ly divided ovor tho iseuo of Lsmida,Dd&. This aroa lay only
    a fow miles in tho we8r outeido the Vallcy; it formed
    then a,
    common meeting ground of tbo four statm of Gorkha, Tanhoun,
    Patan and Ka,ntipur. This was also a di8put€al spot botrveeD
    the two rulors of th6 Nep&l Yalloy, though for long Tanhouo
    had ocoupied it ha,ving wrestod from tho possession of the Raja
    of Lalitpur. Tho lose of Lamittanda blocked pataa's erternal
    outlet on that side and & greet Boorcity of cotton and salt wae
    felt, end ths Kazis had oppealed to Jayaprakasa to help them
    to bo reliovetl of the distrose. Jayapralasa sent Sikhwal Kazi
    to Tanhoun for negotiation. But a diroct approach to Gorkha
    wea mado by Kazi Kalidaga of p&t8n and prithvinarayana,
    obliged them by handing over the &rea to patan. By this move
    of the Gorkha rulor Jayaprakasa lost an opportunity to obligo
    Patau, and bring aocord between tho two kingdoms. Moa,nwhile
    Gorttra captured Jhiltung and again tho sarno incouvenionce
    to the Valloy's trado was caused. This was tho second oocasion
    the three rulere had together found thoir position menaced whi,ch
    could have os well brought the eutiio Valloy on & common
    front. This time tho minist€rs of Paton were eager to forgo
    a united etand in colloboratiou with Jayapra&ara. But, Jaya_
    prakasa who avoided Pa,ta,n'B invit&tion to bo presont a,t Chob&r
    for a conference prevontoil any agreoDent from being reached.
    On tho other hrnd he onraged tho Patan nobility by ottacking
    codein of it8 outpertr without aDy proyocatioD.
    Ths Yamutali Darrates an instanm of daring exploit
    K&Iu Adhikori Joisi in ereoting tho Gorkha flag over
    of ono
    l0r1 uoDlnr nIPrt

    Noahot just bofore the regiment croseed tho river'


    Thers was
    a cuetom &Eongst tho hill lmople, according to wbich tho flag
    wa,s to procode the t&trdin8 of t'ho regimont'
    Ordinorily thir
    waa & very tliffioult task, for in tbc evont of tho eneuly
    being ertremely vigilant the result' of euch &n advottrrre waa
    protonding
    noth]ng but death flag hoistor' But Kalu Adhikari
    himeoli tohave boen expellotl by Prithvinarayan Sheh sought
    nomont
    rofuge in tho encmy's oamp antl at a vory psychologica'l
    hoisted the Oorkha flag at tho poak of tho Mahamandal range
    as'cy to thc
    to tho enomy'r aurpriso, rvhile ho himgelf slippod
    rivor swimrEing back to join his owD c&mp'
    Biil To CaP ture N oabot
    Aftor few tlaya tho Gorkha regimont crogaod t'he rivor
    a
    Triguli on Saka 1066 Asvin 16 at &n &uspicious
    moErent' To
    hie advantago Prithvinarayan fould th&t
    tho defeoding troops
    to the hill for fear
    had retire<l irom no&r tho bod of tho river
    of tho rovsging malarla. But &l'l thir fscilit&ted hie
    movemont
    unhindered. E" crrss"d tho river at night under cover of

    darkness. The Nepal defonce foroos wero lod Jayant


    by R'ana

    (in Diyop&ileBh& Oyami R&na), who was sarlid o Comrrrrnder


    io OorUfro'. ormy and wbo consoquont to his dismiesal
    by
    This
    NarabLupala hatl ioinett kiag Jayaprakasa of Kathmandu'
    man by dint of his valuod orporience of fights in hilly and
    rugged torreins wos likely to proYe e very formidablo
    oppo-

    ,,"Ii to tU" ilesigns of the Gorkhalis' Ilero in Noakot ho


    oommonded & ooutingont of oll the disgruntlod
    olomontB from
    oonstituting tho Gorkho
    tho Oorktra side ; tlmost all the tribes
    force vere assomblod thoro' Jayant Bona wontsd
    to tactfully
    play hie game and throwing dovn upon tho Gorkha'lis th6
    ioti"" f-ou &8 aoon a.a thoy began to aeoond the Noakot peak'

    called Mohtmanilal, ho was to dool thom a surpriso blov'


    ridgo
    The Gorkhalis, howevor, were onoiroling the Mahamaudal
    a<toptiog o difforsnt taotios. They lod their two lvings of tho
    ermies from tho north and nofih'o&st to Kaohhar end Clorkhu,
    trvr ndjoining hille, rehile Prithvinarayan himeelf rvait€d to
    OOAEEA BEOOMEA E,INODOII CT NTPAL I05

    rscand Nostot aftor the reault of the fight in thooo pleoer


    beeamo clo&r. From GorLhu tho wing attacked Mahamandal,
    There was a hand to hand fight. San-khamari, ron of Jayant,
    wea killed with soveral othere of tbe dofending party. Tho
    Kontipur ruler'a men woro diepersed and Noakot fell to the
    invadere. Prithvinerayana Shah ehifted bir quarter to the
    townlet, of Noakot. Undaunted by thie defoat Jeyanto Rana
    retired to four miloe Bouth et Belkot and thero waited for
    roinforcomont from Kathuaudu,
    Prithviuarayana Lnow bis advorsary and his sbr&tegy. Ther6
    could bo no bett r men for a Btrstogiet than Jayanta Rano.
    Eis going ovor to the eDemy was e groat lo88 to tho Clorkh&liE
    and it was frsught with gravo danger, If Jayauta Rana
    succeeded in having his way, the capture. of Noakot wae un.
    thinkable. 8o tho question wac to win him over to tho side of
    Gorkha. Prithinarayana accordingly triod to persuade him to
    como back. But Jayanta Bsno was a yeli.oDt eoldier to
    lrhom being tuue to salt hs at€ wa8 & greatar virtue thau a,ll
    his life and he proudly re{ussd to accept hithvinarayana'a
    requoste. Prithvinarayana realieod tho riek of loaving Jayanta
    Rena at that etage. Eo grew impatient rhile the lattor
    displayed adequate nene. Tho king of Gorkha, thoreupoD,
    ordered to march egainat Belkot. Belkot ofrored tho ssme
    facility to ths dofondere to Btriko at the foe, ae it vae only
    through a 8t€ep ascent, tha,t ths place was rsached. Ifis
    commantlem were opposoil to the plsn of aesault beoauae of
    ths dissdvantage to the ofrenders. But Prithvinarayena in a
    ft of rsge wao unmindful of the atriking powor of the enemy
    snd bogan to s8cend the ridge, but Jayanta'e men pourod in
    from all directions and embarassed the Gorthalis so muoh
    tbat th6y began to lose courage. Pritbvinarayan wos about,
    to fleefor hia life. Many of his eoldierg and offcors w€ro
    killed, but his ohief aido and military advieer Kalu Ponde
    proposed .at tbe time to attack ths fort of Belkot in full vigour
    to campensate the failure euetained earlier. Prithvinaroyaua
    himaelf initiat€d tbe attaok singlo handed and the Glorkhalig
    106 MODBBN NEPIL

    now very much 6ncour&g6d by the examplo of their Sing


    raUiod togother round bim. Jay&nta w8E overpowerod. Ea
    was snosted and flaved alivo. They said that the ineroroble
    fato had docrood his doath.
    Tho capturo of Bolkot brought the invadorc cloee to-the
    Nopal Valley, a stop further, so cloes thot thoy now comm&n-
    ded th6 pssssgo to tho Kakani and Shivpuri ridgea over'looking
    tho Valloy on tho northern gido.
    The conquest of Noakot was & great gain from Gorkha
    point ofviow. The granary of tbe Kathmandu pooplo wes
    et their disposal. Now thoy commanded tho ontire suPplieg
    of Tadi, Likhu and Sindhuri valleye. They got the control
    ofthe highway leading to Kathmandu. Beeidea the8o, thoy
    also woro put in control of.tho Indo.Tibetan trade that pasted
    through Noakot. These wore suclt as Jayaprakasa would
    never allow to go to tho enemies. Ho accordingly sont
    Kosirama, Thapo with a big force of more then e thouB&nd
    men. Ranabhima Th&pa eas to head this force, but he wae
    auspected of allegiance to Gorkha. Ho aleo foiled at the
    eleventh hour to engage the Clorkha invader who cams faco
    to f&ce st the head of l30J men".r' But in the fight at
    Gairithum. and Ealedo Kasiram Thapa was dofoated anrl
    thereafter all hopes of gaining back Noakot vanished for ever.
    After the conquest of tho Tadi valley Prithvinarayana
    goined control of area,8 further e&st end south-west conti'
    guous to tho border of Kathmaundu in that direotion.
    The ilistricts of Sindhu Palchock and Kabhre Palanchok wors
    controlled by the rulor of Kathmandu. The borrndary touched
    tho river Tanakosi and covered tho district of Dolkba.
    Bhatgaon envied this position and often sought tho help of
    Gorkba to seize the territoriee. Bhatgaon, howevor, still
    poesessed a slice of territory of the valloy of the river Kosi
    as well as tho valley of Bauepa ortending from Nala to
    Panauti. All this enabled Kathmandu to control tho highwoy
    paesing through Kodari and Khasa, to Kuti in Tibot.
    '-t" .
    e-.-c-uroJoili-*tinotoil 8oo, brt to oolleot sucb BtloDgtr was Bot
    possil,Io in those iloy!.
    oOBrtr BEOoMf,s EU{ODOM O, NXptL r07

    It waa eaid thot tho ruler of Bhatgaon who hod oarlien


    encouraged Prthvina,rayana thah to attaot Noakot wantod
    tho lattor's help to seize tho northern torritory of Kathmandu
    so that the trado route to Lhose osmo to its oontrol. But thi6
    was beyond tho Oorkha ruler's cep&oity as any milituy aid
    in responeo to Ranajitmalla's roquo8t w&s bound to antago-
    nire Kasirama Thapa and others reho oommandod wide
    influence in Sindhu Palchok and Kabhro palanohoL distriots.
    Prthvinarayana. howovor, wented to appoaso Bhatgaon making
    a gift of Sankhu and Changu volloys in tlo trorth.oaBtor.r
    sector of the Nopal valloy aftor dialodgiug the Kathmandu
    ruler from thoao posaessions.
    Aocording to tho chroniolo tho conquoBt of Noakot had
    added to Gorkhara prostigo among tho Chaubiais. Gotth&
    rvaa now being fsared aud rrot ignorod as boforo. It haal &lso
    rop€roussiotre in his fath€r.in-law's domain of Maokwanpur.
    Now Eemakarna Son callod Prthvinarayano to toko away his
    rvife. Tliis hs did soon after tho requost was mado. But
    tho princess EaB nover allowed to leave Gorkha, and. rho
    hardly onjoyod tho oompany of her hugband. Sho died
    letor without any issuo forlom aud dojeoted.

    ASairc in Kathm.and,u
    It is said that the former commauder of Kathmandu,
    Kashiram Thapa, war living in rotiremeat in pa,l&nchok. Tho
    distriot of Sindhu Palohok and Palanohok, as well as aroas
    upto Dolkho wsro undor verious commands of tho Magar and.
    Thapa Chhetris whother the rulor war of Kattmandu or of
    Bhatgaon. Kasirama Thapa had resigned his sorvices in
    I(athmandu evor sinco Jayaprakasa bocame King and was
    Iiving inhis homo. Whon ho helrd of Gorkha'e advsnco to
    th&t quarter he folt that tho thr€o KingdomE of tho valloy wore
    threatenod ond it was his duty to ropulEe tho stt&ck. But
    JayapraLaea out of suEpicion grstrtod hiru juot permirsion to
    m&nago to drivo out tho invadors. Kaeirama colloeted rmour_
    css for tho orpodition without alepotrdiDg on Kathmandu. But.
    r08 }IODXRN }IEPAL

    €v€n I6[t to himeclf he could oolleot o sizoeble rabblo of a foroc


    and wont to ffght tho Oorkhalis from hir own side' In a bid to
    cepturc tho advcntageoue ridges in tbis region Prthvina,rayana
    want€d to hold Sangaohok. Its ocoupation would havc
    enabled hthvinaraysna, to puah his conquest towarda tho
    south and south.o&€t and lay hande on Palancho} and other
    arcas. But the Gorkhtlis roooived a Etrong resistsuco irr
    Sengaohok. Hard preseed from tho onemy ths Clorkhalir wors
    {orcod to abrndon the becieged fort lo-aving a ecoro of desd end
    wounded, ono of the doad was Eivarama Basnot, wbose death
    o&u8od profound grief to his king. Tho Gorkhs foroes retro&t€d
    to Nonkot.
    Thir etory it given by Babttrom Aoharyo in hie life of
    Prthvinarayeoa (p. 231-36). The Aoharya Eays that K&8iram&'s
    .erploitr in Sangachok sr€ not supported by arry roliablo
    ovidenco. He, howover, bareg hit conclueion on the evitlone,e
    of t'ho eristence of a publio roBt hous€ built by Kazi Jaharo
    Singh, grendsoa of Sivarama Baenot in tho lattor's momory.
    Brburam also thinkg thot the Sangachok iuoidout ocouned
    bofors Kaciramo attompted to invado Noakot. But tho deto
    of Sivuoma's death in Sangachok ie uloertain. Similarly tho
    Tvitb tho accouut of ths
    faots obout hb death cloes not 88reo
    ohtoniolo, elthough many a tlmo the Aoharya gives roferonces
    to tho pasloges iu the chroniole for hie information. Eir
    atst€mont io thb porticuler instoncs i8 confueiog. But with
    'all thie, tho poem on Sripatrd family by ono Jivenet'h composod
    in VS l73l tolls of the deeth of Siveromo in Saugaohok.
    lfhis poetio oomposition is the only ovidonce for Sivarame's
    deoth in tho ight. But probably this ie a rolieble ovideuoo
    and leaving asids the ohroniclo, ths evidence is roally trust'
    votllry (Ilihaaapralaeo, I, p. 132)'
    Ths refsrenoo to tho proPer&tion for tho invbeion of Soukhu
    antl Changu in the royal lottor to Rajivalochaua Pandit might
    provido o clue to tho sttompt€d attack on thore aroas. Tho
    lettor ir datsd 4 January, Saturday, 1746- aghaoaiti
    I roi 7.
    ooBf,Er aEooItS filcoDor o, IIPI.L 10o

    But ib docr not givo tho faot of o battle or ratd in tho


    aroa. The oircumstance8 aro thosc of preparation for a,n
    attao}. go tho roforencor might ac woll apply to tho deye
    before the aotual oapturc of Senkhu and Changu ridges late
    in tho eame year.
    It is suggoeted that the defeat in
    Sangaohok dealt a hoavy
    blow to tho ambition of the ruler of Oorkha. Mofs thsn what
    he oonquered in torms of territory ho had lost sD ablo Com_
    mander. Grief etrichon oyer tho loEB it was difroult to collsct
    himself sooeor h,s requircd. But he did control hil grtef surpri-
    singly in a fow days. Aftor all he had to fulffl hie mission. e.
    thoroforc wont fciru ard vith his sohemol with ronewed vigour.
    Meanwhilo in Kathmandu Kiug Jayaprakaro had killcd
    Kasirom Thapa in a fit of t€Elrer. Ile wog acoured of
    misloading his king while conducting hia oampaign for tbo
    capturo of Noakot. Jayaprakasa even all'cged that he rar
    rerving the int€rost of Gorkha. Kasiram waa living in
    Pa.lanchot not boiog eble to show his feco to the king becsuEo
    of tho dofo&t he euat&inod st the hsnds of prthvincray*no
    thah. After Eome timo he was able to ovorcomo tho seulo
    of defoat and oaue to his old residonoe at Chabel. On the
    l6tL day of bright fortdght of Sravanr ia lZ46 A. D. the
    Thapas ac ueual bathed in Glsurighst (R. Bagmati) but ou
    return oonfrontod Joyaprakosa who knowing hia ox-commrn-
    dor's proseico had hurried to Chabel on horse-back. Tho
    two met. ,Thoro wero other Brahma,na6, Ksatriysr snd
    Magarr, who came to telo bath in the river Bagmati. All
    including Kasirama paid obeissanco to the Ling. But Jsyspra-
    kasa suddonly started to orpreor his fury ond tollod of
    troaohory. Maoy in the gatherirg thought th8t it wss the
    height of folly to &ccost Jayaprokaaa vith that tomper. So
    thoy took to hsels. But Kagirama wat ohesed by thc king,r
    body-guords and killed on the spot. Oue or two Eoro foll.
    On rsturn to the pelace Jayprakara aleo killod souo top rank-
    ing officera including a Kazi. But tho most important, of them
    Kazi Clarudadhvaja could escr,po. Sometime later Jeyoprrkaaa
    ll0 xoDralr riplL
    hiosolf hsd to foce o hostils nobility ond a oonspiraoy vrr afoot
    to dethrone Lim es a puniahment for .the horah tmatmort ho
    meted out to tho oommanders of tho rogimont in killbg their
    leadem. This conrpiraoy vas all embraeing. It got the.holp
    from Kazi Kalidssa of Potan. and aome peoplo froin Bhetgaon
    also woro a party to it. They deoided to invite the- Gorkhalie
    to ffght against Jayaprakara, At about this tine Pfthyi-
    [aroyana actu&lly c&m6 to tho Valley ond conquered some
    villages on the €ratorn s€otor of Kathmandu in tho vaH6y.
    Jayaprakosa monegod to ofor e flgbt but was defost€d.
    At about this time ho ras dismissed froa the thrsne aud
    vas suocoedod by his eon Jyotiprokaaa. dftor sono yeats
    in exile waudering liko a fugitive Jayaprakasa gained baok
    his throno. Tho subjoot of his doposltion and rostoration
    requir€s to bo dealt -with tborcughty in view of osrtain ,

    contradictory faotdrs of tho situstiou, But ag thia does not


    fall entirely witlin the scopo of tho presont book, we have
    taken up the ooneidoration of the mattor in auothor volume
    orclusively dealing with th6 history of the loter Mallaa,
    Eoving consolidated hie conquest of Noekot Prthyi-
    naray&n& Shah thou looksil forward to an opportunity to bring
    tho whole of tho Nopsl valley under his oontrcl. We havo
    e€on how o few plooos on tho osstorn boriler of Kcthmandu
    insiale tho valley foll to him in earty l7{S.
    'It Yer folt thot
    for tho oooupation of the Nopal valley, tho ospturo ' of th6
    mountoina surrounding it was abrolutoly essentill. PrthYi
    wantod to st&rt hir oompaign through the no h-vart€t!
    comor of tho valloy.
    Mahadeopokhari stood by itsolf duri[g &ttaok on lBt€r
    oooasions. But for some time in the begiuning thia place
    ghartd tho samo f*ta with Naldum. This wag do bocauso of
    proxinity. They stoed within adistanoo of a mile Mahade<i'
    pokhari wos eituetett at tho top of the ridgo &t a higher
    altitudo, while Naldum occupied a lower altitude over a tmall
    ridgo juet bolow Mahadeopokhari. Both ocouPisd adYan'
    t&gooub sittlBtio! to tho north-west of the valley.
    GOEBEA BICO!'TS rINOI'OU OX lflfA! III
    Botb places changed hands betweon OorLho antl Kath-
    mandu. But th€y dtimstely fell to tho foruer,s honds nover
    to be returned to tho origin&l mastor.
    Theae two woro militory outposts commandiDg tho mut6
    to the throe cities of Nepal from tho north-oastern aiile. thiy
    rvore guorded by the Mngar and Khma olans.
    Being very importsnt to ita eeeurity Bhatgabn sho coyoted
    their poeseasion. Prthvinarayana thereforo Fa,nt€d to join
    hands with the commandors of Shotgaon for. the inva,eion of
    Naldum and Mahaileopokhdri vhoss loador waB palaauroma
    'Thapa.

    Inoaston of Naldum &nd, Mahaileopolchari

    The ffrut task beforo hirtr rvas towin orrer parasurom Thepa
    to his eide. Ee found th&t tho msin obetacle io his way of
    conquest nas tho Thapa Commandcr in Bhatgaon, who etill
    owed loyalty to the common inkrest of the valley Kings.
    The strategy w&s to bfeak this loyolty reminding the Th&pa
    of his duty to his corntry of his birth.
    A letter6 written by Prthvinarayona Shah to parasurame
    Thapa a fow deys sfter tho Sangaohok tragody ocourrcd
    ofrored promiso of full protoction of life and proporty to the
    addressoe and return of his.fr€oholdg to him if ho oonsent€d
    to croas over to Gorkha. The promiee was sooompa,tri€d by
    threat inplied in the reference to, the faoi of the Oyami (r
    aub-ooste of lfagar to vhich Jayanta Bana bolongod) flayod
    dive. Prthvi said that an oral urorsego waa sent a dey
    earlier through Vidya,pati Ojha. The loarned Scholar Baburam
    Achsry& thinks th&t in regarat to the dst€ of the letter tho
    day of tbe month is incou6ctly given and rhould be g,ladrc
    oaili 2 roj 2. Ee imagines that the killing of tho brother took
    pl&ce on Sama, 1803 Braoanu Bulli 15 gomauara=
    Zl July,
    Monday, 1746 ond therefors the lotter soem8 to hrve boen
    uent inrmodiatoly of[er the incident i. s. on .Wednesday,
    ZSraI
    July. But Bhaiha-aaili of thie yoar ie 'Wednesday. Babura,p
    6 EitihalikapatratarrrS"aha, tl. pp. 6l-t/|.
    tl2 XODEEN NEPAI,

    o&loulatos tho rooonstruoted ilato as 3 August, but this day ir


    Eunday. Baburam Aoh&rye furbher erguos that Pars.ur&D
    oould not reaoh Noakot boforo August 8, and when returnod
    he could not, havs mot Bonojit Malla boforo tbo l0th? for
    consultotioru rog&rdilg tho Plsn of attsok on Naldum' Es
    thinks bhat in ordinary circumstanoos nothing could be done
    bofore ths lSth Enil in simila,r oonditiou snothor Poriod of
    l8 dayB ry&E os8ontial for necossa,ry dofonso &rrangomoDtB to
    conplbte in Gorkha. I do not know how it is poreiblo to
    oalculato days for cortsin &ctionB in suoh torms as sugSost€d
    by the Acharya, Perhaps the facts of tho lottor point out
    to & diEoront yosr.
    According to Baburam Acharya tho ruler of Gorkho sont
    for Parasuram Thapa who rospondod by his preeenco in
    NoaLot. Tho two loaders docidod to Plon a comlnon Etratogy
    to oooupy Sanhhu, Mahadoopokha,ri and Nsldum. It w&s
    also eaid th&t PrthYin&rayaua Shah obtained the Thalm's
    consont to ocouPy, evon though tomporarily, these arcee rtrd
    thon leave tho permenont occupation to him. It is Beid th8t
    for so4o time thess pleces wero oollootivoly defended by the
    forooe of Kathmandu and Bhotgaon. Parasura'E Thapa had
    agreod to abandon his ally feigning inability to join the Eght.
    It waa suppooeil th&t Kathmandu'a eoldiers would eurroodor
    in tho ovont ofthoir boing alone, and then Prthvinarayena'o
    forlea vore to overPowor thom'
    It is saial that the fall of Naldum camo as planneil'
    But theao are guess'worke Dot evon b&8ed on chronicler'e
    aocount.
    We havo no evidouco of Naldum and Mahadoopokhari
    being defonded jointly by Bhatgaon and Kathmtndu'
    Anyway, in all suoh matt€rg the chronicle ic thc only
    roscue and it is no wonder that higt6rians are Proue to tura
    to the chronicler'e Btetementr' Wo havo tho information horo
    that Prthvioarayano Shah oould capture Mahadeopokhari anil

    7 LPN. p.2?9'1?.
    GOBtr.IIA BIiCOMES KINODOM OF NTPAL It3
    Naldum after o fferce resiatance. There was a heavy fight both
    io Mahadeopokhori and Naklum which rsag conquored on ,9cta
    1668 Bha.ilra 19 Rudhatmra -W ednesday, 20 August, 1746 (Tho
    l7 ie a mistake of the oop.yist, which all copies do not relret.
    The real date is l9). Prthvinatayana Shah retsined tbe {ortg
    in his hand but left other areas controllod from tbore in the
    hande of Ranajit Malla. Baburam Acharya thinke that Para-
    sura,m 'Ihapa k6pt tbe gate of Naldum wide open when r,he
    Gorkhalis appoarod there. Mahadeopokhari waa being guarded by
    Parsuram's mon. Ilero also the Gotkholis did not meet with,
    resistance. Sankhu and Chaugu were oaptured by Parasuram
    Thapa wrth the help of forcee organised in Bhatgaon. Accord-
    iDg to the Acharya the GorLha leaders allowod Bh&tga,on to
    administer Sindhu-Pelchok, Kabhre-Palanchok, Dolkha aod
    territories fer a.a the Dudh Kosi rivgr. But the millitary
    a,a
    Glovernor of the entire are&s w&s Poraeuram Thopa and the
    Oorkhalis thought he could bo inffuorrced to support them
    bventuelly.
    The Acharya do€s not give any Bources aud it is obvioug
    that he has built a. etory about Paraaursm Thapa's association
    with Prithvinarayana Shah without any reliable matsri&I. But
    we have to be eareful about our own judgemont in the re-
    ooustluction of the story. The account of the c&ptur6 of Nal-
    dum and Mahadeopokhari is full of coufirsion and does not
    go beyond a conjecture.
    Accoriling to the chronicle the ting of Gorkha wos allowed
    to ca,pture Sankhu and Oh&ngu by the Omraoe of Ka,ntipur
    who wanted to a,y€nge Kaeirama's doath. But the Gorkhaii
    invadors were erporiomiug difficulties in tbe area in cornmand
    as soon ae tho combinod forcee of Kathmandu ond Patan appe&r-
    od in the sceno. &enajit Malla wa[tod Prithyinaray&n& to help
    hiE to restoro to him Naldum. But thig was rot. accopt&blo
    to the Glorkha rulor. iile, however, promiaed to got Sankhu
    and Changu for him. Bqnajit Malla w&8 persuaded not to
    occopt GorLha'a ofer of Stnkhu and Changu- His adyiror ssid
    that the Gorkha ruler would ure the opportunity to grsb thc
    I
    It4 MODEBN NEPAI,

    area for himself. Tho officer commanding of Bhatgaon, para-


    suram Thapa, who was againit the allianoe with Gorkha in-
    formed the ruler of Kathmandu and. Patan of the design of
    tLre Gorkha ruler. As Patan was alerted ths ruler sent troops
    more than what he deemed necessary. Jayaprakasa so ably or-
    ganised the campaign that Gorkha's ally Bhatgaon hesitated to
    euter the fleld. Kathmandu tttacked Jitpur uot far from Nal-
    dum, at the foot o(the range north east-of the city of Bhat-
    gaon. There waa a confrontation in Dachha, and just iu the
    rrick of time the troopors of Patan also appeared to attack
    {rom tho oast. The Gorkhalis were c*ught un&w&res, they had
    not expeoted such a stiff ffght in .this spot. Against their ex-'
    pectation ttrey were noarly defeated. It was seid that Sivararua-
    simha Ba,met, the Gorkha oommander, was killed and also
    many other officors. Prithvinarayana's Palki bearer w.as trlsp
    shot dead and he oscaped narrowly.
    As Sivarama Basnet is. said to have died in ths battle of
    Sangaohok according to a reliable evidence, the fact of his be-
    ing killed in Dachha soems untrue.
    It was said; hovevor, that tho fight in Dachha w&s as sevore
    .asin Sangoohok.
    At this stage the Gorkha ruler fled to Belkot where ho rnet
    Parasuram Thapa. It is said that he reminded Paraeuram
    Thapa of his duty towards hie motherland. Gorkha. But loav-
    ing his eon to the care of Gorkha's king the Thapa rushod to
    defend Belkot. The Gorkhalis were also then defending
    Naldum. The upland touched the peak of the extromity of
    the northern range of tho Nepal valley in tho oaet, belorv rvhich
    tries the village of Sankhu. Further south lies the village of
    Sanga to theeast on the descendingridgeofNalduurandit
    rvt'us a strongly fortified area. The latter commanded tho areas
    outside the valley in the Palanchok distriet upto Chautara via
    Benepa and Dulalghet. As soon as Prithvinareyana captured
    Jhulelekh, a ridge towards tho north east oflfanichud peak he
    was oalled upon to side with Bhatgaon in the capture of Sanliliu
    aud Changu ridges from Kathmandu. Changu was the eastcru
    GORXIIA BEOOUES rIX6DOU OF, NEPAL Il5
    ridge o[ a raogo ertendiog to N&ldqm and Mahadeopohhsri vher6
    it mot the range coming from Sanga. Tho whole forued tho
    east€rn mouutaiu Lounda,ry of the Nepel vallo51. The coltrol
    of Chaugu would givo &ny one a Sreat adv&ntsge to pu8h both
    ways, to the eouth and west rh6rs lay the oitioa of Bh&t8aon
    and Kathmandu rospoctiyoly. Prithvinamyaua Shah thought
    thst in ta,kiag up tho oauso of the Bhrtgron ruler, he would
    cchievo his own end of geiting a foothold in a. str&tegio Bpot
    oftbe region. With this end in vies Prithvinaroyana tempo-
    rarily heltl up hiB pla,n to adyance to Dolkha. Ee turned hir
    &tteution to Sangachok a high ridge outside the valley betwoon
    tbe rivere Indravati and Bhoti Kosi, which oould giVe him a
    safe pasrage to olihb to tho ridge forming the o&Btera boundary
    of tho valley. But in thia rrenture ho lost his faith in astrolo-
    gers who had forooost succoas,s beceugo here defoat had cwaited
    him with venge&noe. In particular the ususl improssion thst
    action perfornod during a oertain trnriod of timo irr a year
    c lod Jioapbu eucooedod becamo iavalid, A letter writton by
    Prithvinarayaoa Shah to oao Bojivaloohan Pandit of Kaski on
    Mo4ln vaili I rqi 7: Seturday, 27 Jauuary, I75;l from Noakot
    valley ehowr tha,t this Brahman had rccommendod time of
    Jiooqkaa, for an iuvaeion of Senkhu and Chaugu. In hie
    Bouthertr advance aloag thg ronge of e mouatain Prithvilars-
    yana hod reaohed Saugachok. Eie aim wae also to capturo
    Sankhu and Changu as well as Mohadeopokhari ond Naldum.

    8 Accorilitrg to Eiaillsstrouomy tho BiDe pl.nets tl.yel tDrolgh.


    p.€.ag€ of.6teri.Lr (naktotat) coveriEg ir !,'l iLys.ll ih€ r? oI ttrq,
    The plsDet Xa,itz moves fuoa ouo,toksatrulo aDothor in rEiot8eotalet;
    thereforo et o psrticul,tr ngksatra lhe lhiri,6*D lollowiEg u6lslly woElil hryG
    beea prseit, snil th6 thirte.B osslly psssoil yoElil still be rh6!d. Ih6o rho
    sr6 thEs .hesal sts seia to belong to thopa&M, litersuy, it6i lortDight.
    While tho66 allsody coyoreA .!6 crlTsd, tiyqakso,literouy, ltvo to!tDt8ht..
    Tbe naksatrq througL whiob otr s padioulsr day tho ia,n ir p..!i!g is
    csll€il Ksrtari.
    The ususl sstrologioal corlooptiotr oI oospioio[s EoEeit is to ESatil tLa
    Jitapaksa as the ruspicious tiE€ to stslt work so a! to be ittenilcd titL
    8UCCqi6.
    l.I6 IIODERN NEPAL

    But in Saugrtchok dofeot aweitod his Commandere. The


    Gorkhali conquerors had pushed their coquest from Noskot
    along the valley oI the river Tadi and then towarde the uplonds
    of both sides of tho river Likhu. After loeving Likhu one
    reaohes thc Nepal valley cirouitiug through JhuleloL and the
    bill of Eankhu. Thore is a d€Ec€nt through auother ride asido
    the valley sktt reaohing tho valloy of the river Indravati.
    rivor Indrevati, and up lioe Savararnasimha Basnet,
    .h.oross the
    ooe of the ablest ofrcers of Gorkha was killed in astion. It ia
    Bsid thst the dofest. in'S'anhachok was due the euddoaly
    launched furious sttack on the GorEholis by Kaoiram Thaoa
    The Glorhhalie rere aimply overpowerod.
    Thero is another ver€ion of th€ otory. Ilsving oonsolidated
    his oonquest of Noakot hithvinarayana looked forward to an
    opportunity to bring uuder control tho e&st€rn Psrt of tho
    Kingdom of Kathmandu. By l?40, a good portio! of eaatern
    dirtricts had besn osPtureit. But in tho presetrt Sindhu Palchok
    autl Kabhr€ Palanohok dietrict thsre were many fort8 whioh
    werc outsiile his oontrol. The garrison maintioned by the
    Kathmandu ruler olong witL reinforcemont g&vo tho Gorkhas a
    stifrfight when it started.
    It Eilt apper that the Clorkbe rulor's attempt to arome
    falso sen8e. of patrioi*m in the nsme of Gorkba' during his
    conflio0E the. ChaubiBis .hdd mirerebly failed l do not
    vith
    know on what basie the Aoharya had constructed thie story'
    Lrmidanda a tidgo str€tchihg from east to west boyond the
    Nolnl valley, from Dourali was captured by Gorkho in
    about 1747.
    Inthe index summorising tho cont€nts of& lott€r kopt in
    Red box it is said that Prithvinaroyaoa Shah ffnding Paton
    isolatod orderod his con-fidant KaIu Panilo to attack tho low
    llrnds inthe valley within the juriediction of Patan But
    B,rijyapra\asi roquosted Kalu Pande not to attack Patan's
    tenitory on the plea of traditional friendehip rvhich nag
    a demand
    acooptoil by the l&ttor. The Pande however made
    OORXHA BECOUEA EINODOII OI| NEPAL 117

    for surendoring Lamidauda to Oorkha in the eame way ae


    Kd,thmandu had prted rith Noakot. Although for sone
    time Patan rosiBted thii domand on the ploa thst if Lomidenda
    was given up Patsn sould be deprived of the eupply of voode.
    Rojyaprakasa ultimately abaudoned his hold of Lamidauda,
    which Gorkho occupied forthwith. The lettcr as quoted
    by Baburam Acharya (LPN, p. 280 ie datod Srutan Suni 14 roj
    i-saturday, 19 Auguet, 174?1 antl it is vell to rurmige thst
    Lamidanda must h&yo felleu into Gorkha'e hands Bbout this
    ii-".
    Earlier another territory of Patan, tho Chitlang volloy was
    captured by Tonlioun hut it was releasod dtor paymeut of ran-
    Bom. The Gorkhali king was approached in respeot of Lemi-
    danda t o Bettle terms but Patan w's told thot they would bo
    allowed to get logs of wood and then supplyof cotton would not
    be rfroctod. Lamidanado had been captured eomo time in
    Soptomber. The Vamsavali's date for this event iE Bh,sdrs aad
    it s&ys that the Gorkhlis had only 'wrested Lemidanda fron
    Tanhoun to get it restored to Paten. Baburam Acharya's vari-
    fication of tho dato in terme of CE ia wroog. The correct date
    is Saturday, 8 August, 1747. Lomidanda was capturtod by
    Kalu Pando in the eame year, This is the most ve ea,n 8ay
    about the date.
    fiom certain letterl in tho possession of tho Dhami of
    Noakot it &ppea,rs tb&t Prithvinuaya.na bad obtoinsd loans in
    cash from tho Gosain tradere rrho had thoir trade agenoies in
    one or tho other city of tho Valley. The ffrst contribution csme
    frdm Mahanta Kamal, Bana Mahanta Lachhmanpuri and Day-
    alpuri. The iaformation ie contained in a lotter addressed by
    Prithvinar&yans Sba[ to his creditorE or Msrgg from Noakot,
    It a,ppea,rs from the lottor that tho king cf Ciorkba, regetting
    for the delay caused iu tho ropayment of the lo'ao, ,had promised
    to pa,y the amount (oot specifiod) after two onths without
    further notioe in the month of Phalgun (Febroa,ry-March), It
    was sa,id l,hat the delay was caueed as the thoroughfere was
    closed and also king had to face difficulties of aaothor king.
    I l8 IIODf,BIt NEPII,

    tlato of the lstter liko many others goei without the


    The
    year. But by caloulation it correaponda to !\itlay, Thursday,
    November, l?45. Anothsr l6tter of ll Deconber, 1747 oarried
    tbe r&me oonteat. Thero art other letton writton in and eftir
    -rofer
    l?50 to vhich we shall later.
    All those incidents happenod while Jayaprakasa wae in exilo.
    We must judgo oursolves whst g&in aotually Pritbvinarayana
    made during thia poriod, In the absenco of Jayaprakosa as the
    ruler of Kathmondu the king of Gorkha certoinly wiehed to
    tshe &dvsntages. But it is doubtful if he could achieve much,
    however, ho had captured t&rgets in Patan aud at once oould
    descend upon the declivity of the valley. Morinwhile as Prithvi-
    nar&y&n& was encrooching on tho valley &omsB Pat&n the rulst
    of Kathmandu was making heotic oforte to got himself restored
    to powor. Eo wae able to creetg a baso in Pttau in 1748.
    A band of loyal followers were still with him. Ile was aleo
    borrowing money from the Goeain trader8 the same people who
    were, aho obliging Prithvinarayana and helping him to the best
    of their ability.
    It appears from tho two lettors written by Jayaprakasa
    Malla to Kamalabana Gosain and Rakhamptrri Gos&in9 that the
    ruler of Kathmandu was borrowing money from tho Gosain
    traders obviously to flDsnce his preparatioDs for tho testotation
    of the throne. Tlro lotters in thi8 connection are variously
    dated Jgertha Yaili 15 roj I [Monday, 16 May, l7tt8) ar,d 7 roj
    4 (Wendnesday,6 July 1748) respectively. The letten &ro written
    from Lalitpattana. The third letter goes wit'hout date but \ras
    addressed from Kathmandu.
    Tbe fust Iett€r expross€s regret that the Gosails had not
    sent him money, Tho king assuree them that they should not
    dicplay lack of trust in him. He wanted to mortgage a hightv
    valuablo article, but Rebab Gosaio gave him onl.y a emall sum
    of Rs. 4,000lrizahr'n'il.ra ovtl,li.gc F'or this roaeon the king's work

    9. Ancient Nepal, pp 12fi ( a quartorly )


    9s. Such was ths nam€ gile to the Nop&Iese @itrage
    qORf,gA BECOUEA (INGDOIII OT NEPAL u9
    hed suffered, Ee wanted Rs. 2,00tll-, maltinlru mlli morc bo
    completo hia miseiou. Ee futher assurod bie moneylonders that
    he would pay them doublo the &mount once ho succeerls in
    echieving hie objeotive.
    In tho second Ietterking Ja.y&prokas& calls the Gosains to
    Kathmendu. U tvo of them could not come ouo at least should
    immediately vieit him. The sum of Rs. 6,000/- lent to him
    was uot onough to push his schome aheod.
    IIe was grakiful for the money alread-y lent. But he wanted
    more. IIe was proferred to morigage on articlo worth Rs.20,000/-
    for a cash amount of Rs. 0,0001. If the Gosgine helpod him to
    th&t.ext€Dt, he.would do all thor asked bim to do afterwardr.
    The third letter wag written to the successor of Kamalrbana
    at & time while Jayoprakasa had been resl,ored to power
    This was address to Bhagavatibona *.ho was a pupil of
    Kamalubana, Gosoin. Tbe Katbmandu king write" to say thet
    he had sent a messenger, &nd the Gosa,in Ehould act as the l.rtter
    !ayB. Whst he conveSn ehould be tsken s8 tnrth. It should
    enable him to bring tbings rcquired. Their proeence waa ea.en-
    tisl Ee adda'you arc our brothers and dear to u8. You kuow
    overJrthing, and do not distruet us.'
    Thoro is 4o aoritt tnat tho Gossin money-londers stood by
    JayapraLasa in hig distrc8s. Later they were awarded with
    cbartor8 tp trsdo fEoly ia his domoin.
    We ehould not frogot tbat the Goeain traders knew oa
    frontiers of loyslty. It is theso people who ha.d finenced the
    Gorkha ruler's csmpeign against iayaprakasc and thoy wero
    equa,lly lew&rded.10

    10 In givi-Eg corrspoEdirrg dates iD CJi w6 bsve louowed Swsmy Iisuu


    PiUai ss hi! oslculrtloEs sppa! iD 'the InilisD EphemeriB'.
    I(irE Pillei Sive bir €qoivsleDt a.hs iocoraliDg to JoliaD orleDalor trpto
    1752 Augu8t. In 1752 A. D. by r,! Aot o[ ParlitrreDt the ncw strle;ss
    iEtroduceil droJ,ping out 11 tlrys.'so D6w-Eoo! eft€r ,Sth Au8lst,l7Ed which
    would ordinirily bcve occrrred oE ,6th September lollowrD8 sctDslly,
    occurred oD 8th oI October. thet is. r,be Dext ih,y slt6r Weioeadav 2nd Sen
    tabber,l?5? was declru€d to be fburldsy, l{ S€iteEbo!,1752.
    Tho droppiDg of 11 &)saloneis Do! €rough to ms}€ tbe €quiraleDt:
    igre€Eble, We have to mske otb6r trdjustDents Otherwise the iuai solar
    q&l€tttllr woula b6 tffocteil. Bot the niw srr!]rgemelt ilial not efteot our
    c&leailsr i! ony way.
    120 MODERN NEP-AL

    It ffrst Jeyprokass acted as the ll,eSout of


    is Baid th&t at
    his son (LPN, II, p. 290). But there is no evideuoo of such
    en act ercept tho inecription in tho nane of his 8ou dated 1852.
    If we take this theory soriously then Jayoprakaea EuBt have
    govorned as Regent evon after 1762. But this is not the
    c&se. Tho coin of 870 with uaractru aud legonda of. ?alaju
    maju, Kunwri majw e,nd Karuumaga ie deeoribed as bololging
    to the initialyeer of tho restoration period.ll The legeud
    Karunanw,ga sugg€sts that the ooin has somothing to do with
    Potan. Baburam Achorya suggests thef, this belonged to the
    former king Jayaprakasa. f do not tnow what does he moan
    by thie description. But this was a coin definitely bolonging
    to Jayaprekaso in the same yoar as ho restorod. If one or
    two in8oriptions apper iu the name of Jyotiprakasa, that does
    not me&n tbat he y/a8 ou tho throne. After all, Jayaprakasa
    bad not abdicated. Iu thoory he was etill the sovereign ruler
    though in exile &nd we do not ffnd coins of Jyotiprakaea of date
    ocher than VS 806. It appeare thnt Jayaprakasa had struck
    a, now coin when he was restored to tho throne, Perhaps the
    Goddess Kumari c&mo to be rvorshipped einco his restoration,
    herrce the legeod Kurutri in thc coins followiog. Before this
    time to coin of Kathmandu has this logend. So it is wrong
    to s&y thst the goildess Kumari, wh; in general tha lEtaileoqra,lla
    of the rulers of Kathmandu. J&yapt&ka8a inscribed the legend
    of Karutwmaga simply for tho fe&8on that his brother,
    Rajyaprakasa, in Patan had helped him, and he himself haal
    takeu rofuge there,
    Jayaprakasa wos uot indifferent toward"q his <,rbligations to
    the Gosain tradere. Ee repaid all the debts while he rvas
    restored to the throne. IIe felt, deep obligntion to them to
    the oxtont that, even afterwards he thouglrt it proper to guaran-

    11 Iho author oi lhc Rastrila t udra thinlis thet ih€ €oiu \ras .t.uck
    vhile Jayrprakasa, lvas ruliDg over Patan aft(:r Ranajit was tltivol away-
    Bul this view is wrong.
    1tn Ths special daity of s famity.
    GORIiITA BECOUES 8JI{GDOU Of NEPAL l2l
    teo and Iook &fter thoir intorests for meny years to cotte
    not-withEtandiug tbat thcy were aleo belping tho Gorlha king.
    tr'ourteen yoage loter Joyaprokasa executod a charter aaling
    Durbarabana, Lachhmanbana, Jagerwarobaua" Bhorbena, Na-
    walbana, and Chsturbeoa to oboy Bhag&vstibdna and live
    united vith him. tr'ailing t; do sccording to the proviEions of tho
    charter would forfeit the royal favour. The lotter bes6 tho
    dato Thursday, 26 Apr.il, 1764. \{e hav,o littlo idoc, howovor,
    if Bhagavatibana had come toKathmandu in respoaso to
    Jayaprakaea'e call. But the last lottor ie indicative of tho
    settlement of the Gos&ins in Katbmandu.r2 Origlaally they
    boloDged to Bhatgan. And we have also yet to know vhothet
    Jayaprakaaa's lettor roforrod only to thoir FoPorty right8 or to
    tbeir entire relationship. It appears that throughout tho Phara
    of Gorkha-Nepal oooflict'tho Coelin merohants were helping
    both sides. In l?50, Kamalabano had obtaiued a free paeriage
    for his merchandise, in partioular, tho erPort to Indio of
    flywhiek, gold yellow orpiment or h&rital (ldtt€r, f806 Phd,1lttnt
    oail,i 5 roj 5:1750, Thureday, 15 February). In e letter datsd
    Wednosday, 19 June, 1764, Prithvinarayana asruros Bhagavati-
    bana on the latter'e request for being csllod to No&kot that tho
    royal residenoe was his home, and that he would be summoned
    aftor the 4 month periodt! $as oy€r. These lottere ehow tbat
    the Gosain traderr wert obliging all parties eoncerned by
    ofrering loans. Ultim&tely, however, when the Nepal valley
    kingdoms wore liquideted, the Gosain cast whblly ia thoir lot
    with the conquororE. But to thig we eball return eomo time
    later.
    Prithrinarayana w&s very much troubled by the hostility
    shown by tbe Thapas of the eastorn dietricts. Now that hil
    approached to Panusuram Thapa were rejected, ho felt all tho
    nrore worried aboul, l,he outcome of Lis war waged to couquor
    the Nepal Valley. Although Noakot nnd adjoning places had

    72 A cient Nepal h qnarberly) op. cit.


    lil Thisistherriny scason. Auritrg which the r[onks aro coI16Eetl to
    t22 !iODDRN NtrPIL

    been conquored, and Prithvinersyana had boen ablo to geizs


    Naldum a real baee for tho opor&tiolr to hit t[e nervo contro
    of thri valley kingdoms was yot for ofr. Tho plan to block
    all tho eutranceg,to the Nepal valley oould not be implomonted
    ia these circumgtances, There woro m&ny a Ioopholes to be
    plugged and it dom&Dded of him patience and coumge. Rrrt
    this wss not the only sang.
    lt Aogopailesa the Gorkha ruler ir said to observo .Lamjung
    ir'Garuda (tho divioo killer of snakes), Gorhho is a snako
    aad tho Nopal valley is a frog. The snako c&nnot e&t the
    frog until it ie able to pl&y.tho ga,me without the knowledge
    of Garuda'. We bave eeen how Lemjung had to be kept,
    eatisffed in the time of attcck oD Noskot and the Tadi valley.
    But the ruler of Lamjung waa watchiDg with snxiety
    hithvina-rayana'e victorious m&rch in tbe 6&st and 8orth.
    Tho Garuda (i.o. Lamjung) could not havs boeu deceived
    into theking his move lightly whon Gorkha wae f&Bt oxponding
    to the oast. tr'rom tho information he gathored from the
    westeru region he could sonse that all the Chaubisi Rajas,
    particularly LamjuDg, rrelo enviously watching the progres of
    Gorkhe's conqueat iD tho esst. So the problem before him was
    slso to koep thom .eatisff€d if his exponsionist ein was to bc
    facilitated. At leoet the rulers of Lamjung a,nd Tanhoun, tire
    adjoining principalities, should feel that Oorkha would rot grow
    to &n onormou8 sizo to pose & thre&t to them. Prithvinarayano
    epent bonsiderable time in keeping the Lsmjung ruler in
    humour.
    We have already said that Kalu Pandey was appointed Cbief
    minieter eufersediug claim of Yiraja Bakhati who was earlier
    favoured by Prithvinarayaua. Baburarc Achsry& quotes I str&\
    p&ssege on a MS. of Chandi from No. 2 fndor oftbe Red bor to
    Bhotr tha,t Prithvinar&y&Da had pledged words to consult Kalu
    Ponde on oath. Theoath f,aE ttken in the prerenco ofthe
    Maharaja of Lamjung, Tularam Pande and Kulananda Jaisi.r.
    f4 Although Brlruram Achrrya quote tb6 lollowiu psssere for s
    diff6reDt purposa, l,bis coultl ss well b€ iroaluced aE xD eviifurc-e ol-Lamjuoq
    and Gorkhi pleadging to be loyal triorrls on th€ date ol tho tlocuEr€nt. ' "
    OOB,rEA BEOOUEA XI$ODOU Of IIEPAI' I2T

    The <Iate moutioned is 1806 Magha, 25 Budhs!&r&= Wodues-

    day, 1?50 January 2+ | 26 iB TuesdaY),


    But while his position in Lamidanda w&a uot yet eatablished
    Prithvi occupiod Tiatung, Palung end Chitlang all belorgitrg to
    Paten beyond the Chan<Iragiri ; ChitLaug wae quietly occupied'
    Before his oontingents appeared thoro Prithvi gua'rranted
    eafety to iuhabilants of the erea. Prithvin&rayan's eyes thero'
    after turned to D&h&chok which was occupied some time later'
    Siltlhu Palachok anil Kabhrs Palaochok were the next t&rget'
    'Ihon followod att&cks on Dolkha. Prithvinaraya'n could occupy
    eoeily Sinclhu Palachok as well as Bhararkot and Dapcha'
    To tho hatlhon chiefof Dolkha he sent e letter guaranteeing
    them abeolute pmtection in case of surronder as was done
    in tho case of Chitlang, Tistuog and Palung. In the seme
    letter ho gavo threatE that he would destroy Dolkha if they
    a,cted othorwiss. Tho lotter ie dated Bhadra t:di4roj4*
    Wednesday, 7 Auguet, 1764.16
    In another leiterlG to the P, adbane of Dolkha it was said
    thet thc chiefs were to contsct his officers, and he promised
    that it they were to s,ccopt his rulo, theit propertios and
    tbeir persons rvould be safe. The letter goes witbout eny d&t€
    but' Prithvinarayana informs that Tularam was Bont to
    Dolkha aud that he v&nted to conYey what w&s to be done
    through him orolly.
    The letter also caries at che end a line wishing Tularam'
    The exact date of the capture of Dolkha is not available but
    from the letter of Tularam Pande to Keharsingh Basnet and
    Eari Pandit rrritten from Dolklia. it appearB that Dolkho wae
    in possession of the invaders just before Asttina Krma 14 roj
    z=Monilay, 12 Soptember, 176? and not l0 Ssptember, 1754
    as nrade out by some artthors.
    The ruriter has alro to revi'e his vien's Tt can onll be

    15. In the posr€ssioB ot EoreigD ofdce Arehi!6s


    1ti. ItihafiNakaiq,I, p,91.
    t24 -trODER,N NEPTI,

    suggested tha,ttho conquerors had alroady appeered in Dolkhl,


    about this timo. In Bsburam Acharya's f,fll,
    ft, p. SeZ tnu
    date ir said to correspond to 16 September, l?d4. -
    But thie
    doy is the nep Eoon tiay aud dark fortnight.
    If the date
    in the writing is a mistake thoa alone the Acharya,s view
    beconeg correct.

    ADVANCE TO DOLKHA
    Erom the d&te of the lotter it appears that it took moro
    time than so far suggested to reach Dolkha by the Gorkhalis.
    T[e do lot know what happend during the years in course
    of tho forwa,rd march to this region. But one thing seems
    clear, Prithvinarayana was not allowed for long by the Thapa
    Omraos to proceod firrther then Sindhu-palchok and perhapa
    eyen over these his control was not ag 6rm.
    Tularam Pande informs that the Glorkhalis had uot touched
    tho ordinary people and only dealt rrith those who caure to
    fight with therc eword iu hand. 'I
    do not think that the
    Gorkha commonder had sent thie iuformation &fter three vears
    of occupation of Dolkha.
    Tbo chroniole introduces &E & story at this stage about a,
    concubiue of Prthvinaraylna Shah, who was proceeding to
    Ayodhya by way of Chitaun acrogs the Rapti va[ey. This lady
    born in L&litapat&n wa.s a kept of prthvinarayana during his
    stay in Bhatgaon atter the occurreuoe of Sangachok. It, is said
    that she wae sick and sufrering from tubelculosis. There was no
    hope of her recovery and therefore she was to spond the rest of
    her life in Banaras after visitirg Ayodhya. She rvas travelling
    from Gorkha, &nd the tine l-ae winter. Chitaun wes I part of
    Taahoun and the Raja pussed his cold season there. It rvas
    not, by accidont that Trivikrama Sen happened to be there at
    GOEKIIA BECO}IES II}IGDOU Or NEPAL 126

    the time Gorkha'a royal concubine psssed through thet route.


    It i8 &ll6ged that out of sheer curioaity tho Tanhoun R*ja
    opened the covering of the msttock to bave a glimp De of the
    lady in it. Thie he did without realiaing how muoh ofonce
    it might cause to Prthvinersysna Shab. Tho chroniole attri-
    but€s the later conflicte of GorLha with Tenhoun to this iooi_
    doat. A petitior submitt€d by one of Gyanekara Bonde,e
    deacondents to King Rajendra Vikrama Shah ( hihanprokaap,
    I, p.46) confirme th€ truth of tho iucident. tne concuUlne,s
    uame is giveo ae Svabhavati.
    Personally I think that the rtory ie not very importsnt
    from our poiat of view. prthvj did aot requiro a,ny ruoh
    ground to intimidate Tanhoun_ It fell withia his graud
    dosigu
    to te&ch a lesson to Tanhoun on &rly protext. As his predica-
    ment was Priurvinarayana at tho time was not in
    poritioo
    "
    to &dyaBce towarde tho wost, vhether it be the territory
    of
    Taohun or Lamjung. But he would Dot want them
    to be able
    to frustrate his anbitious rnove towarde the east.
    Thertfore ho
    always cought the opportunity to humiliate thom
    whorevor
    occagsiong aroge. The opportuaity came
    & litfle l&tor.
    In a letterl? to Narayaua pandit, hithvinarayana reminde
    him of the fact that he wag o 6:uru of
    both Tanhoun and
    Gorkha and hence a well-riehcr of both stat€s,
    enal th&t he
    had at oue time in the past brought them togother.
    But d.ue
    to rnachinations oI some peraons relations between
    the tro
    rulers had boon strained. prithyi euggested that
    if N&reyan&
    persovered he would succ€od to bring abour
    a ueeting between
    the two rulor8. Nrrayana pandit was to mako tie ruler
    of
    Tanhouu under.st&nd about the Bettlernent with
    Gorkha.
    Ramarama Pandit &Dd Giriballabha pantha were going
    to seo
    everyth iug n d"t I. p"itb r;;;;;y?;;";;
    li :i1 :.rl"t
    h.

    to be hetd as oarly ae possibte. He aup"oaua ;:


    i i

    f: l*C and he wa8 prep&red to


    :1" l\ar&yd,na
    on .J"ii
    meot ine nri"--^"r
    Tanhoun, wherever he deeired. 'ii;l"tt ;;";#\ffirr"ol
    6 rry 3:Tuosday, 18 September, l?68. "
    ThiE lottor produc€d its efect and Narayana
    pandit
    pleded with hie disciple for reconciliation
    Uutr"en ti" t.o
    '126 UODEBN NEPAL

    lortios, rhioh brought obout tho coPturo of the person of


    ltivihrama Son. But as alleged by tbe chronicle it waa not
    a fact th&t ,thc Raja's Guru had turnod hostile egainst Gorkha
    aad plotted with the Ch&ubisia to fight out prit'hvinarayane
    Shah, for thig mao, Naray*no p&ndit ePporars ir & letter &8
    a confident inhis de&ling with Kaeki visiting &ud coun;olling
    the Raja as oftoo a,e was needed.
    In the eame letter td N&rayen,, pandit the Gorkho rulor
    complained against Viramardana of Lamjung thet the latter
    bad developed obstinacy and hostilo mind. Ee &rgued that
    iq such a Eituation both Gorkha and Taohouu could attack
    Lamjung encl itefda,tiDg its ruler divide tho torritory 8o that
    the northern Portion was eunexed to Gorkha and the southem
    portion to T&nhoun.
    This was a temptation to Trivikrama Sen, which he could
    not igoore. ll'he temptation of acquiring a slice of territory to
    his ovn benofft acted to turn his hoad aud made him unmind-
    ful of hithvinarayaua's concealod designs, the reBult of which'
    as it rvill oppear from the followiug paragraph, was tho
    Tanhoun Raja'e imprieolment at the hands of prithvinarayana
    Shah.

    11 In posseBsion oI the archives, SoreigD MiDistry' Nepal'

    TANflOUN RAJA IMPR,ISONND


    imprieoned
    .{t a later date Pritbvinarayane Shoh deceptively
    Sen who bad come to meet
    the Reia of T&nhoun, Trivikramo
    The circumstances
    him at Jyamir Gh&t on thQ river Mtrsyangili'
    A".o"it"i ty the chronicier are &s followe' hthvinarey&n&
    were
    tilt that although the rulers of Bhatgaon and Tanhoun
    .,'"*,"ua to be his friends, he could not complotoly rely on
    ,i,li, , *,n* ho feored that in moment; of crisis they might
    corILA, BECOf,Ia f,II{ODOX OI| l{EplL lZ7
    harbour a design to hsrr8s him. Therefore, he contrived to
    Lidnap them rnd place them noer hie comp undor rmvoillanco.
    IIe had no dosign to absorb the two ststog iato GorLho; but
    if ho could hold the porrons of the two rulera, he youlil
    cert&iDly iufluence the polioy of the administratron iir Tanhoun
    and Bhatgaoa. 'Io this end 8omo tr[Eteil men wero aont to
    botb the capitala. Those men were to 8ty that kithvinorayana
    w&e too eager to meot Il,sn&jitnmalla and ?rivikrama firr
    a
    yery urgent ta,sk. Two uen Ramaram pande
    end Sriba ebha
    Pantha rsore montioned to hsyo gone to ,Ianhoul, pandit
    Narayanc Pande, eou of Guru Gokulavilasa pande, who ha!-
    pened to be o common frieud of both Tanhou and
    Gorkhr
    ruling houees was approached by tho oonspirators to talk to
    Trivilrama. The .latt€r did knon nothiug of tho scheme to
    &rest 'fdyikr&!qa,. Being a Guru of the ruler he could not
    side wich the intriguero. But ths,Guru had unkuowingly fallon
    into Prithvinara,yana,s trap, Narayaoa was a Guru (spiritual
    tutor) of tho Tanboun royat family, rnd therefore his advice was
    accopted. It rvas suggosted that tho conferrence would meet
    ot Jy&mir Ghpt where the psrticiponts would go unarmed.
    The meeting plaee.lay ou Gor&ha's Bido, i. e. to tbo eastern
    bank of the river. JJut the Gorkhalis has kept hidden their
    ar.me undorocsth the send tg uee the eame
    as tho occasion
    required. So whilo the Tanhouu ruler came in all gooil faith,
    they surprised him and ottacked. hie- person. Eie rotinuo
    watched holplessh. a,s the Gorkhalis rrnearthed tlreir rreapons,
    spr&ng on him witli a show of force and msdc _bim prisoner.
    I{c wae taken t<.r Gorkha ald l&ter to Noakot. Thus prithvi_
    D&r&yar& rvas frced from the worrics of a eurprite attack
    from
    th&t quarter. Tlereaftcr he procoeded to grab moro lauds
    iu tho valley of Nepal, and nearly oucceoded to lnoox
    in no
    tiuo stleast half the area thoro and io adjoiriiog hills iu the
    sest of it. 'lrivitramo Sen ras later rcleased but he died
    a
    broken hearlod man.
    I{owever, Prithviuarayana,e attomt to c&ptur.e the person
    of Rarrajitanralla had failed. But tho ruler of Bhatgron could.
    l2s MODERN NEPAI,

    know that the Gorkha ruler had aent merr with a vieu' to entic'i)
    hiE to go to tho area acoupied by the Gorkhalis where he wae
    to bd tu&pped and detainod. Since therr ae rve know Prthvi-
    n&f,ay&n& had a hard time to deal with Bhatgaon.
    Th6 fact of tho ca,Pture of Trivikrama Sen and of hie later
    release is mentioned by Prthvinarayana Shah in his iuecription
    oonmemorating tho ocoaeion of the inaugurll eoremony of the
    completion of the 7-storey building in Noakot in Saka 1084:
    (*?8)- 1762 A.D.1s Therefore the meeting t Jysmirgh&t and
    subsequent capturo of Trivikrama Sen are historical oventr,
    obout which the chronioler sannot be doubted'
    ft wae eaid that BePum&rdan's open sympethy for Tri'
    vikrama eud his throat to go to w&r ngrinst Gorkha corupolled
    Prthvinarayana to release tbe Raja of Tanhou frota hie
    ouBtody.

    18, Itih&sepr&kaso, I. P. 36

    ffiqsa} ilq nFR 6'ufi faqr {fr{dt {fr{qol: r


    fiqoqt drqq lqst qotHtFre) BqE al F{sfud: t
    CEAPTEB V

    BATTLE OF SIB,IIANCHOK
    Thero was a lull in the state of affairs, which continued for
    Bome timo. But the table turned when Hithvinarayana found
    his gains envied by his compatriots of the western region.
    Preparations were afoot there'to checkmate the Gorkba King.
    About this time again Jayprakasa, just returned .to power, was
    regaining his lost position in the east. rre sent a coneidorable
    force to attack Mahadeopokhri and Naldum, whish fell some
    time during the autumn of 1754. According to the chrorricle
    one civil offioer ( Najiki ) Dovarshi Upadhyay was killed in
    Mahadeopokhri and the Omrao ( military ofrcer ) esceped.
    Johangir Shah who was thus far looking after Naldum was
    compelled to fleo alive.
    According to the ohronicle Chautara
    Shah was also killed in Mahadeopokhri. But Baburem Acharya
    on some moro iuformation thinke him alive for somo time more.
    It appears that Kathmandu could rotain Mahadeopokhri and
    Naldum only for a s\ort while. The chronicle states that
    Birbhedra Thapa was the commander of the Gorkha forces.
    But Baburam Acharya who has read the miseing portion of tho
    published lettor of Harideva (800 years of Nepali by Balakrishua
    Pokhrel) on the subjeot has seen the namo ofTularam pande
    aud Kehar Simha Basnet as commanders on the scene as far as
    Dolkha and therefore he stresses that whatever the- chronicler
    had said, the commander in the secoud expeditir_rn in Naldum
    was Kalu Pande and not Birbhadra. Acoording to the chroni_
    clo Jahangir shah and Kehar Basnet were killed in actions but
    Jahangir Shah according to another chronicle escaped. As
    Jahangir is seen in another field, the. account of his esc&pe
    seems to be true,
    'The
    date of the recapture of Naldum is given in a confusing
    rnanner by the chronicle. The date saba 1676 Sraaana, ZI
    Thursday 35 ghati is confusing. Baburam thinks that both
    tlie forts were evacuated without resistanceg as soon as the
    I
    130 MODEBN NEPAL

    Gorkhalis appeared to knock at the gate on I August, 1754'


    This day, howover, is a day behind what tho chronicles sugges-
    ted, though, the day of tho week is a all right if one particular
    is reconstructed.
    The dato of the capture of Naldum is given by other
    .sources aleo as salca, 1676 mnsa 4 itinn 21 aara 5 ratri, ghatd
    13 pda 25 whiah corresponde to Friday, 2 August 1754 unless
    for the oa,ra to bo corrected as 6. In the first attack Gorkha
    enjoycd oooperation of Bhatgaon' But now Gorkha had to
    fight single handed.l o
    Meanwhilo Lamjung, Parbat and Palpa were getting
    alarmed at the speedy conquest achioved by Prithvinareyana'
    But the Gorkha ruler was a master strat'egist who aimed at
    splitting the'combiuation and succoeded at tho eame timo to
    isolate ono from tho other. Hc exploited the age old onmity
    subsisting botween any two statos as he was playing Bhatgaon
    against Kathmandu. flom a Ietter addressed to Rajivalochana
    Pandit on Maghatsaild I roj 7, Saturday 4 January, 1746 it so
    sppea,rsthatTonhouandKaskiwerestrorrgrivalsinthor.rea
    of hill.politics. Prithvinar&yana, wroto that Gorkha and Kaski
    were linked by blood aud in stressing this before Kaski's
    rulor the Pandit had dono an excellent job. Both could not
    eriet without eaoh other's help. He added, "Today wo are not,
    pulling together but eaoh one of us might oxpect to bo so
    doiug tomorrow. I am prepared to help Kaski to gain terri-
    tory at the expenso of Lamjung.- As for giving protection to
    the Kazi's men it so happeued that in trying to send them
    wo had eaid that they had almost revolted against their own
    master and theroforo we wit'hdrew from thai position' Tho
    Kazi himself was not behaving properly towarde us' We also
    thought not to accentua?e differences between the Kazi and
    his men, and so allowed the latterto'go. You 'are there in the
    service of our brother. We.are sending other good peoples to
    Kaski. The Kazi should be persuaded to come to us."
    19. Itihasaprakasana Eandhipatra Samgraha, p' 375'
    OOBXEA BEOOMES KINODOU OT !{EPAI, r3l
    The lett€r reveels the strategio move of a cunning man rho
    wanted to play one adversary sgain;t tho othor. Prithvi hail
    planted his agont8 in every principetity of oonsequence. Thesa
    sgoDts wer6 iotive in sOring the soods of dissension rmong thc
    princos so that no oono€rtad action booame iessiblo to Deot
    the aggression of tho risiDg Gorkba. Wo haye soop, howover,
    that Einc6 tsn yeara baok tho ClorLha ruler sas pleying tricks
    to further hia enda of expansion and vat.sucoessfu I to a great
    €rteDt to achieve hig objeotiYo.
    Prithvinarayaua had ordored hie oftcorg &nd mon on tho
    border of tbo Chaubisi region to b6 oxtromoly watchful aud
    koep in roodinoes dl that waa urgently roquired. fn o lettor
    writton on (Aeadho oaili 14 roj 1) Slullday, S May, 1762 joirtly
    to Mahodham Kirti Shah, Rana B,udra Shah and Kazi
    Kalu Pande ho. suggo8ts keoping Lamjung in humoul and
    inoito Kaaki snd Bhirkot to fight their acighbour and ofrsr
    moro money to Parbat through Rathimalls.2o Palpa was no
    loss to be flottor€d end the ties had to be streagtheaed. Prithvi
    aocopted tho sugge8tioa of the recipients of tbe lotter th&t
    Bhanu Jaisi was to be botter Bent l,o tho Baiaia by way of
    Bhot as soon as possible. Pritbvinarayana wee not williDg to
    fight Laujung st this hour, but Lsriiung w&s tho only t&rget
    in hia soheme of western ponetr&tion. Eo knew th&t ouoe
    I+mjung was aonexed, ho oould easily subjugato Tan[ou ald
    othor smaller states &6 far a8 tho river Glandak.
    Ono lottar addrosaed to Sridhara Pantha, Sribhadra, Yira
    thab antl Motya Khatri despatched on Jyutha oaili 12 rq
    .5-Thursd&y, 8 May, 1765 from Noakot warne tb6 offi.cors
    against complacency at tho prospect, of on allianoe vith
    Lamjung and orhotts them to fortify the new quarterB and
    increa8e the qu&ntity of r&tionr for iheir follower8.
    The above two lotters Bhow tbe tricks pf tho man who wag
    out to sxploit the division in tho ran& of hie advorsarios.
    Prithvinarayana Sheh not only usod devices to ta,te adva,ntsgo

    00. Copy pr€s€lvel i! the lrcbir€B oI th€ Foteigl Miuistry.


    tB2 ITODERN ITEPAI,

    of the aliBcord existiog among hiB eouDterp&rts in the region


    but eowed seede ofdistrust among thom eo that all the iime
    hc was ongagod in figbti4g one of .them all othore wete kept
    apart and lulled to little realise tho gravity of a lono fight in
    an odd situation,
    It is said that Koski hsd ao friendly relation with Lamjurg
    but after somo persuasion its ruler was prepared to join the
    confoderaoy. Prithvinarayana had tried his level bost to broak
    this oombination by exploiting-the difrerencos botween L&mjuDg
    and Kaski. Ife aent his emissary to Begt the ruler Sidclhi'
    pratapa thah. But the latter did not succe€d in a,ttailiug
    hia objective. It appeors from a letter PiithYi Eent to ooo
    Nitkanta Joshi from Mahadeopokbd oa Jyealhaoadi 12 roj t:
    'Wednesday, May 12, l?55 that one Narayaua Pandit (Pandey)
    bad been sent to Kaski to arsuro the Raja. Meanwhile u man
    from that quarier had arrived to inform tho king of Corkba
    about the failuro of talke snd left on lYedneeday l?th of the
    fortnight. It appoais from PrithYinarayaua's lotter to Rajiva-
    loohan& that K&ski was being flottered by. the Gorkhalis, and
    its Eole purposo was to ieolato this small stat€ from tbe con-
    federacy. Auother letter informs us that Prithvinorayana bad
    poBtponed his attack because of the rainy eoaoon' Obviously
    the &tta,ck took plaoe a,ftor tho rainy Eeason w&a ovor. In tho
    Ba,mo lottor NilaLantha was also informed th&t Pri6hvi had
    Eettleal m&tters with the traders of Kuti in Tibet and the
    Kashmirie had beon given Mokars i.e , royal charters with red
    seals to tredo in. tho area. Prithvi also leta the Joshi know
    that thero were created l0 outpoats ne&r Mahadeopokhri and
    two qoro wero completed on Sunday. These were so cons-
    tructod in order to bo ablo to ptevent any fucusion of tho
    enemy. But thore could'be a surpriso attaok, though tho
    intercalary month had Etorted a'loDg Eith a Jirtapabca' Theta'
    fore tho arrangement was suspentled. Prithvi w&nted to wa'it
    for Ranajit Malla'e time of aotion for a month aud half'
    Meanwhile the siego had to be lifteil and ths forces evacuated
    from ths Nalilum Beator' This was also done oD account of tbe
    OOBI'II.I' BEOOUES TII{ODOM OF NEPAL r33

    ptossure frdm Kathmandu. It appears that Ranajit Malla


    had not moyed iD &ction. But in th€ meantime
    the Chaubieis
    had idvancod tb cspturo Sirhanchok.zr
    About the particulars oI th6 dsto the fact of intoroalstioa
    iu the month oI Jgeatha is oorrect for 1755. The dstd corres-
    ponds to Weduesduy, 7 May, l?66. On Thuradby the l2th
    Tithi ie only '02 ghati vhile bn Tuesday the .llth is .96 ghati.
    But no othen yo&r would 6t in, whioh might shor th&t the
    oyent dofinit€ly oocurred in that jear.
    About the r&iny'season of 1755 the conflict.with tho
    Chaubisi had becomo insvitable. Prithvinareyana thereforr
    wanted to plac-ato Parasuram Thepa,, who wae & pbworful
    organieer aud from whom he expected a surpris€ atta,ok from
    the oastern side. Prithvinarayana had not beon able to dislodge
    him from hio formidable position.in Kabhro p&lsnchok district.
    Parasuram hed been ablo to checkmato the Gorkhali ruler,s
    advauoe in thot quarter. Prithviuarayana'a aim woa to noutta-
    lieo the Omraoe sorving under Bhatgaon.
    Prithvinaroyana had, therefore, acted ir the situatian first
    to win over Porasuram Thapa to his side.
    Paraguram Thapa, brother 6f Kaeiram Thapa, was now in
    Bhatgaon having left the eervice of Jayaprokasa whilo Kasiram
    ha.d been killed. Parosuram w&s angry vith the ruler of Kath-
    mandu and just to &venge his brothor'r tleath he took sorvice
    undor Ranajitamalla, as the comm&trder of Bha,tgaoD. hithvi-
    n&rayan& v&nted to exploit the situation for his own onds.
    Since somo tine baok hithvinarayana Shah was for a bigger
    sohereo of intriguo. Eo surreptitiously invited pa,raturam
    Ahapa to Noakot and assurod bim tha,t Gorkha was on Bhat-
    geon's Bide &s against Kothmandu. According to Baburam
    Aoharya the Thopa oomma'ndor belioved him withoat relerva-
    tion, aud folt assured, becaueo this courae would keep his
    poaition of tho Omrao of tho aro& up to Dolkha well safe.
    Bh6r0gaon's ruler wag opprired of tho situation. Both
    Parasuaem Thapa and Ranajitamalla had forgotten thot e
    21 Eitihi8ikpetle Bemgrahe, II, pp,68-69
    t3r1 rQDaBx !EPAr,

    oonqueror who8o moin aim w88 to bo tho mastor of the valloy


    could on oay aocount compromiso his sohemo in this way'
    But Parasurem Thapa with iunor euspioion of Prithi'e
    movsg vould not havo oasily bolievod him.
    Prithriaerayana sayr ia the lottor addrese€d Prior to the
    btttlo of Sirhaachak, 'you should aot bo caught unawaroe' 8o
    be in s stato of oompleto roedin€ss to meet the ohallengo of the
    enomy boforo he ottmkt you. You must sdYise yoru meD aa
    to probablo aitos of ottposts on such ooo&ssion. Also you hove
    to keop men on alort about the pmbablo plaee of atteok by
    tho on6Dy 80 th&t in momeute of a call for aid they csn roSob
    oa8ily thoir destin&tion. Nsvsr wait to sohomo your ProPora-
    tion at tho moment of nght. .{fter all, this Eay lest utmost
    l0 ghatis but evorything rrill be oYer' within thiB timo, whilo
    p$pa,rations might take just two dtys. The enemy mighf,
    oyorpowor you &B you 8t&rt coDsultetion iD the Dick of tims'
    Do not tttaok Lamjung by our own forco. Inguoh aoase our
    strongth will diminish. Bhirkot and Koski ehould be
    approached to lootl the attsok on. Lohiung ftom their side'
    Kaaki has beea a ryinnor bocauee thoy m&ko prior &rreog€monta
    for sDy eyetrtuality. Your nert move should be to win. over
    Palpa to Gorkha'a eide. Our frionilship must be strong' Bo
    oortllal io Palpa. If Parbot could'be kept satisfied by payiog
    3-4000 in oash in oddition to whot we havo alroady ofertd
    this i8 worth trying. I &coept your propoeal to sond Bhanu
    Jaiei to tho Baisi stateg through the oirouitous route of tho
    Bhot. But he must bo sont immediatoly, while- dealing with
    Lamjung we nust aleo talk swoet to thom' We murt not
    complotely break with the rulor. It ia dways good to sead
    mon who will setvo both the Purpose, tolk with concorned
    suthorities and also eooretly gather iuformation likely to be of
    help for our purposo'. This lottor revi,sle Prithvinlrayano's
    taotics io hie doaliug with w€stern neighboure. Eo wanted to
    isolate Lamjung by keepiog ia humour all the latter's ollios'
    Ee vas &ctu&lty inoithg two of Lamjung's closest ueighboure
    in the west. Ee himself did not want to get involYod in the
    GoB&EA BEoouEg !.!NGDor[ oF Nxpal, 186

    confliot with Lamjung all clone. If Kaski and Bhirkot rulers


    wero prevailed upon to do tho fighting, that was all good. At
    thie time'he could not himseH provoko a war in thq west so he
    was instigating others to do eo. If Lamjung'e attention w&s
    diverted Glorkhe would feel safe to conduct its war in the
    Nopal valley. Eis strategy was comprehensivo.
    Lamjung was the nert door neighbour. The ruler was
    joining hande with Tanhou to harase Gorkha so that prithvi-
    naroyena could not aohievo suocess in his eastward expansion.
    Both of them and for tho matter of that most of the Chaubisi
    states felt envious of Gorkha's sucqeso in the war against the
    Malla rulerg of the Nepal valloy. Prithvinarryron Shrh h*d
    to meot this situation while he was busy plauning a strategy
    for the conquest of tho Nepal valley.
    . Ifis eyes ryore now seU on Iamjung, and he w&s now pre-
    parirg himself for tho ovontuality of the fight. Without being
    sure.of Parasurama's ottitudd he could not, turn hie ottention
    from the ecatern front so ho wae oultivating Paraguram .Thapa
    at any cost by caiolry or threat.
    It mugt be baid .to hie orbdit that Prithvinarayana Shah
    had displayed utmost oalm in tbe.faco of eevore crisis. Ee had
    a rogervoir of patience which austained hi'" at, that momout.
    Withthetqualityof head ho'neverliked to play an advon-
    turoue game. Ee-proceeded on to hie task only with all round
    preparations.
    But for all these diplomatic tricke Prithvi was not sparod
    any time to breathe beoauge thd Chaubisis were already on their
    way to fight the Glorkhalis. They had occupied a fort called
    Sirhanohok aituated on a ridge of the s&me nomo oast of the
    Chepe-Prithvinarayana had to vacate ati tis conquests in the
    eastorn sector. The seige of Mabadeopokhri a.nd Naldum had
    to be liftod to rush in troops to Sirhanchok, whioh if occupied
    by tbe enemies for long would pose e threat to Gorkha, tho
    base of the ontire oampaign.
    Obviously Paraguram did not yield to the threats and
    oajolry of the ruler of Gorkha. In his Dioyop&to prithvi-
    136 UODERN NEPAIJ

    n&r&y&n& complaiDs that Parasuram Thapa hai giYen him


    vorals to join h&nds with Clorkha in the nick, of timo but did
    not koep thom. .Ee also accusos him (tto t'bapo) of employing
    his brother against Gorkha on behalf of tbo Raja of Kaeki.
    But as it will appoar'Pritbvinarayeoa was intriguing in Kaeki
    with a view to mslo its Raja &dopt &n &ttitude of hostilit'y
    agoinrt Lamjung &nd Perbat. .Ee had surely failed to gain
    ground iu Kaski. But hs want€d to neutrrliee K&ski's
    commaud6r,
    Tho ohroniclo Bteto; that Paraeuram Thaira'e younger
    brothor was Eerying in K&ski as the Raja's commander. The
    Ahapa was 0nding his positiou shaky in his oroa on tbe
    control of the eaEtorn rogion by ?rthvinarayana Shah and
    as tho Chaubiei rnere proparing for o ffght without'Ka8ki.
    Porasuram tried to imprtss his brother iu Kaski about tho
    neod of o conoortod ffght against Gorkha' Parasuram wrote
    to hie brother that this reag oeeential for eurvivat, othdrwiso
    Prthvinsr&ysne Shsh would eliminats them. But hardly the
    letter w&s recoiyed in KosLi, hthvi got Ptrasulam's brother
    murdorod in his camp ad Pokhra by a Gurung conspira{or28
    of Gorkha. Tho incident took placo boforo tho Chaubigir
    attackod Sirbanohok. Prithvina,rayona had thought by re-
    moyihli tbe coumandor from tho scoDe that the Kaski Raja
    Siddhinarayana Shah would bo discouraged to ioin tho allie.
    But thiB Bo enraged hiE that ho gavo the ellies ilstsnt&neous
    support by sending his mon to Sirhaachok.
    All his hopos from Parasuram Thalx were dashed to pieces'
    It spposrs that Sirhanchok wes attecked while tho rainy
    ao&son st&rtod. .A l6tt€r to Nilaktntha Joshi by Prithvi-
    Dara,y&n& thab from Mohadivapokhri informs us that the
    Gorkha forcod w6re being'hold up in this strategic plsoo, sud
    from thote thoy had ottaoked 8-10 placos, lut b.ecauso of the
    r&ins sU &otivitioa wore suepended. The lettor ae aforeeaid
    datad Jge$ha odi 12 roj 4- Wodnesday, May 12, 1766

    22. Dityopadet^. Prithylnirsyano ssys that ,hogel Gumlg vbs soDt


    to ?okhia.
    CONKEA BECOMES f,INODOI\t OF NEPAL I37

    (Eitihasikpatre samgrahq II pp,66-65) ha8 been a,heady re-


    ferred to. Up till this time Prithviaarayana had not been able
    to doscend to the oven landg of tho valley, Eis ett&cks wero
    directed againet places on the hill eroae within Katbmaudu's
    jurisdiotion outside the valloy. Paaasuram Thape wss yet
    in the service of.Bhatgaon and in that capacity oontrolled
    tho dietrictg of Kabhre Palanoho} and Sindhu Palchok as tho
    military governor, lt seems that Gorlha courmaud over this
    region had not consolidetod, althbugh thoir forcos had ad-
    vanced and pushed further along importsnt poinh upto
    Dolkha, The Brmo lett$ informs us that Prithvinarayana
    was holdlng oul, his attack because of tho rainy eeaeon
    (to Nilkantha Paudit dated Jyeafiw rnili 12 roj 4 ald,reawd,
    from Mahadeopokhri). Obviously the attack should havo
    taken placo after the rainy seasoir w&B over. But Rane Rudro
    Shah and others acted in tho mitlrt of rainy ooason to dislodge
    the combined foroe of Lamjurg ard Perb&t from Sirhenchok.
    Tho ohronicler Btet€s :
    But whon rains became heavy and wae in full swing
    becauso of the advaneilg season tho Gorkhalig attocked
    Sirhanchok. The fuet attack was lod by Raua Rudra Sheh
    with a strong oontingent. X'rom Noakot reinforcements
    erriyed urder the leadersbip of Chautara Kirti MaLoddom
    flhah, Kazi Kalu Paudo, Kazi Abtiman Simba Baenet end
    the Dvares (village-in-chargo) of Sallyana and some othor
    villagee. Many peoplo were killed in the 6ght on both sidea.
    Many on enemy's side wero arrested by the Gorkhali ofrcora.
    On Gorkha's ride Amber Pando and Kalbai Dvare wero killod.
    Sirhanchok was roconquered on 1677 Srauana 14 Sanirclwravara
    giarti 18-Saturday, 20 July, l?55. Sartlar Mahiman of
    Lemjung had to pass through an ordeel, going through a
    pasago between the two lego of a Iow caeto mau. parbat'g
    Balabhanjau Malla was allowed to go baok without being
    insulted. Others, hswevor, sufered humiliation.
    Tho battlo of Sirhanchok is also mentioued in the noting
    vhich I possoss. The date of the fight tallies with that of
    138 ODERI{ I{IPAI

    ths ohroniclo, But beyond these tbo sources, tho Sirhanchok


    bettle iE mirsiDg in other records' The date is oasily veriffed
    in CE But is thie enough to eetablish the frot of Sirhanchok ?
    But this is not the only occassion we pick up events from the
    ohmoioles, and the bsttle of Sirhanchok hss to be viewed ia
    thoir light.
    Ths ohroniclee gt&to th&t.aftor SirhancUok tho Clorkhalie
    uader oommand of Kalu Pande desconded from Pharping to
    8ttscE soms pl&oe" vithio th" Potan prinoipality.
    The defeat of the Cbaubiei gavo fresh impotus to. tho
    GorLhrilia. It vas st thiB timo thBt hithYiuaray&n& stsrtod
    a ner phaso of strugglo snb direct'ed r('lu Pande to initiato
    the proceee by attaclirg arets in the low land of the Nepl
    irlley. This ho ditl tloeceniling from Pharping e criuld
    ,epture Pharping, Cbapagaon, Khokna, Bagmati, Soneguthi,
    Thaibo, Badegaon. X'rom an inder itom picked up by Babura'rn
    -Kalu
    Aohorya it appears that Pandoy vas persuaded to r€turn
    on piyment of Rs.2,000/- by Il'ojyaprakasa who i! s lotter
    erpress€d his disapproval of the 'Pandey'e moYemonta onotoach'
    ing on the torritorios of P&tsn. The letter ir d*ad Awina
    wnirurui 4:20 Octotrer, 1766. J&ylprekaes hail suggeeted
    th&t as loag as Gorkha and Kathmandu &re ou spoehirg tormE
    ono shoulil not sttack the pther. Although forcoa b retroat
    Kalu Paude could hold on to rill &r€&a west of Pharping
    inolualirg tbo valloy of tho rivei Kulekhaui as far ar the
    Mahabharata range, which tbue far bolonged to the priuoi-
    plity of Patan. Acoording -to the chronicle the Glorkhalis
    wero pai<I by tho Kazis of Patan oollocting duos from o&ch
    house affoctoil by the invasion' The amount oollected was
    Rs.2O00/-. Rajyaprakasa had remindod Kalu Pa'nde of tho
    traditional friendship betwoen Patan and Gorkha, a fact
    rhioh shoulil lxoJout tho two p&rtios from ottaoking each
    othor's territorios.
    OOEEA BECOUES EINODOiI OT NEPAIJ 139

    trIRST ATTACK ON KIRTIPUB


    Encouraged by the suooess both in the weet end e&Et thc
    Gorkhali rulor now a,ttemptod to cross the Bagmati to attaok
    the city of P&t&n.
    But thore remainod Kirtipur an invinoiblo hill fortrees iD
    betwoen Kathmandu aad Thankot. In May 1757 ou the 28th
    Soturday (19 Jyo8tha Saturday Dasabara f8f4 YS.) he ted
    sn ott&ck oD Kirtipur from Naikab, a ridge on the weet of-
    Kothmandu but this was repuleed with the death of Katu.
    Pando aad Jivan Thapa, and of several other erprienoed
    ofrcers. Ths ohrouicler sByB th&t the bettle lasted for nearly
    6 hours and tho casualty ou both sidos ra,s ostim.ated rt sbout
    twelve huudrod mbn. Glorlho ruataired a Ioes of four hundrod
    repoys in thos. killed aud eeriously woundod. A numbsr of
    Nagarkotii brought frou outaide Nopal by Jayaprahasa to
    fight out tho Gorkhalis wero also killed.
    Iho chroniclor seys that st tho time Kirtipur was to be
    &ttaoked, Jayaprakas called a conferenc€ of the thr€o rulon
    of the valloy, and it woe docided to defend Kirtipur with tho
    oombined 8trcngth of tho three kingdoms, Actually tho
    Gorkba attack was met by the combined forces oftho three
    rtates of the Nepal valloy.
    By th6 tino the sttack ou Kirtipur wae plannod, Kalu
    Paudo was appointod ss tho pdncip&l commander of tho.
    Clorkha foross. But he was uot in favour of an attaok ou
    Kirtipur st the time. Eo had felt tha,t preparetions on hie
    side wero nnequel to the requirement for tbe assault on an
    sdvsntegoouEly situat€d hill fortrese liko Kirtipur. Tho ueually
    onthusi&stic astrologer Kul&naDda Dhakal wae sl8o hesitsnt-
    and dieolosed that tho time was inauspioious. But prithvi-
    n8r&yana ras not for w&ithg eny longer. It was said that
    Kalu Pando had to hear hargh and unkind wordr from hia.
    King. who was not preparod to listsn to enything coud6lli[g-
    pa,tionoo. The oommnnder had not yieldod to it st th&t, but
    whilo hithvinarayoaa in o tunse mood us€d olprsssion&
    140 MODEB}I NEPAL

    queEtioniug his ioyalty and pstriotirm Kolu Pando waB hurt


    to the quiok so much so &B to prepsro for the worst to himseU
    in order to ssve tho bonour of his king. Tho chronioler st&tei
    that boforo Ioaving for tho military engagoment, Kolu Pande
    brought hio oqly son to the presenco of hithvinarayana thah
    -aud implored him to take csro of tho boy ehould aDythilg
    unerpeotod took placo. He told his lrla8t€r that trow th&t
    lis motivo wae guostioned ho wos detormined to meet Ehat-
    ever comeg to him. Kr,lu Pande had sonsed tho ila,nger of
    inva.ding Kirtipur in the wsy his King had ordered him. Ee
    had taken loave of hie wife BB if he wae not retumhg. to
    hor eny more.
    The worst happened, ono of tho killed was Kalu Pendo,
    the commaudor. Ths Newar defondors victorioudy took
    posseasiou of his weaponr and hung th€m in displ&y or tho
    wall oftho temple of Bagbbhairava. Thoso eespons, khuhis,
    swords, bolches, bowe and arrowg md mu8kets are Btill pro-
    sorveil intect &nd one can have a glimpse of thom st tho
    originel plaoo.
    hithvinarayana himsolf eacrped narrowly in his defeat.
    Thoak God, he was spared; he was sluost killed. Such aE
    tbe etrect of a haoty and inadequate measure of ofrenee
    sdoptod. It was said that whrlo his army was ovorpowered
    it diepersed in confueion so muoh so that PrithviD&raysos
    .Shah found himself alons without & comp&ny.
    Luckilly it vas dark and the enemy did not havo tho
    idea of his situa,tion, But he was too tirod to ru-n. It ves
    gaid that a lowly man of the Putuwar oasts of the Newar
    community oa,rried him on his bock to Dahachok from where
    he returned to Noakot.
    ' Tho dato of the fight layestha 19 Saturilag of 1814 Ye it
    given in my noting, The chrooicle in my posseseion ako
    givea Jgestlw 19 daaahara 9at tiky.z8 The date is also
    verifed. So thero cannot be doubt &B to the d&te of tho
    abortive iuvasiou.
    23. 23 }f&y, 1?57.
    OOBKE.I Bf,OOUEg'EIITODO OI, NEP.AL l4t
    The attack waa planned from-Dahachok doscending to
    Iilaikaf whore thoy orossed the small gorge of the rivulot
    Balkhu and propared for 6ght &t & n&lrorr flat oponiug bolow
    tho hillook &t s meadow oalled Jhameikhol. The invodere.
    however, understogd the eaemy'E str&t6gy and atrongth. They.
    forgot thet s oombinod force of the tbree lrings had oomo to.
    lesist the invasion. Pntsn sDd Bhatgaon had choeon to
    sourrourd tho hill fortreea merchiog from Bbajengcl due eouth
    aud reaohed Jhamaikhel through the lcft. Joyaprakasa r,eached,
    tbo battlo field- marohing along ttro rivulot and crossing jUst
    a f_urloag bolorr. Naikap. , The Gorkhalis woro overpowoied
    by shoer aumorioal Btrength. To add to this they had to face
    brioke, loga of wood and srrowa throrrn from tho qrland,
    rhioh hit them indieoriminat"ly. A" a resdlt they wero oom-
    pelled to retreat. Prithvinarayana Sha,h who was watohing
    the scero from a high mound at Naikap witnossed his army'e
    defeat and hs8tily rook to be6ls.
    With tbie defeat Prithvina,rayaue realieod tho ftitility of
    furthe! attompts to conqutir tho gatoiay for entry into tfre
    other side of the Begmati.' Ee gror ileapondent but ho did
    not loso hope. Ifowovor, all thig nade him to call to halt
    his attempts to dseooud iuto the deolivity of the valloy. A
    E&etor intriguor that h6 w&s he thought to utilise his. time
    by further int€Dsifying his intriguing &ctivities to divide the
    valley rulom and to woakon each of them intemolly. The
    dofenoe put up in Kbtipur had proved tho tircmendoue ofect^
    of unity of tho Valley rulere anil if thie bad been mainteined,
    Prithvinarayana would hovo boen forced to fall back. But
    although thore vero fow internal quarrels in the lYeprgl yall6y,
    no attompt wae made to prcsent a uaited 6ght against him
    by the throe rulers. This w&8 not wholly due to th; C.orkhlli
    rulor's machinatione. But tho Nepl valley rulere o.rhiiited
    uttsr laok of sisdom by noi putting up & oommon front ag&i!8t
    thoir foo. Thor6 a.re some peoplo rho blamod ths non_Neiar
    commanders of their force for tbe defeat sustsinod by them.
    But wo ehcll know from the following passoge that tho rulers.
    t12 MODERN NEPAL

    'Tero whoUy responsible for thoir disoomfiture. Again it was


    their short sightod policy and their inability to understand
    tho gravo n6ed of united efrort which had euabled Prithvi to
    oa.ke thom weak also intoroally.
    It wae Gaymi who laid hig life for hiE kiag in Noakot.
    Kasiram was as nuch loyal to Jayaprakasa, Ee had fought
    siugle hended to got Noakot rostor€d to hie ruler. But the
    seryiceg of botb wont uuecognised. It segmed that the Malla
    rulers could not do without the uon-Nowar ffghters but they
    suspeoted their loyalty. This was also one of the rea,soDa of
    tbeir defeat. Prithvi knew thet the Th&P& and Khasa-Mager
    ofrcers and mea found themgelYoe in an awkwa,rd situation.
    So ho intriguoil to tho best of hie ability to drive further wedges
    between the me8ters a,Dd their troops. At le&st their loyelty
    to their kiugs wag to be shaken by all meane.
    Now Para.suram Thaln wae the only ominont commandor
    left of the noa-Nowar contingonts.
    But he war aleo the tallying point of all the non-Newar
    ffghtera in tho servioos of the three Rajas of the volley. We
    hgvo remarked iu the precading Pages that Kirtipur was Eeved
    because of the contingerts ooming from Bha,tg&on aPsrt from
    Jayaprakasa's own presence thore- If Patan was loft. alono
    for tho defonoe of Kirtipur tho'rosult probably would havo
    been otherwise. Perhap tho dofenoe in Jhamaikh'ol wae
    orgahi8€d by Parasur*m ?hopa. Knowing this Prithvin8rsyans
    direotoil his onergy to win ovor the Thepa's loyalty' If ho
    succ€odod, this would oripple the military 8tr!l8th of Bhatgaon
    -and ultim&tely afrect also tho totsl reeistance of tho Nepal
    valloy.
    At thiB timo Prithvinalayana Shsh also faceal a thrcat from
    ths Chaubisi. Tanhou a,ud Lemjung wore trying to &ttaok
    Gorkha from tho lower valley of the Mmayougdi aoross the
    ponflueuco of the Dsrraudi. Polpa was Bitting on the fence'
    ff Parasuram attookod the oastorn ssctor and made a bid to
    oapture the low lands of tho valley of the Tadi, and in orso
    6heso coinoided, much that tho Gorkha rulor .had aohiovsd
    GOBtrEA BECOIIDs KINGDOM OF NEPAL t43

    would be frustrated. Ho, therefore. immediptely applied


    himself to the task of contacting Parasuram.
    Ife wae much eager to win over Parasuram Thapa to his side.
    Ho wroto to him for the first time from Noakot on Monday l7
    August, I?57 stating 'wo have been informing you of all events
    inoluding the one about Gyami being flayed alive through Vidya-
    pith Ojha. This letter I writo to you as a sacred document
    pledging in the name of God my gu&rantees for your security
    and safety if you live with us here. You will bo provided
    with means of livelihood. All your freeholds have been algo
    released'. .There was also a, warning in the lettor, which ended
    by saying 'if you do not come in spite of the pledgo given
    under religious sanctity, you know tho consequences.'24.
    There is a threat as well as persuaoiou, whieh was intended
    to influonce the Thapa. The date particulars if they aro
    aorfect apply to 1757 or 1761, perhaps to 1757 before Prithvi-
    narayan&'s encounter with Lamjuug and Tanhou in that year.
    Parasuram Thapa yas too alert to fall iuto the trap laid by
    Prithvinarayana Shah. He seems to havo rejected the Gorkha
    tuler's advice, for the latter wrote yet another letter with
    .similar content id f765. Porhaps Prithvinaray&n& w&s tryiug
    to .bring the Thapa to his side all these years but without,
    .succees. It ia difficult to say what after all prevented
    Parasuram to respond to the dorkha ruler's cajolry aud threat.
    3ut it might be the high senee of loyalty toward his masters,
    ryhioh had saved him from succumbing to Prithvinarayana's
    .approachos. I{o might also have realieed that Prithvinara,yan&
    sometimes played trioke, and'it was not safe to oross the side
    at that stage.
    If Dioyopaileaa, ia to be takeu seriously the Thapa is accused
    ,of pledging loyalty to Gorkha and inviting its ruler to invade
    the Nepal valley but betraying him in the nick of time and the
    Thapa had also deceptively sent his brother to Pokhra to
    incite Kaeki and make the ruler join the anti-Gorkha confeder-
    24. Eitihasikapatra Samgraha. II, p. 57 (Bhsalravaili 2 in ys. 1B0A is
    \\'cdnestlay and uot l\fontlay).
    tu UODf,B]T XEPAI,

    soy of the Ch;ubiei. Ae we have 68id slroady Pritheiner&yan&


    had avonged this trestmetrt Euita,bly by getting the Thapa's
    brother nurdered in Kaaki. Clrious onough Prithvinaroyaua'r
    deeoriptiou of Lia long ffght to wir the Nepal valley is doecribed
    just in & d€ntono€ of sir lines in r small folio. But evou hers
    Parasuram Thapa alone figures vhile battlee of Kirtipur and
    othsr areaa do not find mention, and on toP of it thore ie no
    dato. Thus the ectual tims of the murder of Parasuram'8
    brothor at tho h&nil8 of Jhagal Gurung is not dot€r,mined.
    Wo have also auggostod that this had happoned bofore tho
    battle of Sirhanohok. But tbis is iuat a guoss .work. W'o
    might as vell r&y with aimilar argumont th&t this took Placo
    in U57. But the wording of tbe lotter shows Prithvinarayare's
    consistont oforts to win over the Thapa to Gorkha's side eiuce
    bis corquest of Nookot in 1744.
    Prithvioa.rayana Shah managed hie *froirs from Noakot
    whioh sas his headquarter for tho time bsing. IIie half
    brothgr. Renarudra Shah rho looked after Gorkha was con-
    csrned with mLetion betwoen his- country and stat€s voBt of
    the Marayangdi. Rauarudt Shrih negotiated Eettlements vith
    stat€s like Lamjung, Kaehi, Parbrt and Palpo, ft apPears
    fron a ldttera 5 of Prithvinarayana Shrh o'rittsu to Ranarudrg
    or Matgrtaitri 10 roj 3 (.Toleedan December 6, 175?) th&t &
    Krzi of Palpa had errived in Noakot for talks and he had
    ttemanded the presencti of the letter, Prithvinaryana t'hought
    that a direct talk between the Kezi and himself would lead to a
    6aal 'yes or uo' end in order to avoid breakdown he wauted
    Ranaruilra to loin him. Eo wrote 'Even if he Kazi had not
    rr&nted you, you would have summouod you !ere. Ths Kazi
    iB not prepsr€d to talk about the egreement without you. So
    you muBt oome. You will talk with KasLi about moaota'ry
    aid but wo ehall decide here whet amount to giYe them' Eo
    furthor wrote to Roaorudra'You have writton.to us that ths
    forces of Lamjung and Tanhou have takon tho lorot route.
    Ihis is the timo you havo to make adequate arrangements for
    tr'oreiSa Mltristly ArahiYes'
    '6
    ooRfE BIOOIXS TIIIODOM OI ltEP...L r15

    the protsctioq of forts and heodquartors. The fortiffcation


    must be strengthened. Thcrn must be men in readiness to
    neot ths emorgoncy. You wili bo oarofreo if your arra,nge-
    m6Bts are porfoct. You havo also to v&t.ch tho movement of
    tho troops adeanchg. If thoy am able to crors the river
    Giandak ot Gaighat tho wholo of Nopel would be throstoned.
    You must at oBoo inform mo if thoy a,ro abls to oroas Glrighat.
    We shall tako care of matters es f*r m thoy conce,rn us h€ro"
    I om glad th&t you &re hopeful of an agreement with Pa\n.
    "But you must como to Noakot. I have also to contult you
    about KasLi. I have eeut meosagos to Mackwanpur warnirg
    the Raja against imFonding ontry of wegtern iulors. You must
    sotrd J&ga, Bania, to Kaski. Nothing more has happned in
    Nopal to let you knor."
    Tho contonts of the lettor and tho purpose of calling Bana-
    rudr& Shsh maLs ovidont tho etratogist'e mind at work. Eo
    knew the advontagea and diaadva,ntagos of diroot talk in which
    ho himsdlf p&rtioip&ted. Uhe aogotiated through his agent
    tb6re w&s soo1rc for much manoeuvro oveu a"fter it wag con-
    clud€d, even & volte faoe could be managed. But iu'a dircot
    involvoment thore was little scopo left to prcvaric&to the, isouo
    or to rcfirge to accept what \ra8 pledged. Ee know also the
    valuo of money. Bribory was one of his itr&trumonts by whicb
    ho purcbased tbo frieudship' of msny rulere. Parbat eud
    Palpa-wero bigger st&tes. . So he desired to atta,in his objoctive
    by ofrering Doney to Parbat. Palpa being richor -he needed
    to &fect sweet rea8onableness. Eere he vas tryiug to eludc
    Palpa evon though their intorests clashed. Tho rulcr of Palpa
    knew well that. if Gorkba becamo a large kingdom bll other
    st&tes ryould fall a proy to hie deeign. But thankr to Prithyi-
    naryana'e oeeiduously prsotisod hnncricy Dsny judged him
    by hie worde. Moro thaa th&t it 8lr happened in m&ny critic&l
    hours it ssved him anrioue momente.as he could yot oommaod
    the coofidence of some of tho rulorg in tho Chaubisi r.egion.
    Even hie invsterste foo, the ruler of Lamjung, wriuld not f,nrl
    it possible to suooossfully rttack Gorkha at tho mort critioa,l
    t46 IIODEEN NEPAL

    moment. Either he was checkmated by interstate rivalry in


    the non-Gorkha camp or lacked coqfidenco becauge of . Kaski
    and othors going openly agaiust him.
    In spite of all theso Prithvi again and again advised his
    men not to provoke tho ruler of Lamjung but maintaia friendly
    oontact with him as far as possible.
    Prithvinarayana Shah had become almost hopeless at this
    stago after his defeat in Kirtipur. Ile was stricken with
    remorso. Tho loss of Kalu Pande and other ofrcers was
    irreparable. Ilo roturned to Noakot much a forl<irn and
    dojected figure. X'or two years he harboured no thought,. to
    ronew his military excursions. He utilised his time in strength-
    ening his position and arranging for supplementary prepara-
    tions to an adequate degree in response to the need of the
    situation. But affairs in Patan were encouraging fog him and
    he, therefore. did not abandon hopes of viotories ia the next
    rnove. The city of boauty now Iay without a ruler having
    dispensed already with two such within a, ]ea,r; But what
    made tho situation most serious was the etate of 6iege and
    blockade from .the southwest, and west of the Valloy over
    which Prithvinaraya.na had retained his control even in his
    critical days.
    Eveu salb became scarce, and for want of yarns the
    -weavors becamo idle. Relief from euch a condition was mogt,

    deeded. Under duross. the nobility of Patan offered the


    throne ts Prithvinareyana who, howover, sent his brother
    Dalmardan for the purpose. By not aocepting the ofer
    himgelf he had oertainly acted wisely, as the other course would
    have expo'sed him to risks of a, Yery intriguing situotion. So,
    as the exigenby determined, whilo Dalmardan tasted the
    bitters of kingly glory of Patan, king Prithvinerayau& watched
    the evente carefully from his hill fortress at Dahachok
    whioh he had built to statiop his troops and guard approaches
    to the main highways to the two cities.
    In a quost for the poaee of mind he got reconciled to a
    eituation v-hero his gains in the east had crumbled one by one.
    GOBEEA BEOOUES KII{GDOU OF NEPAIT 141

    As etaries of conquost of these territories appear undor dato


    line near 1700 A.D., we deem it th&t the conquest waa really
    o reconquest of areas abandonod o&rlier. Iu spite of his
    deceptive eppesr&nca in his behaviour since the bettlo of
    Sirbanchok, tho rulor ofLamjung and his allies were oare-
    firlly watchiog the situation. Onco Prithvinarayana Shah
    tried to make on adv&nce in thot direotion they wero sur! to
    marcb forward towarde Gorkba. This foct played on his mind
    so much th&t he could not undertako any furthor orpedition
    in the eastern sector. Witb the dir&strous end of the abortive
    Kirtipur attack, Prithvi ha.d to Bee all his gains in Sintlhu-
    Pclcholr, Kabhre-Palanohok and Dolkh& gone out of his
    hands.
    But he was not e m&n t,o lose courage. Th6 ere&s post of
    the Valley were being retained.aud tho gains coneolidatod.

    MONETARY POLICY AND TRADE WITE TIBET


    PxrrsvrNenav.Axe Sses lxo Tnels-Eruer,lvex Tnltrl
    Before hithvinarayana the basic monetary unit of the
    coin&ge of Nepal wag tho mohar coined by Mahentlra Malla
    in imitation of the Muslim coinago. Tho subjoct hae been
    fully described in our book 'Medieval Nepal, Pi-II'. Tbe
    Mobar weighs 8 flwsq,B l}Jet ie, in weigbt oftho fndian rupeo
    of 12 mataa, Ote ma.sa26 equalled 2l.q dame in valuo.
    In practice piecee of lower units vaaied between 5 end 6.5
    grains. All coine vere of silvor and coins of lover units ver€
    not rare but thoy were used in circulation ofben not in tbe
    B&me rate only ae the rrohars. The lower units of coins werc

    I and I of mohar a8 well a,s * or r*s and were circulated


    comnonly. There was a doublo mohar but not ss commonly
    rrsed. The dam wes the loweet unit being 1fu part ofsilver
    rnohar. Ono Moghal rupee fetcbed 256 d&ms, ald 2 mohars

    96. 18 graiD8
    148 MODEEN I{EPAL

    or othor units in equivalent torms. Thc dam vas also divided


    iato 4 jooo measuring length maEing a l6-anna rupeo for the
    ropani, $th of an acre. Tho dsm was dividod as in tola in
    l0 cowries (seashells). Iu the mid-l?th cetrtury the NoP&l
    valley Et&tes coiued mohars for Tibet, whioh were legal tender
    in that country. X'iret,, tho privilege of minting coine for
    Tibet wss enjoyed by Bhatgaotr but later Kathmandu and
    Patan aoquired such rights to send coins to fibot. At one
    Etsge Bh&tgoon obtained silver Eoney to provide coine to
    Tibet. This &rra,ngement in Epito of the progrossive diminution
    of silver contetlt of ths Dohar until the la,st of t'ho Malla
    rulerg was liquidated by Gorkha whioh etood for quite a long
    time. In the end of the lSth century Tibet etsrtetl its owD
    mint and coined monetary units although the Chinoeo ,@el was
    entering to tske its pl&oe in the market all over tho country.
    But through tho lSth century tho Moletdra ifotrli wae the only
    curroncy in Tibt. It wae called ?azf,a. Prithvinaroyana
    Shah c&st hir eyes on 6he advantages obtained through mer-
    chancliso and 8€nding coins to Tibet. So he took up the
    questiotr as soon as he vas oble to seizo territories ol the.
    trado route.
    Prithvinaraya,ra Shah was not only & cotrqueror but sleo
    a coosolidator, whetever he weut he followed hia military
    adveatums with courolidation of power in ths ates &frocte'l-
    Togethor with this he saw olso tho need to organise ooonomic'
    and trado interset if hs observed facilitiee therofrom' Ac
    soon as he seizefl Sinilhu Palchot and had peuetratcd aa far
    as Chautara ho beoame maBter of thc situa'tion cutting oE
    Kathmendu from its commercial baee at Khaea' Trade
    prospoots olnued before him, ond he wantod very much to
    hrndlo it for the ner stato he was building up.
    Prithvinarayano Shah hBd taken advantage of hig oontrol
    ivor Nepal trdtle routo to Tibot both by Bussoa anil Kodari
    Khasr. In. this giturtion Khathmandu and Bhotgaon could
    not Esitrtsin their comme.rcial relation rith Tibet' The trado
    on coinago osmod Pto6t for Nepal. But alloyed coins wero
    GOBEE^ BICOUES X,IITGDOU OT TTPAL llo
    ,latoly more in.practice, because
    of the shortage of silver in
    t
    Nepal. Prithvinarayana wanted to replaco the Nepal valley's
    trade by his own. But all such time ae he was engaged in
    warfaro, he could not givo sufficient attention to this problem.
    Consequently the trade activity through the ,northern highway
    as schemed by the Gorkha ruler had ceased and his proposal
    to send coins to Tibet rvas also shelved. A letter 2? addressed
    by Nandu Shah and Kehar Basnet said that the Dhewa who
    cgrre to discuss ooin problem was called to Lhasa by their
    Government a,nd his absence caused irlconvonionce to tho
    Gorkh.alig. The officers complained that not a handful of salt
    is allol'ed to filter across the border. They reported.that
    sihee the Dhewa left, every kind of work had stopped.
    the l"tt"" also informs that tho Gorkhalis had arrested
    a person, one of the three, who were harassing tho traders and
    rnerchants by plundering the merchandise on the way to Kuti.
    TIre Ietter dated Brauona oaild 12 roj 1( -Sunday, 26 July,
    1752) carries in the last paragraph a mess&ge of blessing from
    Brhaspati Upadhyay who adds a note to that effect and asking
    for new instrnctions. The letter was sent from Khasapuri.
    Obviously the men nrriting rvere Prithvinarnyana's represen-
    tatives gono to the place to negotiate a settlement of tho
    Tibetan coin system and purchase of gold by Gorkha in Iieu
    of silver coins.
    Prithvinarayana Shah issued his first coin rvith 'Pritlwi-
    narayana Sahi' inscribed on it in the saka year:1676
    (1754 A.D:)e8 upto this year he was crying to get gold ballion
    from Tibet, though without succesr,. He was to obtain
    silver from fndia through the Kashmiri and. Gossain merchants.
    The metal seems to have been available easily in Kathmandu
    through the medium of these traders. The minting of the
    coin was to give him prestige. No other Bais or Chaubis
    ruler had enjoyed this prestige.

    27. [itiha.sikapatrasarrgraha, lt p. 78
    $. Walsh' P. 740.
    t50 IIODEB}I NEPAL

    In aletterz s to Ilarideva Pand,it writteu on Chadtra Su,itri


    2 ,oi 4 (Monday, 18 Maroh, l75l) from Noakot, the Gorkhali'
    King had oxpressed his anriety for the neod to acquire gold
    which howover should be procured in pure form without
    -mirture of all alloys ( biass). He shows readiness to purchase
    gold at tho rate of Rs. l8/- if the same was available in a pure
    form. The Madheses (lndian traders) had arrived with silver
    coins, a,nd they were waiting. So the work had to be done
    quickly. IIe expressed the view 'that in any case the mint
    had to be opened.
    Prithvinaraya,na draws attention of Ilarideva to a letter
    of Nandu Shahi. Probably the letter referred to here is- not
    the same a,s was received by Prithvinarayana, in July, 1752.
    Therefore we have only one correspondence of Kehar Basnait
    and Nandu on tho subject. But we have several letters
    addressed to Ilari Deva Pandit by the Gorkha ruler. It seems
    that llari Deva Pandit was permanently stationed in Khasa
    for the purpose of negotiating on trade with Tibet esp. on
    coins.
    In a letter to Harideva Pandit and Jamadagni Upadhyay
    his assistant, Prithvinarayana says that the Bhotyes of Khasa
    and Bigu {verq creating troublep for Gorkha's Tibetan trade
    by not cooperating with tho corrtractors and custom officers
    and therefore they should be desuroyed as criminals' If the
    Dhewas of Kuti were at any time incited over the afairs, they
    would. also be dealt with accordingly. Everybody would be
    suppressed.
    In this letter the Gorkhali King also, demanded Rs. 6000/-
    depositod with Sunu Saheb and M. Tanjangju. I{e also
    asied his representatives to let him know if gold was exchanged
    (for our silvor rupees). IIe was ready to send as many coins
    as .were needed for the purpose. The letterS0 is dated Bhail,ra
    oaili 12 roi 4*Wednesday, 7 August, 1751.

    29. Pauehsayavrrsa lNepali)' p. 908'


    30. Panchasavavarsa (Nepali)' p' 211.
    GORKEA BEOOMES TINGDOII Otr' NEPAT; l6l
    The fact of a kind of disturbanoes crea,ted by the Bh'otyos
    of Listi during the days following the recapture of Naldum
    by Jayaprakasa Malla is confirmed' by a lettor to Haridev
    Pandit by Kazi Tularam Pandit .and Kehar Singh Basnet.
    The letter said that the contraotor of Listi was murdered, and
    there wero many of those entering the other sido of the boun-
    dary, who had earlier taken up Jayaprakasa's c&use. We had
    demanded such men. But now we think that we have to keop
    bost of relation with Bhot and as such we have abandonod tho
    idea. You must assure them that wo do not interid quarrelling
    but want friendehip. Those involved in the affaii aro the
    subjects of our Government and nothing will hapen to them.
    Even the incident of murder we have tried to play down say-
    ing that it was common thing on the highway. Although thie
    lotter followed six years later (Monday, 12 September, 1757),
    this shows the nature of conflict between Bhot and Gorkha,
    at the time, which had hindered the progress of negotiatign
    between tho two states.
    The letter is only a resume of what created obetaclos in
    the way during the critical period of late forties. But this.
    also ghows that in spite of somo progress in the nogotiation
    and solution roached, the situation had uot improved.
    fn a letler of Wednesday, May, 12, l75S Prithvinarayana
    informs0l Nilkantha Joshi that tho matter was settled with
    Tibetan traders and the Kashmiri merehants had been giveu
    royal charters to go and trade in the aroa.
    But it seems that the pledge was not duly observed.
    Prithvinarayana again writing to Earideva (X'riday, Il X'ebruary
    L757 : Pllalguna oq,il,i ? roj 6)8z asks him about the negotiation
    with tho Bhotiyes. Ee oferod to send necessary amount of
    money &s Boon as he kuew that the work was done. IIe
    instruoted. Earideva to oramino and weigh the gold supplied.
    It was said that the practice prevailing per agreement of

    31. Eitihasikpatresamgraha, II, p. 68.69


    32. Panchasayavarsa (Nepali), p. 207
    t52 UODEEN NEPAL

    Bimjiohhumbo Ia,ma was to be followed. No change wae to


    be mado .in the price of gold in Kuti and the Dhew&s had
    promised to sell gold for silver ooius.
    T[hen the Gorkha mint opened, and coins were being
    minted Jayaprakasa Malla issued a decreo in favour of Prithvi-
    rareyana making Gorkha coins legal tonder in his kingdom ou
    a rociprocal basie.33 The coins woro to be unalloyod. The
    coins of both Gorkha and Kathmandu were to be circulated
    in Tibet and for their commeroial rolation with Tibet each was
    to station a vakil (reprosentative) in Bhot (Tibet) The trade
    was to flow with the consent of both. If ono or tho othor
    party was una,wa;re of the conteuts, the goods might be
    ponfiscated.
    The merchandise was to be allowed to move after proper
    inspection, loads ofgoods not inspected were to'be seized, 'and
    thoy woro to bo divided between the twe parties who ever
    intercopted. Gorkha and Kathmandu wero also to exchange
    resident, political missions and an5z one refusing to accept
    coins of either couotry was to be punished physically and fined.
    The vakil of both Gorkha and Kathmandu wore to conduct
    inspection of goods when it, was to be oxported to Bhot.
    Jayaprakasa decroed that all trades for Tibet should be
    routed through Noakot. Declared goods ol one party were
    not to be touched by the other but clandestinely.transported
    goods were to be confiscated.
    Goltl imports from Tibet were to be equally shared.
    Similarly the coins from Madhesh (lowlands in the South).
    ft was further said that Gorkha was free to attack Patan,
    while Naldum was to be surrendered to Kathmandu. If
    Gorkha found itself weak in Patan, then Kathruandu was to
    intervene to strengthen Gorkha's hands. lf ever Kathmandu
    conquered Patan it would haud ovor the same to Gorkha. fn
    this Kathmandu's interest would como second to Gorkha's.
    'Ihe decree is called Karar (engagement) executed in paper-
    on Sombhat 1814 Pausa aaili 8: Friday, 26 January, 1755.
    i.l. Frr-rm :r copy preservecl in the arohives ol the Foreign lllinistry
    GOSXIIA BECOMAS KINGDOU OI' NEPAI, 153

    It ie difrcult to know the exact reaeons prompting


    Jayaprakasa to issue his decree. One can surrnise that hard
    pressed. as ho was due to Gorkha encroachmente on his-
    territory he acoepted Gorkha coins as logal tender on reciproeal
    basis. Probably the same roason compellod him to ehare the
    benefits ofTibetan trade with his foe. The trado route of
    Kuti is not mentioned in the document. Perhaps the area
    was disturbed-and ofton changed hands deponding on the
    fortunee of certain strategic places on the outer fringe of the
    Nepal valley, to its east. If this decree was made with the
    consent of hithvinara,yana Shah it will not be wrong to
    suppose that at thgt time Jayaprakasa Malla was exhorting
    Prithvinarayana to leavo Kathmandu in peace with the offer
    of cooperation for his gains in the weak and disturbed state
    of Patan. In 1755 Naldum was again attacked and it also
    changed hands. Thig was to the utter confusion of tho
    Gorkhalis but without Naldum tho Gorkha ruler would not
    take respito. I think that it was to counteract this move
    on the parb of Prithvinarayana the ruler of Kathmandu had
    offered hiin the prospect of the proseession of the areas under
    aontrol of Patan. X'rom a letter writen to Harideva Pandit
    it appears that he had visited Kuti some time before Thursday,
    24 February, 1757. fn the talk tho Pandit had with the
    Bhotiya morchants there he lvas told that they were preparod
    to sell gold at the rato of Rs. f8/- per tola (:216 grains)
    Harideva said that even at Rs. f8/- the Bhotiya merehants
    ryould mix brass dust. Up to 12-15 thougand tolas and if
    gold of this amount rvas available to offer at Rs. l8/- Ilarideva,
    was to ioform his master about the quantity of gold offerod.3n
    Harideya probably was also a Governor for areas around
    the Kuti route. FIe had been asked to close the route,
    Iiecently 40-50 muri35 of foodgrains had passed to Tibet. So
    the security was to be tightened.

    34. Patrclrusu1'avar.ra rNepali), p. 2u4


    t5. .\ rnlti urrasure) u iariy 160 lbs.
    t54 UODEBN NEPAL

    The letter was sont by hand of Chandrabhan Pandit who


    was alsoto deliver Mahendra Malla rupees 1495 and Moghul
    53 and China clothes.
    This is just a priliminary observation on the subject of
    Gorkha's trade relation with Tibet in the background of the
    eonquest of lhe entire route by the Gorkha ruler. We shall
    see that Prithvinarayana could not achiove mueh in this freld
    to tbe end of his areai]. But to this we shall return later
    as we come to narrate the history of the period after the
    annexation of the Nepal Vatl'ey Kingdom to Gorkha.
    As soon as Prithvinaraya,na Shah came into the permanent
    occupation ofthe northern zone on tho l(uti-Kyrong border
    he thought proper to issue declarations and granting charters
    to guaranteo protection and continuance of royal gifts to the
    many Gombas of the locality. I{e executed a sacred gift
    deed36 on /8I8 Phal,gztna oad,i g roj 6:Xlitlay, lg March, ITOS
    in the name of Gindum pamcha Lama mentioning Gombas of
    PunJi, Banthali, Nagerya, likhyankhu, Dumba and Cliarikot
    which were to be looked after by the Lama. The subordinate
    lamas were to enjoy tho gifts royal or otherwise, whichover
    is made over to them. The state guaranteed them full
    protectiou.
    Prithvrnarayana probably wanted to appease thg Bhotias
    by such deeds. Otherwise Lamaism which was held in rospect
    by the people in general, even caste Hindus or others, needed
    no protection. Tbis might have been necessary because & uew-
    ruler had como into power. Nevertheless besides satisfying
    the followers of Lamaism, the measujre went also to establish
    the Gorkha ruler's liberal attitude towards Buddhists profossing
    Lamaism. There was no question of suppressing this faith.
    But they could be deprived of royal munificence. Prithvi-
    naray&na by extending royal patronagb gave them treatment
    as equal to others.

    30. X'*"ru e copy pr€sorvetl in the archiveg of the Eoreign Ministr,v,


    Ihe ilate is oorroot in termg of Amanta Cuuar mouth.
    GOBKEA BEOOMDS rTITGDOM OF ,\XPAI' I65

    But if he had done it to further his intorest in Tibet, it


    diil not pay him much.

    ADVANCE .TO TEE EAST


    Dahaohok i8 & Etrs,togic ridge on the western skirt of
    tho valloy overlooking tlie smallor valley of BalLhu Khola'
    Although he had lost other spots Dahachok wos in the
    poerossion of Prithviaarayana Shah. Ee roalised that unlese
    similar ridges otr other sidee wero commanilod, it wss no ute
    desconding on tho valloy a,nd contacting the euemy. Prithvi '
    thoroforo, used hi8 rosources to t&ko'posse8Bion of aB msily
    portions of the surrounding hille &s could be laid hold of.
    Eis first objootive after his defeot at Kirtipur wae the poak
    of Shivapuri whioh fell to the invaders &t midnight on Aaadha
    2l Suuday of Vs 1816 (= u59, lst July)' The date is confirmed
    by a lettor of Prithvinarayana Shah to his brother Ranarudra
    and Jasak&ma Pando. Through this tottor ho w&8 esking tho
    Ch&utsrs to oollect 60 beBt fighters and send thep to him (io
    the posBossion of Boreign,Minietry Archives). Ee suggeoted tbat
    if the oontingent arrived a day earlier the enemy would get to
    know about it. ln the s&me w&y if they arrivod late the work
    would fail. So the group must reach Sivapuri on the appointeil
    day. The lottor is dntad AEadlw V aili 10 roi 4: Wealnesdsy,
    20 June, l?69. Prithvi Ploads that tho r&iuy season I'as coming
    so the work was to be done immediately. According to the
    ohroniclo ono Yiru Kapardar on the Gqrkhali side died in the
    fight. Then the Gorkha force proceeded to P&lanchok, and the
    commanders Chautara Daljit Shah, Kazi Harkh& P&rth,
    Kapardar Bhadra Shahi and Jethabudha Rama Krsna Kaur
    contacted Jayaprakasa'sirregulars. Shimasimha Ahapa known
    ar tho tiger who waa leading tho advanceg was killed by the
    defend.ers.S? But Palanchok wao occupied u little bofore
    Kabhro, while the date of the occupation iE not available

    31. Tbis ShiEason ahapa ePpears to h&ve been f&the! ol '{marsimha


    Th,;ps, (Sqnsktit Sarutethar, I, 10-12, PP'3r-3e)'
    160 MODf,RN IEP..'L

    '€roept tho month of Msgh, mentioned by the chroniole.Bg


    After routing the e4emy tbe same forco continued to o;rerate
    in Kabhre (I8 miles east of Kathmandu) cnd a ridgo faoing
    Palauchok in tho north, which was capttred in, the early houre
    of Baka 1681, 11 Magh rdrrzd 9, Fdatay (:1760, J&nuary)se.
    Then csme the sealing of the fote of Dhulikhel situated on
    tho adjocont ridge. But Dhulikhel,s stra,tegia posrtior dit not
    ollow ttre Qorkhalis to touoh it without m&noouvre. Therefore
    as o firat ,measure Chaukot wae attacked. At Kahule Jaya-
    prakaea's remnant foroe made a aurprise attack, while tho
    men almost nakod were busy cooking fooil but it wa,s ropulsed.
    'Chaukot roee to tho last maa against the Glorkhas. The young
    Don of the area fought valiantly to resist tho foe. In parti_
    cular Mahendra Simha Raya and his brother fought with
    .oxtmme ooureg€. Chaukot wae occupied
    on Jycatho, glldni 6 roj
    2. of Saba /683: Mouday 8 June l?6I in a condition ravaged
    by ffre. After Chaukot tho Gorkhali advance was h.alted.
    hithvina,rayana Shah in a letter of Margauaili 4 roj 4:
    Wednosday 26 November, l?60 addrossed to the Omraos and
    Dwaree of Kabhre, Suuthau, phulbari and Namura worns
    agaiust complacenoy, and ordeto to koep the many places
    mentioned equipped with stoaes and. prickly thorne 80 tha,t
    these oould be thrown upou tho invaders, if thero was an
    attonpt to strike at those fortiffed areas. IIe ileeired to bo
    informed without delay if tho onemies tried to encirole their
    position so that military enforcemonts from Noakot oould
    reach theee places in two days' time and guns and bullots codd
    go into sction (in the possession of Foreign ofrce Arohivee),
    It that about thie time Kabhre palanchok area wag
    appea.rs
    threatcned by intcrnal quarrels ae well as by a new raid to be
    organisod by the ruler of Kathmandu.

    38, Itihasaprukas, I, 716.


    39. fhe alato is irregular.
    OOEKII,I. BECOMES KII{ODODI OF Nf,P,..I, r5r
    ALLEGdD PLOT TO KILL TEE CROWN PR,INCE
    The cbroniclos giye a story iavolviag one Jagat Pando.
    kill tho orown prinoe at ths beheet of
    Jaisi irr a conspiracy to
    JayapraLasa Malla. Tbe crown princelyos oa€ visit to a placo
    called Chisopani where he was to hunt. But on inform&tion
    of a conspiracy hatdhed up by the Kathmandu ruler ho was
    suddenly summoned to Noakot. It was s&id,that the Jaisis of
    ThanEot atrd Belbas had corupired with Jayspr&kss& to t ill
    tho prince in the jungle. On eaquty ss to tho man who.
    advis€d him to go for hun6ing, hatap Sirnha told his fatbor
    that Jagat Pande had pursuaded him to vieit , Chieapani. I o
    Theroupon Jagat Pando wss arrested and put uuder toituro
    &nd it i8 Baid that he confesrod his hand in the conspiraoy
    atong with Berren others of hie ca€to. 'The qeven Jaisis also.
    were tortured, and they were to pasa tbrough the triol by
    ordeal. Fire was placed on their hand, seoing a blister in bis
    hand alter hours ono of the Jasis oommitted suicide. fha
    guilt was thus establiehed. All the oulprits were sont€ncod
    to death.
    Baburam Aeharya thiaks that the information containod.
    in a letter dated YS l8l9 Jyerih wili 6 roj 6: X'riday, 14 May,
    176241 ie sbout this conepiracy. Prithvinarayana wroto in
    e letter addressod to Shridhnr paatha, Bhadn Shahi and
    Motyakhotri that J&8kann& Pando having confessed his guilt
    was killed, &nd thorefore if hie vife wanted to bum hers€lf in
    tho pyrr she could do so aud ary of ttro relations of the
    decoasod desiring to loeve tho oountry iyere froe to do so.
    I do not know if Jasakarua Pande c&n bo the samo person
    &s Jag&t Pondo of the chrooicle. JasLarna was a coi.fidant
    of the king as lettare rocov6ted by him go to shor. But
    Baburam Acharya while declaring the ststemont of tho
    ohronicle as alsurd btilieves ia the Btory of conspirocy. Jaya-
    prakasa hatched up to kiU Prithyinsr&ysD&'B olrlest son. Tho

    10 O! & hill !ee,r th€ source ot th€ Toili river.


    tl. !'roE s copy preserveil iu thl} rr.chires of tho Folol8u r\tidrtry.
    r58 MODXRN ]IEPAI,

    letter inoDtions tho'killing of Jaskarna but doos not give any


    reasoo for this kind of step the Gorkha ruler took in retpect
    of .the mattel.
    ft might bo that he had actsd on sospicion and hearsay.

    CONQUEST Otr' MACKWANPUR


    Remakrishna Iliur, .,n" of tbe officers, was Ioft in charge
    of the area as a mititary &durinistra,tor. He settled down in
    Bhowarkot as a perma,nont resident aftor some timo. ft appears
    that Naldum and Mahatleopolci wore captured a,bout thil
    time.
    Unsuc:ossfully dabbling in Nopol intrigues and gotting
    dosparate at the failure, Prithvinarayaha cast a, groody eyo
    in the dominion of his father-iu-law. Mackwanpur included
    a good portion of the Terai. It commanded a rich revenue
    on that account. Moreover, it h&d alBo the control of the
    tra.do route to Ksthmandu passing to Tibet. X'or tightening
    the blocLa.de of the valloy it' w8,s quito olsonti&l that Mack-
    wanpur bo controlled' Of lato tho Raja harboured inimical
    feoling against tho Gorkhalis and wos negotiating with the hill
    Rajns to fight them out. But Prithvinarayo,n& was too
    powerful a foe to bo ovurpowerod eo eaaily. On Vs. I8l9
    Blad,ra 8 Ttwrcibg 20 Auguat 1761, t at*or.g Gorkhali contin-
    gent led by Ch&uta.ras Kirti Mahoddam and Drlamardan and
    and Kazis Daljit and Sura Satap, Nahar Singh and Kehar
    Siugb and Abhiman Basnait, Bamcaraj Ponde eutered the
    Valley of MockwanPur.
    The Gorkhalis surrounded the fort and the Raja'e palacc.
    The Rala had already fled to l{ariharpur. So Mackwonpur
    wa^e easily captured next day. At onother eng&geulent a
    month later in Ilariharpur thore waa fierco struggle end the
    Gorkhalis defested the Raja, Digbanilhansen, who fled along
    with his mini8ter. Pritbvinrrayana annexed immediatolv all
    parts of his dominion to tbat of Gorkba, tho oasualty on the
    enemy's side was 300-400 killed. But his resistanoe hail
    GOBEI{A BECOUEA TINODOM Ox. NTPAIJ 159

    collep8od et the initiat stage. Thus in a way the stat6 of


    Tackwanpur had been overpowtired. Eariharpur was attackod
    on Aevina 22, l88{:Mond&y, 4 October, 1762. A ohroniolo
    gives Saka 168<l Pausa.g Saturday (Docember, l?62).s for tho
    fnal capturo of Mackwaapur. But this must be a date of the
    clefeat of Mir Kasim. In a lettor dutd Plntgum auili 9 ruj
    3-Tuesday,92 February, 1763 a.dtlreeeed to Gyankar Bauda
    Prithvinarayana Shah informs lhat ot phalguna, 5-lB
    February, Sunday, the Gorkholis attacked the residouce of
    the Mackwanpur ruler at Rakhoda ghat (Khuda).!. The
    Baja, his father's old concubino and his own sister esc&p6d.
    The Gorkhalis also captured 7 olophants and a, sieter of the
    lia,ja \z relation. But the Roja had erpressed a doeire.to
    cono back. So he was erpectcd in tho nertTew days on Thurs_
    day or X'riday. The camiors wero being Bent in ortrnctatiou
    of hie &rrival. Eariharpur was fuet attack€d by troops deecon-
    ding from Sindhuli. A year earlier prithvinarayena,e forces
    had advanced to Sindhuliga.rhi which was oasily occupied. The
    d&t€ of the occupation of Sindhuli ie Baha 16g4 Asxhw,=1762,
    Septembor 9, Tuesday, acoording to the Dotiag of a chronicler.
    This sscured for him the pass&ge strsight to phulchok, one of
    the mountaing around the Nopal Valloy iu tho aouth. phulohok
    w&8 captured whilo thd Gorkha army advane,ed in its vinding
    journey from Siadhuli to roach the peak. Hamilton
    roports
    that a eon of the Raja of Mackwanput had taken sheltor in
    Betia.
    By the conquest of Mackwanpur prithvinarayana mad.o
    himself financielly strong. Eo also got holil of a large number
    of arms-700 Chapawal Banduk (guns) and amnunitions and
    several olephants from the vanquishod, rhich addotl o groet
    deol to his fighting rosourcos.
    Afkr Mackwanpur ths rulor of GorLha turDed his atteation
    to Timal and Sindhuligarbi. Timal was situated a fow milss

    {9 Iho ilat6 is i!!og!lr!


    49 lrom a capy p166s.vsl iD the .a,lchiyB oI th6 trotolg! Minirt!,
    160 MODERIr NEPAI,

    avay to tho 6sst of DsPth& thon withiu the jurisdiction of


    BhaLtopur but just copitulatod to Gorkha. Siadhuli, a forti'
    liod ama, lies to tho south'eost of Timel, on the Mehabharat
    rengo. From Sinilhuli ono dosconds to the vslloy of tho riYor
    of that nane with Tinpat as a markot dopot to nogotisto his
    ray forther downward to thc riYer T€rei ecross Sorlshi end
    Tanrkpur. The chronicler states th&t Sardar Daljit Shah,
    Kozi Bamsaraj Pantle, Jiva Sbah, Ruilra Shahi an'l
    Jethrbutlha B,amakrsna Kuar snd othor Najikis, Dvaros and
    Sipahis were Bont to sttaek Timalkot whicb was oooupied on
    samvat f8l9 Aeoitlarroaiti..loj, vith 300 caeualties inflicit€d
    pn tho enemy. Tho dato corrosponds t'o Tuesday 7 or 14
    Sept6mbor, 1763.
    Erom Timal tbo Gorkhalis tunxod Eouth-e&stward' The5r
    reaohed tho Sintthuli riilge, and attaoked tho fort'
    Accord'ing
    to tho cbronicle the Gorkhalis attacked the fort on Saka
    Asviaa 2Q Satur<lay = Tueeday 2 October' 1762' There was a
    heavy 6ght in courso of tho resistance put up by the contin-
    ge4tr of Maokwanpur but tho fort surrendoretl on 1684 Asvina
    i;tn gata 9 roi 3:21 Septemb€r, Tuesday' 1762' The
    Gorkhalis lost 5G60 men, whilo tho ouemy casuelty
    w&8

    200-240. IIer6 the ohronicler has confused tho datea of


    invasion and final capture, though on verificatioo
    t'ho dates
    are correct. A writer has suggested th&t thero
    is also a. con-
    month is
    fusion in regaril to tho sooond dete but as tho 'dsoiza
    mentioned in the series of datos givon in the paragraph' tbe
    same month by name mudt bave bten thero
    also before

    ilinagata 9. But tho date of the capture of tho


    fort precedes
    the date of inv'asion.
    Kirtipur was subjecteil to blocLade sovere enough to
    exhaust the patience of tho dofenders We already
    know how
    and tho
    the 6ret two attacks failed to achieve the objoctive
    invaders paid aheavy price. So this time Prithvinarayan
    proceeded with tlue caution' But ho could not
    launch an
    itt"ok r" the plau ripened' Eis att€ntion was diverted b1'

    lltir Kasio's moeements in tho vichity of Meokwanpur'


    and
    ooBrEl Btoofra rlxoDor oF lrxp.ar/ l0l
    he hurrieJly ayoouated the eiege to meot ths foe in
    tbe
    Terai, which was neceasary to defend his new aoquieitioaa.
    Tho attack on Kirtipur rae resumod after trdir Kasirn,s
    invadiag
    forcs was e:polled from tho Terai region.

    MIR KASIM'S EXPEDITION


    Nop to turn to account of the fight with Mir Kasim,s
    expoditionary f,orce ve proceed bith the following Da,rrati?e.
    So for, the Gorkha advaoce was not looked upou with disturst
    end approhension by outeiders. They had thought tLst.it w8s
    just a menace oonfined in efrect to the hill areas
    and that att
    the reperoussions were limited to thom aloae, The conquoet
    of Maokwanpur Bhowed that the Gorkhali8 wer! not eotiefied,
    with gains short of the conquest of tho wholo of the Eimaleyas-
    This provoled the enmity of the Nawab Mir Kasim of Beagal
    and tbe English. lfeanwhilo, the Raja of Mackwanpur Jnt.
    an appeal to Mir Kaeim for immediate military bo\. Ee
    had
    escaped to tho Nr,wab's territory &cconpaniod by
    his Bon snd.
    Kanak Simha Baoia, hia minieter. On 2I January, 1?68
    (Saka Pausa. Friday 1684) tho Nawab actually
    eent * .*"
    under Gurgin Khau to invado Mackwaupur ( Vausistta,rt-l
    ltyatloe.
    rr, p. t8e , ABS iLR, r?b9.65, p. ia; *Ur" he
    hirneelf wotcbed the rosults from, Bettia.. r The commander
    of the iovadiug forco vas an Armonian meroenary in the
    service of Mir K&siB. Both tho Englioh and tho
    Nawab each
    in his own way, covoted the natural neaourcea of Nepl.
    A ourrent report about Nepal ot the time waE that it was a
    oountry full of preoious gold minss.r s Gurgin Khan hodrd
    of
    this from the Kashmiri nrerchants, and be used this informa_

    {4 Re&d lor details of this sroDt NsEdsl&l Chstterji,i book, ,![ir earilo,
    1?80-63' (1936, BsEaras), Chaptcr X, pp. t6g-?6 on the iav*eioa
    ot Nepal-
    IIo is the fiIst and tho onJy authot to bring so tar th6 iubject to ou notrioo.
    sEil he hae il€soribed the erctrt br.in8 his !€trlort3 mo6dy o! origiDrl t€tte
    l!o!D Bdtbh sources.
    a6 gei!.ul-.llut6ghedn p. t4?.
    \62 ITODERN NEPAL
    'The
    tion to work up the &varicioue tlesign of his maeter''6
    Nawab was also giveu to understsnd that Mackwanpur ofereil
    an advantage of a trado route and a gateway to tho Valloy of
    .Nopal ortlinarily in strstogic termg.'
    ? Mir Kasiu was feoling
    all tho time thst h6 h&d only to utilise tho opportunity to
    Secome the m&Btor of the rogion.
    X'rom Rettia Gurgin Khan reached the Valley of Mackwan'
    pur in no time since there was no obctruction. But oB soon
    he rescheil there ho met
    .ag with s serious tesietanco from the
    Gokha sido. | 8
    Beoause it was eo designed t'hat bofore the capturo of the
    fort of Mackwanpur, tbe ritlge over which it stood w&8 to be
    reacheil to facilitate ascent by the invading prrrty a detaoh-
    mont w&s sent to contac0 the dofenders in that eroa' The
    Gorkhalis now reinforcod and IoC by Kohar Simbo Saenait and
    Bamsaraj Paudey oarried on guerilla taotics, and foilod at tho
    6rst inetance the eforts of iho Nawab'e men who suferod
    hesvy ca,sualty. But lator in tho sscond attempt made
    by
    tho invaders the ritlge (Bhariiyang) was captured, and the men

    from the plains though exhaueted had showo admirablo forti-


    tuds and courage in nogotiating their c"urse'a!
    N. L. Chattorji quoting the author of Muzafiarnamn aaye
    that earlier to this c&mpaign, tho Nawab had sent a emall
    tbroo of Tilanga sopoys in an endoavour to test
    the eBomy's
    strength. But this att&ck was ropulsod with the loss of the
    shole of tho contingent fighting there'5o In sending the
    do$achment under Gurgin Khan, the Nowsb desired
    to take
    and eliminate the Gorkhelis Naturrlly he had st*ked
    revenge,
    .rr""yibilg in this compaign, the &rmy was unusually large aad
    ho h.d also made up for any likelihood of ffna'nciel
    dificultv'

    48 lfirlara, JBORS, V, P. 608.


    a? N. L, Chatterii, OP. Cit. P 1e6'
    4g Vansitiolt 6aiil thst the Na$ab had stEyed frr behina

    brtile becBuso oi his 'koo\'!D timidity' (lI' P' 18?l'


    49 Seit-uI-Mutlqherin, P' 441'
    50 OP Cit., P, 166'
    OORKIII BECOMES KI!{GDOff OF Ntr?AL t63

    The Maokwanpur ridgo dominated tho Valley of Kuns


    (Kirkpatriok Pp, 24-26). Stretegictlly it wss an important
    outllost that tho GorkLalis had lost to tho Nawab's forces eo
    they could certainly not afford to reeign themselves to the
    idea of giviog it up as lost for good. This victory of Gurgin
    Khau, howei,er, prorled shortlived, as tbe ridgo could not be
    retoinod for mole than tv/onty-four hours on acoount of a
    surprise and fferce aseault by the Gorkha troop€rs ol1 th6
    encampment.sl Rather, the evonts folloving were so full
    of oonsequences that they led to the ffnal withdrawal of
    the entire expeditionary forco. Tired dter tbe day'e
    olgagement the Nawab's forces were at the ridge below
    the fori, They were reloxing in a mood of fearlessness and
    also uamindful of the dangers that lay ahead of them. ft
    'rras a dark fight, (Khulaaat, JBORS, V, P 608) and in those
    hours to lie care.free in a state of fatigue end rel&xation va,B
    not without risks. The account of the I(tzlooal further aotae
    tha,t the men lay unguardod beca.uso they felt that tho
    enomy had retre&ted fsr bebind. And all of them were taken
    un&warea by ao eneuy who was watchful a,nd sgile. Thie wae
    inevitable. Ono could not suppose Prithvinaray&n& to aot
    othorwise than to tok€ advantago of tho hour whilo his enemy
    rtra,E most indiffer€nt to his own security. Panic prevailed in
    the ranks of Gugin Khan's regimerts as tho Gorkhalis swooped
    down on thern from the hoight of the ridge. Tho attack lator
    ou came from all directions including Tu,plakhar and old
    Mackvanpur es the enemies learnt of their helpless condition,
    Tbey wero mercilessly treated and stones, missileB and arrcwg
    were thrown on them, and as the Gorkhalis cams to giye them
    o hand to hand 6ght thoy were hit by musket bolte. The
    narrator of lhe Kkul,asat writing l&ter on notes thst the entiro
    rogiment in occupation of tle ridge was brutally smashed and
    offaced out. Only a few sr)uls oonld return to toll the sonowful

    51 Priihvin:ir.y&ns got the nswr o[ the Ns.\pab s loroer beitrg insiil€


    Maokwsnpr! iD _ElnrnaloEdi. flom , lettcr to him ileteil Magho sudi I rgj
    Sunilay 1819 Vs (Jonua,ry, 1763).
    164 MODfRN NEPAL

    tale of the defeat and aonihilation to Curgin Khan who wae


    enormpiug at the foot of the hill. A good tleal of ammunition
    aleo fell into the hands of ths Gorkheli ffght€rs.
    T:be Klula" does not give the drto of th6 battls. It rnas
    eaid thet Gurgin Khan took his invading force into tbe interior
    of the Kurra valley sometime duriDg Dccember of 1762. But
    it ws8 6sid thst the battle took place on 6th of Rajab as noted
    by ?arihh-i. Mtnfiari. (p. 782 &B quoted by N. L. Chatterji).st
    A Nepaleae chroniole statee that Mir Kasim wae routed on
    Saturclay ghati night) Pausa I of Faka lf84 (laet weeli of
    12
    Decombor of 1762) 5! But another noting givea Pausa 27 at
    the d&to of invasiot, aod, Magha l0 as the date of final defeat
    of Glurgin Khan.
    According to the chroniclc tbe Gorkhalis under Kazi
    Bansaraj Pande, Harkya Pant, Jivashah, Nahar Sinha Basnait,
    f.ehar Sinha Basnait, Ram Krirhia Kuwar, Bangya Basnait
    and others met the eaemy aftor seven days of the latte-'s Erst
    attaak whioh was being reeisted for full.soven days by the
    local garrison ($aka 1684 Pausa 27 Maghq. otdi 8 ro7 6). About
    1700 of Gurgin Khan's troops were killed in a,ction and 400-
    500 gune capturcd. On the Gorkhali side the c&su&lty was
    25/30 killed, Two ofrccre Nan(u and Asa Bhandari werr
    killed. But the invading force wae totally routed.
    ft tbat sfter dislodging the enemy from thc ridgo
    &ppe&r8
    on Mqho,/0 Tuesday (last week of Jaouary), the dcfender-.
    pursueil tbem in t\e Yalley ss far &s the stretch of the Btitri
    Madosh (inuer Torai).
    The iuvasion was undertaLen at the inetauco of I[ir Kesim
    wbo ooted under advice of Curgin Khan end Raja Sukh Lnl
    who wos then the hcad of the Nawab's army intelligence.s I
    The Nawab took an eraggerated view of the noturfll
    Fosoulces of Nepal, of its Sold and silver and r.lied too
    much on his nowly constituted army whose cor[petence

    6, N. L. Ch4tterji, op- cit, P. 163


    53 fhs dete i6 ilrcgula!
    54 Also Suir il-Mataqheri ,P.147
    OOBf,E! BECOUES TINGDOU OT NEPAI, 105

    was ovorr&tod but which yet had to be tested (VsDsittart


    II, P. 185).55 There was a difrerenco of opiuion ia his
    court whilo this question camo for coneideraiiou, and o
    section h&d advisod him &g&inst undortsking the invasion or
    do so only in coll&bor&tion with tho British pho too hsd their
    eyes on tho tressures of Nepal and wore eoeking an oppo unlty
    in cootemplotiou of the invorion. Vansittart who *w the
    Nawab at about this time strongly &dvis€d egafu8t the erpedi
    tion (Khulaaat). But the Nawab would not listen to the
    advice dissuadiag him from the path of aggresrion.6 ! By way
    of adventur€ he aleo want€d to test the ospacity of tho armn
    for which he thought the Eilit&ry engegomente in tho hillg
    rould provido suitable occaeion. Probably he had also in
    mind troubles with the British if their co-opemtion was
    sought and so felt that the question of a joint attack did not
    arise. According to Khuhsat (and Abs..PLRp. lg) thc Nawab
    vas roported to havo been planuing invasion to oonquer the
    territory for himsolf as hie. spptit€ for more tomitories was
    wbetted while he found himsolf in poseoeeion of Champaran
    and Bettia Bometi.Ee earlier without a hard ffght (.Kialaect,
    JBORS, V. P. 608). Ee hrd also taken a very light viow of
    his Mackwanpur campaign. Ifs had no ideas of the immenss
    difliculties of ffgbtiog in the hill terrein, but rather harboured
    an illusion that his general and army would find it an easy taak
    to subdue tho mountaiaeers.
    This war greatly humbled the Nawab (Illula.aat, JBOR8 V,
    P. ti08). In the 6ght ho lost a substantisl portion of his
    newly organised army according alrc to Mula4hztin (p. U71.az
    arrd more than that he lost all his aspirationa aud ambitions.
    tr'eeling thoroughly discredited he now came to patua.5 !
    Gurgiu Khan, the montor behind the invasion, was equally

    55 Seit-ul ,Vetaqherin,fi, P. .t4l


    5A MuzaffN-narnah, P.38.1, os quotod by N. L. Chrtterji
    57 Mnzf4 ama,P.93b, qEoteil by N. L. Chrtterjt
    .. 6l Scir-ul Mutoqhetin. lbiil ; ,Rjrz-aJ-Sarirrz, p.296 ; N. L. Ohathrjt
    lbid, Op. Cir.
    166 MODTRN NEPAL

    diaor€dited and for fear of courting the Nawab's disple*sure


    would not oome to him and he at long last wont to the Na,w&b
    only on porsuasion after a good deal of ontreaties and promiae
    of pardon. Mir Kasim had now for good givon up any idea of
    invosion ia that qurrter. Thorsfore Gurgiu Khau wes s6nt to
    bido his time onywhere he liked.
    AB N8ndel&l Chatterji puts it, the campaign was ill-managed
    an<l itl.judgoit and hasty, aDd the r*utts were what they
    should hove been in the circumstonoes.5 e
    golw Burli l:Taeday, 26 January, 1762
    Io, a laller of M
    to Romakrishna Kuar Prithviuarayana Shah observed that
    on Magha Tadi 2 Wednesday = l3 January, 1762 Mackwanpur
    was besiegod but only one outpost hod fallen to Gurgin Khau'
    detechmont. But two outposts wore etill re8isting a,nd ulti-
    mat€ly thess performed their wonders. The Nawab'B forcos
    rere in l{arnam Garbi. Tho Kuar was asked to maintain
    vigilance ancl be in q etate of preparation for any contingency
    (From a copy in possession of Baburam Acharya).o o
    In tho estimats of chroniele the GlorLbalie obtained as prize
    of viotory, ffeld guns, handgren*des and .l-500 matchlooks.
    The Nawab'e forcos were in oomplete disarray and had
    loft thoir camp abandoning all their weapons. They had left
    in panic.
    But this was o lorge gairr for Prithvinarayana Shah, and
    he had gainod in moral and matorials to tho ertent the
    Nawab had loet them. The Nawab's defeat was s leBson to
    alt the intenrling invaders from the plains. Every ono of
    them now wos compelled to think thrice before venturing to
    iuvade the hills. And tho Rajae in the hills thought that
    they wore no match ag&inBt an enemy rvho could defoat a
    powerful monarcb of Bengal. Later while he became the
    m&stor ofthe Yalley of Nepal Prithviner&yana ioscribed an
    eulogy of himsolf in a stele, &nd thoro said that he achieved a
    glorious victory over Mir Kasim.
    59 Mir Kasim, Pp. 1?0-71
    60 Prblished by hiln ir LPN. lL
    GOBI.TA BECOUES X,INODOM Or NEPAL t67

    BLOCKADE OT TEE NEPAL VALLEY


    The three sides of the valley were already blocked. Now
    the Gorkhalis were plugging the eastern eide. Eirrlier thoy
    had to Iay a siege of theso areas because the inhabitants were
    reluotant to suu€nder. In Dhulikhel there w&s a heavy
    fighting and Chaukot wae on fire so that Gorkhalis were com-
    pelled to retroat. Prithvi had attaoked on other spots also-
    His objectivo was to blockade Bhatgaon from the eastern and
    \south-eastorn side. At this time, he also croated. new com-
    panies of the armed forces, calliug them Srinath, Sabuj,
    . Gorakhnatl5 Kalibux and Barbajabani. The Sarduljung
    compa,ny was kept at the palaco to guard the King.
    Now the Velley of Nepal was completely blocked. prithvi-
    naraya Shah orected temporary shelters of deforce on almost,
    all ridges of importance and tho thoroughfares leading to these
    rvere oarefully guarded.
    From one of hie Ietters it appears that the blookado wap
    st,rictly enforced and in Jhat eourse he would not even permib
    tho traders from Bhatgaoir to conduct their business from
    Banepa. (See his letters dated Vs 1822 Srauann aail,j 1(ts6:
    Friday, 12 July, 1766 and Marga oadd 5.6.)at The docree
    ordering blockade enjoinod on the soldiery to prohibit ontry
    of rvool, ootton and ealt into the Valley, the breaeh of which
    was punished with death.
    While ono army was fighting Gurgin Khan, another wing
    was engaged in occupying certoin moro hillocke' and villager
    of the Valley viz. Pharping, Chobar and panga, yot a third
    had to deal with the ruler of Lamjung whom the Gorkhalie
    defeated in two engagemente in Saka l68E:1768 at Lakaug
    and Chyamidand. But at this time he had aleo once moro to
    face the formidable force of the Chaubisis.
    Accordiug to the chronicle the Chaubisis wero lying in
    wait from their baies at Harmi, Dhuwakot, Chyangli, Mirkot,
    Deorali and Lakang. There was a, general mobilisation of all
    6l Tho latter ilato is irregular. But it was written in the samo year.
    108 f,ODEBN lCf,PAL

    the peoplos of the aroa oo Gorkha s eide and overyono below


    0O and iUove 12 ioineit tho frght' Sur Pratep
    commanded
    Gorkba'e 8000 meu. According to the chronicle tho Gorkhalie
    fought the Chaubisie once again at the Chyamdanda on Sa&o
    1685 Chairro, g. The defendor of Gorkha, Kazi Iianarudra
    Shah, had already organisod defsnce snd was giving stiff
    resistrnoe to tho invaders noar Lakang before roinforoement
    arrived.
    In all the eng&gemonts that fotlowsd, Sura Pratap, who was
    the principal commander in the ffght and had been givcn tho
    rank of a Kazi gave & defest to tho Chaubisis ot Chaitra oail'i
    roj I=Suoday, I April, 1764 and Prithvinarayana being higbly
    ploased arrd impressetl by his military ekill trausferrcd him to
    th6 eastotn soctor to inr&do Chaukot, Dhulikhel, Banepa and
    Panauti, which wore occupied on Saka 1685, Kartih II (U63
    ond of November) anil subsequent alates' Thc capture of
    Sango ritlge brought them face to fooe to nesr the Yalley
    of
    Nopal on the oa,stern eido. Sanga was conquort cl on (Soko
    1685 Eartiko 14):27 October, 1763. According to aoother
    cbroniole thie occorred on Kartiba 10. Tho Gorkhali lost an
    able commandor by name Jahangir Sheh in Sanga in a battle
    fought at about tho seme timo. At midnight of the same day
    Ranikot and Nala were rea'dily occupied' fn the ancounter
    ihey killed 300 mendicante (Nagas) cbo came to fi3ht on
    Jayaprakasa's sido. Jayaprakasa had come to tho &ssist&nce
    of Bhatgaon on tbe lattor's call. It shonld be known that
    ag Gorkha iocreased its military pressure on the valley of
    Nepal, the ruler of Kathmandu brought all sorts of men to
    6ght for him. The mendio&nts wero commonly employed as
    ooltliors by feudal rulers of India. It wos eaid tha't Jaya-
    prakasa could oot use them in 6ght th&t took pl&co in tho
    valloy. Thoir entrY was blocked.
    These were a carofree, bold and ovaricious people apparently
    givon to renunciation, but engoged in all sorte of antisocial acti-
    vitios as occasions ueeded. The Sannyasis were scattered &ll
    over northern Intlia. But thoy operated moetly in frontier
    OORXEA BAOOUEA XINODOU OE I{EPAL 169

    legion€. Tho cbrouicle Bt&tes tha,t Jayaprakasa could enliet


    tho Nagas on bis sido becaueo of oort&in l&adlords of the
    Terai who had enoity ogeinst the Kin! of Gorhha. As we
    know it, Jayaprakaso had also in hie army aliens catled Naga,r-
    kotiee, meroenaries l'rom the Sutlej baain, whg hrd fought the
    Gorkhalis in Kirtipur.

    A few days further, on }(artilw 2 oqitri ztoj f=Monday,


    7 November, 1763 the Gorkhalis ceptured Pharping. Tvo d&yg
    later they could occupy Bisankhu, which gave them an adeau-
    tsgeou8 position to intereept co;tact8 botweoa Patan ond
    Bhatgaori. A letter of Prthvinarayrna co:rffrms th6 occope-
    tion of Bieankhu before Samvat 1828 Plwlquno tudi roj 1=
    Sunday, March, l, 1767. The dato on which it was rrritton
    from Changu. Earlier on Bhoilro 2 =Taesd,ry 4 August,
    1764 Chobar, a ridge oo the Bagmati which overlooks Pat&n
    on the other eide, was Eeized. A lettar to Boli Pautha dated
    Aeoirut, Suili 2 roj 3:iwaday, 17 Soptomber, 1766 states thot
    Pharping w&s c&ptured and ffve days a{ter thie Chobar and
    Panga, an{ thereafter tho Gorkha ruler ordered hie troops to
    plunder tbrt part of tho valley which lay to tho pest of the
    Bagmati under Patan.
    This was a prelude to the- l,hird ottaok on Kirtipur, for
    which preparationa r /ere beiug made sith the baao at
    Dabaohok. ft was going to bo the last ditoh 6ght aud tho
    Gorkhalis were dotermined to fi.nish it to auoceeq For 12
    yoar8 Kirtipur had reeisted invaeion fruetrating every design
    of the enemy. The two 6ghts waged earlior by tho Gorkhalie
    for the capture of tho fort of Kirtipur hed failed. So all tho
    seriousnelg on this occaeion was in eyidenco on tho side of the
    ianaderg. But Gorkha at thie timo was thrort€nod suddonly
    by the Britieh who wsnfod to ponstrsts to tho Nopol volley
    to protect ths ruler of Kathmandu, If Prthvinarayona wrs
    dofeated by ths Britieh his dresm of briildirg up a eizoablo
    Kingdom in tho Eimirlsyss would have boer shattorod.
    Beforo the threat appoarod io tho shape of ths forward
    r70 MODERN NEP L

    msrch of the coloni&l army of tho ia the Terai, whicb


    Britbh
    matlo ths Gorkhalis ooncentr&to in their strategy to meet ll
    Prthvinarayana ver buay intriguing in tho political scone
    of the valley. Ee was trying his utmost to wiu over men in
    important. statio[s of life thon rerving tbo rulers of tha
    valley Lingdoms. He vas aleo playing his own geme to 8ow
    tbe eeed8 of discord emoog them. tf the.v cruldnot chauge
    thoir fealty to J&y&pr&ka8a thoy would at least rernain divided-
    hithvinarayana waa uEing all meane, fair or foul, to achieve
    this end.
    According to I lotter of Prithriosrsy&ns addregsed to Bams
    Krena Kuar on Jgoatha oaili Troj 7 - Saturday, May, 1765
    (LP\ 3. p. d53) it is eaid thot Mudikbu w&B then captured aB
    Esri Khedka with hi8 eon ond 20-25 others surondered.
    Ifari Khadka 165 -eo of Mudikhu wore kept under
    "od
    detontion in Nookot. Chamuaingh Kawar, Gajadhar and
    LaLemi Siugh also surrendered. Thoy were teken to Noakot
    and l3 of them wore atso detained. Tokha, ca,me to be
    occupied obout tho eame time. Gokarna was still saved by
    tho oombined force of Patan and Bhatgaon. But the aroa
    war being surrountled, It was suggested tbat if Gokarna
    was conquered then it would be easy. to capture Changu anil
    Sanlhu. It &ppoars that tho are& etill remained with the
    Malla ruler of Kathmandu.
    The letter further informed that the rulers of Bhatgaon
    and Kathmandu along with Kazi Devidaga of Patan met at
    Gubyesveri. Dhauevanta did not attend the mooting becauso
    of certaiu differenoe of views. The two rulers plodged to
    support each other sgainEt the GorLhalis.
    Prif,Ivinarayana Etstod that he would soize tho fort of
    Gokarns within two or threo d&ys of the tlato of tho rrritirg
    of tho lottor. Ee acknorledgos the information that tbe
    addrossee was abls to pueh back Lamjung but Palpa was
    trying to bo aggreeeivo onil wag &bout to attack Gulmi.
    Ramabrtna Kuar wag odvisod to keop the rutsr of Tanhou in
    humour.
    GOBf,EA BEOOUES EII{ODOII OR NEP.AL t7l
    Becauso of tho thr€st of Lamjung snd other ststos of
    Chaubiei Prl.hvins,rayana atways kopt himsalf iu readiness to
    meot their &ttaak whenever it came.
    In Epite of their roslisetion of Prthvin&ray&D;'s triole aurt
    doublo doaling, the Chaubisi romaitrod Bplit to tho oDd.
    This was the resson thet the ruler of GlorLbe could for himself
    win laurcls &ftor laur€l8 of victory and addod ners torritories
    to hie kingdom.
    The abovo msntioned Kazi Dhanavanta la.ter went to
    Dahachok tq live with the Clorkha ruler. Eo divulged all
    secrets and koy reourity of the palaoe bf paten to
    hthvinarayaua for which he wag made Kazi and gu&r&nt6ed
    permanent protection. I{ig eon was aoda Khan Xharoa*
    moaning royal privste, wbo enjoyed froe aoooss to palaco,
    This man, Tribhuvano, made Kezi by Rana, Bahadur
    functioned ae miniet€r of tho oabinst. One of his eisters was.
    said to \avo beon a concubino of pratap Simha and mothor
    ofthe two Chautar&s, Yidor Shah aatl Sher Bahsalur Shah.
    Friondship of Parasuram Thapa did not cost hithvinarayaua
    Shah anything, but it eerved hie multifarioue prrpo"u", Io
    the firet place it was a guara,ntoo of Bhatgaon's neutr&lity
    in his disputo with K&thma,ndu, bitter as the Thapa Omreo,
    was pith Jayaprakoeamalla over hir oldor brother's murder.
    Secondly as ono time citizen of Gorkha he could take pride
    in tho aohievemonts of tho Gorkhalis who were iaflioting
    dofe&ts otr tho Rejae of othor principalities. This might noi
    actually load tho Thopa to go oyer to Gorkha's sido. But it
    w&E e,ertain that he would not holp Gorkha,r enemios as
    well.
    Peychologicatly his framo of mind was eueceptible to au appe&l
    by the Gorhhalis for their commou causo. To prithyinaravana
    Shah tho Thapa oommandor of Bhatgaon appear"d onJwho-
    oould be influenood. Therefore the Gorkho ruler playeil the
    four olassio policios of etato on him. Eis letter of Aeailha euili
    12 rqj l=Sundey, 30 June, 1766 is an erample o[ how prithvi-
    nsrayana used all stretegeme to draw the man to his side, *ho
    ho thought was eo pliable thon.
    t72 MODEBN IIXP.'.I]

    The letter sterts to praiso Psrasursm for his ffdelity to


    the princip&lity which had given him salt. It adds that
    though. "you are of lhe vert, Kathmandu gsve your fa[her
    grostness. Wo rppreoi&to your Ioyalty to Jayaprakaaa. You
    rmote Beyera,l Iettorr fron Naldum aaking for forgivoness,
    althrough the timo when Dalamardan was in Pstsn. But
    vhefe i8 tho quostion of pardon when you did not commit a
    rcrisre ? Whon Kasirom wos tilled, you eDtered Bbatgaon,
    Then you and our lbrcee oaptured Noldum. Your enmity is
    'against Jayaprakaga and not sg&ihst K&thmendu's indepon-
    donce. We thought that you would mov6 to K&thm&Ddu as
    Joyaprakasa is removod from the scen6. It was your bounden
    duty to defond to the best of your ability snd thig was correct.
    If you havo eaten of our selt then alone you would have been
    doubted e8 a traitor.
    "But you have not even drunk our wator. Whatover you did
    to Bplit our caEp, crunot bo condemned by any standerd,
    "But do not be afraid of me. You must rogt &sEured about
    your safety in coming bere. But do dot hove further oorrss-
    p,ondonoe if you do not want to cons to ue, Good men tell
    lies only if & $o&t purpose is r orved and not ovor petty
    {tr&irs". Prithvin&r&yaD& ofers teEpt&tion with throot 'If
    Jou think your &ssooiation with the Nopal Yalloy is to be over,
    thea como quickly. But if you want to follow Kathmandu
    to it8 death thon etoy on as you like. Bettor lato than uerer.
    Kathmondu's fall is inovitablo. Then you will have no option
    'but to come to our sid€. But you must coEo in tim6 aE ve
    surnmon you. Therre ic an instance of doloyed sctiotr. Ilsri
    KhadLa was promieed a reward of e00 worth of Jagir,
    Rs. 600 in ossh and an elephant. He aeeur€d that he would
    'retum on a partioular day. Then his delxrtue wat put ofr
    3 timos. Bot on JayapraLasa's poreussioa he could not leavo
    Kathmandu. Ee was, howevor, compellsd to surrender at
    Mudikbu. The eamo might happ€n to you. Tho Khadke is
    .sp&rod, Blthough there was r protr)osal to kill him, You must
    tak6 a lesEon from this inoident, although ovon if you come
    GORTEA BtrCOUES EINODOM OF I{!PAI, l7&
    ss prisonor, ye shsll provide miitrtenanoo to you, But if you
    join our eide totlay, you will bo giveu an honouablo posL
    (Jagir). I pant you to msks s distinct contribution to tho
    oapture of Kathuraadu, Kathok bad told me about you, I
    keep thie iu mind and this is tho best evidonce of my promiae.,
    Parasuram Thapa did uot egree with Prithvinarayane Shah
    &nd thor6for6 ho had to floo ooce the letter w&s in control of
    Nepal valloy, Conceptions of patriotiso difered between ttro
    two: while Prithvinarayaua bolioved thst Pararuram Thapa.
    would perform a patriotic duty if be desert€d the Malla rulor
    of Bhatgaon, the latter felt oll tho more attached to his King
    bocaueo he had eaten his edt. Oorkha was his birth-plaoo,.
    but whethor he could idontify this place with hie mothor, he
    had no clear idoas.
    In any caso tho two woro et difrereut poles, end in spito
    of Prithvinarayana's lxrsuasion, thrests &nd cajolry, tho Thapa.
    had not sunonderod to him.
    Time vent by and they remained apart. pritbvinareyaar
    had to wage his war without Poraeuram. fn caso of surreaddr
    what f&te rould hlve waited him tro body knows. prithvi-
    Darayane Shah wes not alwaye kind to the enemios rho
    Burrondersd to botrey their mast6r.
    A letter written by Prithvinarayana to Bali panth* ol
    Tuesday, 16 Soptember, l66E (.{ soiru euiti Z rq
    J) statrs that
    after Pharping was captured by tbe Gorkhalis, two moro
    villagos, Panga snd Chobar had surrendered. Bali pantha
    who was in the command in the sast norr Dhulikbol wag askod
    to coDsult the sstrologers as to the attsck on Krbhrekot
    Nomira, Phulbari auil Dapcha. These viUagos lio on a straight
    line from vest to e&st. The King informs B&li psnth& thst
    the forcee in the Nepal Yalley would bcgia plundering the.
    the crope after the erpiry of the Dossi festivel (in autumn),
    The harvosting of crops in tho valloy ie done earlier than in
    the €ast. Prithvinarayanr Baid th&t they would havo done.
    their rork by tho 8th or 7th day b Kartiha. Iheroaftor they
    would be sy&ilable to Bsli Pantha.
    t74 MODEE1Y NAP,AL

    Accordidg to this letter Panga onil Chobar hud already


    '
    been captured beforo l0 September, 1665, preparation was
    afoot to attack Kabhre, Namura and Dapcha.
    Aftor tlriving away Gurgin Khan the Oorkhalis ocoupied
    sll territories rouod tho valley of Kathma,ndu &long the
    Mahabharata ridge pierciog aleo into the valley ofthe Rosi
    Khola (river) tbrough Biabar down bolow tho Phulohok hill.
    About this timo Panaiuti and Khopaai wero throatened by
    the Gorkhalie who had advliced to that aroa from north-
    oast a,nd south-oast. It took gome tihe to enatch Khopasi
    and Pannauti. These two m&rts in tho south-oestcrly routo
    from tho Bhatgaon to Sintlhuli vere imPortant from trsde
    point of viow. Ihe ruler of Bhatgaon had provided etrong
    guards to defend the merts' But we shall ffid s little later
    th&t they were wrested by the Gorkalis from Bhatgaon in no
    timo auil without muoh ofort. The two marts foll to the
    invadors eome time in 1765. Now the valloy of Nepal wa8,
    totally blocketl from all eides.

    DALMAIT,DAN IN PATAN
    The capture of Chitlang aud farthsr north-wast' tho
    torritorios, under P&tan providing cotton had dopriYed the
    poople and traderg of Patan of valuable raw materialg for
    their manufaoture of oloths and their spindles and weaving
    machinee were reudered idle. Tho aoblomen of Paten ranted
    to get ritl ofthe ilifEculty by ofroring. the tbrone to Prithvi-
    trerayana,. But ono could not trust the mioist€r8 sithout
    courting risk, which Prithvi had no deeirc to do in tho ciroum'
    Btences. A coiu of Prithvinarayena thah with date Eska 1686
    ie available. Acoording to S. U. Joshi the omblems iu tho
    coiu follow the usual p&ttern of Pst&o coinege epecially the
    legetd Lobanalha.o 2 This suggests accortliug to Baburam
    Acharya that Prithvinareyana Shah had issued coine to oom-
    memor&to his aseocistioD with Pat&n's crown nor hold by

    62 Metrtioneil ia iasrlr)a Mu*a,p,716


    GORKE-A BEOO,UEA rINODOII OT NEPAT, u6
    fris brother. It is surmis€d that Prithvinarayans himself
    -was eagor to bo seatod on the thtone of Patan and seouro
    advantago io order to annerthe kiagdom to lul6l hir largor
    .expansionist desiga. But there vss a risk involved aud the
    ruler of Gorkha heeitated to be diroctly involved in Patan as
    its own ruler. Prithvi therefore sent his brother Dala,mardan
    to Petan to beoome ita kiag. Thero is a coiq issued in his
    name of date 88tr:I764.68 But Dalamardan wae not giv.en
    povers; nor he could take any Gorkhali advicers. Tho
    Gorkhalie had uo free &coe8s to tho aree- Therofors thero
    'was little chauce of rtconeilietiotr a8 to tho problem of importe
    'of ealt and cottor to Patan. In this etBosph€ro of distruat
    tbere was tittle that hithvinarayana oooid do for ths relief
    .of the peoplo of Patan.
    fn a lotter addrossod to Ramkriena
    Kuat on BMra suili
    7 roj 6:fuiday,23 August, 1765 itthat the Kanchhe
    was ssid
    {youugeat) Chautara Delmardan Shah was 8ubjocted to
    insults sDd.humiliation by men of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and
    Kirtipur.br Ee was living in the house of Kazi Dhanavsot
    juet with two attendsnts. The Kiog of Kathmandu was
    prossiDg the ministors to hand Dalamard&n oyor to him. But
    they rofused to comply rith his wiehes, Tho mioisten of
    Pat&tr w&ntod to keep Drlamardau stripped of ovorytbing
    bofore he was entbmnod. Now tho Oorkhalie could also reaob
    tho vioinity of Paton and Ketbmendu without facing aoy
    interception. Yot Kirtipirr was tho only hurdle left. Eowevsr,
    as Panga,, snd N&gaou olose on tho heels ofthiE fortros8 wsro
    occupioil, it w&s thought thet Kirtipur would not be ablo to
    st&nd the nert aesrult. So evory €frort pae made, aud all
    possiblo rosources voro diroctod to achievo tho objoctive of
    securing oonquost of th&t ridgo. Kirlipur wa,s attackod for
    the second time in 1764. The forces were commended by
    Daljit ShaL, Surapratapa snd Panth&. But as in 1757 tho
    Gorkbalis wore heavily dofoated. Tho fortress was blocked
    63 Walsh, Pr. VI. 13
    64 The date aorr€rponds to Friilay, 93 August, 1765
    t70 IIODEBI{ ITEPAI,

    from ell sides. So an attempt was made to scale the walls.


    The invadere wanted to asaault the fort. One of the arrowe
    hit Surap:atapo's loft eyo. He was efforded treatment by
    Father Michael Angelo. Daljit Shah forrnd his head broken.
    Ee, howevor, fortunately eurvived, The date of the attack is
    givea Barwat Saka 7686 man. Dinagata 4 Asrtina, aaili, 6 roi f
    =Sunday, lQ Septembor,lT64 as the day of defeat. On botb
    the oooaeions the Gorkhali forces were advised by Balakrishna
    Jaisi. It said that Kuiananda Dhakal, another astrologer,
    had gone to Gorkha being disgusted with Prithvinarayana for
    the lotter's refusal to act rrp to his foreeast whioh had led to
    defeat and disaster. According to the chronicle Jayaprakasa
    wanted to make uii his position by reoapturing the Sanga ridge ,

    end river valloys on the other sido and the seven towns. The
    Kathmandu ruler schemed to play his strategy immediately
    af.ter his viotory in Kirtipur.G
    5 ' According to the noting in thc
    Eailwaapralcasam,a gmtraaarryraha (p.376) one Bagha Singh who
    was eeid to bs the Sardor of Naga,rkotis died in couree of a
    fight, whicl, tho Gorkhalis waged at uight in Naldum. Bagla
    Singh was seot to Naldum about t'he time the Gorkalie wete
    defeated ab Kirtipur for the second time. The Sardar had
    already capturod 2 or 3 military outpoets of the Glorkhali.
    dofondors. But the timely reinforcement sont by Prithvi-
    n&r&y&n& reaching thero savod the situation. Tho fort va:
    surroundod on all sides by the Glorkclis, and as a roeult
    Jayaprakasa's design was frustrated. It was said .that the
    officers, Kazi Tularama Pande, Earivtnsopadhya Adhikari
    and Prabhumalla and their mon received 13 awarde from-
    their master for their 8ucce88.
    After this on Saka 1687 maaa 2,
    ilinogata 21 Jgeotha rsaitri
    6 rui 6, the Gorkalis ceptured Lutikot. The sams offcers bad.
    led the attack. The date in termg of Jyeatlw, ooili 6 roi 6
    &grees with Friday, l0 May. But this ia 31 ilhagata of moao I
    in terme of the solar' year whereas tho chronioler aays that.
    it ie r*aaa 4 (Jyeetlw).
    65 Eitihasikapatrasamgraha, I, p. 26
    OOBEE.I SEOOUES (IXODOT OF NEPAL 117

    Prithvinareyana Shah had onco ogain to faco attasks on


    hia rsostorn 8snk. Iakhajung was hvrd€d by Laml'.g.
    Tho chroniclo Et&t€6 tbat in Augurt, 1766, the Chaubiei
    made au ottack on Clorkha md preered on a pteco oalled
    Lakhoug or Lakhajung e 8trat€gic ridgo on ths border.
    Aooording to tho ohroniole th6 Glorkhalis oounter-attaoked
    Lalhojung, and defosted th6 onemy oa YS IBZS ouaa 6
    ilinagata 16 Sotnaoara: Monday, 26 August, l?66. The dotc
    ie regular and the faci ig moro or less corrost. But from a
    lettarc E written to Srikrsna Pathak by Prithyinsrayans on
    Amina tsadi 7 roX' .5 - Thursday, 26 Septenber, 1766 it ap1nare
    thst victory over the Ch&ubisi was achieyed on Awhta 12
    Weilnuailay - 24 Septomber, 1707 "while the enemios had beon
    erpellod from Lakbajung twelve of them were Lillod, and all
    the invaders were c8ught. It might be thot tbo countsr-
    ottack had taken plaeo on tho oarlier occassion but th6
    Clorkhalis repulaetl it oo the lator dote. With this viotory
    Prithvinarayana found tbat tbo Chaubieis wsre at leset ourbed
    for eome timo and he waa getting rospito from th6ir ooc&ssioDsl
    throots ond provocetions. This ensbled him to devote hie
    ontire att€ution to the problem of the couquest of the g oitie&
    of tho Nepal valley. We hay.e geen thet BiDce I?62, kithvi-
    narayana's forces had desoended to. the velloy and ocoupied
    eome marginal ploces. By l766.though oftpn diotpatod,
    hithvinarayana aoqoired nore poseessions, some quite adisoont
    to the cities. But ws hear that a year later whilo Kinloch
    .

    was on his way to Sintlhuli, placos liko Sitspail&, MutliLhu,


    Tohho, Gokarns, a,nd other plaoes quito in the vioinity of
    Kathmandu had been oaptured. Yet vithout Kirtipur the
    road to the conqueat of tho cspital citios of Kathmaudn antl
    Patan vould aot be cleared.

    66 Folelg! l{lEl.t!, Atohlye!


    r78 UODXRN I{EPAL

    FALL OF KIR,TIPUR,
    Meanwhile unnindful of the sttitude of tho Briti8h &goutB
    in India Prithvinarayan& proceeded to ca,rry out his main taek
    ' of ocnquoring th€ throo cities of the Nepal valley. The valloy
    had boon long bosiegetl. The Gorkhalis were &t the very gate
    of the trro citiee of Patan aud Kathmaadu by.September,
    '1767. Itsja, Jayeprakaaa undanntingly etood to the last to
    s&v6 his oapital, but now all was ovor. Yot Kirbipur was
    tho hurdls.
    Tho socond wing of the Gorkhali army camo at closo
    .quartor vith Kirtipur, which lros virtuolly besieged from all
    sides. No aid oould roaoh ths fort from outside. Tho in-
    habitautg wore suffering from e Bhortage of foodgtuff at the
    moment. We havo seen how iu Ootober, l76t the battle
    turned against the Gorkalis who woro themselves much er-
    aspratod ond had rotired to Dahachok after smtaining severo
    casualtiee. But the blockod fortress could not carry on f<rr
    loug a,nd after r protractod hardsbip for throo years surron-
    dcred to the conqueror. Their patienco had been exhaustod.
    Kirtipur had contained the invador for l7 yeare. Nor thoy
    submitted. According to tho chroniolo the fort rurendered
    oD. ,wEb Ohaitra Sublo 9 (night) of Saka 1687. Tbie ia
    Wdilueedoy. fu a long psper contsing d&tes of evento {oreca,Bt
    by Kulauanda Dhakal aad eubmittetl by his descondanto to
    King Rojendra Yikrams Shoh the dato of tho ontry of the
    Gorkhalie into tbe fort ere& i8 mentioned sa Saka 1687 9haitra
    3 Buillntsara-Wodnenday, 12 Merch, U66. Thc Gorkhalis
    €ntored et 17 ghaii prst after Eunset ot midnight.
    Tho chronicle eays that the inva.der oould not scale tho
    wells of the fortroge. But conditioa within was serious. llhe
    lnoplo wero tirod a.ud erhausted. Kazi Silhwal who ras tho
    commander of the fort invitod tho Gorkhalis to enter the
    fort st night, This time Kirtipur was attacked with o lar.ger
    number ofmon under erperioncod ofrcere euch as Bomsaroj
    OOBTEA Bf,OOMES EIXODOI OT NNP.IL u0
    Pondo and Tularam Paude.o ? Thig timo also thoy had not
    to rotre&t, bnt they wsiteal tigbtening tho blochatle, rhile
    oogotistion went on for tho eurrsndot of the fort. Kaai
    Bamseraj Pando was the priaoipal commauder. But RamaLrsna
    Kuar had orh,ibited ortraordinary courago ead ranilered
    eignal service. Accordiug to & royal lottor he obtainetl tho
    utmost crodit for his courage and leader'ship in operatious both
    in Sindhuli and Kirtipur.
    Accordiug to father Josoph (Asiatio Researches, Vol III)ot
    tho surreudcr was mede on the &Bsurancs given by tho king
    of Gorkhn that thero 'rill be general amnerty', ahioh howev€r,
    ho broke and as a roprisal orderod 'a gonoral massaore of tho
    proud defenders and had their nogos cut oS.' The fsther claims
    that he'with his own eyes raw all what hepponod to th6
    uobility and peoplo of Kirtipur. But tho Btory of atrocitiss
    committed by the Gorkhalis was muoh exaggeratod.
    X'ather Joseph was a fruetrated man nriting in Bettia shere
    ho hod retired ofter boing expelled from the Nopel valley. Eo
    wos not & disilrtorested eye witaess.
    Joseph roportod (ibid, pp.318-19): "But two doyc after-
    warde Prithvinarayana we{t st Nay&cuta (o long day's journoy
    dist&nt) issued an order to Suruparatne, his brothor, to put
    to d€ath Bomo of the prinoipsl inhabitont8 of th6 tow!, &[d
    to cut off ths no86s and lips of overy one ovon the itrfants,
    who were not found in tho arms of thei! motherE ; ordoring st
    tho s&me time &ll tho nogos &nd lips, whioh had bo6n out oq
    to bo pr€seryoal, th&t ho might a,scerc&iD how mrny souls thoro
    wers, and to ohango the uamo of tho town into Naskatapur,
    which signiffes the town o[ out-noses ; tho order wag cartiod
    into bxecution with overy mark of honor and cruolty, none
    escaping, but thoso who cbuld play on win<I instrumontst
    although f,'ather Miohael Angolo, who without knowing that
    ench an inhuman soone v&s then erhibited, had gono to tho
    houso of Surupsratna, iutorceiled mucb, in favour of tho poo[

    6? Asviaa vatli 5 rol 4 (-r.istat6 tor,Srdr, W€ilac.ilay, Ootobe S, 1(16)


    68 Giuseppe in Asirtio Rosolloheo lo!,rciluod io Ktrkprtrlot.
    t80 [ODEBlt INPIL

    inhabitouts; many of them put au end to thoir lives in


    dcspair; others oame in great bodios to us ir eosroh of
    Eodioinoq and it was most ehooking to res ao meny living
    1leoplo with their teoth and nosos resembling the skulls of the
    iteceasoil.' This otory of troso outting ir also given by Oldield,
    (I, p.272) as if it wag e great 6vent. Tho chroniole also
    supporta this report and eays that the total woight of nosos
    aad eora chopped ofr wae about 1700 dhamig (f0xU00-
    17,000 lbs.). Bot this seoms unduly exogger&ted aud a hir
    torisn h&s to be oautioug in giving crodeneo to such storioe.
    Prithvinarayane now schemod to ossault the city of Kath'
    mandu. Eo asLeil Srikrsna Pathek to Bt&tion troope st
    inportant placos around th€ city (letter, Blwiha auli 2 roj 4-
    Woduesday, 26 Auguet, 1767.) Prithvinar&y&ns dir€cted the
    opsr&tions from Kirtipur. Thoreforo all his letters arn address€d
    from Kirtipur,
    Prithvina,rayane'e astrologer gsve the day of l4th brigbt
    fortnight of Bhadra (late September of l7{i8) for assault on
    Kathmaudu. So ho had to wait for another yeat for the
    ffnel ss8sult.
    from a o of Prithvinarayana to Srikrsna Pathak
    lottar?
    ,ritten from Noakot it appears that up tiU Maghaoaitri 7 roj 5
    the lowlands from Sankhu both' ia the east &nd north-eest
    ar well as thc ridge.r of Chaagu and Gokarn& had remained
    within Kathmandu. hithvinatayana asked Srikrsna Pothak
    to st&tiotr his troops in Sankhadrha over o ridgo bolow
    Naldnm. Tho ilsto of the lettor corresponds to CE Thursday
    22 Januery, 1767.
    But itr a lottor to Sivansnda Upailhya end Srikrsna Pathak
    ond 3 othere vdtton ftoD Kirtipur on Aeohu 2 odi 'rq
    6
    Plithvinarayona asks Path&k to aotum to his station. Ee
    issuos inrtruotiong to hig men to repair tho outar well ia the
    oourtyard of tho Bauddh stup rith the free labour of
    Brahmans and 36 oasto6, This was esg€ntial to neot the
    80. F.l,h6r Jo6Efi !6port! !o thousoEa tEop6 oE hl..itl6. But thi! lr sn
    qrggeratlol.
    70, Ar6Llver, forclgE lfhlBtty.
    GORXE.I. Bf,OOUBS (INGDO OF NDPAI, I8t
    propsganda that Gorkha had unnece:ssrily attackod Nopal.
    Pathak was directed to go to his outpost and guard
    oarofully. Prithvioorayana olso informs him that 700 Phiringir
    were loiteriug hero and thoro near Eariharpur. r r
    In LPN, Pt. III, p 487, there is a noting roproducd
    from the tort proeerved ia the I oa B&id to hayo boon an
    €rtr&ct of Pri0hvinarayana's lettar addroesed from Kirtipur
    to R&mekrED& Kuar and Sivonando Upadhye wdttdr or
    Anina oaili 12 roj 2 whioh has a b6&ring on tho oyonts of
    the day. Prithvin&r&y&na wants informstiou about the feoling
    of the people and ths counoillors iu Chabol, Eorigaon
    and Patan. Ee ordere to st&tion troops in Chsbel stsrtitrg
    immodiately on any day except Tuesday in oonformity to tho
    advice of tho astrologer. The new outpost was ta bo sbt up
    in Chabel.
    All theso thre lottsrs aro from Kirtipur, now his tomporary
    hea.dquarter and theso were writtea in tho period botweea
    the capture of Kfutipur aod fell of Kathma.ndu. Tho lotters
    givo irregulu ilatos if they aro followed ag they arrc copied.
    f have compared my notes with Baburem Aoharya's. Eis
    oopyiet also givos the same voraion.
    Among tha thro€ lstt€rs the sooond could be correotsd if
    Sudi. replacos ,add. Porhaps it is so. It will thon oorrospond
    to Friday, 25 September, 1767.
    Tho fortnight iD the thid is irrelevaut, beoauso in both
    the partioularr do not fft in. I do not know hov Aoha,ryrji
    gtyo Saturd&y, 19, Septomber, 1767 as conospouding date
    in OE for,4pdrouaili 12 roj 2, The roj Z means Mouday. It
    is not S&turdsy.

    11. rbiil.
    CIIAPTER VI
    Prtthvharsysna Deleats the Brlttsh
    While tho invaders wore at tho geto of Patao in Septomber,
    170?'ald wero pros:iu1i for ite unoond.itional eurronilorr,
    PritLviharayan hasbily retired to Sindhuli to deal vith another
    lmponding invasion from tho Boutb, this time from tho Englieh
    who had ma,rohed to that place. Aocording to tho ohroniclo
    Jayaprakara had e6nt e Tirhutiya Brahman aB his m€saonger
    to ask for asaistanca from tho British, anil they bad now
    rospondoil to his roquest by sending an expoditionary forae.
    An idea of tho &dv&ntagos the English lrerb in need of
    for their commercial expaaaion ir this p&rb of the country
    shall be obtaiued iq full detsils from the narrative we have
    prod[ced in connection rith tho Nepal-British Trade paot
    (see below). Here it ie sufrciont to mention that these
    advantalos iere such as th€ British valued ertremely. If
    they thought that tbe Rajae of Nepal had to be oxtricoted
    out of tho distroso aud be helped to th&t end, it vae beceueo
    by this act alone tho Britieh themeelves would be immoasely
    beneEted though Jayaprakase also could get the benoffit of
    liberation. The British would havo tried to Becuro trade
    faoilities without going into war with tho ruler of Gorkha,
    but it became inevitable in the face of Prithvi's determinod
    hostility towards thom &nd the broak thsir commorce suetained
    at his hands due to his blockade of tho Nepal Valloy (Bengal
    Sel. Com. April,30, f767). They vere not prepared to loso
    tho yoluminouB trade (tettor from Sel. Com. to Rumbolt July,
    21,1767), which gave them ample supply of gold (ibid) now
    so indisponsoblo on acoouDt of the shortage of the 8a,Ee iD
    Bengal, whioh also affectod the annual China investment
    so edversely (tetter from Sel. Com. to the coort, Septembar,
    1. Oldtield, op, cit, Vol. I, p. 273.
    GOBTE^ BIOOIXS rINODOU Or NEPlf, 183

    25, 17671. Besidos, thoy had to proteot thoir own frontier


    linea ia North Bihar, which woro ' oontinuouely sutroriog
    oncroechmeuts. It was alleged that a largo number of yill&gog
    on the bordor specially in Betti& end Chamllsr&n wero being
    subjoctod to depredations by the Gorkhalis sinco l?66
    (Golding to Rumbolt, April 6, 176?). hithvinarayana hatt
    laid his olaims on Eomo of theso villagea. But tho Eogtieh
    wore reluctant to part with them, upon which tho Gorkhs
    ruler expressed deeigu of forciblo occupatioa (Bumbolt,
    January 3, 1767)- But this w&s to bo prevented at any cosC
    aDd to th&t end not a moment was to be then lost. All
    consideratious, polltiosl as well as economio, dem&uded th&t the
    Britieh ehould nov fight out the Gorkhalis.
    They had ooted awiftly, the maa who was to lead the
    invasion was immediatoly aumeoned to Patna.
    fn a letter writtou from Soramadi (volloy of Darraundi
    bolow Gorkha) to Dobura,D&, tho commandor in the we:tsra for-
    ward rrca oo, Maghaoadi 14 toj-MolLday,lS January. 1768,
    Prithviaarayaaa, iesued inshuctious to strongthetr tho many
    military statione from Lalhajuug to RsgiD&s by providing
    ration of I tnurieaz of rioe and storee. Tho stor6s ha.d to be
    providod after inspooting the outposts, and new ones woutd
    haso to be set up properly,' A new outpost betweon Ghoreyopo
    and Salma w&s a,lso to bo sot up. Prithvinarayan infotaed
    Kalu Paado tha,t he h&d asLod Dhauya Khadka.aud Abhiman
    Bosny&t to- go to Lakhajung. The pajati of the yeai for that
    quarter ehould be dono in colrsultation yith these oftoors. The
    Omrao of Roginaa, Bhalu Bhandari, wss supportiDg tho
    Gorkhalis, But ho wae not s8tis6od rith thoir tr€atment.
    hithvinarayana cautionod hio mon to take carefnl msasur€s.
    The measure of succoss would dopend on thoir etrangth.
    Becauee of tho
    obsenoe of weekday, tho deto 6guro in the
    lettor i8 not
    quito sufrcient, and vo Lnow that without
    woekdey its sccrr&oy osErot be judgod, All by itsalf tho
    ,. A xouri:160 poutrib,
    t84 I(ODEAN NBPAL

    ldtld would oorrospond to a lmrticular doy in ony yoar, vhiob,


    howeve'r, romains untraoed' But it mugt refer to a time while
    Clorkhs had alroady d.ispossosaed Lamjung of its ownerehip
    of the atea between tho Mersyangdi and tho Chopo. So the
    faots of tbo letter might apply to tho time situation provailirg
    oftor tho Gorkha-Lamjuog ffght &t the ond of 1707, when I,am-
    juag was dsfoated and GorLha had occupiod Raginas.
    When tbe lotter wa,s being written, thero was a fear of
    ao rttack by Lamjung and its allies onrtheir old territorios.

    KINLOCE'S ADYENTURES
    Ae goon as Mr. Golding of BettiB conveyed to Thomes
    Rumbolt tho Chief of the Eaet Indis Company's ostablishment
    at Patna the ropestoil r€quests of the Iiaja of Kathmandu for
    help againt tbe Gorkhalie, the latt€r promptly transmitt€d
    the eame to the Goveruor at Calcutta (Letter from Rusbolt
    April 20, 1767). Tho Select Committee thereupon decided
    to di6patch au oxpedition forthwith for tho Rajo'e &s€ist&noo
    (Solect Committoe, Apri.l 30, 1767X undor Captain Kinlooh,
    an ofroor, who bad recontly reduood the fort of Tiplnrah' But
    not until Prithvinarayan rofusod to be oowed down by threats,
    the aotual orpeditian w&8 8ont. Verolet was the Goveruor
    of Bongal in those tlays and he had hoped that the Clorkhalis
    would bo terriEed iuto eubmiesion by a chow of arms and
    throat of invagion. Now tho British GovernmeDt on tbo advioo
    of Rumbolt, Chief of the Patna tr&ctory (Bongal, Sel. Com.
    April 30, 1767) intimated Prithvinarayan Shah tteir intention
    to meali&to botwosn him and the ReiBS of tho Nopal Valley
    (May 28, 1767, acgordiog to a lotter from Sel. Coro' to
    Rumbolt. APril 30). This Rumbolt was tbo guiding spirit
    behind the move against Prithvinarayana Shah' Ee wag
    geaerally regarded a,8 &n export on NsPal afeirs. He gavo
    the authorities in Calcutt& to uudor8taud th8t hithvinsreyen&
    3. Select Oom6ittoo Proooodiqgs. Vol. I9, pp, 197'199.
    GOBT,EA BEOOUAS X,NTODOM O3 NDPAIJ I8B

    himgolf wag anrioue to oultivate the good will of the British


    and wanted to como to Patna himsolf if he wae given pro-
    tection.{ The British thought that the Gorkhali Raja wos
    out to forestall the movo of Jayaprakasmalla aud with tho
    danger of military intervention by tho British staring him,
    he would willingly acoept tLo offer of medietion.. Prithvi-
    narayana, Shah was, however, too clevor to allow himself to be
    duped by this kind of overture and rely on tho sincerity and
    good sense of the foreignors who wore out to exploit the
    situation and hd on his part summarily refueed to have
    anything to do u,ith them.5 Ee, . howover, expressed his
    willingness to visit Patna to argue his cago. But this wag
    a ruse.

    A war with the British thus eeomed imminont. fmue-


    diately aftorwarde Jayaprakas' depuiies X'akir Rarhdas and,
    Mukhtar (Muktanauda) a Tirlutiya Brahman arrived at Potno
    and met Rumbolt and Captain Kinloch and ooqualnted them
    vith the dietressful situation of tbe place consequent on the
    blookade (June, l?6?) by the Clorkhalis.o 'fhey also had
    brought an &Bsurance from the Baja of Kathmandu that 'the
    expedition shall obtain every possible help and co-operation
    in rogard to provisions and oommunications.' Verelst wag
    duly informed of tho developm6nts.
    Somo Chrietian Missionaries had alm implored in strong
    Ianguage for the same urgency of actiou on similar grounds
    (December 19, 1766).?

    4. Seleot Committee Proceedings, April 30.


    5. See aleo Joseph's report in Asiatie Sesearches, II, p, 818. Bor
    an account of the erpcclition provitletl by the British souroe matericls.
    Bead Nantlalal Ohatterji's Ye*lstts Rule in lillia. Chap,ter If. pp.91-11.
    Ee is the lirst scholsr.in Inlia to bring to light this forgotteu event of a
    Britieh invasiou of Nepal.
    6. It^was reported to Prithviuarayena that Jayaprakasa obtained supplic
    of horses and presents Irom Utleipur (reference in hig letter tlateil Y8.
    1819 Ohaitra Vadi 5).
    7. Select Committee Proceetliugs ; truly, ll1, 1?0?,Yol. 13, pp. 839-41.
    f86 MODBRN ITEPAL

    A draft memorcndum ras propa.red at Captain Kinloch'e


    behegts a,nd ou the b&sis of the report intimatod by the vakile,
    which emonget othor things mentioD€d tho noed of a awift
    aoiion if the suuondor of the Valley was to be avoidod, the'
    reeson boing tho yery hffrm position of tho dofenders &nd
    thoir inobility to moet tho erigenoy of tho blockado lgnger than
    Ootober. A brisf oetimate of ths numerical stiongth of the
    6nemy w&B thero. The memorandum credits Pdthyina,reya,D
    flhah to have. aeeembled 80,000 soldiore of which about 30,00O
    rore in tho Valloy. The Gorkha army had modioval aud
    modom instruments of warfate. This account seoms, how-
    evor, much eraggerated sB it va8 quite impossible to gathe!
    a huge foroe of 80,000 in the spareely populated country of
    tho Gorktralis. But it could be erplained to mean th&t the
    e8timato ws8 directed to Btrese tho unusual gravity of the
    situation in Kathmandu. Captain Kinloch w&rtod to Btstt
    goon on his exp€ditiotr (July a, 1767) and finish tbe job befom
    tho oad of monsoon, as ho thought 'the junglo choked tho
    road thon.t lto memorandum vas then soon desp&tched to
    Caloutta, But tho Seloct Committ€e was yet undooided.
    Captain Kinloch, thereforo waited in Patna engaging himsolf
    in tho toek of prop&rations. This ofrcer came &ll tho wey to
    Patn's via Monghyr in reponse to tho order of tho authoritioss
    who had takon tho decieion about Kinloch without oven
    oonsulting their Chif Military Commander, Colonol Richard
    Smith.
    Prithvinarayana Shah wae unbending to meet the British
    wishes of mediation, Ife uow employed his rosources to defeat
    British designs. Iu April the British then gave an ultimatum
    to Prithviuarayana Shah to desist from encoaching on tho
    teritories of his neiglbours. But it was alleged that he sont
    an ineolent roply, and inst€ad of complying with their requost
    put forward a freeh domand for tho surrendor of Bettia on
    the ground that thig bolonged to his sncastors. About this
    olaim on Bottia ws do not know anything from the Nepaloso
    8. g6l. Oomlo. Proce. 1767, April 30,
    GOBrEA BECOMES IINODOM OF N.EPAL l8?
    versiou of the Btory. In sny c&Eo this could. b6 s&id that the-
    Clorkhali Raja p&8 not &ggr@&ble to lilten to tho British, and
    thoroforo thoy dooided finally to aoud an expeditionary fcroo.
    &gaiDst him. The Select Committee informod the Court of
    Directors about their decision to iuvade Nepol in a lottar datod
    Soptember, 25, 1767.s
    Unfortunatcly for the British, Captain Kiulooh attempt€d,
    to lead the iuv&sion juBt at tho time ho rrantod to avoid. For
    thie ho was aot to blame, 3ut he with Mr. Runbolt aeems"
    to havo put, unduo reliance on the report of the Nopateeo-
    vakils regarding tho oaso and faciJity with which thoy promiaed
    to escort tho British contigent acrose tho hills. (f,ottef to.
    Clovornor, Decombor, f9, U6?). The Soloct Committee wero
    informed that the invading army w&s to cover g(i. Kos (t92
    miles) altogether by elevea stagos, sir of which lay in tho
    hilly region.ro Somo membors in tho Committeo vere aot
    proparod to lend their 8upport to the erpedition unloes aud,
    until a sure prospect of auscoaa w&a iu evidence. ft eeema
    that tho Select Committno woro not much optimietic as to tho
    success of the expedition and instructed Captain Kialoch to
    halt aud encamp in Bettia if the Raja could be forced. to
    eubmiesion. The Captain w&B instructed 'to prooeed cautiously
    ghould he encourxter unoxpected difioulties duo to tho season,
    th6 situotion of tho couatry and tho power of the enemy'
    (July 2r, r767).
    In his liigh degree of optimism and bis anriety to save
    the Raja of Kathmatrdu before October, Captain Kinloch did
    uot- pay heod to the advico of tho Committee. Eo did not
    erren put himself in poseossion of full facts as regards the
    thoroughfare nnd naturo of tho. difrculties and on the
    aa8umption that the Gorkhelis wero not &s inyeterate &B r&a
    suggested, which wae in a way overostimating himself, he
    forthwith undertooL the journey in mid rainy season (Bezgol"
    Pasl and, Piaent, Yol,XI, P. 29 ; Barwell to his f&ther, letter,,
    9. Proeeedinge. Vo.l. 13, pp, 2{4-65.
    10. IJottor to tho GovolDor, July 91, 1?07.
    I88 MODOBI{ NEPIL

    Irobruary 28, 1768).rr On the 2let of July tho Committee


    haying senctionod the expedition, Kinloch set out immo-
    diatoly for Siodhuli with e viorr to c&pturo tho fort (Bengal
    Select Comm. JuIy2l, I70?)rr. with 2400 Sopoys (Barwell,
    iltdd) and ofrcers posted with men.
    Although in tho beginning the Seleot Committoo thought
    of the doubtful re8ult of tho €xp€dition, thoy woro hopefully
    watching tho progreos of the forco under Kinloch's command
    onoo it marohed to opor&te. Their hope as to the Buccess of
    the oxpodition is erpressed in their co'mmuuiaatioa to the
    Court of Directors, dated 25 Soptembor, 1767. They wroto
    that the Euccossful oulinination of th6 step they have taken
    will bring immonss benefit to the Company in mattore of
    oommercial advantage and more facilitiee in territories under
    Nepal's jurisdiction both irl the hills and low lands. They
    €xpreB8d tho view that tho step me&Dt going &g&in6t'the spirit
    of that system of politics whereby wo the Englieh proposed
    reguletiug our oouduct rot&ining the character of merohants
    with scrupulous deliceoy'. Yet all this hstl to be dono in tho
    btorest of a policy doeigaed to help the Britieh commercial
    intoroBt iu Nopa,l,
    The roads being oxtromoly bad. and interrupted by marrhes
    and bogs as they loy across tho denso forests, it boing the r&i[y
    soason, Ceptain Kinloch erperioneed great difroulty in t&kiDg
    his foroo to Sindhuli (From T. Rumbolt, December 10, 1967)
    But nothing w&B moro Borious than the soarcity of provisions.
    Apart ftom tho ehortage of graina availablo to him in the
    Torai, tho question of arsuring the port€rs about their s&foty
    was Eost vexing. The Gorkhalis were a terror to tho peoplo
    of tho Temi snal no amount of porsuasion could sttrsct tho

    11. 'Th6 too grsst oonitleuoe ot oioloornilg afilioulttd rs eEcou[t€laal,


    gtouniletl on e raean opiBlo! oI th6 oouroge oI tho 'nrtlorlB to t'hloh o[r
    srtn8 rle oppos€d', thua Batroll \fioto.
    11s. goleot CoEEittee P.ooe€iliugs, Vol. fg, Dp.24f-$.
    OOBEEA EEOOf'g XIIIODOIi Or If,P^L I89
    ooolios to theirjo[.r z The gituation was eo bad thst not a
    man dared to movs unlees .ho wos oscorted by a suff.cient
    foroe'(Jaauary 12, 1768, Bengal Eol. Com.) fn tb,eee circum-
    stanoos desertion p&a v€ry oommoa. Naturally the force coukl
    not mrroh rapiiuy aa was orpreotod. Captain Kinloch's wos
    a limping movoment. Often halting and waiting ho wae
    negotiating his course, which oaueod an undue dolay in
    rtoohing the destin&tiol and waa likely to frustrato the vory
    purpose for which the exp€dition was undsrtakea.
    Tho Captain pa88ed from Darbhanga to Janakpur. At
    Janakpur ho reoeived the most flottoring assuranc€ that he
    would get a largo supply of gr&hs at Sintlhuli but nono oould
    bo delivered at Janakpur itself to roliovo immediatoly the want
    of his half-etarved troopo, According to e chroniole prithvi-
    na,rayan Shah had heord that Kinloch reaobed Eariharpur
    oD Asvin 9 of VS 1824 (22 Soptember, 1?6?). But rhore
    ig ao aocount of militffy engagement st the place. This is
    available only from British sourcos, which do not talk of fght
    in Sindhuli.
    But hopiug that the oapture of en important place like.
    Sindhuli Garhi (fortrese) would place him in a position of
    v&ntago from which he could oosily oommand provisions, ho
    joumoyed slong the watsrshod of the Kamala rivsr and reeohed
    Sirdhuli un-opposed. Shduli was a fort of importanco faoing
    the in.ner Torai which commandod tho pa,EB to Katbmandu
    loa<ling via Khukoti, Jhange Jholi, Dapoha and panauti
    (Eamilton, pp. f6&60; Er. Joseph, p. 26t, Ae. irr,. L6tt6r
    from Rumbolt January 28, 1768).11 16 occup&tion waa
    certoinly o Btep further in the sot of ponotration towardB the
    Nopol Valley. But the problom bofore Kinloch wag tho want
    of supply. The ono promieed at Janatpur did not reaoh him.

    12. AccoliliDg to Jos€ph Brroh t€dalcitrslt tooplo wet6 hoDged ln a


    cru6l lDrDa€r. Eo soys thst h6 rotuslly 6iw th6 b.Dgilrg otr tho sry vitL
    .ltotrlo tleil toutra thei{n€cls,
    19. Also EIElooh to the Oov€Eor, 8r, tult, lto?.
    190 I{ODER}{ I{EPAI,

    .flaving boen himgolf ra'duoed to etr&its tho Raia of Kathmandu


    had no powor to arrango fot a,ny nors provisions and eupply
    {or pmposes of tho British. Sido by side it rrss no less difficult
    to brsak the line of blooksdo Bot uP by ths Gorkhalie who were
    'very muoh partioular in thig matter and did not leave a ringle
    loophole to the advantage of tho enomy.
    Tho reeult was that t6o Captain's foroe w&s put to
    iiserable pligbt and eufered very much on account of food
    soaroity and ill-heatth duo to inolement wosthor. But here oo
    going back was possiblo end Bindhuli-ol8o coultl not be held
    ,for long.
    From the looal genealogical acoount, it oppears that a fight
    took placo at Sinalhuli Garhi itself. Prithvinar*yan's policy
    was to allow the onemy to como up to the bills giving him
    a folee hope of their (Gorkhalis) incopacity to rosistance but
    making eure tbat tro supply !6aohed him and while on
    the hill overporor hi- by tay of guorilla ta'ctics rf Ca'pt'
    Kinloch succ'oeded in oapturing Sidhulila, it was becaoee tho
    Gorkhalis had abentloned that fort in order to allow him to
    'etlvance further so that he might think that the enemy was
    woak. The schemo w&s to pounse on him while ho came to
    the ruggetl bill ares8, whero tho mountaineers could display
    their best Bkill. PritbYiuersysd did not like to msot tho
    onomy in tho Eeroi. Drawn above tho hills, howovor, ho had
    to encouutsr an overwholming opposition' The Gorkhelis vore
    lying in ombush &lmost iu oirolo around Sindhuli, while ono
    ...y *". ruder Birbhadra 8t Powag&rhi, trlo milog north
    of Sintlhuli, enother vaa at Dhungrabas on the south-we8t
    ofit. The commandor in charge ol the latter war one Sanga
    Gurung who was ln erperioneed officor ill the att of guerilla
    warfarc. Eo wag known aE &n erpert huntel' From Sindhuli
    tho Captain wanted to move towartls Katbmandu to relisve
    tho tlietroes of his starving troops vho v€re t'hen otr the
    point

    14.ln BiEdhuli Eo hsvo stiu a ti6ta 8un lritrg ln vi6F up aiove the
    ridge. This was thE Iiolil 8u! left by o.lteia Eillooh.
    OOEKEA BEOO XA (DIODOM OF NEPAI r9l
    of deserting hrm (Lottor to Rumbolt, Janua,ry 12, l?68). In
    tho me&n time Eore uuits of the GorLhalie army movod
    towartls Sindhuli, &nd woro olosing muod Powagorhi, which
    walr tlop attecked by Kinlooh's force. Tho Gorkalis msde
    ..a combined abtack with all sor[s of implements, ffring
    bullots and throwing stones aad diroctly hittiug thoa with
    awords & arrows from tbove tho hille and from dopn below
    it. Those inside tho fortress aleo ca,me out to do theh bit.
    Tho British forco was in a pauic. The ofrcere and pou
    dispersed in confusion and loft many wounded and de*d ia
    tho field, Captain Kinloch and a fow others wero spared t6
    n&n&te the mishap and they fled with their life to Bottie. A8
    por the estimato of Barwell, only 800 out of 2400 surviy€d
    \Bengal, Past anil, Present, X. P. 29.)
    According to Percival Landon who does not of couree
    montion his authority, the attack took placo on . the book of
    tho river Bagmati west of Eariharpur.ls Eis voraioa is pro-
    bably resting on the acoount of Mr. T. .Bumbolt who talke . of
    'eurpriae attack' by the Gorkalis in tho arou (Letter from
    Mr. T. Iiumbolt, Deoember f9, 176?). Oldfiold does aot oven
    talk of an encounter. Eo seys thst Kinloch was obligod to
    roturn from before the fort of Mackwanpur bocau8o of sictlosr
    and w&nt of provieions.r I But a noting in a tliory of tho
    timo gives tho dato of ongagemont *t Eariharpur, YS l82rt
    Aevin 2it October, 1767).
    Tho Sritish reena,nts of tho forco wore hower Bight€d nea,r
    Hariharpur, and Ramkrisnl Kuar wae Bent to meet tho eitus-
    tion (lotter of Prthvinarayaar 7 October, 176?). This officor,
    however, romainod there for somo timo without coltaoting
    tho enemy. But Kinloch was not prosent, and his marching
    through Ilariharpur ig not proved by ftctual aocount. Iu
    any way the deoilivo battlo was fought in Siudhuli.
    Pertaps a wiag of the defeatod army might heyo takon a

    15. Vol. I, P. 63.


    lq. vor. I. P.273.
    t92 UODf,B]S ITT?AI,

    ohoDoo to utilise tho Earihar-Mlckwanpur routo. But tberc


    wa8 ro ffght.
    fhis Dot only contraets with the genealogioal account
    wo have just nanatoil but also with tbe ofEoial report
    submitted to Calcutta suthorities, which does not mention
    the inoitlont altogother. According to tho lott'sr tho British
    forco while tryhg to cross tho ewollen rivor by rafts mot with
    an uufavourable aooidont and wore oompellocl to rotro&t
    (Bengal Bel. Com. February lO, 1768)1?' In Oldffeld'e
    account tho British contingont appesr to havo retired becaugo
    6f tho unhealthy climato of tho are&. This dosciption'
    howovor, does not oodorm to faote and appe{rrs in tho nature
    ofa more faoe-eaviug devioe end thoro is no doubt that en
    oqcounter took place in $indhuti rosulting ia tho flight of
    tho British troops. Thi{ is not only confirmed by tho
    chroniolos, but also by tho information roaohing Capuchin
    tr[ission iE Ksthm&nilu (Seo below). It is quito likoly that o
    minor engegoment with a wing of Kinloch'e forco took placo
    in Eariharpur. But in vieq of the 8tstement of our chroniclo,
    it will bo wroug to suggost ae one writer hae done thot
    Captaiu Kinlooh himsolf came to Ea'ribarpur abandoning
    Sindhulil E without a 6gbt.
    was said that haviug failod at Sindhuli Kinloch trietl
    It
    to negotiete tho routo to Kathmandu through the course of
    tho Bagmsti. This attempt he hatl to give up as tho river
    could not be fordotl iospito of soveral dor icee But all our
    iuformation is about tho ocourenco in Sindhuli aud
    EaribarPur does not 6guro in it'
    Captain Kinloch theroafter managed to como to tho
    Bottia Terai on tbe British border with the approval of Mr'
    T. Rumbolt and looked forward for a fresh ertrtotli0iou while
    enjoying himself in occupstion of cortain hill forts through
    wbich ho plonned to launch &rr &tta'ck' The land north of
    Bottia up to tho hills was thus absorbod by him (letter from'

    Proc€oilingr, Vot. ls, !P.956-68. Vol' 13, pp' {st3't'


    18. Atglo-Nepnlese Relariorr, 8. C' OhoudhEry, pp. 2l-2'.
    CIORKEA BDOOTI|S EIITODO'I OI IIEPT,L l9s
    Rumbolt, Jaauary 3, 1708) iacluding the p!e66nt ttistriots of
    Bara, Parsa snd RaErahsr (Bongal Sel. Com. Jaauary 12,
    1768)re. Jt lr&B esid tbat he collootod R8. 20,00O ar revonuo.
    for tho year from this Eros, which was supposod to yiold ar
    annual inoomo of IiB. l0 lakhs. But Kinloch claimod thrt
    this loss wss compeusatod by a more oocure poeition of Beitis
    reulting from the ocoupation, which was trow freo from the
    usu,&l rside of the Gorkh&lis, o.

    The loss Eustafuod through tho failure of tho conque8t of


    the Yalloy of Nepal wae expected thul to b€ compeDB&tod,
    for Mr. Rumbolt wont olen to tho eltont of chorishing hop,e
    for the rsnowal of tho oxpodition (Rumbolt,s letter, Janrrery
    3, 1788). But every hope exooptitrg tho ssfoty of tho ttistrict
    of Botti& fadetl away, whil6 oven thst distriot 8in0€ it
    coDstituted tho lands olaimed by the Gorkhelis wss an objeot
    of oocasional inoursiona at their hands rendoriag oven the task
    of dofeuce fineucially unworkable' (Bongal Sol. Com.,
    Augu$ tr, 1760).
    All thie so disappointed the Select Committeo that thoy
    gave up for good tho idee of challenging tho Gorktralis and
    recallod Captoin Kinloch to tho capital arking him to app68r
    bofore a commiseion of cnquiry. (Sel. Com. Decembor,
    ff, U67). They woro of tho opinion th&t 'without beiEg
    supported by a strorg reiDforcemont would sorvo only to
    erposo tho troops to the dengor of poriehing by fomino aud
    sword'2r, Rumbolt had been informod that the foilurr of
    the erpedition was duo to 'miaconduot in the officor or,
    forgory' ia the lettorg aDal information of tbe Vakil and
    X'akil,'2z and all this required a probe by a conpetent
    suthority. Captain Kinloch was eaved from,beiag disgraced
    by a public enquiry on the hterc€ssion ofBumbolt who had
    19. Solect ComrEitteo ProoeealiEgs, Yol. 14, pp. 1G11 : Vol. 16.
    pp. 13-1I. ,rid, pp. 59-60.
    20. Goliliag to RuEboIt, geleot ComDitteo Proceoilings, February
    10, l?dd.
    ,1 Sslect OoBrritioe Prooeoillogs, Yol' 19. P, a56.
    29 Ibid, Vol. 16. PP. U'18.
    194 {ODEBII !{EPAI,

    wigoroudy tlefeniled him (his letter, January 28, 1768)' Tho


    msolution orderiug an enquiry into the oonduct of Captaiu
    Kinloch was rerciDdcd aftor agood deal of porsuaeionz ' ft
    !

    *as sa,id that tho orgeniE&tion of the erpeditionary force


    ras faulty anal this lecked tlisoipline, and ono of tho units wae
    thoroughly usoless for servico'".
    Beforo takingup tho ecoount of the ffnal oonquost of the
    Valley by Prithvinarayana it is odvisablo that a short observa-
    tion bo mad.o as to tho attitudo of the Biitish towardB him in
    l?67, It wos not a fact that tho Britieh left him in quiot
    aftor thelr defeat in that year. Th€y seem to have continuod to
    hrrbour a doep seatod grudge agairut tho Gorkholis, and were
    looking for o suitablo opportunity to r€poat the attompts uutil,
    of courso, the hope of an attack ou Nepal faded away due to
    Prithvinarayana's own doxterous move and his subeequent
    o&pture of the wholo of Nepal. Mr. T' Rumbolt wae tho main
    alohitect of this &ntiGotiha movs. Ifo soeme to havo givon
    the Solect Committoe to undorstand repeatodly that the
    Sprfuig ofensivo was most opportune (January 28' 1768)'
    Kinloch had still in lis oocup&tion a largo tr*ot of tho Ter&i
    on Napalese sido near Champaran and Darbhanga borders'
    Ee oould -make this area a spring-board to launch &n &ttsck
    on Nlpal prolmt2 6. Ee asrured that he could reach Nepal
    in 6vo days' time. In Bottis he bad the assuranco of the
    €riles &8 to their full-flodgeil support ag&inst Prithvinarayana
    Shoh (Letters from Golding to Ruubolt, Deoomber 25, 1767 i
    January 3, l?68)' It appears that the Raia of Tanhou
    Trivikram Sen whoso t€tritory touched B€tti& ses pursuading
    Goltling to press the Company to opon ofronsivo without
    delry. Verelst wae about to be swayed over to bis viows and
    ho hatl almoet convincod -the Select Committeoz6. But
    diecretion wbich ie always tbe botter part of valour aaved

    Ibia, Vol. 15, Pp. 12r-90.


    24 8€lsot comiit'r€o Ptoc€€alilg6, Vol. xIY' P9. 6,3'636.
    t5 S€lect CoEEitt€o Ploc€ediB8s, Vol. 16, PP. ,6, 122''6'
    26 rbiil, P. 1c8.
    ooBtrEA BXCOMf,A trntoDou or lIEpAIl I95
    the situation. The idea of launehing e aecond ofensivo was
    ebandoned, because the Seleei Comiittee OA
    'hestily and indisoreetly. ""t-r""i L ""i
    This time the Seloct Committ€e did not think it propor to
    underrato tho enemy'e 8trcngth. X.or eu orpedition to be
    gucoeesful required a largo contingeDt
    of troope. Rumbolt
    hod recommendod a batt&lion and four to sir companiea
    (February 15, U68)2?. This contingont was to
    efrect a
    junction with Sorgeant Lo. gan rho had. suneptitioualy
    enterod
    f,forang to peuetrote to the esst€m gatoway distriot of
    Nepal
    fron th&t side28. But ie we€ beyoud tho powo" of ih,
    Government to spare suoh a largo army at & time whon
    Eeider
    AIi in the south wm tbreatening tho very eristonce of
    the
    Britieh in that part of Inclia auit thore wag an urgoat
    sppeal
    for reioforcoment from that quartor (I,ettgr, fresideut,'iort
    St. Georgo, Secret Lottsr, January g, fZ6S). In the
    meantime
    Kathmandu wa8 conquored and tho Britieh who had
    alreatly
    t€Etod Gorkhs toughnoes would no more dare
    take up the
    couee of the vanquished. Oo inatruction from
    the Court of
    Directors (Iatter, November fl, 176g),) the Seleot Comrittee
    firally olosod the ohoptor in their rcsolution of Bobruaty
    10,
    17682t. Aftor a year they vsre eyetr fouud flatieriug
    Prithvina;rayana snd hobnobbing vith him. It was
    conioyj
    ,to him that hio praise had travellod
    far and rido to reaoh tLe
    Court of the East fadia Companys o. Nor tho etrategy
    was to
    rosign to what was accomplished in Nepal by prithvinaraysna
    &nd to B&ke the most out of it by humouring hi'n snd
    esr-ning
    his gratitude. If tho Gorkhali ruior proved irreooncilablel
    then alone oonflicts would bo inovitablest. But thoy felt that
    thi8 wa,B Dot tho tiEe to Btsrt a conflict.
    It.eeems that th6 British had not, hovever, renoulcod
    theii claim on tho T&uter pargane (Sarlrhi and Rautahar)
    q. IbA,pD,l&61.
    ?9. ll,A, \ot, 14, pp.96.98, Vot. t[, pp.16G.6g
    29. lrooe€dlag!, Yot.-rO, p. rte. Oaptiiu I$Dloch dted ncrt vsr.
    .- 30, -CPO, U, No. 1686, I*ttor to 'prithviror"y.a Ste4- if
    13, 1769.' "rU.,
    31, CPO, II,176?.69 No. 107, Letter to prithrtE&lr,yoae Sbsh.
    r96 MODEBT TgEPAI,

    with 23 mohals. This had kept alivo mutuel antagonism and


    suspioion for sometimo mole. The British eaid that tho
    Pargona was forcibly occupied by Prithvinarayrna Shah in 1767
    antl till then thie wae hold by the Raja of Mackwanpur in
    paymont of a tribute of Rs. 1Q000 annually to the Eaet India
    Compauy's Governnont *ho had inheritod the rights of tho
    Nawab over this sro&.

    Eurall€s trom tho Wctt


    Although the danger from tho south wae warded of
    Prithvinarayana's plon for the copture oftho Nepal Vglloy was
    delayed by e yoar on scooutrt of La,miurxg and Parbat giving
    him a joiut thrs&t to invado (*orkba. Ee had to keep part
    of his force ready for a,ny eYentua'lity . in that quarter' But
    Kashki atautliag by him, it for
    the two oth€E
    wos not possiblo
    Et&tes to ;euy out thsir throat inta action aga'inst Gorkha'
    B&ther it was tho chie'f of Gorkha who wrosted Ragiuas and
    adjoining a,reas of Lamjuug betwoon the Chop'e and Marsyangdi
    fiom its ruler, vhioh, howevor, Prithvinorayana had to
    abaadon later'
    But beforo this phase of the confliot etart€d he was
    manouveriug to eafeguard his position in all poseible ways'
    In a lettor ad.drossed iD reply to the lotters, ioint &nd 86P&rate
    of Kalu Pande and Bhodra Sahi resp'octively rooeiYed on
    PlntrCwa -ll, Friiley, 19 tr'ebrua'ry, l?68 ho soid that a'll tho
    morcy he hed at hi8 disposal ehould be hanled over to (1),
    the remaining wa8 to be sent from Kathnandu' .Prithvi-
    ner&yan& auggested that both the officers Bight not' come to
    NoaLot for the coming lloli festival. They were told that
    when o longer tine than ? deys was neoded to tleliver tho
    tetter the amount of .money tent over eimil&r dietance from
    Noalot might not rea,ch tlem at ths a.ppointed hour thoy
    wiehod. But money was on'the way and they vero to p&y
    B,s. 500 to tho seoond prince, 600 to trho third prince and'
    Rs. 300 to Daru Raut,r2.

    92. Arohivos tr'olstgn l{.r.ai8trr'


    ooBKBA Bf,OOXna xlroDox oE nlptl, 107

    Prithvinar&ysna iaforme in & Eop&rsto lettor tbat mea who


    travellod from Clorkla oa plalgutu yon; ru, Mondsy: 16
    Bobruary, 1768 had takeD 6 or 6 ala,ys to cover. the diJtonoe
    having reachod No&kot on I'irday phalgana Bd, f,:fg
    X'obruary, 1768. PrithyiDarey&n& informE Kslu p8ndo also
    that ho had sent a hawk for tho Reja of Bhirkot. To enable
    Kalu Pando to fulfil his promiso he vas algo soadiag ono
    elephant end a sum of a thousand rupees for ths Chautan
    of Bhtkot. Prithviuarayana omphsEiseal thot Noakot
    shodd
    como under Gorkha's control ot &try cost. More
    mouoy would
    reaoh Kalu Pande and ho should spoad aa muoh aa
    ho oould
    lbr th&t purpo8o. As for thoir propoeal to toke Riaing,e
    oleph&nt, ho was arrauging to eead furthor irgtalment.
    Prithvi hed baen told that tho Kazi had left ftir palpa. Of
    .couree, they had aleo eout
    a man of Kazi's rarl along with
    another. Prithviuarayaa& informed Kalu pando that ha baa
    eager to know hor things were ruaning thore.
    The letter cont&ias-e few linoe moro aud this about
    Sitabs
    Rai'B tour of the Tautar pargana to vhioh wo
    shall hovo
    also occssion to refer s little lster, Sitaba Roy
    wos toported
    to havs vieit€d Kes&ria *ud returred to, patna. The
    indlan
    oepoys ofthe oorDpany vero not msny in
    Ba,ra rud parsa.
    In tho osst tho English end Fronoh Fore sghtirg. It
    "sppoared th&t th6 Eottlemonts of Bagaha, Judpani end
    Pathrani had ahifted to the eagt. The dato of tho letter ie
    ?tulgutu - Pliday, lg Februa,ry, t768.
    Suili 1, roj,6
    Tho reply war eent on tho sa,mo day rhile Kalu p&nde,s
    lottor hod reached hithvinaroyana Shah.
    CEAPTEB VII

    End ot the Malla Dynarty

    BID TO ATTACK KATHI{ANDU


    Ina letter to 3 Brahmanas of the Paudyal family who
    wore living in Bisankhu, s villsge to ths south sast of P&tan'
    Prithvina,rayana Shah informs thlt ho hsd Etruck of tho
    bstarco of dobt thoy owed to ons Tauclhik Bhaju of Patao,
    tbe rest having tlkon by himeelf. The doounsnt is not
    impo$snt otherwise than a proof of Prithvina'royana's overell
    importent poeition in tho vioinity of the city of Potan. That
    the TaudhiL Bheju was prtpred to accopt the <fisporal of
    tho o&se in tho m&nner suggested abovo aleo ehowg that
    tber€ wss coneidsrebls following of the Gorkhali oemp vithin
    tho city of P&t&n.l
    Prithvinarayana Sbh'a a.rny lvaa .now threatoning ths
    vorycity of Knthmandu. Eaving coptured Balaju *ud the
    Nagarjung ridge only & milo to tho north-Yost of tho city on
    Vaiaa*ha irlrrla ltl Saturita,y 886-7 June, l?66, the
    Gorkha ruler was knooLing at ite 'very door. It apPesrs th&t
    all plaoes in the uorth-eret€rn p&rt of tha valley fell one
    by one to the invaders without resistance. But Kathnandu
    rsgieted for a period of another two years and no. furtlbr
    than that.
    Jayapokasa Malls put uP s hatd rosistaEoe to the bost of
    his resourooe. No botter oxamplo of a heroic rcaistaltoo'
    nppe&r€ in the hi8tory of lha Malln rulers of the Nopal valley'
    But that alone wae not sufrciont to tlefeud freedom or to drivq
    away an invador. In sPite ofhis good rontimonts and heroic
    qnalitios, Jayaprakaso vas devoid of tact. Ee ofrended hio
    people by taking reoourse to inhumou mode of rcprirah and

    1. Ys 1899 Ptstgua Sulli 1 ror l -EuEilsy, 1 March {67 publirLod


    ia Eilthosikopafia Sdrr$aha,1. p. 26.
    GOBrf,!' BEOO EE XINODOU OT Nf,PAf, 199

    to a hasty and indieorimiDat€ war policy. Moreovor, he had


    to Eoet e qu.ning foe who always threw scruples to winds
    to win his game. Jayaprakosa vas equally unscrupuloue
    but this did uot bolp him much.
    At the laet moment he go found that baning hia owa body
    guards not a soul wae left there to eympathise with him.
    Eis army had rebolled. Eis mirristors and noblemen wsrs
    mostly dissatiefied. finding that his otu people wero quite
    apathetic to hime€lf he 8ot np a rogiment of tho sepoys from
    tho Terai, which acted like a thorn to pierce tho patriotic
    mon of the Nepal Valley, who by temperamont felt vory much
    hurt by thiB act. Besides, an alien army of hirelings was
    costly. It wae to be eupportod at a, greate. oost and for thia
    he had oo mouey,oxhsustod as his treasury waa by a long
    var. Ife, therofore, bogan to approlxiate tha storod weallh
    of the templ€s. Tho €xigenoy of tho sitiration justified the
    action, but oD constant iastigotiou by the euomy the
    Brahmanas srrd the people of roligious tomporament tooL it
    as an impious encro&chment on their saored belief aud mode
    of worship. To a high degroo of a mountitrg unpopularity
    thie factor w&s &ddod, which did a groat deal to inflame tho
    passion of a tired and cnraged lnpulace. According to Father.
    Josoph thc Clorkhalis also trought support of the courtiers and
    von oy€r & good many ol the inh&bitant8 with ve8t€d htoroEt
    in Eirla lands by promises to p.oyido socurity ead aid to
    thom. Prthvinarayana Shah had won ovor to his side a
    grest mrny of tho wealthy familiee. From a lottor he srrote
    to a Bha.dol family of Bhaktapur it sppeers that some of
    these men were &cting as his agonts croating splits and
    confueion in the opponent,e camp2. One Kirtirajanantl,r

    2. The d.te is irf€gulr!. But if ,a4i ssB itr Irlaoe ofsuAi, th6dr,te
    rorldl correstrmnil t Wedn$ilsy,,g fuly, 1?e6, (Foreigtr Ministry
    lrchiyo ; olso e€e Er'rihotlkpatra-Sangtqla, j, g'l
    Th. lett6r is d,,t{. Awina vqdi 9 rcj 4 Bdl $,e6 rdillesloil f .oa Kirtipur
    200 UODEBIT NEPlI.

    Upailhya reone to havo hel@ Prithvinarayana's war from


    'iasiale the oity of Pttan. This man wa8 to sot sviftly to
    rubiort Kathmcndu in concort with hi8 uuole and cousin in
    furtheraaoe of Gorkha's interests.
    Baburam Acharya ho8 giYen a content inder of a letter
    ftom the Red bor; which purports to givo aome more facts
    obout Kath*andu of tha day' The lettar ia dtl.r,d Aahw &di
    75 roj 4:Wodneaday, 7 Ootober, U67 Tho letter iaforms
    Roma,krisno Kuar'that I meaEonsor from ihe British had
    reaohotl Katbmandu. This meesenger convoyod the inability
    of tho Brititb to oomo to the aid of Jaytprakaso Malla auy
    oore. this caused ilirappointmont to the ruler but all otheE
    vore pleasod.
    Prithvi furthor iuformoil that tho Nagas who bad entcrsd
    Eathmonclu wore eoeking to esoapo.
    Ramkrisne Kuar hls been askod. to attack the Phiringir
    in Eariberpur. Ee arks them to P&t'oh their mevemonts'
    .sDd to provoko thsm to flght. WLen thoy ra'n ewsy
    they
    v€re to be cheged. Tho diubled wore to be keenly watched
    .nd wort to bo ilepriveil of bolongings if thoy woro caught'
    Men were to be posted on duty to guard the area'
    tr'rom this tetter it &pPoarB that at the time of writfurg
    Kuar Lad gono to EarihsrPur'
    Bor sometime JoyapraLaeo had not given up the hop'es
    of British intervention on his sidc' Thig wse becaure Captain
    Kinlooh wes yet in Bara waiting for an opportuDity to iDtor-
    rono iu Kathmondu. Eo seemed to be in contact
    with Kath-
    aandu occasionally rending meesengem to tho B'ai&' But the
    lagt of theso had ssid that tho Britieh were unablo to to
    go

    lie essistsnce.
    Up to this tioe the remr&nts of Kinlooh's expeditionary
    forcs woro yet loitoring iE Bars and Paraa, end somo
    of thom

    vere also iu Eariharpur. hobebly Mackvonpor was tho


    tsrg6t. But tlue to insslubriouE olimeto thoy oould not Etay
    thore for long and wer€ seoking exour€ to leavc' Thero
    voro
    tho"" tho Yere wouadd tnit dissbled' Suoh eoliliore nooded
    OOBXEA BIOOTES EDCODOX OF IIEPI.L 20t
    trtnefer to Bottia. Thoy did not pose &ny d&ngor a8 th6
    othors. But the British suthoritieg in pataa woro in no mood
    to start mother campoign agoiast prithvinarayaua Shah,
    Thus Kinlooh ryas foroed by oirou,nstrncos to abandon his plon
    of invaaion, as a result of whioh Jayaprakasamella found hin-
    eolf without an ally whoso aesist&nce could bo ofective in
    tho circumstsnc€s.

    An agreement iu regard to Nepal's right of sending ita coins


    .to Tibet camo in the next roiga. We
    do not Lnor why thia
    was not possible in the tims of hithvina,rayanr Shah. But
    for simetims moro the florr of trado continued, howevor, iater-
    ruptod. The trado was ornied on by the Gossaine who lived
    in Katbmandu. They were the suooossora of Kamalsb&Da who
    had lont motrey to the Gor.tha ruler. A charter granted by
    Prithvinarayana Shah on I'riday B June, 176g in tho name
    of
    Dorbaeabana, Bhagavatibana, Lakrmanabana aud. Jagosverabaaa
    .&llowod the (named) Glossaiur to o&rry otr
    trado tbrough Liati
    ro long as the merohandiso woro oxposod to cheokihg,
    Thoy
    paid customary tares on goods concomed. to the coutraotoD
    (Jar;rd). ThiE shows that the trod.s ras still maint&ined aloog
    ths traditioDal routo. There wa8 some kind of etato levy oi
    the pieces of loeds passing through. Tho tra.de, horuver,
    v/aa not very lsrgo in volumd. The security pmviiled
    through
    the charter to tho Gosssins was ample onough for. smoJh
    treDsit. But this wss not to last long bocauso of the Chinoge
    .dieliko of this tr&do a.ro8s 6[9 Ei'nrfuyag.

    About this timo through a royal decmo ono Dhaoadstta


    Novar was released from the elarery of Visvamitra Misra who
    'had earlier received hin as slave from kithvinarayrna
    Shah.
    Visvamitra Migra had roleased tho mro t"longirrg to tU;
    Nowar community from bondage and prithviaariyoua hrd
    ondorced it by granting him freedom of movenont.
    The lottor
    dated VS 1826 Blwilra aue l roj 2: lflonilay, 12 Septembar,
    U68 in Lutikot wa,rns that aone had e claim over the person
    'of Dh&nadatt& sB a former slave or ss
    ouo who ws8 lowercd.
    N2 xoDxBlI r{f,PlI,

    in his oasto stetu; (frdiddo Patra Sangrulw, I p' 27, alro


    ForoiSB Mi''ietry Archives).
    Somo psoplo h&vo bt€rProted this aot of hitbviuarayana
    as iniligative of his liberal mind whioh was &gainst
    ElaYoryl
    by the same letter i8 a&id to
    But thoy forget that Dhanatlatta
    hd,vo be€B ensleved by ordors of Prithvinarayana'
    It is possible that tho rsloase from bondage of the mau
    was efiooted for tho Purposo of plcaeing tbe Newar inhabitents
    of tho Nopal valley whose suppo$ tho Gorkhali ruler neoileil
    to vanquish tho rulcrs.

    CAPTURE OT KATEfrANDU

    Prithvinarayaua Shah cnteroil Kat'hmandu itr three direc-


    tions. IIis three pronged attack wa8 moro than a matoh to
    the alreatly attonuatetl foroe of tbe Kantipur ruler' Although
    yu"" *Uu" Bhetgaon and Patan had plodgett their words
    "to como to the eitl of Kantipur whou attacked, it turned out
    out to be smooth sailing for hit'hvinarayana ss nono of ths
    two kept thoir plighteil words to turn up in defence'
    On tho tlay of Kumari Yatra (celebroted up till
    now) whlch
    occured on the fourtoentb day of the bright fortnight of
    Bhailra of NS 888s = 25 Eeptember, 1768' and while Jaya-
    pralasa was witnossing tho ceremony in the he&rt of
    tho city
    amiast puUUc rojoicing (Eamilton, p 23l), the conquerors
    surprlsinlly entored the heart of the city at the head
    of a
    rays'
    subst&ntiat force whioh bod penetrated through
    three
    Bhimaon Than, Nara.dori and Tunilikhel from the south-wost'
    west and e&Bt reBPoctively. No resistsnco worth the name
    be ofieretl although thoro wae a fight for 4 houls'
    whilo
    could

    3. On this ilaY Goadess truEeri ras taksEi! Ploo€ssiotr plscstl


    oheriot through th6 PrinoiPal roails'ol
    the oity. The ohotiot wss iLavt
    by moa ofiering volont'atY lrbou:' A girl beloro Pub€rtY boloD8i!8
    to BBltla oaste por6oniti€d th6 iaoor!6tioD oI Godil€ss KoErti I Ooto!6t-
    a. 1826 AsYin.l3, Viri l rsttt gh' tl. 2,1 pslr 49 thtrt6ilay,
    1768,
    conrEl Bnoo ES xlxoDou or NEP.aL 203

    tho people ran in penio. Tho whole of Kathniandu was


    oecupied by midnight of thc eame doy.

    It is ssid that for somo time Jayaprakasa took rofuge in


    the temple of Taloju iaside the Royal palace, and ho had ths
    routes to tho palaoo mined w{th gun powdor but he ilid not
    ffnd his refugo safo for a siego ofthe onemy. Tula,ram pande,
    a Gorkhali Sardar, waa Lillcd by tho erploeiou of guu porder
    thet l&y Bpread on the path to tho paLace. Ee waa grievously
    wounded and died at Aryaghat the nert d&Jr. Altogethor 16-20
    mea wore killed on both sides.

    Jayapraloaa had a narow osoepe to potan but as tho


    lattor city surrendersd to Prithvina,rayan8 some twelyo
    days later beoauso of the treaohery of the pradhane,
    the uoblemen of that plaoe, he retirod to Bhotgaon rith hiB
    comrad.e Tejnarsimha (Oldfiold, II, p. 2ZB) and 300 tr[adhesiya
    Sopoye. Aocordiag to o chroniolo patan wae conqu€Ed on
    eaka 1690 masa 6 ilina Ztl roj 6,

    fn luuar Pause tvo months after hithvinarayrna Shah


    entered Pstan &t tho he&d of the triumphant prooession.
    The chroaioler Etatos that ho slso osusod the doath of meny
    uoblemon vho betrayod the Malla rulor hf the a,roa.

    About tho evonts lead.ing to tho fall of the Nepal Valloy


    we have the following Iines by X'ether Joseph vho was thon
    Iiving in Kathmandu but yho wroto on rocollection aftor
    being erpelled from Nepal. Ibo article of Joseph oppearcd
    for the first time in English in Aeiatic Rexnrahes, (Vol. II,
    1790) by otrorts of Sir John Shore.

    "The King of Clorkha having m.rde himsolf master of


    Cat'bmandu in tho yoar l?68 poreistod iu tho attempt of
    possossing himself also of the oity of Islit Pattan, promiai4g
    &ll the Doblos, thet ha would eufrer thom to remain in
    the possession of th€ir property, that ho would ever
    augmont it ; and, boo*use tho nobles of Lalit p&ttsn pl&ced
    no rrliance on the faith of his promiras, he eent his domestic
    204 UODtrBN I{XPAL

    priost to meke this proteatation, s thst if he failed to


    acquit
    himself of his promiso ho should draw curses upon himsolf
    and his family oven to the fffth past aud succeeding
    geuerations, 80 th&t the unh&ppy GsinPrejas and tho king of
    Lalit-P&ttcn, se€ing that the nobiliw were dispo8ed to rcnder
    themselves eubject to tho King of Gorcha, withdrew themsolves
    trith their people to tho King of Bhatgon ; when the oity of
    Lelit Pattan bocamo subject to the KiDg of Clorcha, . ho
    oontinued for some time to treat tho aobility with great
    attention, and proposed to &Ppoint a viceroy ofthe city from
    emong them. Two or three mouths afterwartle having
    appointed the day for making his form&l eutra,Doe into tho
    city of Lalit Pattan, he made uss of innumerablo stratagems
    to get into his possoasion the Porsons of tho nobility and iD
    the end succeed€d ; be had prevaileil upon then to permit
    their Bons to rema,in at court as compauions of his son ; he
    hail dispatcbed a noblo of each house to Navacut, or New
    Fort, preteatling that. the a,pprehenrioue Le eutertained of
    them ha.d preyented his making a publio entra,nco iDto tho
    city; and the remaining nobles vore Eoized at tho river
    without the town, whero th€y vent to meot him agreeably
    to a prior eng&gemoDt. Aftorwards. he ent€red the city,
    made a visit to tho temple of. Baghoro (Bagh Bheirov)
    adjoiaing to our habitotion, aud passing in tliumph through
    tbo city amidst immonse numb€ra of soldiers, who composod
    his train, entored the royal paloce, which hed boen prepared
    for his reoeption; in the moantime parties of hie soldiers
    bmko open the housoe of the nobility, Eeized all their effeots,
    and throw the inhgbitauts of tho city into tho otmost
    @nsternation : after having caueed all tbe nobles who wers
    -to bo-
    in hir power to bo put to death, or rather- thoir bodiee
    mansled in a horrid manner, he doparted with a design of
    beeieling Bhatgan, and wo obtained permissio:r, through the
    intere'st ot hie ion, to rel,iro vith all the Christi&ns iDto tho
    possossions of tho English."
    5. JoseDh repo*s that s lBrgs ltEEb€t of cl6e€r Brshlla,tr6 o( Pritbvi-
    -;;-"-pl;y"d
    d Ksthm.snilu oB 66?ioDr8€' work' wLo,
    ";;r;';-;id"
    however. wero trying to Ptss Es Jsyaprlkc6rb f,61?er€'
    GOBKEA BIOOMES EII{ODOT Or NEPIL 205

    A rosumo of what .8'ather Giuseppo Rovato writes to


    Rorre ou 29 Decomber, 1769 uudor the ila,te lino patna is
    prepared in the fotlowing paragraphs to give an ide& ofthe
    happenings in Nepal in bet$'eeu 1764 and 1768, tbe years
    of Gorkhali invasion6.
    "In the beginning of 1764 the king of Kathmpndu was
    assailed by o combined force of Patan and Bhatgaon. But
    God saved him. Then taking advantage of the feud, Gorkha
    laid a siege on Quipolli (Kirtipur, Kipo). Tbe attack,
    however,was repulsed. hithvinarayan,s brother Surapratap
    was hit in the eyo and w&B treated by X.ather Michaol Angelo
    who was eummoned there. Again Kirtipur wes besiogeil---..
    Oth€r kingB tried to help. tr'inally after many months of
    siego, tho Gorkhalis won over to them rnen who were guarding
    ono ofthe gateB, through which thoy entered the city and
    rnaormood general aniorty. But thc promire was not lopt.
    lton followed cruel vengeonoo, outting of aoms, oto,, which
    .contrsdiot€d their profession. Tho city,
    themforo, wa8 cell6d
    Nasikatopur. The Eatlera wero also rorriod boceuso their
    pofeeairin varied rith their deoda (Gorkha).
    "In the Summer of 1767 the Kiag of Gorlhaa leitl siege of
    P&tsn, and took 12 thanae on the o&8brn side of the oity aad
    dostmyed all the bsrutiful houres therein oa ths outskift;. Ihe
    advauce oame as neer as th6 Esnotuary of tho mission, antl
    tlie
    bullots 6red by the Gorkha trooport wore reaching our com_
    pounds. T[e X'atherg of Kethmeldu porsusdod us to loave &nd
    go back to K&thmaDdu vith the corryerts to rsye thomgolves
    from the rirte of tho aessutt. But suddenly ono night the Gtdr.
    khalie dvaouat€d all the.tha,tras aud ,wo came to know th*t they
    hsd gone to meet the invosion of a sma]I Briti8h erpedition
    phioh vas oa tho wey to Nopl to
    holp Jayaprakasa on hia
    roquost. Tho British foro6 aft6r taking Bindhuli Ga.lhi (then
    undcr, Gorkha) had rdvaaced as fa,r ag the foot of the
    mountain
    cloeo to the Valley but the Gorkhalie sho had
    collootcd thero
    0 Doounlotti & Uirstolui It lirll lol fibot ot nol Nopol
    hy L. pat oL
    Vol. 11. eAtt rL h. 2?B ff.
    206 UODEBN I{f,PAL

    in sufrcioat numbers ropulsed the Euglish throwing stones


    ot them fmm above the hills, proventing them from climbing
    tho mountaios. Tho English army retrerl,ed, and wae iD
    oocupation for sometime of the low la"nds that had earlier been
    oouquered by the Gorkhalis, But our troublos multiplied
    boo&use they suepocte{ that wo were responsible for summon-
    ing tho British to invade Nepal. Tho Gorkhalis thougbt
    that all the Europeans wero of ono party and of one miud
    and tho ['athers hatl inspired tbis expedition,
    "Fathor Marco Dollo Tomba in Bottia was anxious because
    he obtaiaeil no newg about the Capuchin missions in Nepal.
    A Srahman \r&s 8ent with gift of a binocular to the king to
    find how we were faring. Thie man oamo to Quipolli and
    sccrotly handed over the lotter to Michael Angelo who was
    tr€&ting the King's eon iu the c&mp. Aftor aomotimo, howevor,
    tho fo,ot of the lotter leaked out aud Michel was summarily
    order€d to go to Kathmandu. The Brahman lator oa got
    into ttoublo and Ta8 Bent to Gorkhs for itrcor(tration. We
    did oot kuow what fate awaited him thero. Ae it vas an
    unfavourable eoasou, there was no chapoe of the English
    foroe to mako a fresh &ttempt to msrch furthor. So Kinloch'r
    Gxllodition ended abruptly and oll ideas of repeetiog it
    abandoned, aad, thoreforo, Prithvinarayana Shah called the
    mojor portion of his, troops, atrd collect€d others for his help
    aad with them ho occupietl the strong point which wore round
    Kathmandu. Then ho surrouoded tho to\yn, and beeieged it.
    The X'athers ia Kathmandu sent their belongings and thoir
    wsrds to Patan, because the Gorkhali8 now occupied their
    cametery, and uado it & thsna aad the wiadowe of thoir
    church lay exposed to firing. The tr'ather's, however, staydd
    as they had received prouiso of protection from Surapratap.
    ln the uooth of September of 1768 the Gorkhalie ontered the
    towa, Four Brabrn&nB were sont t,o our placo to protect u8.
    Poor king of Kathmandu who w&s abandoned by evoryono,
    oyon by his own soldiore who gayo no resietance whetsooyor
    to tho Gorlrhalis managod somolow or oth6r to rua to P&tan
    GOBKEA BECOUES EINODOU CF NtrPAN 207

    with ,00 Botdiers who stuck to him and defendod him up to


    the last. These wero uot influenced by the deop and subtle
    intrigues and espionage of the Gorkhslis. In Patan the mission-
    aries were apprehonsive about tho fathers in Kathmandu.
    King Prithviuarayana deeired to tako P&t&E without any ffght
    and bloodshod. To this ond he sont his master of roligion, a
    Brahman, to negoti&te with the Prailhans. But tho lstte!
    feared revenge end cruel treotment and hositated to surmuder.
    Ilowever, on repeated &sBur&ncea iu writing of proteotion of
    bheir life aud proporty and on swearing that molediction
    would fa,ll on his 8 genorations ('&ntprior and poeterior) if he
    failed to carry out pledger, the hadhans gavo in. Tho king
    of Patan flod to Bhatgaon whero Jayaprakas* had already
    taken refuge. After noaily o month of this coaquest of
    Kathmandu, Patan foll to the iayeders. Prithviaa,rayana used
    oll dovicee to lay hold on Patan. Sweet words, loud promiees
    of kirrd treatment and of rewords of tiuos and hououre and
    iasulaDceB of safety for life and proporty were abundantly
    oxtendod. But oncs the troops occupied Patan, thoy deprived
    the Pradhans of their property aud detaiaod women and
    girle of their familios. The lattor wero engloved s,ad some
    of them hended over to the lowty, Iho coming of Gorkha
    rpread terror evorywhere. Suoh a big oity ao deusely
    ,populated looked &lmo8t desertod, bocauso eithEr many had
    run aw&y or kept themaelves in hidiag. King hithvina.rayeaa
    with this &chiov€ment left for Noakot whero he hail eent all
    the Pradhans made prisoner. The Gorkhali Govornor lof.t
    behind was a gr6at enouy of the Europeans, Ee maltreated
    the niseionariee &nd tortured the Christian cotrverts. The
    missiou was closed whon the fathors secured permisrion liom
    the Kiug to go bock to Prtan."
    The last paragrapl of tLe lotter reads :
    "To end the nows about Nepal let te edd, the soa of tho
    King of Gorkha after having coaquered Bhatgaon, the last
    city which fell to the Gorkh&lis, sert to us to B€ttieh tho
    few belongingr left by us ia Bhatgaon through- somo of hie
    208 MODEBN NEP.AL

    I)6ople. Ee kept for himself whatover valuable of the goodt


    rrs left there. Through these mon, Po c&mo to know thst
    he hatl the throe klngs of Nopal taken prironer after having
    maseaored many poople. The Gorkbalig also esized ths
    persons of many Pradhane to whom ho had sworn prot€ction.
    Later he massaorod them all in tho DoBt horrible way. Somo
    of thom were floyed alive atrd yet more woro torturod to
    ileatb opplying B&lt oYot tho flayed surfacb of tho body.
    The tortured diotl of violont psin, othors were sawed .and
    moro othere had their abdonen opened and intestines ta'kon
    out, etill moro of thom woro cut into bits; thet tongue'
    oyes, noee and hande one by ono torn ofr One c&trnot €YsD
    imagine how terrible it ras."
    The Capuohins had boon forosd to loave Nopal on acoount
    of Prithvinarayona Shah'e hostilo foeliug towords theh aotividy'
    'wero
    Ae such they pmJudiced against him and wero prone to
    give credence to aDy &ccount of Prithvinarayan's trestmsDt
    of his vonquished adversariep' So what was reportad in tho
    above paregpphs cannot be taken as aomothing fully
    coneistont with roality. The voreion ig that of one who
    barried a tollt&io to give a highly i!flated &ceount of tbe
    happenhgs in Kathmandu after Prit'hvinarayan&'8 Yictory oYor
    the R&j&. ft weg all a hoeraay that had appeartd in tho
    writing. Ib cannot bo denied thtt in the boa't and hurry o{
    aotions wbdo fright and confusion widely provailed aome axceas
    wes commit'ted. Prithvinarayona Shah was also not eupposod
    to alesl latiently with thoso who had betrayod their maators
    But boing an unsoruPulous intriguer himsolt he could not
    ofortl to do othorwieo. Wo shall however retorn to this themo
    a littte lator.
    The people in genoral vero not touohed at all' Thereforo'
    thero \f,as no question of their aufrerilg at Pritbvinarayan's
    hands. Rather, they felt reliovcd of the unhappy situation
    vbioh hail prevailed for long in their country in the wako
    of court intriguos and rivalry emong;t tho thrce ruleri,of the
    Nepol Vatl6y. It could not be said on s[y account that there
    GORKEA BXOOUEA XINGDOM O!' NEPAL 209

    w&s feeling of di8content or h&tred towerds hithyirar&yana


    Shah. As far ae tho general mass of tho people wero cotr-
    ceraed, his victory had only introduced a change of ruliug
    dynasty. Iu ploce of a scion ofthe Rajput Malla family, they
    were no'w baving a desc€nalsnt of tho Chittor clau of Rajputs
    to rule over them. This did not mske any difroreuce to them.
    But hithvinarayana Shah had put an ead to tho chaos and
    misrule of petty lords and restored peaco and security to I
    cousolidrted kingdom. Tho people had aow eecured wbat"
    wae primarily necessary for their prosperity sDd progress.

    CONQUEST OF BEATGAON

    For about a year Prithvinarayana did not intorforo within


    thtq city of Bhatgaon. Earler in l?66 he had tried a way to
    imprioon the old king in a place near Banepa, which greatly
    strsiaed theh frienilly rolation. The ettempt could not
    suocoed owing to unexp€cted rircumstances. But as Ranajita
    Malla was lullod into a false senso of security by hia promises,
    he did uot get prior information of tho proposed imprieonmeut,
    vhile he at tho ssno time Bincerely observed hie wordE of
    noutr&Iity Btanding &s au -eyo witness to the fall of hig
    brotberen. ? But when Prithv'insray&ne demanded the sur-
    rsnder of the refugees from Kathmandu and P&tan, his senso
    of brothorhood roboll€d in him. Yot another coneideration
    would proyout him from giviog ehelter to the refugees, Tho
    chroniole ns.tr&tes hor he refened the matter to publie
    approval ond ffndiag that tbere w&s & general eaaetion ofhis
    policy of giving proteotion to tho erilos he turnod down
    Prithvi's requeet. Thanks to hi8 ottituale, Joyaprakasa Malla
    now acquireil & brcathing time aod organiseil whatever ro-
    mainetl of his Brmy to try oysntu&lly one more ffght with the
    Gorkhalis.

    7. naDtiite M6Ue b6il issusil o ileotee callilg upod hi8 tr)ooplo to go to


    th6 siil of tho Golkbslh (1A LStE MnCa vabi I0). ruaEucry, 1769.
    210 UODEBIT ITf,PAL

    Although Bhatgaon was gtill to bo conquored Prithvi's


    sttsntion ves &lways tumed to the west rrherr tho Chaubiei
    rulers were seeking an oppoftunity to frustr&te his deeign.
    This wes the rcaeoa why he was asking of Deburana to look
    sfter th&t seotor &nd to write to him about tho movement of
    his opponents as occarsionally as possible.
    fn & letter to Deburana, Prithvinarayana said that having
    oonquered Kathmandu anal Paten recently he had now orderod
    to corner Bhatgaon and for thie the peoples and sepoys of
    Gokarna, Changu, Sanga, Lubhu, Patan and Kathmandu
    were instigated to pluntler the paddy crop in tho areas belong-
    to Bhatgaon. The lettor informed that the soldiers were
    proceeding from Sanga and como to occupy the foot o[ that
    bll (Atuhw Buili Sroj 6 - X'riday, 14, October, 1768), Debu-
    t&n& w&s lastly asked to furnish details of events in thet
    quarter concorning tho Chaubisi. Iu the letter to Srikrisna
    Pa,thak, the local commaadcr, he asks him to station troops
    nert loon in Dobukot and Saughaphedi (1825 Kartiba Sud.i
    6 ro7'J-Tuesday, l5 Novedber, l;68.)8 Ee could not surely
    loovo Bhatgaou oven otherwiae, as now thie had beccme a
    refuge for Jayaprakasa, Tejuara Simha and others who wero
    likely to uee the opportunity to manoeuvre against him. Thoy
    had tog€thor organised also a force of the Rais and Limbus
    besides the Negarkotis and it was rumoured that Karna Sen
    of Chaudaadi would join them soon. The ruler of JajarLot
    was & friend of Prithvinarayana who had upheld Gorkha's
    cause in his region. Prithvinara)'&r& was always in corres-
    pondenco with him impreesing bim of the mutual friendship
    8Dd respect. On thot account Prithvi bad no cause for
    wony io thnt quarter. But in the immediato west of Gorkha
    his enemies wore ready to attack hie territories aa 6oon aa
    suoh an oppoftunity arose. If Bhatgaon's ruler could combino
    with the Chaubisi allies, end Sona Raja of Morang were l,o
    Eupport thom, the situatiou would be full of disquiet for him.

    8. Alchives oI ForeigD lliEisbry.


    GOBREA BtrCOMES KINODOU O]r NOPAL 2tl
    Prithvinarayana could not therofore, sit quietly in respoct
    of Bhatgaon. IIe had also to be extremely watchful about
    the movoments of his adversaries in the Chaubisi region.
    ft appears from a lebter of Prithvinarayana add.ressod to
    Ranarudra Shah that he was afraid of Palpa, Tauhou and
    Lamjung combining against him. IIe occasionally rofers to
    the dangor of Tanhou and Lamjung crossing the rivor
    Marsyangdi. Thero was a pbssibility of the combined foroo
    of the opponents taking a southerly diroction and the Chautara
    had been asked to defond tho forts on Gorkha's side. To
    meet the challenge of Tanhou and Lamjung it was necess&ry
    to keep Palpa and Kaski in humour. fn a letf,er of Prithvi-
    nar&yana to Ranarudra datred Rarti,kaaadi 13 roj Z:Monday,
    7 November, 1768 despatched from Noakot whero he had jus;:
    ,arrivedr it has beeo said that eibher Vamsmani or Nahar Rana
    should be eent to Kaski to flatter its ruler. Kaski was to
    bo offered money in addition. Prithvinarayana often reeorted
    to giving bribes, and he won the loyalty and friendship of
    rulers by cash payment and gifts. Prithvinarayana informe
    the Chautara that he has sent a letter of warning to
    Mackwanpur. Ee expresses his opinion that Jag Bania should
    go to Kaski. The letter was dated Marga aail,i 6 roi A-
    Tuesday, 29 November, 1768 and wag sent from Noakot
    through Kalu Khatri. As palpa! Kazi was in Noakot,
    Prithvinarayana wanted Ranarudra to eomo in Noakot
    for urgent consultation about striking a deal with that country
    in-regard to cultivating friendship. Prithvinarayana oxpresses
    his fear that if the talk was held without Ranarudra its
    guccess was not ensured.
    It is not clear whether Ranarudra c&rne to Noakot. But
    Pribhvi wrote a,nother letter to him and Kalu Khadka to be
    vigilant about the movement of the Chaubisis.
    212 trcopnnlr Nf,PAL

    FIGET WITII LAM;TUNG


    It so appears thab while Prithvinarayana was engaged in
    the propaiatiou for an attack ou the city ef Bhatgaon, he had
    to fight the Chaubisi onoe again in an encounter aoross the
    river Marsyangdi in Bandipur. The king's Iettere addressed
    from tho Gorkha valley oa Magha suil,i 6 roX /-Sunday,lz
    February, 1769 to Srikrisna Pathak says that the ruler of
    Lamjung was def'eated, and the Gorkha forcos had advanced
    ag far ag the Mahibol valley with the objective of capturing
    the trade mart of Baudipur. Bandipur is a hill. It was
    strategic and a commercial eeutre for the hillmen also nego-
    tiating trade route to the valley of the Rapti, in Chitaun,
    through which the border with Moghul Indio was conneoted
    via Bhikna Thori, south of the Somesvar& rengos.
    Lamjung was fighting by the side of Tanhou, and it i$-said-
    in the letter that Bandipur was evaouated. But no furthor
    details are mentioned. Atthough Gorkha had nothing to fear
    from the actual presence of the British who had already
    exporionoed the bitters of the fight on the hills, yet there was
    a probability that the rulei of Tanhou might bring some
    reinforoemente to his eretwhile hilly kingdom through Chitaun
    from acrosg the border. So whenevor there was a flere up
    in this aroa, aud it so happened that on eYery occassion Lam-
    jung was the instigator, Gorkha had to be approhensive on
    that account, and always retain a stato of preparedness.

    BHATGAON CAPTUR,ED

    A few months bofore Bhatgaon fell to the Gorkhali cou-


    queror, an incident took place to arouse Prithvinarayan to the
    action of taking arms against Ranjit, who was all along his
    admirer and supporter. This was : one day while he wae

    9. Archives, Foreigo l\finistry. Nepal.


    GOBXEA Bf,OOIIES TI}IODOU OB NEPII, 2r3
    eurveying some iportant outposts on tho o&8tern border, a
    party of Jayaprakaea'a Nagartroops led by Bhebani Simha
    attacked him noar about what is now callod Evanghvang
    Pati; he ws,s about to be killod but timely int€rvontioa by
    Harkha Pontho averted tho fatal blow. This so enraged
    possible threats of ropriral.
    Bhatgaon was sunounded ou all sidee by the Gorkhali
    troop stations towarde the end of 1769 A. D. Tho dato
    mentioned for the capturo of Bhatgaon oity by the chroniclo
    in the possession of a Borlang Thapa family is NS 890 K&rtika
    sudi 12, This appears oorrcct as we hayo anothor eouroe,
    rvhich gives Vilcrama 1826 Saka 1691 NS 8g0 iti,na 29 Ssturdsy
    (: ll November, 1769). Botb point to the samo day.
    According to Wright tho oooupation was efrectnd without
    ma,jor resistaoco, tho Gorkhalis h&ving entered tho pslaco
    through cert&io tetlpleB could esBily penetra,te into tho
    habitat of the refugoes and suddenly oyerpowor thom. AII
    the threo R.ajas were imprironod. Ranajit howevor vas ttroatod
    kindly and in conformity to his roy&l dignity. IIe later bogged
    lqlye to go to B&n&ras, which was granted.
    According to the chroaicle Prithvinoroyana,s - forces od-
    vanced.through two diroc0ions, east and north-east anil eot
    fire to housos in the vicinity of tho oastorn gat€ at Bol&kh{i
    Iola to cause panic. Ran*jrt and party lay insido the pa,leoe
    at the shrine of Taleju, but by the time they could oolloct
    themsolves the Gorkalis under Vamsaraj Pande and Sura-
    pratap had reachod tho main door through the ehrines of
    Brahamayani &nd D&tt&traya juet in the o&st. The lettor
    quickly scaletl tho outer wall and in groups took posaesaion
    of the roofe of a portiou of Eitichok noer tho golil door. Out-
    side Jayoprakas had placod a fleld gun, it thundored but
    missecl the targets while firing w&s ontiroly ineffective. Thsn
    Ranajit sent a recoaaaissance unit to know the moyemetrta
    of ths Gorkhalie but they were shot down one by ono in their
    place from & portion of tho palace which had fallen to tho
    invaders. Now tho Gorkhalis reaohed the very roof of the
    2t4 MODERI{ Nf,PAI,

    Mulohok (main oourtyard) from tho a&stern side aud started


    Bhooting th6 inmates beneath. Two men wore killed instautane-
    ously, and there w&s on uproar, and was follotred by ll deaths
    due to another showor of bullets. The defenilants tberoafter left
    Mulchok for Chaukot which was the tallest part of the building,
    inaccossible from other parts due to its height. It was thought
    that this would give thom a placo of rofugo, whero no bullets
    from around coutd bs fired. Whilo Ranajit and Tejnarasimha
    wore already thete, a bulet b'it Jayaprakasa in his right leg
    as he waa just getting up the sta,ire to join them and
    outeide w&s perpetuated a gruesomo trageily resulting in
    murderous killing of a largo number of defondants. Everywhere
    the invadors marchetl unchalleaqetl. After a while it was
    felt iu the defender's cemp thet resistance was futile, and all
    eurrendorod. Tho rulers were t&ken prisoner. Jayaprakasa
    becamo aoriously il1 because of the grievous wound, and he
    died eoon aftor. Tojanarasiuha wae kePt in confiqemeut
    whero he died, while tho ruler of Bhatgaon was psrnitt€d to
    go to Banarasr o.
    It iB said that Prithvinarayana rewarded Vamsaruj Pande
    as the principal oommander ofthe fight who had won victory.
    Sura Pratapa thought that he plpyed the major role but was
    ignorstl. So he loft his brother in disgust antl wont to live
    iu Tauhou. About this time eg&in Kehar Singh and his
    brother were also being calleil Baksi, which literally meant
    an officer io charge of account, paying salaries to employees.
    One Nepali author thinks that tbis was a title superior to that
    of a Sardar. Perhaps Kohar Singb after assuming tho new
    post a,cted &s paymaster in the army.
    Immediately after Rana,jit Malla had surrendered Prthvi'
    narayana appointed Vamsaraj Pande to administer tho state
    of Bhatgaou. But ho was at tho Post for e short while. A
    permanont appointee came somo time later.

    10. See Moilievsl Nopsl, Pt. II tor fulth€! iletails ebout ths 68ht in
    BhatgeoD. The city Bhatgaon lost neerly 5oo meE' But s ohroBicle
    of
    states thrt ody 17 m€r w€ro Lilleil ilutilg th€ Iight lastilg Io! 3 days'
    GOREIIA BEOOMES KI]ICIDOM OF NEPAI, 216

    The firet civilian admir Btr&tors woro Suragimha Rana and


    Kalu Khadla. They wero appointed aB Ama,li by s letter of
    l83O Karrika Vaili 5 roi 4 (:Wodnesday, 6 October, 1773)-
    Shatgaon was sxemptd from all taros exoept customs,
    purqnotusal, (al old levy) and dolatr (brokera ge) arLd. tho Amdi,
    literally collootors of rovenuo, were asked to adoinieter the
    city, rehabilitate the citizeus and onoourage Dew settleDent.
    They were also to dieponso justioo fairly and. squarely. Tbe
    trouble makere were to be sternly dealt with after rsference
    to tho King (Gurung-Magar bo Vammoali,, p. 43).

    DEATH OE JAYAPRAKASA
    Jayaprakas died in Aryaghat on the bank of the river
    Bagrd.ati at tho fset of Paeupatinath. Prithvinarayana Shab
    went thero to seo him as ho lay on his death bed. t ho two
    adversaries had elroady faced each other once just a day
    earlier in Bha,tgaon, while Jayaprak&sa, lraa being surrendered-
    Prithvinaroyan had then said "Jayaprakae, wha,t do you
    think now. You boasted that you woultl humiliato me and
    put mein chaine". To this the reply wae, .'I aocept defeat.
    a,t your h&nds. Bato willed it so. You c&mo out victorioue
    end I loet. But I am Batisfied th&t I fought to tho end.
    I only regret that owD peoplo betr&yed me. They wero
    treacherous ; they had taken impure food." Prithvinarayaua
    Shah was inpressed with thie reply of his bravo adveraary-
    While the viotor ond vanquishod met for the eecoad timo,
    bocause tho l&tter was dying nstuelly tho tone w&s soft a,qd
    words worr sympathotic. But Jayaprakasa proudly said that,
    he was so happy that death came to him so eoon. ft would
    hove been an imult if fate had docreed to kiU him iu prisou
    after somo time. Eo had loathed to die s8 s c&ptivo iu tha
    hande of hig adversary and it would havo been torturous to
    languish in prison. Jayaprakaso rres then asked to *ry if
    ho had any wisheB to fulfl. But he kopt quiet indicsting
    that a dying per.ron had no eartbly rishes, hithyinarayenr,
    howevor, insisted on getting tho anewer antl assured him th&t
    2to IIODERN Nf,PAL

    ho wouldfulffl whatovor earthly wae possiblo for him as tho


    King of Nepal. The euggestion was that thodying ruler of
    Kathmandu should perform Bome ritee ond givo alms to the
    Brahmsns aud the poor aud needy. But Jayaprakasa thought
    othorwise; hie faco glowing with e smilo. Thon he foll
    into a poneivo mood. It a,ppearod thst h6 was thinking about
    aode serioue m&tt€r, &nd suddenly he got oxcitod, &lthough
    tho lsst momont was slmost como. Then gaping wide his
    mouth he eaid. "All right, you giv6 me an umbrella and s
    pair of shoes." At thie all sitting aroond the sick-bed
    inclutling tho now Kiag of Nep&l voro Btunnod. But
    Prithvinarayana calmly told him thot ho would not havo his
    real denand fulfilled not uutil the third generation after him
    vas soated on tho throue. Neyerthelese a pair of shoeg aad
    umbrells were provided to him.
    It was said that Jayaprakasa desirod to have power to
    take revenge upon many of those who had betrayed him.
    The chroaicle giyos ar account of a simila.rly poignent
    scoos while Ranjit wae bidding the laet goodbyo to Nepal.
    As all tho elderly members of the ruling Malla familiee wero
    permittod to proceed to Bauaras, Ranjitmalla was aleo
    giveu to know that either he should go to Bansres or live
    enywhere outside the limits of tho three prinoipal cities of tho
    Nopal Yalley. Ho chose to go to Banaras forsaking the
    pleasuro of living in ths midet of his rolations and country-
    men. The cbronicler wroto that with hie loog experience
    of association with the atlministration of his country Ranjit
    had grown bitter towards his former subjects. Ee did really
    foel as ho h&d to le&ve his cquutry, but he wept profusely
    for the faot that mon hore had Dot boen onlightened enough
    to respect certaia precious values of society. Wo b&ye a
    song attributed to Ranjit eaid to have beeu composod as
    he enjoyed the.last look of hie home town from the top of
    the Chandragiri mountain, but which aeverly attacke tho
    roy&l family, the ministers, the priests, tho ofrcere and other
    leaders ol tho Valloy of Nepal for their treacherous rolo during
    the last thirty ffvo years.
    GOBKEA BECOMES XI}IODOM OjE' }IEPAT, 2r7

    Thebewailing and dosire for revengo on tbepartofthe


    former King of the Nepal Yalley against their erstwhile
    associates certainly roflect on the state of morality in the
    Valley of Nepal, which to all accouuts w&s poor and extra-
    ordinarily poor. ft isnotthat the defeated rulershad fouud
    a fault with someone aud apportioued blame for tho mishap
    of the failure of their own ga,me, and we catch tho issue to
    make a sweeping generalisation about the moral stato of tho
    people. But what was in evidence indicating a eorrowful
    picture of human degradation in Nepal was the fact of a series
    ofbetrayal by those eurrounding theee rulers, which surely
    was oaueed by a deplorable situation where morality had sunk
    very low. Tho event of the defeat of the rulers of the Nepal
    Vallgy is not so important by itself. Where two combatants
    ataud in the field, ono surely wins and another is defeated.
    But the defeat of a ruler at the hands of an outsidei, brought
    about by the machination of those very perscns who wielded
    influence in the state, is not something which we can dismisg
    a,s an affair isolated from all moral considerations.
    It was said that both Ranjitmalla and Jayaprakasa
    warned Prithvinarayana Shah against the iatriguing climato
    of the Valley, and it wae for this reason that the latter had
    rised tho most cruel measures of killing a large number of men
    in an endeavour to eliminate the Ieast possibility of a hosuilo
    underground baso of iutrigue against himself.
    Until Bhatgaon was conquered, Prithvinarayan Shah
    maintained his hoadquarter in Noakot. But since tho
    conquest of Bhatgaon, he shifted his camp to Kathmandu
    which was formally declared the capital of the new Kingdom.
    It was said that temparamentally Kathmaadu etood to satisfy
    the main requirement. It was suggested that Patan was a
    hotbed of ministerial intriguee aud its condition allowed free
    scope to its ministers to plot against its ruler, and Bhatgaon's
    people wore turbulent enough to render the throne always
    infirm. Kathmandu, however, was freo from the traditional
    weakness of the sort associated with the two cities. It was
    218 UODf,RN NEPAT,

    to gua,ranteo his security anil the cecurity of central porer


    in N6p&l tha,t deteimined this choico of Kathmandu a8 capita,l.
    It is al8o being said that originally ho planned to Bhift the
    royol rtsidonco in Dahachok, As soon aa Kathmandu was'
    mado tho he&dquarter of the Government of Nepal, Prithvi-
    na,rayan& added sevoral wingB to tho roya,l palaco, oao of which.
    he nomed Yaeantapur to surpass in beauty &ntl grandour all
    that had so loug appeared in building in Lalitpur, Kirtipur,
    Bhaktapur and Kentipur.
    The chronicler state8 that hig nert step w&s to ordor a
    Eettlement of land. By this ho m&do uniform not only the
    eystom of land teuure but &l8o the tax on land. This unifor-
    Dity was enforced by bringing the land meaeurement i[ the
    Valley of Nepat in lino with what obtrined in tho hills.
    It was sa,id that the m&ss of the peoplo in the Valloy
    wore muoh fsar-stricken becauae of the nsw mast€r i they
    hesita,teal also to appear in eustomary rituals. While hithvi-
    nsr&y&n& ca,me to know all about this, ho made an &nnounoe-
    ment that all subjects of the Government worb oqual il the'
    oyes of la,w irreellective of community and casto thoy belonged
    to. o also declared meagures to &8sure them .full rights in
    respect of roligion, traditioral rites and pr&otioes. Prithyi-
    Dalay&n& went a step further. Ee himself participated in
    mauy celebrations and perfo'rmances qhero previously the
    Malla rulers hail figured. Eo aleo helped to repair damaged
    temples and donated lands for their upkoop.

    ACEIEYEMENT OT' PRITHVINAR,AYANA. SEAll


    A New Btate Born
    In the prevailing asmosphero of the Velley mutual antago-
    nism workod to a pitch had the only cotraequence, and tbat
    was to invite the Chief of Gorkha to take advantage of tho
    situation end push his orn plan of conquest in troubled
    waters. Prithvinarayana Shah did really succ€ed in ta,king
    advantago of the situation. The conquest a,nd anuexatiotl
    of tho Nepal Valloy tended to Bo enlarge his domain that ho
    GONKEA BEOOUEA KI]YODOIT OF NEPAL 219,

    could now c&rye out a substantially large and viable kingdom,


    of which he beoamo the soveroign.
    But it wag all for the best that Prithvina,rayaira Shah was
    to cotrquor and anner a good many portions of tbo erstwbile
    kingdoms of the Eimalayas. Eis failuro would havo only
    helped the forcee of disintegration and kept tho diviaion
    intoct, and tbe birth of the kingdom of tbe m&goitudo
    envisagod by him ae handed down to ue would havo nover
    taken place. In tho wako of Pritbvinarayana'e defoat the'
    British colonial interest was sure to aoquiro a 6rm footing.
    Nepal would uot have been destined to booome a unifiod whole
    ae it is today. The Ctraubisi, Baisi aud the throe Nepel
    Yalley kingdoms-olt would have beon there. Our fate woultl
    have been little better than that of the emall states in fndia
    in Britieh days, whore petty princes ruled tho roost under
    Britiuh paraoountoy. Tho err,mple of ,Simla and Oriesa states
    ie beforo uB. After all, Prithvinarayana w&a no elien to tho
    peoplos of the centrel flimalayan region. Eo was r trus
    native of the soil of this regiou. All these sta,te8 wore
    difrerent members of a eingle central Eimalayau family,
    whether the Baisi, the Choubisi or tho eo called No war
    triumvirate. It would be wrong to take Gorkha conqueet
    ea &n event of ompire building, No alien peoples were
    involved. Geographically, historically and in raco and oulture
    the va,st majority of the reoples all over the Eimalayas are
    &like. Prithvinareyana Sbah's victory wa8 in the nature of
    the victory g&ined by the King of Weseer over the lleptarchy
    in the British fsles.
    Ilistory ehall remember Prithvinarayana for keeping the
    uamo of Nopal in the uap as a political entity. If
    Jayaprakasamalla had his rvay, tho Englisb would have been
    in the eaddloin Kathuandu eince 1767 with the Valley of
    Nopal as their ffrst protectorate evon if the Kathmandu ruler
    might not have likod it. The political importance of Nopal
    as the capital city of a large independent Kingdom in modern
    times owes to Prithvinarayana Sbah. Under British suzerainty
    220 IIODEBN NEPAL

    Nepal would havo been at best another Srinagar (of Kasbmir


    State) of a small princely state of India. fts area would
    have been no larger than tbat of a ffrst-class district in
    British Indian proviuces. Sikkim or Tohri would. have been
    ite nearest parallol or utmost Mysore or Baroda. It would
    ha,ve nover enjoyed the glamour of the Capital of a largo
    country. Except for its utility as the surnmer resort of wealthy
    Europeans and fndiars and as a trade centre of present
    Kalimpong's importance to link India with Tibet; the Valley
    ofNepal woulC have appoared of no consequence.
    Prithvinaray:-na Shah could be rightly called the founding
    father of Nepalese community or Kingdom as the term is
    understood at the present time. Prior to his laying the
    foundation of a Kingdom that was dostined to be the state
    of Nepal of the present dimension, there was actually no
    community of the name Buggesting the one spread over &
    territory which toda.y constitutes Nepal. In the dirpensation
    eristing under the British rvhat we might witnesg was the
    motley crowd of petty feudal dependencios, that would give
    a name to these iodividually in accordance with the situation.
    Thus instead of bearing a common designation of a.Nepali, the
    peopleo of this region would havo been oalled variously after
    each state, e.g. the Lamjung (from La,mjung), Parbate (from
    Parbat), Jajarkote (from Jajarkot); Palpali (from Palpa), etc.
    In the Iate medieval age the inhabitants of the Vnlley of Nepal
    had come to be known ae Newars. They spoko one language
    called Newari in common usage (this was designated a,.e
    Deshbhasa or Nepalnbhasa in inscriptions of the l6th and
    lTth centuries). They also shared in common certain
    features of social customg and mannerg. They could la5r a
    claim to a sort of homogenoity over a major part of the
    Valley.inspite of diversity of racial origin. But they could
    never have been equated with the Nepali as is understood
    in a larger context. The Nepali of today bears his name
    not from the Nepal of the olden times, but from the Nepal
    of the present which comprises at least twenty-five times its
    GIOBKEA BECOUET' KII{GDOU OX' NEPAIJ 221

    original sizo after the amalgam effected by Prithvinerayana,


    and his successors. Modern Nopal appeare in the capacity
    ofa whole consisting of several parts, oue of which is old
    Nepal. But as we bave said, this old Nepal. is not a largo
    part, its importance lies only in its position as the capital
    of the Kingdom of Nepal. Otherwise in point of territorial
    stretch this looked even more insignificant because it was
    also divided. Thus the Nepali would havo been conspicuously
    absent from these denominations.
    This much about King Prithvinarayana at this place. IVe
    shall havo occasione to say more about him.

    PR,ITEVI R,ECEIVES A MOGEUL TITLE


    As he became thc master of a sizeable territory prithvi-
    narayana deomed it proper to get recognition from the
    Mahammadan Emperor of India.
    A letter in Persian along with its reply complying with
    hie request for the recognition of the title of Maharaja
    Bhumsher Bahail,ur Jang is preserved in the archives of the
    Foreign Office o[ the Gevernment of Nepal.
    Prithvinarayana Shah solicits the favour of a grant ofa
    title of 'Bahailur Shumsher Jang'. He addresses himself
    as the landlord of Gorkha (Zaminil,wr) ornamented by the
    title of the Bardar and. Amir. Ee describes himself as tho
    Barilar of Amirs, brave in the battle field, helper of the
    Emperor and a statesman and deplomat.' He was the ruler
    who understood the inner mind of the followers, their loyalty
    and deeeptive actions. I{e wa,s also Bakei yul Mutk
    Kayamuililaula Rhan Bahailur Kagam Jang Bajawat rnuUc.
    Ee hoped to get the title with Rs. 5,000/- income and 4,000
    cavalry under him.
    Both the lotter and the reply are in Persian character.
    There is a Nepali translation of the letters. The Ietters are
    sealed and written in fine hand. f wanted to eramine the
    translrtion by taking theso to a loarned seholar of persian
    222 IIODDB]f NDPAI,

    snd for this nentod pormissiotr to photogr8Ph them. But


    the authorities under falso sonse of nationalism would not
    allow mo to photogrsph the dooumontE' Ar a result I had
    to dependon the translatiou attached to the lotters ss
    presorved ia the archivee.
    Tho documents beering tbe d&te F zri ll84 month Jikadam
    and 25 day purport to show th&t h"thvinarayana Shah was
    awarded the title of Samsher Jang by tho Emporor.
    The dato sequence gives us 1770 A.D, This was aftcr
    [he conquost of -Bhatgaon by Prthvinarayaaa Shah. Who
    this Emperor was to confer on him the title t Was hs Shah
    Alan II the titular Emperor of India whose possession
    covered the district of Allahabad aud arouud and uothiag
    more ? Tho Engtish, tho Marathas, ths Nawab Yazir of
    Outlh. tbe Nizam, Ilydor Ali, and others vero the real
    maeters of India in their respootivo atoas of control and the
    Emperor was just titular. Tho seal has to be eramined
    thoroughly before we come to decide if it was 'shah Alam 1I'
    3ut it might also bo that tho sealed charter wag iesuod to
    Prthvinarayaua Shah through some local Nawabs in
    North Bibar.
    Eow ie it that Pdthvinarayana Shah thought it treodful
    to eoek the title Maharoja Bahadur Shumsher Jang from the
    Badshah 7 If the facts of his submission for a title is truc,
    ho has admittod bimself as a Zamiador of Gorkha implying
    tbat the ruler of other petty principalities wore also subordi-
    uate chisfe owing allegience to the Emporor in India wboever
    ho might be. Tho acceptanco of the title certaiDly reflectg
    on tho indepondonce of tho Gorkha ruler in wh&toYer looso
    8en8c this word roigbt be used. It appears th&t ss we h&vs
    already suggosted in the beginning of the book all the
    principalitios in the region both in the wegt and east as well
    as the Valley states &oknowledged the suzerainty of the
    .\Ioghul Emperor. The titlo conlerred on Prithvirarayana
    Shah is a further proof of tho faot.
    The lile'Bahad'ur Shunuker Jang' camo to bo ailopted by
    GOEEEA BECOUNS KI]IIGDOM OF NEPAL 2

    ?rithvinarayona Shah einco 1869. Previoua to this yoar,


    'his royal opithets were iuet Maharajailhiraja used iu hie
    .corlospondonco. Bot Jbyaprakasa iE his iDscription of tho
    Svayaubhunatha calls him the Raja of Gorkha. Ilovevor,
    it l,he illnrmapaha of th6 ye&r V S 18fu1 Paaaa ?rodi 8 ho iB
    celled Maharaja.
    fa the records of the years following tho grent of the
    title the epithets Maharaja Bahadur Shumsher Jong, aro
    unavoidably present ia tho royal titles of hithvinarayana
    Shah and hie euccegsors.
    Prithvinarayana Shah hail obviously attached much
    significanco to tho conferment of the title on him.
    After tho conquost of Bhatgaon when Prithvinarayana
    held complete Ewa,y over the Nopal Yalley he had to do cortain
    things both pleasrnt and unplea,Bsnt to eD8ure poBition &8
    the ruler. Among the unpleasaut things that ho did thero
    wae the act of physicql reuoval of all thoso porsons in
    Patan and Katbmandu, who had plotted to overthrow their
    rulorg and helped to facilitate the coDquoet of these kingdoms.
    We havo already naEated the story of how potential
    enemiee from insitle the c&mp of the Valley rulers wor€ thus
    elinoinated. But Prithvinarayana aleo rerarded thoso whom
    he fouud to be truetworthy a,nd who had boon by his eide
    from tho very beginning thougb they woro helping secrotly.
    Prithvinarayana did eertainly discriminato betwe6n activitiee
    rendered by men iu the enemy iamp, and he de&lt with
    each caee in tho light of hie eocurity.
    He seoms,to have amply paid the Brahman priosts who
    were secretly holpiag him from Patan aud Kathmandu oourts-
    According to lottero alreedy cited they roceived free-holdiog
    of lands. Similarly religious loaders obtainod munificence at
    bis hands for their clandestino assiatance. Bnt ia goneral
    the treatment whioh could bs termed as generous worc givou
    to e few persoD8 ouly.
    Iu tho beginning of the Gorkha.Nepal valley oonflict
    .the Gosai.n trsders lent money to both aidoe as thoy were
    224 UODBBN ITEPAL

    uot suro of the outcome. Bnt two years beforo the capture
    of Kathrnandu and Patan they had wholly cast in their
    lot with Prithvinarayana Shah. The uncertainty had closed
    and tho Gorkha ruler had now eeemed to come oub victorious.
    In a charter dated 7826 Pauaaoad,i 10 roi 6:Rtiday' 22
    December 1769 granted to Bhagvatibana and Lachhmanbana
    King Prithvinarayantr, Shah declares that he had taken
    them in his protection and guaranteed the continuance of
    their rights to enjov their ownersbip over certain lands in
    Gokarna as well as the monastery and fields in the city
    of Bhatgaon.

    11. Itihasa Prakasa, f, I, P.90,


    CEAPTER VIII
    Relation with the Chaubisi, 1770-1774
    Tho Yalloy of Nepal was & prize for Prithvinarayana'r
    undaunted courage and steadfastness, and loyalty, honesty
    and bravery of his officore and mon. But this was not the
    end of his story. Ee coveted more possessions. Ee was a
    conqueror and he was imbued with unquenchable thirst of
    an ambition. But he had to move cautiously. Thoro wore
    enomies here and there in the west' and east agitated over
    his military gains, fearful but out to destroy him whenever
    occasion suited.
    Prithvinarayana played both a defensive and ofengive'
    game. If he could, ho attacked. IVhere he could not, he
    shook hauds and pretended friendship. . Ee manoeuvred to
    keep in humour the Iiing of Jumla in the Baisi rtgion and-
    the rulors of Piuthan aud Kaski in tbo Chaubisi.
    Prithviaarayaua had not only in mind the Chaubiei
    principalities for his eonquest, but he looked beyond them
    to tho region of the Baisi. X'rom the very beginning he had
    .made friends and created foes by his attitude and politioal
    m&noeuvres.
    The Raja of Jajarkot was already his friend and by giving
    hia daughter iu marriage to the eon of the Raja of Sallyana
    he had fortiffod his poaition in that part of tho Baisi. Eis
    inveterate enemios were Palpa, Lamjung and Parbat.
    Ee wrote a letter to the Raja of Jajarkot on Saturday,
    1I, February, 1769 (VS 1825 Magha suli 5 roi 7) dotailing
    his movo againet the hostile principalities in that quarter.
    Eo also pledged support to Jajarkot in lieu of the assistance
    the ruler had rtnderetl him to enhanee the glory and posse*
    ssione of Gorkha.
    Prithvi had wou over Jajarkot to his side. He planned
    to make a friend of Sallyana also and he won its friendship
    by giving his daughter Vilasavsti to the Raja's son Ranabhima'
    225 IIODEBN NEPAT.

    Shah, the marriage being performed on VS f 823 in Noakot.


    Since the marriage the R,aja of Sallyana became a dear and
    close friend of Prithvinarayana Shah.
    It appoars that ae a result of long prevailing amity these
    two states were bound to Gorkha by tios of abiding friend-
    .ship, and they stood in Gorkha's hour of trial while the latter
    was involved in crucial fights in their region.
    In a letter of Jyestha Saili 13 roj 5:Tharsday, 14 June,
    1770 addressed from Noakot to Gangadhara Pantha, his
    ropresentative in Kaski, Prithvinara,yana, said that Hikmat
    rShah had been sont to Kaeki to strengthen his hands and not
    .because
    there was any kind of distrust felt by the King
    in his works. The officers of Kaski wore used to speaking
    in a harsh tone in their dealing with the men of Lamjung
    and Parbat. Hikrirat Shah's presence in Kaski could create
    confidenee and the Rajas of the west should got afraid of
    the Gorkhalis when there were two represontativos. Ile
    added 'thinking that two are better than one, wo have
    sent Eikmat'.
    It appears that this was a reply in protost to the appoint-
    ment of Ilikmat Shah as co-representative along with Gaaga-
    dhara Pantha: Prithvinarayana reassured. him that the Pautha
    belonged to the four families enjoying royal trust. fn the
    sa,me w&y Siva was also trusted with tho same work but ho
    was dismissed because of his misdeeds.
    Gangadhara Pantha was asked to press the ruler of Kaski
    to attack Lamjung in the coming Jtua Pabsa (auspicious
    fortnight). Because Gorkha had acted at an auspicious
    moment it could establish outposts within Lamjung's
    territory, Bohra.village, Manya Gaunda, Salume and Ghosarpa
    and as a result Lamjung could be pushed back. Gorkha
    had done five actions but Kaski had not done any. Thie
    time Gorkha was to open the attaok on I Asara: TuesdaX,
    l9 June, 1770. Kaski was to be exhorted to follow the action
    on the same day. Kaski must show determination so that
    the success becomes within reach.
    COREA BECOMEA EINGDOI{ O' ]YEPAL 2n
    From tho Eoriling of this lottor &nd folloring oDo givoB
    g little later it is clesr that Prithvinarayona's main aim wae
    to humiliate Lamjung and grab its teuitory. 'In addition
    he was anxious to hear whrt tbe ruler of Dang bad to my.
    fn particular he wanted to kuow the relatioa botwes[
    Piuthan aad Parbat oud how Palpa was bohaviug in
    Gorkha's afairs. The eddresse€s hod reported that tho second
    princo of Palpa wos going to Piuthan. Prithvinarayana
    asked ifit was just eocond priaco or tho Raja himself who
    wanted to vieit Piuthan. Even the tbird prince might be
    coming. So Prithvinarayana wauted to kuow how ths
    &uthoritios in Piuthan talked about tbiE matter. They wore
    esk€d to ascortaiq whethor the seoond prince intended to
    destroy Lamjung, encourego Kaski and uphold Tanhou or
    any other principality. The lotter ie dated l82g Plwlguna
    Sudi 3 roj 4:Wednesday, 28 tr'ebruary, 1770. Tho prinoo
    of Piuthan was to visit Kathmandu. So there ie a letter
    to Kalu Pande at Gorkha asking tho Pando to &ccompsny
    him. But if he delayed and was not reaching within l0 days,
    Kalu Paudo wa,s to go to Kathmandu for au urgont work.
    A royal lotter to Gangadhara Pande aud Dbanya Khadka
    BeDt orr .ltarga oadi 3 roj 3 - Tuesday, 6 Novenbor, l7?0
    from Kathmandu informe the addrees€es that Gorkls had to
    Etation troops in Manya Glunda, Bohra villago and Lubhu.
    They were to check tho posts carofully. Prithvinarayana
    suggests that there should bo an outpoBt in Lubhutar os this
    ie vulnerablo from Manya Gaunda above. But the troops
    should reach just in timo as ffred by the astrologer to ev&da
    euspicion of tho enemiee who must bo kept in dark. Eo
    wrote'till the actual moment the plan has to bo kept e
    secret i if the ruler of Lamjung comes to know about the
    attempted Bovement, ho moy forestall uB', It was ropotted
    that Lsmjung was erecting a stocka.do around a, place (tho
    letters are not 016&r), and the ofEcers of Gorkha were to
    oramine tho position. Tbo king also wanted to know about

    l. crtnng-Maga*o Yamsovoli, pp. t2-13.


    .228 UODEBN NEPAL

    Kashkiz, We saw how alertuoes saved Gorkha's fate, aud


    thoy coultl stave off crisis after crisis in that qu&rter. Wh&t-
    evor leud Lamjung possessed ea8t of the river Marsyangili
    hod fallen to Gorkha becauee tho former was overconffdont
    and listlose aud the latter was cautious and well guartled.

    in tke Weet
    Ad,oanae

    Tho import&nt mombere of the Cbaubisi Btates wero


    jealous of tho aohiovoments of Prithviriarayaaa Shah. So
    thsy wero trying to oombine to Presont a front sgainBt tho
    kiug ofNepal. But Prithvinarayana war also gettiDg a,lert.
    Ee was creating a dissention in the camp of hig adversaries.
    First he tried to win the new Raja of Tanhou to his side. This
    Baja Harakumara Datts, Eecond son of hig father, was living in
    Piuthan rnd aftcr the death of his brother was tryfug to
    .oome to Sur, the capital with the holp of Gulmi aud
    Piuthan. A letter of Kalu Pande said that the Tanhou
    rrler raa marchiug to Sur with the support of Gulmi and
    Piuthan, Ee wauted Prithvi's consent os to the stoP h€
    should take, whoth€r he (Kalu Pando) ghould also proceed to
    Sur along with the psrty or be should wait for hie master';
    presonce. Prithvinarayana repliotl on Pal6a sudi, 11 roj 6-
    Rriclay, 28 Decembor, 1770 that Kalu Pando should go to Sur.
    Eo rrote &nother lottor to Kalu Pande asL.ing to press the
    Raja of Tanhou to go to Sur. Ia another letter Prithvinatayana
    deehod Kalu P&ude to tell tho Raja tha,t tbe lalter sas also
    to rulo oyer the upland fmm Sur and not alone the low lands,
    Obviously he wentod the Tanhou ruler to aesert his rights and
    clash in that courge with Lamjung.
    It appe&rs that Earakumaradatta Sea c&me to occupy the
    throno at Sur. But ee against the wishee of Prithvinarayana
    he had th6 company of mon from Gulmi and Piuthaa and
    more from tho Chaubisis wore in cont&ct, which Prithvinarayana
    did not liko. Iu the gecond letter he wrote to Kalu Pande that
    tho king wonted to be apprisotl of the situation and also to
    2. Itr ths possossio! of tho Arohives of tho Foreiso tr{inistry.
    OOBKEA BTOOIIES KI]IGDOU Otr NAPAIT 229

    t.now if Dang had withdrewn its outpo8ts oreatod to mako an


    ettask oa Sallyana. The letter ig dated Maghoodi 8 roj 4=
    Wednesday, 23 Jauuary, 1771.
    Obviouely Prithyinaray&na Shah wanted Tanhou to abandoa
    the ruler's eretwhile holpers ard beoome hia owir protago. But
    Earakumara Da,tta, acted otherw.ieo. Ee saw his eeourity in
    th€ uuity with th6 Chaubisie and could not eido with Gorkha.
    Prithvinarayana Shah was in Gorkha whilo his men wetro
    flghting in ths wost and e&st. But he hail msalo little
    headway in the wo8t, deepits temporary auccoss€a.
    During his ongsgomont iu the Nopal valley, eome of hi:
    offcerg Kazi Vamearlj Ponde, Kehar Singh Baanet antt Sarda,r
    Prabhumalla wero moaeuring sworde with his adveresries in tho
    west. For the time boing they wero suocasEfrrl. Th6 fghthg
    started after Prithvi's manoeuvre hed failed to boor fruit.
    After byparsing Tauhou aod Kaski, the lattor bruieed in an
    ongagement oa tlo bank of tho rivor Soti, thoy rcoohod the
    bank of the river Oandak. Luujung v&s the targot but
    Prithvinarayana had ohoeon the other couree and this was to
    €ettle matter with the smaller ffrst. But although Syangza
    wae csptured, at the hill fort of Noakot the Gorkbali forcoa
    met vith a stif resistance. Noakot muld not bo conquered.
    But Rising, Ghiring and Bhor had acknowledged Gorkba,r
    suzerainty. Paiyun was occupied on }Ionday, 6 May, I??l
    (Yaieahha 2? of VS 1828) and a day Iator the Raja of Bhirlot
    took to flight ort JgeE ha, d,inaqata 5 oara J:1771, TVedaesday
    Mo,y 15 (uaru should be 4) Gorkha ffnally eonquered. Garhon,
    Bhirkot, Paiyun oo, Jgeetha Zioaru 2 (:Monday, 13 Juroj
    l77I), But by this time Malaibam and the Raja of Lumjung
    sroused to &w&teneas of danger threatening them made a
    combined efrort ia collaboration with other Rajas to challenge
    tho Gorlls ooDquert of these a,reas. In battleg whioh
    eobsequently followed in Satahua, the Gorkhalig wore defo&ted
    aad thoy wero again pushed back to the Seti (yS lg2g pozao
    5 aara Z:Monduy, 16 Decomber, t?7f). In Sata,hun the
    s&Eo day Kobar Singh Basnot v&s killed. Another attempt
    230 MODEB}I NEPAL

    to get thos€ areas loBtor€d by a difrerent unit advancing from


    Tanbou met with a rebuff, the forces were led by Dhauhat
    Simha Basnet antl Sriharkha Pantha. They were bosieged
    in Dhor and escaped with diffculty to the east but the
    oommander Vamsaraj Pande {ell into the enemy's hands.
    Dhor had now joined the Chaubisie. Gorkha abaudoned
    Garhou and Paiyun on Magha 13 oara 5 ttaili 3:Thureday,
    23 Jauuary, 1772. Thus the advauco in the westertr Beotor
    came to a, halt. Nert day the Gorkha commander Atibala
    Bista rethed from Rising ot M a4ha 15 Saturday, 25 January,
    U72 snd the Gorkhalis disengaged themselvse from Tanhou
    and crogeed the river Marsyangdi back to reach Gorkha.
    Two important ofrcers, Sardar Prabbumolla antl Ranasura
    Pando were aleo taken prieoners by Parbat ot Ma4ha vad'i 2
    ro.1' 4 : W'ednesday, 22 I atuaty, 177 2.

    Ihe date of tho doath of Kehar Sinha Basnet es given by


    the noting in my lnseession ie Monday, 16 December, l77t
    (Pausa 9ukl,a 5 Bomaoara).
    The ohronicler says that the Gorkha captivos were releasod
    by their ca,ptors after some time. The Rajas vho had fled
    from their c&pitsl duriDg thoir defeat had returned. They
    wero posing a, new throat witb vengonce.
    Thie wae an unpleasant happening for Prithvinarayana
    Shah. But he was helpless. IIe va.s to compensate his loss
    of tho west by & gain to be obtained in the eaet, whore one by
    one, the small principalitiee were falling. This was for tho
    last in his life timo tha,t he had marched in the wost. In the
    ousuing struggle,Gorkha again did not achieve much.
    It appoa,rs that the ffgbt wos unceasing during the nert
    year. The inteusity had increaeeil so soou after tho conquest
    of tho Nepal valley. Eero Gorkha ras claehing with ono
    or tho other member of the Choubisi Rajas in tho westerD
    soctor. Eaoh party tried to Eecure advantago ovor the
    other, and Gorkha was egain and egain subjected to com-
    bined attack. Now beoause Gorkha had expandod to &n
    anormoua size, &ll tho Chaubigis had risoa to o Esn agiirs!
    GOBXEA DXOOIIXS TINODOU Or NEPAL 23I
    the Gorkhali Raja. Whilo addressing Kalu Khadka, who
    was stationed in Gorkha, from Kothmundu prithvinarayana
    wroLe on ?hal4una Sudd I roj d-Thursday, 12 March, t77Z
    that io the valley of Parevakot thoro was a clash with the
    eaeEy but 'their men were lyiog in ombuch in the forest
    snd our Boldiors killod 4/5 mon on the enemy side and also
    inflicted 6/7 caeualties. It wae reported that Ramadass Bairagi
    also was wounded, and eo were B/4 of our Madhesia sepoys.
    One of them was aoveroly wounded'8.
    According to thir letter one Bairagi Ramdass had. escaped
    to Terai. But who is Rauadags Bairagi ? fs he tbe samo
    one of hie name, who had cerried Jayaprakaea,s letter to
    T. Rumboldt I
    Iu this letter hithvinarayana wants to know whether tho
    Raja of Bhirkot had returnod and whothor it was truo that tho
    priacess of Khanchi wes &at€d ia her trrost. hithvi also
    waated to know if Suravina Sene had really como to
    Bongiraha. Ee wee reported to bo in Sonpur. IIe aske Kalu
    Khadka to rend mon to get tho true information about the
    the condition of Kaski and Bhirkot.. Kalu raha.dka had
    roported th&t Eome men ha.d caEied false news to parbat
    &nd Khenoh about Gorkhais dilapidated condition, tha,t it
    waB norv & place bereft of its usual charms, whero men lived iq
    dejection without dances and festivala. hithvinarayant
    sskod th&t euch rumour be scotch€d and mongers were to be
    tracod and punished. Kalu Paude had lea,rnt thie news from
    a visitor of Khanchi. Kalu Khadka had informod him thst
    Simha Thapa and Aohal Thape bad visited Gorkha. prithyi
    Buggeeted thtt they should be watohed and if need arose tboy
    ehould bo arreeted.
    In & lottorseut to M.
    Bhagavantanath tbo new kiog of
    Nepal gives further informetion about Gorkha'g oon{ict yith
    the Chaubieis. ,Parbat inva.ded Katyarg but its 40 mon v6ro
    Lillcd, 32 of Kaski werc also killod. parbat and Lomjurg wero
    UODtrBN NEPAL

    soting jointly, &nd Porbet's men &na etlll in Lamjung'.


    Eo added 'Kaski, howover, Iost its ruler olong with 7 othere
    in the 6ght at Munggya. Iamjung sufrer€d a loes of
    67 livee. From our side, s Chautara and eome companioE
    arr miesing from tho battlo fiold whero they hed gono
    to help Kaeki'. In onother lettor sont to llf&hanta Bhagvan-
    tatha Prithvi claims tbat ho was trying to be a friond
    with both Iomjung and Kaski. Eo says, ho had sent Visesvar
    Upadhya and Siva Ghimire. They rrete BeDt to m&int&in s
    eomblance of frionilehip. Balbh*dra Thapa was represouting
    Oorkha io Kaeki..
    Prithviuarayana wae edoptiog tho policy of divide and
    rule. IIe played one ruler against tho other, creoted dieunity
    in their ranks, afrsctod to ono to bo a friend as &g&inst otbers
    and ultimately grabbcd sll ho could. Such waa the policy
    bo peraued to oliminato tho Chaubisi rulers.
    Eo had attempted tho ssme policy whilo he att&cked tho
    .Nopal valley- But in this work [e oould aot aohieve euccess
    in his life time a8 for &8 tho Chsubisis wero concotnsd.
    Lomjung and Pa,rbat were his sworn oremies. Tanhou had
    Iost conffdenoe in hio long ago. So it wae Kaeki who in
    momonts of dnewarenese ligtenod to Prithvinarayana. There-
    foro tho repeated sttempts at inoitement to ffght a,g&inst
    Lamjung. But st long laet evon Keski had loet faith in
    Prithvinarayaua Sheh.
    Prithvinarayaua was absorbed into the disputes Tith
    hig adversaries in the rro8t for at least 4 yosrs since tte ffna,l
    oonquest of the Nopal valloy. Eia echeme lay iD noutrslising
    his enemies by playing ono ag&in8t the other. Ee would
    corta.inly givo his support to one of the parttos in diepute,
    necesearily tho onomy of his eaemy, just because this would
    encourago one of tho parties to keep olivo tho dieputo, wbich
    meant continuous ha,rEssment to hia enemy, Wo havs seen how
    Kaski was incitod to tho embsrsasment of Lamjung. Ee hed

    4. IPg8, p. 8. Aleo ForoiSrt Miaiatry Atohivee.


    GORKEI BECOUE€ TINODOU OI. NEPAL 233

    oko cast his oyc on dietont Jumlo whioh, however, could not be
    Ton over oD &Dy &ccouBt. But thon Piuthan he had bofrieadod
    by ono or anothor type of holp. In tr'obruary, 1773, Piuthan had
    recoived Gorkha's rrpr€BeDtatiye8 Kalu Pa,nde, Radhakrisne
    Upadhya and Vansidhor& Bohra and Sroetha Khatri. Thego
    poople had uot the R&js of Piuth&!. They reportoil that
    Shallyana hed resistod tho onoroochDont of tho Baiei ( Jumia
    ond.sstollitos ) and Pituhan had gono to the roscuo. Altogethor
    200 nen wero wounded. In reply ( letter dated 1829 PhalCma
    Suni 3 roj 4:Woduesday, tr'ehruary. 1773) Frithvinarayrna
    spproved of tho action eonding Piuthan's foroes to ffght for
    Sal\rana and rrote thet it ra,s Piutha,u'e primary duty and he
    r&E Sled that his represontatives had helped tbe ruler to do
    tho job. Prithvi, howover, eaid that thoy hsd not writtetr a,ry-
    thing about tho couditioD of thot a,reo. Eo asked them about
    the result of the miesiou of Gunauanda Pantha sent to Da,rog.
    Thoy ahould not 8it idle without oollecting inlbrmation. Kaln
    Pande war to let his lioje hnow about tho relatiyo Bupport
    Parbat aud Piuthan enjoyed &mongst the rulers. Ee wae al6o to
    ffnd out how Palpa wss feelilg in the matter, and who was
    expoctod to como to Piuthar, the B,aja of Polpa, or bis second
    or third broth6r. Prithvinarayaua added'se have to eend
    materiels to Sallyana. These are lying etranded on account of
    blockade of the Baiei. Ouce it is raiBed we shall immediately
    .despatch them. X'urther let me kaow, if the secoad prince
    meintains Tanhou, oad he helps Kaski and becomes also an
    iastrumont in tbe elimiaation of Iamjung'. Ee was roforring
    tothe now ruler of Tanhou who war erpected to he obligod
    to fight Lamjung-
    The lottor to end suggeets that a,s aooo as the Baisi raisod
    tho bloolado, tho proseuts meent for Sallyaaa should be
    traueported .

    Vlo are not aware if the prince of Piuth&n came to Kath-


    mandu. But in hi6 lett€r of VB 1830 AsailLo t)qAi 12 roj 14-
    'Wednesday, 16
    June, l?73, Prthvinarayauo aaks Kalu Pande
    to ecosmpsDy the son of Piuthani Raja if he was coming rith-
    234 MODNRN IEPAI

    il 8/10 rlays. If the latter's departure is delayed, then hE


    ehould loavo for Kathmandu reithout w&iting any longer.
    Kalu Pande had informed him from Gorkha that tbe Raja
    of Palpa, princo Surapratapa anil Garudadhvaja Molla had
    reached Butwal. Ee had aleo he&rd tha,t Tanhou, Lamjung
    end P&rbst had combined to entor Gorkha. Prithvi iu hie
    lebter of Maghaeud,i I roj 6:hiday, 2l January, 1774 wanted
    to consult Kalu Pande and he desired his presenco in Kath-
    naudu without dolay. Ka'lu Pande when visiting his
    accrcdit€d &reas was to take with him presonts for the Rajas
    of Piuthan, Bhirkot aud Jumla. Ths Chautara of Galkot had
    roquested for a wholo pieco of cochin cloth. Prithvinarayara
    informed that this was too small & present and ho would give
    more. The R&ja, tho princo and Chsut&r& of Mallahi ha,d
    eaoh received one wholo piece of cochin cloth. Kalu Pande
    bad been asked to maintain good relation with Birkot whose
    rcpresetrtative had just yisited KsthmaDdu. Good relition
    ehould eubsist aleo between Tanhou and Kaski.
    Prithvinarayana had reooived an assurance from Kalu Pande
    that he wae establiehing goocl relation betweeu Tanhou and
    Kaski and that because Piuthan wae strong thero was no
    apprehension of attack on'it from ahy quarter.
    bad comoitted one or two unpleasant things to
    KasLi
    causo a breach of friendehip between the two. This should
    bo healed up by pa,tcbing up the quarrel. Prithvinarayana
    desired to know what was tho truth in the report that
    tbo Phirirgis ( Englishmen ) had reached Bagaha on their
    way to Chitaun. Kalu Paude had written to him about the
    advancing troops of Lamjung and Parbat. Siva bad also
    writteu to him about this from Tarhughat. Iu a letter of
    Sunday, 23 July, 1774 Prithvinarayana was'actually asLing
    Debu Rana to prepa,ro for an eugagement against Lamjung.s
    Debu Rana was to wait at Liglig in full preparations with
    forces aseembled for the purpoee of merching against Lamjung-

    6, Lette! in tho !,oss€.sloB of Foreign olic€ Archiv€s.


    GOBTEA BEOOUEA KIIODOM OT NEPAL 236

    But they ehould r emain in hiding and in the rdck of timo aB


    it suited thoir objoctivo, then alone should cross tho river.
    It was not prudent to wait for actions till the other p&rty
    moyoil. Tl6ir sction ehould not dopond on whethor Lamjung
    or Parb&t crossed the Mareyangdi. The Gorkhalie must
    spring surprise,
    Prthvinarayana hed askod hiB agent in Kaeki that all would
    be well with that principality if abovo all itg rulor listened to
    Gorkha. As tho lotters wer6 ofton intercepted nothing but gootl
    newe shouldfind placo in such lettere (Aeadha Suti 4 roj 3
    from Kontipur: Tuosday, 12 July, l?74)6. Tho contents of sll
    octivity of Prithvinuayana Shah in the
    these lettorE reve&l tho
    different st&tes of the Baisi and Chaubiei regiour. fle wos
    directing his onergy in apprising himeelf of tho ha,bit! aDd
    movoments of eome of the rulers who displeased as thoy woro
    with Prithvinaraya,ns rrere seeking opportunities to destroy
    him. Gorkha had also evor to be alert against tho combiuation
    of Parbat, Lamjung and Palpa whom he feared most.
    According to the chronicle tho Clorkhalie allowed tho
    snemies in occupetion to be hllled into inaction by their own
    inaotiviy. Moanwhile the Gorkhalis allowed tboir preparatiou
    to be completo. Prithvina.raynaa wrote to Ranarudra otr l83l
    Asad,hat, oaili 10 roj l=S-^ary,3 Jdy U74, to be fully prepartd
    with tho foroes at Liglig. The preparation waB to bo made in
    all secrecy.
    As long ss ho lived a,nd for a long time more ths Chaubisis
    lived on no good terms vith Gorkha, and the gre&ter
    its acquisitiou in the eaat tho moro inimical becsme itg
    relation with the wost. Prthvinarayona, however, had
    not Iost hopo aud he did not oa&se hie efotts to disrupt
    the combination. But he failed, 3ut in caso of Jumla,
    Jajorkot, Sallyana and Piuthan he succeeded to alienato them
    from tho fold of the Chaubigie. To overy one of these he ssnt
    deputies with presenta end pledges of friendship. Ee ha.d.

    6, Foreig! Mini6try ArchiYes.


    236 UODERN OF NSPAL

    made a paot with Jajarkot and to the Baja of Sallyana, he gavo


    his daughter Yilasavati in marriago. From a letter written
    to' Mahant] Bhagwautuath who was of .great help to
    him iu this matter, it appears that the doputies had to take
    the circuitous route of Ruhi Bhot to reach these statee as tho
    Chaubisis would not allow them pass through their territories.
    {Itihapa Pralcasa, I. l5f-53). ft was proposed t6 send the
    .deputies under Kalu Pando. According to the letter Parbat
    and Lamjung had m*de a combined attack on Kaski. fn a
    place called Katyang 40 men of Parbat and 32 of Kaski were
    killed. Parbat had captured and fortified Pangdus. Lamjung
    sttacked in the meantimo Mugja and Thak, and in the fight
    there wero 6- *7 caeualties on both sidee. Kaski'e ruler was
    killed. Gorkha was being reinforced and the ruler was to etart
    his operations in Raginas on Marga 4 (18 November).

    March, to the Eaat

    The dofeat sustained by Prithvinarayane Shatss forces in


    Dhor and Satahun cost him some of his best soldierg like Kehar
    Simha Basnait who gallantly died while fighting for tho flag of
    their King. Kehar $imha had also acted for sometime as tl,e
    I(ing's chief Minister. According to the ohroniolo they fell
    into the hands of Parbat in a serious condition ofillness, on
    being wounded and later died.
    Tho aonquest of Bhatgaon enabled him to lay a claim
    on tho portion of the hills right up to the river Dudhkosi.
    They crossed the river on 1695 Baka Bhailra Suili 8 ili,na 13
    roj 4:25 August, 1773 Tlednesday. On Aw,tna 5 of VS 1830
    -X'riday, 5 September, 1773 the Gorkhalis occupied Dingla
    and places west of the Arun.
    The local Brahmanas of the hilly region of the Dudhkosi
    basin were the main allies in the Gorkha attaok on Chaudandi.?
    They had helped Ramakrisna Kuar and Amarsimha Tbapa to

    7, Reatl Chapter XVI of LPN by Baburam Acharya.


    GOBf,EA BECOMEA KII{GDOTT OT NTP.AL 237

    sftor vhich the troops marched towards


    cross th6 Dudhkosi
    the Arun. But this could bo dono with much difEoulty as tbe
    Iocal Khambue aud Limbus ofrered stif resistauc,e' According
    to Prithvinarayana'e letter to Mahanta Bhagavantanatha the
    srmy 8oou marchod to the rivor Arun killiag about a thowand
    enomies, of vhom 400 had tlrowned. The Gorkha ruler
    announces the conquost of 'Yallo' (this aido) Kirat&, i. o. uP
    to tho risht-bank of the river.
    A lotter written by Prithvina,rayaua Sh&h to tho Mahant
    Bhagavantan&tha (Iitihaaapru*oaa, l, 16l) informo thet at the
    timo of miting (d&te lines orasod) the frontier wae pushed to
    tho river Arun with nearly 1500 casaultiee on the Bido of the
    eneBieB.
    In a letter of Bhaibd Sudi l0 to Earinoade
    addressed
    Upadhya Pokhrol commander Ranakriena Kuar erpressos
    high appreciation of tho servicee rendered by tho formerin
    helping the Gorkhali contingoncy to cross the river Dudhkosi,
    This Brahman had also leut tho ofrcors Patna SirrcarRs. 3568
    to distribute among the eoldiers. In auothor letter of YS 1830
    Phal4utw sud,i 15 roj (Saturday, 26 March, 1774) written from
    Aubarpur to the game Earinanda Upadhya by Abhiman Singh
    and Partha Bhoudori thore is again high sPpreciation of tho
    Brahman's serviceg in respeot of their victorious m&rch over tho
    Kir'ata area. It speaks of Esrinanda's work in splitting the
    900,000 Kirata peoplo and in helping the Gorkhalis to c&Pturp
    Chaudaudi and Bijopur. Tho Brahman had offered a loen of
    Pataa Sicca rupees ?466 up to the time of the occupatiou of
    Chaudandi and thereafter again more amounte from timo to
    timo, which tota,lleal rupee8 ll05l. The letter Dote8 tha,t
    Prithvinarayaua Shah was highly ploased with I{a,rinanda a,nd
    afrred his signature to a Red aeal document giving him a
    lsrgo plot of land in Middle Kirat ss freo hold.
    The river Arun was crossod on VS 1831 masa 4 Aaadhq,
    Sudi, roj 7 (Saturday 16, July 1774, but this is tho S rdt d)
    and occupied Choudandi desoending to tho South. The army
    ailvanced to the capturod Choinpur and Yijepur ot Sraoatn.
    238 MODEBI{ Itf,BtIr

    5 garo Aeadha eudi I roj I (-Sundsy, l7 July, 1774).


    Ilamkot surrendered ou 73 Anina oaili 5 rq' l-Sunday 25
    Septeuber, 1774. Now the frontier line was Kanlazi or
    MaiLhola as they oall it to d&y.
    Many Limbu chiefs aad village hoadmen Bur€nder€d to
    the viotors, So there was no problem of sondiug troops to tho
    presoat d&y districte of Dbankuta and Taplejung. All the
    outposts and m&rts on the Tibetan border subsoquently c{,me
    to tho hands of the Gorkhalis.
    Raja Krmadatta wa,s the Bovereign of lhe eaetorn baein of
    the river Tamor which inoluded tbe provinces of Vijaypur,
    Chainpur8, Athrai aud Morang. But owing to his eumity
    with a Limbu Chie{ Budhikaraa Rai, vho had beeu dismissed
    as a ministor, he wa,s Dot in a position to ofer rosiBtance to the
    foe. Yst he stood with aU his might against the invader
    end halted his progress if only for eomo months. A few
    monthe beforo tho Gorkhalie ettacked Vij&yspur, ho fell a
    proy to Limbu treachery and wae killed. This Kamadatta,
    while proviously an oxil6 &t Calcutte, had opproached the
    Daet India Company for holp against Budhikarna whose
    f&the; had scted. earlior to overthrow Kamadatta and instal
    on the throne his uncle. These papors ore still. available
    (See Persian Corrospondenco. Yol. II no. 241 ; Hamilton,
    p 140). Acoordiug to a British source he olaimed territories
    as far ae the Gandak. Ee also said that he was legal hoir
    to the doposed king of Bhatgaon. It ie said that as the
    eanyosi robbers were often makiug raids into British territories
    for occasioual plunder, antl Purnea was ravaged by
    Budhitorna, the British authorities very much wanted to
    back up Kamadatta a,s sg&inst Budhikarna with sn eyo to
    th€ p€rm&nent occupation of Morang. But this calcu'lation
    wes upeet by the timely invasion Prithvinarayan carried on
    that &roa.

    8. Oh&inpor ccver€d a ti8 slico of hilly terlitory et the llorhh €ltmllity


    Jrom the baal oI the riveE Am[ Lr tho w6st t tho bsnt oI the riyo! If&Eor
    iE th6 €ait'.
    GOAEEA BECOIITS XTNODOM OE Nf,PAL 230

    If Kimta chroniole is to bo believed, the rulor who


    the
    fought the Gorkhalie in this area w&s a, Kir&ta, Atbing Eang,
    who had atlopted customery prsctices of the country of tho
    Sonas. Eo was defoatod in battles, &s he h&d aleo to ffght
    the Bhutiae in another Boctor itr the northorn part of hie
    Kingdom, which caused a divereion leading ffnally to his
    rout at the h&.rds of the Gorkha Commander Abhiman Basnait.
    Accorcling to tho eamo sourco the Sena Raja of Morang,
    Bissaatar Seaa, Kanadatta's youngeet uncle had died without
    any issuo to euccoed him. Thereforo, Budhikema R,ai, his
    Minister, brought At hing E&og, au hoir to tho Kirata thmno
    in Libuk Eang's lino, to rulo ovar Morang. Athiog E&trg
    was formally electod by an assembly of the tribat heads
    of tho ten Kirata tribal provincea and eldormou of Morang.
    But as Kamadatts hsd alserted his right over tho throno,
    Athing Ilang loet his ground and retired to hie nativo villago
    without ouy ooutost. A little lat€r while Budhikarna
    suceeeding his father controllod tho nothern portion of tho
    priocipality Athing E&Dg wae regarded a,s the do jure sovereign
    for this areao.
    Earlier whilo Morang was ruled by a Rcgent Queeu duriag
    the childhood of Bisgantar and his elder brothors tho Sikkimeso
    invaded the country and aunexed oertain portion of outlying
    aroas in the hills and tho Terai to their advantago. According
    to the Kirata ohroaicle, nine out of the ten tribal heads of
    the hilly region did aot co-operato with tho defenders owing
    to dissenaion ragiug among them. This had a had etrect
    further on thoir int€r-r€lation. Accordiug to oDe souroo
    Budhikarna Rai declared himself king of Morong but uone
    of his tribal ohiefe coop,erated. We haye two decrees issued
    by him, whero ho addresses himsolf Bo7o. Tho circumstaacos

    9. The ohronicler oI the Kiratas Darratos tbat Builhiksm& w&! shot


    down by a bullet whi!6 b€iEg Pursueil by th€ Gorkh& army. E6 wss riding
    an elephant rttomptitrg to escaps through an eeste y route a,long the,oot
    oI the Lills. Ihs chroaicler tlieoouEb th6 story ot BuilhakirDo,s tr.arhetT
    to his mester s,Ddl 6s,€ that he ra6 true to hiB till he br€atheil his Isst.
    240 MODEBN ITEP.AI,

    of Budhiksrno's ileath ie con6rmed by o letter of the king


    to ths comm&Bd€r in-cbargo of tho opretions, Abhimen Singh
    (Srarn \a oadi 2 roj*.). The Bamo lotter s&ys that Budhikarna.
    was Litlnappod from the British territories whilo in flight.lo
    Abhiman Singh tho ofrcer commandor was rowarded with
    a froohold and so wete the othore rosponsiblo for the conquest
    of the areo.
    Budhikaraa oould have menaced Gorkhali position in
    Morang. Thorefore Prithviuarayaua wrote to the British
    Goseruor roquosting to withhold all help to the Ktati Chief
    who had usurped K&ma,datts'8 authority over Vijay pur and
    Ambarpur. Two Vakils. Parsodh Pandit and Aka Misr
    (Mishra) i.e. Brhaspati Pandit and Sriharra Miehra had come-
    to Cslautta with tho lotter of the kingrr. Thore was also c
    communication ftom Dovadatta Shah about this afsir (Dowan,
    CPC). They wore asked to meet the Clovernor in P&tn&.
    Tho British lator compbined that they did rot cer€ to tunr
    up in Patna and requosted tho Nepaleee kfuxg to 86nd in.
    r 2.
    future porsons with a greator aen:e of respoaeibility
    Karno Sena of tho middlo priucipality botween tho
    Ksmala and Kogi was erpelled a year earlior (Eamiltou,
    p. 140). Eo v&s & aon or nophew of Jeget, uncle of Kamadatta
    who had fountled the rtoto of Chaudaudi with Ajitrai as
    minister. In British documents he ie refoned to as Cor&ina
    Sen. X'or some timo the British bebavod with him as ifho
    was the lawful chief of Morang' Eis career euded wlile the
    British Btopped their intrigue &g&inat Nopsl' Tho British
    documents provo that there was a middle prhcipa,lity botwe€n
    Morang aad MackwanPur.
    It appoars that K&madatt& often roferred to in East
    Inilie Compauy's p&Pors w&8 a direct sucoeegor to the throne
    of Morang. Ho wae a legitim&to membor of the royal fanily

    10. hihata Prukasd,l, i,9. 11.


    11, CsloBilet of Psrsialt Corr€Bl,olraloaoe, IV, Eo.. 3gg, 381'
    12- Ibid, u, ?63. lstt€r ot 14 J.ousty, 1??4.
    GOREEA BAOOIIA TINODOU Or NEP.AI 241

    laying claim to the throne in the sitoation which doveloped


    after he was suporceded by a coup d,etat. Eo could stage
    & coms back as the Rai minist€r'e protegeo had diod. Initially
    he had eome dificulty in gotting his olaim recognised by the.
    minist€r8 of the principality, but after sometimo.ae Budbikarna
    had fled to Sikkim, he could eet e down a€ the lswful rulsr
    ofthe soil. In tho ffnal act of tho dramr, however, Budhi_
    karaa tried to go agaiost him and so teribly haraseed hirn
    that hie idtinl succoss proved of no avail to him to frustrsto
    the design of his adversaty.
    King Prithvinarayana iseued a royal cha,rtar (ganad,) lor
    the rogulation of tho relationabip to Eub8ist botweon the
    cspitsl and tho Kiratas. Tho fonad was addreseed. to Kiratas.
    ftom MacLwanpur under date liare VB 1g30 Braatn (detaila
    mieeing): fZZg A.D, August and was thus worded: you eFe
    the faithful subject of tho Raja of Maokvanpur i you ato hir
    aalt aud you remained true to him tiU tho laet hour nor
    ;
    the Mackwanpur prinoipality ceases to exist; we have bocoma
    its rolo mester, and we take you under our prciecton; a&
    you rerotho subiects of tho Raja of Maokwanpur, eo today
    you aro our subjeotr ; wo havo pardoned you for any ofencee.
    comnitt€d ir the past; so all of you livo in your laail
    without eny fear yh&t8oey6r; do not bavo &ny Lind ofdoubte
    about your aeourity i we guar&nt€o the mmo to you and we
    valuo your friondship &nd Ioysltyr s.
    ...Prith:ineriyane Shah also proclaimed that tho Kiratcr*^'
    will aot be doprived of Lbeir kipat landr, snd
    mortg&ge, no outsider vill take pocsession auen&iiDt"r""-rtliiil;r;
    original ownor.
    This Sarlad gusrantceing slso c€rt&in other rights to tho
    Kiretas wsnt a long way to pacify them, snd all over the.
    Limbuan headmen of villages pledgett loyalty to bim sven
    before tho rulor in Morang had been dsfeated. Their coming
    over to the sido of Prithvinar&yaDs Shah not only guarenteod
    a stato of ttanquility in that quarter but also enabled
    *r, * rho . Sanad ir tyilg ir tho po!6o.doq of EoEo tf,hi.tt7.
    ffi. ^
    242 IIODNBN NXPAI.

    frim to pueh ahead in his victorious march with conffdeacs


    &nd 8urcty.
    Tho B ti8h had their own ioterest ia the afaire of
    lforang. Eaving resigned to acceptiug Prithviuarayana's claim
    over Nepal snd its sdjoining sre&s, they w&ntoil &t lea,st to
    save Morang for themsolves, bocause this region not only 'was
    importont for reasons of trado of fir and other wood productg
    but it also provided a paes&go to Tibet. North of Moraug
    the Eim&l&yas had a pass, Eatia by name, that wes easy of
    &ccess a,nd could be ueod in all we&thors. A flourishing trade
    mert oalloil 'Wellanghunggolo lay on this eide of Nspal at tho
    pas8. The British authoritios in Calcutta h&al thought 10 get
    hold of this pasa and tho m&rt failing to secure control over
    sffairs in the Nepal Yalley. It was eaid that the British
    desired to help Kamada,tts to 6ght out the Gorkhalis. This
    was, however, not possible in view of internsl squabbles ot
    his court. At a,bout this timo agein Kemsdatts was living
    in lower Moraug, and ffghting Budhikarne on the border.
    Tho latter wo8 in ocoupation of a little portion of tho are&
    iucluding tho eastem hills bordering Sikkim. From Britigh
    records it appears that Karnaaen approaohod tho Britiah
    revoral times for assistance and at the last instauce even
    sent reprcsent&tion to Murehialabad and Calcutta to pereusde
    the Britieh to tek6 up his o&ule. Accordirg to I documont
    in the possession of the Nopalese X'oroign ministry. Karalasen
    even promised 600/o of revenne to tho Britieh. Tho proniso
    was couveyod through Mr. Poacock. Ee alao approacbed the
    Nawab of Bengal (Murshidabad) for military help, who however
    directeil him to tho British. But ths Britigh with their
    experiouce of mountain warfam duriug tho expilition of
    Kitrloch hesitated. Ksn&d8tta wag roturnod without any
    assulancer 4 and a little lstor he vas killod by BudhiLarna's
    tirelings. After this Ajit Singh of Purnoa suggested to Mr.
    Peacock the idea of helping Builhikama Roi,r6 iD his sttomPt
    1',i. O.l6Dile! of Por8isll Oonqpontl€Do€. Vol. II. Dos. 177, ,33. 211.
    16. Calenilor ot Ersiro Corrosponilcaie, Yol. I% E. 1884 (L€ttat ol
    oI Oc l. )I, 1771).
    GOBTE.A BECOUf,S TI1IODOM OT IErAL 243

    to cepture tho wholo of Morang. Meanvhilo the Gorlhali ermy


    oveEan the wholo of Morang. fn s lotter to Prithvinarayana
    Shah dated August lQ 1774 the British Governor pmte8t€d
    against the occupetion of Vijaypur (Bijepur) and Amirpur
    (Ambarpur) cl&iming that theee hod beeu parts of Bengal.
    But tho Gor*-irali King replied to say rha,t they belonged to
    Mackwanpur &nd Kamada,tta was the logal beir. But as
    Kamadatta vas dead and Prithvinarayana had gained martery
    of the area by dint of conquest, ho vas now tho real soveroign
    of this tr&ct. It was said that Prithviuat&yana was propa,rod
    to aoknorledge the British as tho suzerain over Vijaypur
    (Bijopur) and Amirpur aud pay to them as rent, Rs. ?5,000
    rr,unually. But how the settlement was ofrected ultimatoly
    rve do aot know. The Britieh do not seam to raise thi8
    afrair afterr&rds. Ono of their offcors continued to givo somo
    &ind of aeeureaco to Krmadatto,e minirter Bhuvaneawar,
    vho rr&E thon tating oero of hie baby son. A littlo eorlier
    there came s Buggestion from tho British ofrcer that tho
    Britiah should back up tho causo of Raghunath Sona, unclo
    of Kamadatta, because then th6 b&by princo was deed,
    8rd tho Solect Committoo did not liko to act up to
    thie suggestioul o.
    In October 1774 Budbikaraua waa e:polled and tho
    country wa8 fnally abeorbed into the aew stato of Nepal,
    According to a letter of Prithvinarayana (9ruoana oaili Z roj),
    Saptori and Bijepur with their stretoh in the mountains
    yielded over more thau Rs. 20,000 in revener. Budhikama,
    was afterwards kidnapped and killed by the Gorkhali Sepoys
    (Eamiltou, p. r40). By March of 1714 (yS 1830-J1 Magha
    to Phalgwn) the Gorkhali army reaohed tho bank of the
    river Tamor on the other side of Limbuau. Tho area knowa
    as Limbuan was ruled by tribal heads in ten divisions who

    10. S6l. CoE, Pro. Vol. pp. l8r-89.


    IheaooouDt oI KatlE gon olil hoir leto! Bhuvarcivs! wsitea
    on the suthotitios in O6loutt& is giyol also iL . Nelale6e aocourt rubDitt€d
    by ao anonyooua rritdr of the iloy.
    241 MODEB!{ I{XPAL

    rero oelled Bongbas. The loader of the Gortha army wat


    Abhimsn Simha Basnet who in Sata 1698 Pausa i\ his
    iaacription at his old house in Koltole cells himself Kirota-
    vilayi ard m@ntrg (aitistat) belonging to the Sona dynasty.
    IIe wag a son of Sivaramr Baenet who vas killed in Sangachok
    earlior in aation.
    A tettor (VS L848 Jge kaudi5toi6)11 seot by Rana
    Bshadur Shah to Abhiman 3aenet statee that places including
    Anbarpur on the hills, and districts of Sapteri, Morang and
    hils liko Bijopur aud valleys of Kanala, Dudhkosi and
    eastrards upto the river Kankali wero conquered iu two years
    between VS 1830-32. Abhiman was beiug ably a86i8tod by
    Roma Kri:na Kuar and Amarsinha Thapa. Rama Krisna Kuar
    who harl reoently become Sordar is said to have obtained
    rocognition form his king for hie valour. Ee had roooivod
    from Kathmanilu 600 bullets. 2l pitohors of gun powder and
    again 20 pitohore of gun powder and 6826 bullots, 45 steel, 760
    chip of stones and 900 papers. Thees were to be dietributed
    to tho va,rioue fiold commanders (letter to Amar Simha and
    othore iqcludhg Rama Kriena Kuar, Maglt'a aaili 5 roj 1'r8
    By this time tho entire portion of tho Khata region came
    undor tho Glorkhali rulor. On Sraaana 5 of 7830 h*vitg
    captured Chaudandi aud Vijaypur next day Plithvinarayana
    Shah coultl olaim mastery over a large elice of territories in
    the Terai ae far as tho KoBi and upwards at leaet fifty per
    oerit of Limbuan to tho line oftbe rivcr Arun. ln themonth
    oI Maroh of 1773 the Gorkha army desqondod into tho
    Morang Torai.
    Alotter ofPrithvinarayana d'e,bed' Phalguna oodi I toj',
    addresseil to Rama Krisna Kuar congr&tulates him on his
    victoriouB m&rch over the Kirot area. Thia was a feat aore
    praisewortby thsn wh8,t other Saral&rs shored in this field'
    Ilo was given 22 sets of rewarde.
    This letter of Prithvinarayana w&s written in 1774 from
    77. Itilstaprakasa,l,lr. Th€ Art€ corle6poail! to U I{ar, 1792'

    18. gu layr Jeuu&!r' l?Ia.


    GOB,KEA Af,OOrIEg f,INODOU OT ]IEP.AL ?46

    Kathmandu to Abhiman Sinha, Partho Bendari, Kirt'i Simla


    I(hawas and Bali Bania asking tho offcors ooncoraod to
    atrengthen their position on ths border of Islinbs a,nd
    Ohamthapur, Prithvinarayaue further tolls thom tho neod
    for pushing the frontisr from tho Kenkaji to tho Tut&,
    bocause thue fa,r has yet boen outside the boundary ond
    it should not be loft unacquired. If Silkim cl&imed tho right
    oa fslmba.Chamthapu sido, then also the nevly con-
    quered land on the plains should not be aboodoned' Tista
    was the border in the timo of Einilupati, thereforo Clorkhl
    wos a logitinete heir to all lands west of the Tista.
    It appears that up till the timo of writing this lott€r
    Builhikarna Rai had not boeu iraced beoause Prithvinarayana
    admits tbis fact. IIe howover, asks his lieutenants to got
    Budhikarna Rai killeil by any availablo means giving the
    aasaein rewarda itrcluding Bs- 10O0/1200 cosh.
    Prithvina.reyana Sha,h had heard highly of Buddhikama's
    elephant and he wantod to possosB it. Theroforo he had
    instructed his ofrcers to employ tboir mahout to contect bis
    counterpart and see if he could disposo of hir ward by
    accepting Rs. 400-500. IIe askeil thom oven to uso tho
    counterpart's family if they were settled inside Nepal,
    Prithvinarayana strictly forbade hie ofrcere to encroach
    ou Sikkim's own territory. If the ruler wanted a clasb he
    should be waylaid anil dealt a blow. ff Gorkha wae aggrossiro
    against Sikkim, the relation betwecn Tibet and Gorkha
    might b€ strained.
    Tho letter at tho ond Bends gr€etings to Balakrisna Joshi
    and Virabhadra Upadhya.
    After all it was sehemed thrt Buddhikarna was to be
    killed surreptitiouely. We have soon how ho was ambushed
    and killed. Thoso who hed Lilled hin had done so in confor-
    mity to the iDstructions of Prithvinamyana Shah.
    Ae Buddhiksrana Rai was killod, hithvinarayana found
    himself relievod of any hoatile action iu thet quarter. Ifence-
    forth not much trouble aro8e on th&t side, which had necesei-
    246 IIODEBN NtrPAI,

    tatod sction by tho king. Thero wero howeyer some distur-


    baaceg io the torritories uDder control of tbe Sikkimoso ruler.
    It &ppears from the same letter that Prithvinarayana had
    demandod of the ruler of Bilkim to surrcndor those porsoas
    rho hatl esoaped to hie torritory to avoid arrest aud punish-
    ment in Nepal. Ee even thro&tened var in case the Sikkimese
    did not comply with hil demanals. Gangananda Acharyya and
    Visvamitra Upailhya sero oa a mission to Sikkim to negotiate
    eottloment of all tbo pending disputes. But within a few
    moDthe of this Prithvinarayana died, and Nopal's relation with
    Sikkim was left uncortain &t thst point.
    OIIAPTER IX
    End ot Prithvinarayana's Oarreer
    Prithvinarayana Shah ha.d in mind the olimination of thc
    small prinoipelity of Sikkim, as he immeusely desired to makb
    his boundary contetmiuoue with Bhuton. $ilrlrim. [ail
    emerged as a priucipality under a rulor of an emigrant dynosty
    Namgyat, ginco 1640. The principality was built round about
    prosout G&ngtok. Iu course of time tbe dynasty onlarged
    the domain to iaclude psrts of Limbuan. Towards tho ond
    of 1774 Prithvinarayana fought Sikkim, the result of which
    w&s the ca,pture of the district of Illa.m upto Ielimba an<I
    Chomth*pur aad pueh Sikkim to its origiaal frontier (Bogle,
    pp. l4a, 149, 617). But he wa,E too c&utious to a,void &
    conflict vith Lhasa, ft was reported that Tibet vas sendiug
    help to Namgyal. Eo had atrictly ordered to stop &t tho
    original boundary of Sikkim, aud not to push Nepal's froatior
    iu that rogiou at the coet of Tibet syen to the erteDt of
    grabbing 5 inches of the formor'e torritory.r
    Prithvinarayana wanted ,hie froutior to be firod at tho
    Tista in dealiag with Sikkim. As tho information of tho
    surreDder of the Limbu Chiefs yrithout resistance had resched
    him, ho wae etrconr&ged 6o iesue instructions. fot further
    &oquiBition of territories as fs! as Ielimba and Chamthapur,
    which wero acquired eoon aftor as the letter ho addressed to
    to Abhimsna Simha, Bali Bania, Partha Bhandari ond
    Kirti Simha Khawas shovs. These ofrcers were inshuot€d
    to make Sikkim a,gree to accept the frontier liuo at fslimba
    and Chamthapur. If Sikkim aocopted th6 Gorkha conquest
    in oll grace, thoir advance was to be direoted to the Kankaji
    and thenco to the Tieta which was tho original boundarJr of
    the Eihdupati Raja of Morang.

    l. I,ette! to Btl$grsfian th,ItihasaprukJq L pp. 151 fi


    218 IIODEBIT NIOPAL

    The lettor abovo m3ntiousd wae written on Astintz, uedi


    40 roj 4:Wednoaday,6 October, t774, lt
    from this
    &ppeare
    letter that Prithvin&ray&n& also seems to b6 worried a.bout
    the wheroabouts of Budhikorna Rai aud asks his offfcers to
    clnse his death by any moana employing assaesins on promise
    'of money, Rs. 1000 or Rs. 1200. PrithviDarslans had also
    aoyoted to Ilossess tho Rai's elephaat, and officers were
    advised to bribe tle mahouto aud evon give a pose of threaten-
    ing his family residing in Morang to that eud.
    The King eent his rospoct to Balatriena Joshi and
    Birbhadra Upadhya. These two Brahmanas were accomp&ny-
    ing tho advanciag contingoots of Gorkha troopor.a2 in the east.
    They were astrologor politici&ne. Tbey had helped to got
    tho forcss on thoir fe6t.

    ANGLO.NEPALESE RELATION, U68-?4

    Wo have now to drell upon th6 subjeet of Anglo-Nepalere


    coDflict rola,ting to the Terai possesssion of MacLwanpur.
    More will follow in tho next ehapter whero we deal with the
    aubject of Nepal'a rolation with tho noighbours. hithvi-
    aar&yana had kept interest in his relatiou with them and
    tho attitude wag vell defined by him. In regard to tho
    3ritish hs pursued a cautious policy ae we haye emphasiseil
    earlier. Thoy were etill soheming agaiaat him. 3ut he
    know that this was no reasou to keep quarrollitrg with them.
    Ee know that the British were eatrenched in thoir position
    and it was never possible for Nepal to extend ite frontier
    south. But to keep going to othor directiong the Nepalese
    aeeded peoco on tho eouthertr border.
    The dispute about tho Tautar Pa,rg&ne Bo long enjoyed by
    the ruler of a landlord was from tho very
    Mackwanpur as
    teginning keeping the conflict between the British and
    Gorkhalie alive.

    ,, Itihasapnkqso, l, Lg.
    GOBKEA BECOUES TINGDOM OT NEPATJ 249

    Prithvinarayana wanted to settle tho dispute amicably. I{e


    wanted to have a direct talk with the British over the affair.
    Prithvinarayana sent Dinanath Upadhya to Calcutta for
    the purpose. He was prepared to pay to tho company both
    for thc Zemindari of Mackwanpur and Bijepur. This was
    in 1772. Tho Raja of Bejepur was living in Puraia, while
    the successor to the throne of Mackwanpur \ras on the border.
    On the question of Mackwanpur's proprietory right on
    Thatar Pargana we have a contempora,ry account present in
    the archives of Nepalese Foreign Ministry. The following is a
    gist of the account obviously representing the Gorkhali view-
    point in the dispute.

    Major Kinlock wae living in Baragarhi controlling the


    the Terai of Mackwanpur aince YS 1825:1768. In tho third
    year Dinanath Upadhya was sent to Darbhanga and ho
    presented the considered opinion of hie Government as to tho
    overlordship of Mackwanpur. Ife said that as a successor. to
    the old Kingdom of Mackwanpur they had a title to all such
    possessions as lay in the Terai in t'he old Kingdom. But as
    the Sena rulers did, Dinanath's Government was prepared to
    give some kind of revenue (Malaajai,) to the English. The
    matter . was then referred to the council at Patna, which
    suggested that Nepal should annually deliver an elephant
    measuring 74 cubibs ( hath ), each cubit of 14 tasuk.
    Dinanath accepted the suggestion and promised to pay the
    amount of money due to the Britieh. The monoy was
    actually paid in Patna through this llardy. X'or 3 years
    elephants of the requisite size were also delivered. In
    fS30 more documentg were available, which showed the
    measurement of tho size of the elephant was 12{ cabit of
    12 tasulc each. This size of elephant was delivered in the time
    of Nawab Mehabat Jang and Raja Ram Narayana Singh by
    the Rajas of Mackwanpur.
    The English further reduced the size of the elephant to U+
    cubit of l0 tasuk,and accordingly the olepha,nt a.nd money wero
    2l)O MODNBN NEPA',

    depositod iu Darbhangha. Thia arrangemont continued to hold


    ground for some yoars. 3ut the Tribute was discontinuod.
    It was eaid in this yery dooument that one Abdulla Beg
    was trying to oocupy Reutahat ae his Zomindary. But on
    Lord Easting's order he was dispossessed of his right anil the
    jmisdiction of Nepal over tho &re& v&a ackuowled.ged
    by the British.
    According to the letter ot phalquna gudi 1 Roj 6:Eriday,
    19, Eebruary, l?68 Prithvinarayaua had infor_med Kalu
    Pando that Sital Rai, the Suba of patna, had vieited as for
    as Kes&ria but tho purposo of his visit was uDhorsn. e
    uight have come to suryey the area for waging s, war oI}
    our teritory. But the Suba had returned to pstna,. Ib
    vss loornt that the troope of the East fndia Company in
    Bara and Parsa were not ma,uy. In the e&Et tho Erench
    and Englirh wero fighting. The English raised their campc
    in thoir sottlomotrts in Bagaha, Judpani and pathrai.

    DEATE OF' SURAPRATAP


    Thore is a oopy of a lettor preservod in the Archives of
    n'orcign Ministry (Nepal) which is addressed to Kalu pantle
    and Gangadhar Pantha on YS 1831 Bhailra aaild 4 roj 5r. ln
    this letter Prithvinarayana informs that he had conquered
    all the areas of easteru Limbuan. In the Terai the frontior
    lino was fixed at tho riyer Kankayi which flows B0 miles
    oast of Ea,richanda Garhi. The son of the Dowau of Sikkim
    bad come to a distance about 4 days journey from the
    border. Ee ri.aa aot in a position to do auy harm to Nepal.
    A treaty ras goiig to bo signed with Sikkio. 3ut something
    had to be doue in regard to Gorkha,s relation with piuthan
    and Jumla. TheKiog thought that Kalu paude should be
    sent there after congulta,tion, So Kalu Pande was oalled
    to meet him io Kathmundu. Ee was to travel non-stop.

    3. The alate oo.rospoEtls to 95 August, Tlursday 1774


    OOB(EA BECOMES KINODOM OT NEPAL al
    In this lotter Prithvinarsyan . rofers to the fact of'
    Surapratapa Shah teiug killed, Eo was told by his oftoers.
    that Kagki's rulers had detainod ? mon ot chargos of
    conspiracy to killing him at the bohost of the Gorkha rulsr.
    Palpa hatl killed 6 men. Kaeki's action wss indofensible.
    Peace betweon the two countriee was not possible if K&ski
    harraesed simple visitora.
    In what oircumstancoa Sur&pratap Sheh was Lilled the
    lotter i8 not erplicit. It ie not aleo clear as to who killed
    bim, The princo had eorlier accompanicd tho prince of
    Palpa to Butwal. Perhops this ras not 8n accidental deoth.
    Eig eaemies might be followiug the gane to kill him. They
    h&d just acted iu time takiug advantage 'of his movononts
    in Palp.
    It i8 Ba,id that tho Gortha ruler had approhensious of
    Surapratopa acting against tho interests of hia nowly carved
    Eingdom, aud therofore he had schomed to phyaically
    romove him. But all this has to be eeon in the light of
    material which might eBtablish hithviaarayana's haud in the
    murder. But such a material is not so far available to us.
    While Surapratap had dietl, another brother of the king
    of Gorkha, Dalsmardana Shah had forsaken his brother and
    taken refuge in Kaski. A toxt of & landgrant made in the
    name of Dalamardala by Siddhinarayana Shah of Kaski on
    yS 1831 Pawa aud,i 12 roj 6=Bid,uy, l3 January, I?75
    Btst€s thst tho Cheutars was to build hie bousl ou the same..
    Dalamardana is sddressed as the elder' broth€r to the donor.
    The copper plato eeems to bo sn innocont document. But
    it must bo looked in tho light of Prithviuarayana'g relatious
    with his brothor. Dalamardano had left tho Nopal Yalloy
    immodiately aftsr tho victory iu 1768. IIe was spending
    his tine ia the Terai. IIe wag accuEed of plottiDg to oyet-
    throw his brother's throne and inciting Abhiman Siugb,
    Probably on Abhiman'e oomplaining egsinst him he abandoued.

    1, Eilihasikpartusangrarra II. p, 87€8.


    }IODERN NEPAL

    tho Terai and w6nt to livo in Kaski. But Prithvinarayaua


    tad already died two dsys earlior to the date of the grant
    'of land. Kirti Mahoddam Shahl was rot altowed to go to
    Kathmundu evon uador the Regeuoy except in VS 1830
    in on ertr&ordinary situation. But anothor brothor of Prithvi-
    tr r&ya,na had played his part ae Chautara vhile Bahadur
    Shah ras acting as Rogent.

    INTENTIONS OX' VICIOR,Y TEROUGE


    DIPLOMACY
    In a Iettar ho wroto to Mahanta Bhagvantanatha of
    Ranagram (Sallyana) Prithvina,rayana said that tho frontiers
    were pushed to the riyerB Ta;uor in the hills and Kankayi in
    tho plains. Ee aleo erpressod his conffalence of vanquishing
    Sikkim and teching it a lecson.
    hithviaareyaua's letters to Bhagv&at&D&the written
    ftom K&thmatrdu dated, Bhaitre Eudi 6 rgi 6, providos a oluo
    to his cliplomotic approach to various questioD8 of treaty and
    peaco with the priDces on both 8ides of his frontiore.
    Ee sa,id that Jumls had sont ropresenta,tives to I(&thma,ndu
    to talk poace ageinst tho backgmund of tho blockade of
    'Ohaubisi. Tho Gorkhalig wero procdeding to Jumlo via Bhot.
    The same was being done in regard to Jajarkot. Tbe Mahanta
    iu tho courts of Jajarkot aad Jumla. So
    'enjoyed influence
    Prithvi ha.d requost€d him to bring ebout peeco botween
    Gorkha and these couutries. Bhagavautanatha who bolonged
    'to tho seot of tho Kanphatta yogis vas held in high estaem
    by the Glorkha rulor. Ife had accepted to becomo the
    Mahanta's disciple. But hithvinarayana was too politicel
    to do it for purposos other thau political. Ee wanteil to uso
    the Mahanta to push Gorkha's interost in tho Baiei regiou.
    hthvinaroyana's Bolo sim ot this stage was to coneolidato
    the territories he Lad conqured iu thc eaat. Ee was ooncorned
    to m&inta,in peaceful relations f,ith tho Chaubisis, rroro
    5. Tho ilot€ is ir!€gul&r.
    GOBKEA BEOOUES KIIIODOU OB NEPAL 25&

    particularly with his immediate neighbours, Lamjung an&


    Tanhou. Ife informs the Mahanta that he had maintaine&
    a,n appea,ra,nae of friendehip with Lumjung.' Viseswara
    Upadhya, aud Siva Ghimire were residing thore to look after
    Gorkhalis interest. Kaski was supported 6y Gorkha. Ee
    had sent Birbhadra Thapa there allowing two Brahmanas.
    from that principality to resido in Kathmandu.

    PR,ITHVINARAYANA DIAS
    Prithvinarayana Shah was ailing in Kathmandu for somo
    time in the past. The damp and cold winter of the Valley
    of Nepal further injurod his health. He was advised to rest
    at a place of lower altitude. IIe went to stay in Noakot
    but after a few days shifted to a site at the confluencs of'
    the river Trisuli with the Tadi, which was situated at a lower
    altitude, 2600 feet above sea lovel whero he breathed his
    last on Wednesday, 11, January(:ZS L831 Ma'glta' Sankranti
    70th ?i,rthaof bright Magha) 1775. fn a lotter of Phaguna
    aad,i 3 roj Z:Monday, 27 January, 1775 to Chakrapani Sharma
    at Baneras King Pratapa Sinha informed the rocipient of
    the letter about the death of his father on the above date.
    ft is ruggested by somo historians that Prthvinarayana
    w&s on a visit to Noakot to arrango his second son's marfiago.
    ae well as to finalise talke on trade relations with Tibet.
    But why should he go to Noakot just for these matters 7.
    After all Noakot was not far from . Kathmandu and the
    digtancc intervoning .botween Noakot and Kathma,ndu was
    just 16 miles, a day's journoy from dawn to dusk. IIe
    could arrange Bahodur Shah's marriage and talk to Tibetans
    in Kathmandu.
    Baburam Aoharyya writes (LPN, III, pp 629 ff) that as
    Prithvinarayana reached Noakot he was already a tired man.
    This was after the misgion of nearly thirty years, all hectic,
    on account of uncoasing struggles ho had to wage against
    d[o foes. . If he was tired it was but natural. The Acharyya
    '254 ITODEBII I{EP-II

    ''hoyover goes on to Boy th&t Prithvinarayaua undertook


    to dictst€ hie Ditgopd,cEa at this timo, adding eoro straitr
    tct his physic&lly olh&ustod body. Tho Diogogndeea is regarded
    without historical evidence ae Prithviuarayana's pronounco-
    meDt on the political and ecoaomic policies to be pursued
    by Nepal in the contert of ths situatiou prevailirg in Iqdia
    against thc background of tho decadent Chineso Impire and
    Nepal's bufer like positiou during the later half of tho lSth
    contury. Tho writing was unknown before lg54 or so. This
    was brought to light by a, doscend&nt of the old Bosnet family
    and published. Accordhg to the editor's uot€, the whole is iu
    the handwriting of Abhiman Singh who had written verbatim
    as Prithvinarayana utt€red tho words. Tho language is of
    olal Btylo and some of tho statements attributed to Prithvi
    narayan& look ft itr the rituation. But oue cannot youchsafe
    for its beiag in reality tbe pronouncement of Prithviuarayana.
    The Ddoyopwd,esa .might aot exclusively appertain to
    any einglo rulor as the tre&tment of tho questions discuseed ie
    goneral. It crudely mentione tho mottoes anil proverbs as
    aayings erplained io that fashion on tbe polity of o state
    managing not very gigsntic probloms. Thue this m&y belong
    more to the medioval world than modern and it i8 too Bhort
    as a treatiese. We do not know hok it etrained Prithvina,ryanas'
    bealtb to the poht of kiling him.
    It iB strange that the Ditgopadecc does not giys anythiDg
    about the long strugglo he waged to capturo the valley of
    Nepal and eaateru regioD. Thore is iust mentiotr of the event
    of conquest of the Nopal valley, and it coverr just two
    lines, No other places find mention.. As a proliminary he
    obsorvos that ho was invited to attaok the Nepal valley by
    Parasuram Thapa but was betrayed. The latter had
    instructed hie brother iu Kaski to incite the Chaubisi
    against Gorkha. (This was done with a view to distract
    his attention from tho Nepal soctor). Eo had sent one Jhagal
    Clurung to murdor tho Thapa's brother. Tho Gurung disguised
    ao a folk singor with his daggor coaoealod murderod the Thapa,s
    GO?KEA BECOIIBs XITODOM OI NEPAI 255

    brother wbjle he was eating his lunoh uoguarded. But the flght
    gt NoaLot and exploit of the 12 yeer old Mahoddam Shah ie
    described in detail.
    In the light of the a,bovo wo are constrailed to Bay that
    tho Dioyopalzsa ie ueolosg as a historical troatise.
    The etatemeut mentiona that he had four brothora born of
    threo mothors. Ife aho obeorves tho fact of his marriage with
    Eomakarna's daughor and subsequent rofusa,l of the father-in-
    Iaw to send tho daughter along with the son-in-law who wanted,
    tho bride ae well aa a precious elephent and jewels. Ee had
    joumoyed baok homo disappointed but had a stealing look of
    the Nepal valley en route, which had excited his passion for
    the conquest of the Malla kiugdoms. Ife consultod three of
    his brrve comrades in Maidbi, a fey milee east of Gorkha and
    with thoir consent attacked Noakot succesefully. Tho bio-
    graphical note ends with compleints against Parasuram Thapa
    ae described abovs.
    Prithvinarayana calle himself the Raja of Mrgerat (couatry
    of Magaro), who had saved bis country from becoming a
    Turkish empbe. Eis procopts lrere me&nt for the 12000
    Gorkhalis.
    But this is & contradictory Btatemetrt, becaues at a timo it
    was igsued bis subjects had vastly increaeed and tho aroa
    .enlarged at least 25 times,
    But we might view the Diayopailuo in a ditrerout light.
    It is not unlikely that this represented Prthviuarayana,s views
    ou topics he thought important and asLod his followers to sct
    up to tbese as occaseions aroge. These vierys aro Dot coDsiltetrt
    and are not scientifically presoated. But they might be trea-
    ted as those reflocting the guiding thought bohind Prthv!
    narayana's policies anil actions. Prithvinarayana also montions
    some evonte ofhis lifo and soitr somo reapects fho Diuyolnnaa
    provides clues to happenings about which tho chroniclerr wero
    apt to iutroduce imaginary or controyerEial ideas. But tho
    Divgopaitresa gives no dates, and it might not fulffl the vent
    of chronological flll up.
    266 IIODERN NEPAI,

    As we have alreaily quoted at&tements mado in Dh,goynileaa


    in relation to various policies of etate laid.down by prithvi-
    narayana Shah, we m8y not E&y more rbout thi8 potk here at
    this atage.
    Somo urriters p&rtisularly, Wright, Oldffeld and Hamilton,
    havo wrongly put hir death ia17?1. Kirkpatrick, howevor,
    who yisit€d Nepal ia early 1793 heard that ho died in early
    l?75, and so did Bogle. Markham iu the l&tter's biography
    rritos that Bogte had been informed about Taehi Lama con-
    gratulatitrg Pratapasimha ou his essumption of ofric€ in early
    1775t. And the ma,n writing only after l8 ye&r8 would not
    commit a mistako so as to writo I wrong dato of his death.
    hatapsimha had informod ths British Cloy€mor at C&lcutta
    iu & lotter roceiv€d on 20 Novombet 17757 lhat his fathor died
    and ho h&d succeedod to tho throne.

    r C halmter
    P rithui,naragan'
    Two Europeaa travellers, Eamilton and Kfukpatrick, who
    visitod Nopal in the l&st decado of tho l8th century wroto
    a.bout tbe now ruler of Nep&l in tho following terms. We firet
    quote Eamilton !
    "Pritbvinrayan ras a p€rson of insstiable ambitiotr, souad
    iuilg6m6nt, greot courage atld ullcessing activity' Lind and
    Iiberal, especially in promises to his frionds and depondants,
    ho was regardlees of f&iths to Btratrgers and of humanity to
    otremios, th&t is to all who opposeil his views" (P. %5). This
    writor goes on to 8ay that he was responsible for tho introduc-
    tion of ffrearms and Europea,n disciplino in the army, but he
    took few Europe&na in his service. This shows how dietrugtful
    ho was of the E uropeaD8 &nd how tactfully he m&naged hi8
    afairs.
    Here is vhat Kirkpatrick says :

    " There are contradi;tions in hig charaotor vhich our


    some
    imperfoct knowledge of his history does not ensble us to
    0. Bogle p. 191,
    7. CPC. fV, E. !048,2019.
    GOBTEA Bf,COMES trII{ODOM OT NEPAL 257

    oloar up : thus, notwithstaudiag the cruolty ho manifested


    in bis treatmont of the iuhebiterts of Kirtipur and in hie
    ungotrerous ettitude towads tbo Patan nobilitios on somo other
    occaeione, ho is said to havo disgraced ono of his principal
    adherents for wounding one of the enemios vhile in the aot of
    fleeing from the field of bottle. In frro, we msy conolude from
    tho r€sp€si in which his memory is yet held by tho Parbattiaa
    and especially tho milita,ry part of them, that whatever hie
    oond.uct as a conqueror or however gevere his naturo nay havo
    beon, he was not il-&ttontiye t,o tho Eosns of conciliating those
    on whoee support ho principally relied" (P' 271).
    We may not wholly agree with the abovo mentioned
    writers in their ostimate of Prithviuarayana's character and
    &ttainmetrts. 3ut there was no doubt tbat ho was ons of
    the greateet figuros of the timo. IIiE grestnegE was ackuow'
    ledged by his advorearies, and thore could bo uo greater tribute
    to his genius and ochievemeat than tho oae from tho writiog
    of two European writors.

    No', a bigot King


    Prithvinarayaua is often accuscd of boing haroh &nd oruel
    tow&rd8 the peoplo of tbe Nepal vally in general. But thie
    is an unjuet allegation. After all he annexed prinoipalities
    after principalities by defeating thoir rulers. IIir was not o
    war of attrition directed agaiart the people. The peoplo did
    rarely comerinto picture in any sphero in those days. Prithvi'
    narayena had fought the rulers and the quarrol rvoe Bn iDtet'
    neoiao ono. The ffght waB a sort of civil war. Exeept with
    those in power ho tlealt with all others fairly and humanely'
    Ee diil not interfere with their mannerg and customs, and ho
    upholtl alt the granta donated by former rulore to tho mah'
    tenance auil worship of templee. Such an attituile becpeake of
    his liberal mind. IIe never ertended his intrigue into tho
    ilay-to-day &frsir8 of the people ancl he had uo intontioa to
    haraes or deroraliso them.
    268 ODEBX ITBPA}

    Baburam Acharya in hia LPN, lII (P 46t-02) has ropro-


    duoed a documsnt iuoorporating o grant of land made by
    Prithyina,rsyena Shah in tho nome ofa Buddist prieat who woa
    to utiliso the esraing for various fostivall oonnoctoil with the
    vorship of e temple in Kirtipur.
    Prithvina,raya,na Shah played all tho parts of the Malla
    rulers in public functiong appea,ring aud partioipating in the
    many featinale when tho king's prosenoo wss domauded. Of
    courso, ho movod cautioualy. But his dogire w&s to tre&t them
    .as his orn people and any kind of diecrimination wes far from
    hie mind.
    Prithvinarayara Shah rose from a small ohioftain to the
    ting country. ff ho hail no qualities of hoad and
    of a sizoable
    hoart and no following of equ&lly ablo mon the kingdom he
    c&rved out would not havo omerged in that form. It
    wss not
    shoer luck which had enabled Prithvinaraysns to &ttain this
    glory. Suroly worth hs h&d, worthy his Deu pero. But ho
    had also erploited th6m to the best advautago. And he ha"d
    the qualities to knor best exploit tho rogourcog and
    how to
    talonts. Thus ho was not only a valiaot soldior but aleo a
    milit&ry gener&I, not only an orgeniser but aleo a str&trcgist.
    Other qualities of Prithvinaraya,na Sh&h wors : hs nevor
    lost patience even in momonts of rttcr dofost and he collect-
    .ed Btrength ogainst repe&ted failuros, oud ondeavourod to
    got oyer them. Mors than thot ho could incpiro coaGdsuco ia
    thoee who had despairod. Thus by thie qu&lity hithyi tided
    over many orieis, and ralliod hig mon in hours of dofeat and by
    darirg turnod tho tebl6 to victory in momonts of impending
    dofeat.
    Prithvinarayana Shah, however, fought uusorupulously. To
    him viotory was the ond snd he dial not care by what moans
    it camo. IIe did not hositrte to usoany mesns &t his disposal
    to achievo a oaugo. Ife was not only a stratagist but one wlo
    pl&yed every Bort of Btret&gems against his opponents. Quito
    ofton he displayed liboral attituds towards tho enomies but
    ox & nqmb3r of ocoasions ho did prove hiorrslf all crafty and
    ooBxf,r BEoOUXa rINODOU Or NEP.el 269

    cruol. Abovo all he, thrsw tll consoionoo to winds vhile ho


    had to aohievo hie objootive.
    Take, for instsnce, tho capturc of the Raja of Tanhou on o
    pretoxt of a friendly iutorcoutso and killing af Psrasura,m
    Thapa's brother while ho wae eerving loyally hia master, Ono
    could suggest that th6 story of Thapa's promise of support to
    hithvinar&yena is a concoction on the lattol's paft' fn almost
    oU letters he addressed to his ofrioers he persuaded them to
    deceivo the onemy by feigning frieudship. Ee rolied as nueb
    in decoptive taotics ae iu srorals. To serYe his ends he would
    ,ppurl to parochial sontiments; aud ueo soorct dovices to
    ooat€ splits in the ranks of advers&ries. Bribery wa€ one of
    hie woepons to divide the oppononts. We havo soon how bs
    won tho loyalty of rulers; collaterals and ministers by oforing
    money, oleph&nts and cootly articles, Ee won ovor men by
    o;ploiting their weok et&tions &nd by corrupt moana. As if
    this was not enough he betrayed their trult at timsg. Eis
    dealing with those enemies who had surrendered with ell faith
    in him was not praisorofthy. No other man e:copt those
    with ingrained suspiciou might havo thus washed theit h&ndg
    in blood. Becauee he was a rank intriguer himaelf ho wae
    aftaid of any man who had crossed over to join his side. Ee
    ltraa ever foarful of court intrigues even. But thir was, how-
    eyer, not uaiversally practieed, It depended on the utility of
    the man concerned. Prithvinarayana erploitod human wesh-
    neBB, but he wag not ueed to show toleranco towords guch
    goaknesg.
    We need aot go fa,r to substsntiats our stetemonts by ex-
    amplo. The aftermath of tho victory over Kirtipur end Patan
    is desuibed by the ohronioler thue:'tr'or eome timo ho show€d
    himeolf in favour ofthoss who had intrigued with him, after
    three uonths he eeoured the persons of tho mon as vell as their
    children feigning the ploasum of their oompany to his 8otr ; ho
    also could send as hostegos eome noblomon to Noakot as a
    his entrance to Paten and till he retumed ssfe
    condition for
    to Kathmandu, but all theeo safety provisions wsre eet aside
    260 UODEBN NTP.TL

    when ho arrestod all the Prrdhaas rhen thoy cane to meet


    him ; he took thom all to Noakot, vhero they woro probably
    put to de&th.'
    One oould s&y that the men erscuted wore thoeo who h&d
    botrayod their ovn m&ster8. But wh&t about the Corktrali-
    king who persuaded thom to desort their sido ? Prithvinara-
    yana Shah seemed to follow in lettor aud spirittho dictum
    that thore ir nothiog unfsir in w&r.
    Tho only tribute to such a polioy is that a new Nepal was
    born which w&s much biggger tho eize of the old one.
    fn reslrct of war stra,tegy ho nover fought a battle which
    was not dir€cted against a ringlo onemy. Eis strategy was to.
    isolato one enomy among the many and hit him at a suitable
    momont, IIe fougbt them one by one as againet thoir com-
    binatioa. It is aIBo truo that he did not ffght with a suporior
    we&pon or organisation. Nor he wae succeesful to make an
    inch of a.dvance in the hilly woatern &re&B ac[oss the Mar-
    syaagdi. Eowevor, he achieved Buccess in besting down tho
    yalloy rulor8. But hor6 too even while he wss ffghting the
    thres rulerg of the valley, ho fought each of them eeparately.
    He sucoessfully intriguod to bring about fa,ctionel diBputes in
    tho rank of his opponents, What holped him to echiove
    suoooss in tho battle field or at least to keep his &dversries in
    cheok was the intrigne ho played. Adilod to this was laok of
    acruplos iu tho meerrs ho omployod to win the w&r.
    Prithvinarayana fought with guna and probably the poss€B-
    sion of its lat€st modol holped him to achieve yictory oyer tho
    ruler of tho Nepal valloy, who elso posseseed tho knowledge of
    guns and powders. But th€ lstter probably had no efEciont
    meoh&nio. fuhvinarayana Shah on ths other hand was in a
    tr)ositiou to utilise the servicoe of ono Shekh Zabbar who wag
    a master mechenic io m&LiDg matchlocks and gunpowders.
    Shokh Zabbar was & rocipient of some londs at tho bands of
    of Prithvinarayana Shah. A writing incorporates o l&nd gr&nt
    in his name. Tho Dioyopadasa also speaks of him as a meoha-
    nio brought from Banaras.
    GOBKE,6. BEOOUES trIIODOM OF NEPIL 261

    Prithvinarayana fought his battloe both with regular and


    iregular soldiers as well as tho rabble. A batch of l0O trained
    soldiers on regular servioe wso c&lled s compauy. Theeo handloil
    glns and daggers as occassion r6quired. Every eoldier
    ofthiB typo vee, ca,lled. tiliwa. The irregulare handled aleo
    diforent weapons but they were not aB muoh trained &s tho
    regular. The cornpany was led by Subedar under whom thero
    rvere sir llavildars and as much Euddae. The latter two were
    junior officere.
    At times when numericel etrength was called for to reia-
    force organisod defsnoe tho peoplo ilr general were olso omploy-
    ed. But then thie vas never done iu a pitohod battle. Only
    duriug akirmishes euch a rabblo was usad for tho pu4roso of
    creating terror itr the mind8 of the invaders.
    Prithvinarayana took uearly twenty four yoars to vanquirh
    the Nopal valley. Even aftol a euccessful blockodo it stood
    resistiug for several yoors. The valiant people of Khtipur
    fougbt 12 yoars boforo they sunondered. Obvioudy hithvi-
    naray&na, noither fought with superior weepns uor with
    superior organisation. If it was a ffght of ekill, it waa worat
    in the form of intrigue, in which Prithvinarayana had excelleil
    anybody, so ultimately the inttigu€ had triumphed over every-
    thing elso.
    Eis army rvhe juet a rabble like the armies of the noighbour-
    ing principalitieo. If he ha"d raised a few corpa of tilangaa
    (soldiere trained h tho srt of gulr warfare) I thjnk thet others
    had aleo done so-
    Bu! Prithviuareyana oould not have introducod a modern
    &rt of rarfare without tho requisite background.
    But he was Eghting an ofonsivo b&ttle, lhile ,others wore
    defending their positions. This croated somo diference in the
    mode of fightbg. By the requiroment of circustancec the
    GorLhali ffghtors acquirod agility end mobitity, r,vhich othore
    lackod. Prithyi alao ehowed ertreme vigilance to gua,ril tho
    outposts ho conquord &lthough th€ main winning factor w&s
    political intrigue, but tho quality of the mon fighting on
    262 UODBB]I }IEPAI,

    Gorkhr,ts side thue genoroted had &lso oontributed to its suooeso


    in tho battlsffold.
    It wss hithyinaray&na'e dosirc th&t the troopero \f,6ro sll
    kopt oontented. Io, Dixyopilaa he laya stross on thig factor
    aB m6&ns to tho achievcmont of the objeotivo. Tho soldior
    as aoon as ho was eDlisted wse to be looked ofter by tho rulor
    providing him a home and land, If hs died in aotion his family
    obteined m&intonaBco until tho male member: camo of ago to
    be ablo to hold daggors whoreupon they wor6 promotod to
    posts in regular soryico. This would ensure his loyalty to
    the throne and mako him undorgo utmoat sorvioe for tho
    causa. Tho Subodar of a oompauy was the most tru8tod man
    with his roputation of achisvemonta in 4 or 5 battles' Ee
    appointed hie junior oEoers tGsting thei! cour&go, the rulo
    being the most cour&geoua of the men would get promotiea to
    the poat. Similarly when the meu were rooruited they found
    thoir plaoe according to tbo courage dlsplayed. The lowest
    rankiag offioor oalled Eudda and abovo him llavaldar wore
    extremely clever aad couragious men. All men and oftcere were
    thoso who wore prepared to do or dio in the action. Tho
    soldier was rocruited from caetos other than tho Brahmonas.
    Aocording to hi8 st&toment ia Diogopadesa PrithviBarsy&ns
    admitted that a rulor drew his Btrength meinly from ths
    eoldier and the ryots (raiiis). Tho soltliers were recruits from
    among tho eubjoete. So there was uothing to discriminate
    botween the two. But tho soldier weBt in ection while tho
    Eubjeots supportod from his base. This was a difieronce of
    proportion. Professionally the soldior wae & Ean of action'
    The soldier, thereforo, was always kepc onga,ged, otherwiso he
    might play into the hands of tho rebel8.
    I do not thiuk that a great military strategy was invol-
    ved. in such a practico. But vhotover hia organisation he
    know human nature woll. This understanding helped him to
    ln&noeuvre succeesfully through the cobwebe of intriguo in
    tho troubled gituation of the country st the timo.
    Prithvirarayana is regarded by many people to-day cs the
    uniffer of Nepal. But therc is nothing to show that he over
    OOEB.E.I BECO XS r]}IGDOU O' TIEP-AL 263

    concoived of the size wo havo for the present day Nepal;


    while he advanood to the oast ho waa not, ablo to a.dvance
    beyond the bouadary of the theu Gortha. Within the limits
    set by his conquost tho Nepol beyond tbo valley was bom.
    But all this happoned without his having thought ofit. Eo
    was an uuconsoioug tool oftho dostiuy which ha.d marLed him
    &8 A COnqUerOr.
    But io his Dioyopileaa tbe river Ganges Es8 the fronti€r
    lino shown by bin for his eouthorn frontier. Thia occurs in
    his referenco to the likelihood of a fight whth tbe British. IIo
    thought that the British Eight sttempt to invade Nepal cross-
    iog tho Churia ghati (South of Iletauda) and inetructed his men
    to fight even a last ditch battle with tho enemies. He fore-
    cast a crushing defoat on tbe Britieh and hoped tha,t they
    rould rua away by abandoning huge trtarures. The Gor-
    khalia were to chaee them away beyond tho Ganges (perhaps
    upto Sonepur).
    Prithvinarayana emphaoieed tho need of fortifyiag the n&tu-
    ral defonoe of Sivapuri, PulchocL, Chandragiri, lfahadeo-
    pokbri, Palurg, Dapoha, aud Kahule. Eere wero to bo Btationed
    feld guns and evory blwnjyang iu the area was to bo provided
    with an iron g&te so that entries were pro;rorly checked. Five
    a,rmod moa and c ffeld gun aleo wero to be placed at eaob,
    of them. Prithvinaryana thought that io the circumetancee
    .to one, tho Chineee or tbe British, could havo courage to
    cmss the f6rts thus built.
    It appesrs from the abovo that Prithvinarayana had in hie
    miud the protection of the Nepal yalloy aDd it8 ert€ntion to
    the east. So wo caa imagioo what ultimately he aimed at-
    Tho conqueet of the valley was tho only objective he cherished.
    €,t the initia,l stage. Ee proceoded as far aB DolLha in that
    queet for a situation to reoliso his schems. So foll to him Mack-
    wanpur, which puehed hie conque8t to the bank of the riyer
    Dudhkoei in the billy region and to the river Komala in the
    Torai. Lator he pushed his oonquest to Morang and tbe pre.
    sent boundary. But oll this automatically followed in the
    264 MODERN NEPAL

    Eft€rm&th of th€ conquest of tho Nepal valley or as a prelimi-


    nery to it.
    With what we have deecribed in tho abovo paragrapba it
    will bo wrong to call hithvinarayana the creator of modern
    Nopal. But we are putting this stetemont in the sense that
    he did not consciously plan it. Nor can we take irto account the
    f&ct that he eyer drea,mt of an ompiro hig successors were to
    build in the Iate'I8th and early l9th conturiee. Truo to his
    initial objoctive &ll hi8 attontions wero dirscted to protect tho
    Nepal volloy in a fashion similary as he desired itE conque8t.
    But as so have olready euggested for all tbat in the procoss
    of conqueet wont on to the making oft sizable kingdom, and
    beoause tho conqueror was hthviuarayana Sh&h, he must
    get his due ae a buildor, even though overything happened
    vithout his forethought.

    Dconomic Policg

    Prithvinorayana Shoh encouraged Nepol'8 tr&ditiotlal haDdi-


    crefts and art industries euch as braes rnd oopper ware,
    making statua.ry objects, wood oarving. homo spinning aud
    weaving. Ee asked his countrymen to we&r cloths Eanufac-
    tured in their country. No merchants from tho Bouth should
    bo allowed to cross Ga,rhpars&. But the design in the cloth
    industry of the soutb should be copied by the Nepalose. e
    advisod hie country men to shun luxuries so that dependence
    on couutrios outsido Nepal could be avoided. Nepel had
    s subgtaDtial trade both with her northern and southern
    neighboure. Ee felt that tho bulk of trade with these ooun-
    trios should be haudled by the Nepalese traders. He had
    expolled the Kaghmiris anil Goe&insr and now that the route
    to Tibet wao controlled by his Government the ontire share of
    iho entropot trade passing 0hrough Nepol came also to bo
    hantlled by the Nopaloso. But it appears that ths Tibetan
    g Markb.m's Bogle, etc., l!,lE
    GORKEA BEOOIdES rINODOIT OI. NEPAI 246

    msponEe to. thie eituttion was 'not favourable to Nepaleso


    points of Yisw.
    Tt \ia ilityopadeta Prithvinarayana stroosor tho requrr€-
    aent of an unalloyed coin Bystom if the conntry ]fl&8 tO
    prosPor.
    Earlier he had eecured a, DLqrrnapaba from Jayaprakase
    .nalla about Gorkha'e trading aud political rights in Tibet (VS
    l8l4 Paueo oa.di 8 roj 6-Iriilay,22Decombor, l?58). Jaya-
    prakar had oonceded negoti&bility to Gorkhali coina in
    Kathmandu as a reciprocal measure, and along with thia had
    &coeptod export of tho former country's ooins [o Tibot as well
    os distribution of Tibotan and Iudion (Madhyesh) gold and
    eilver in oqual proportion betweon hie oountry and Gorkha.
    This meent that Gorkha was playfurg as much a dominant
    role in Tibetan economy a.s the two kingdoms of the Nepal
    valley. According to another provision, Gorkha also had obtained
    equal rights with Kantipur to iutercept and confiecato contra-
    band goods eithor from or to Tibot, while each ofthem was
    to give protootion to legitimete trads carriers pa8sing through
    thoir territories (Kathmandu and Gorkha).
    Bofore his time Gorkha had no ooins of its own. It
    deponded on Kentipur and the two othcr kingttoms of thc
    Nopal valloy for the supply of the medium of oxchengo even
    for internal markgte. Gorkha' first coiu dates Saka 16Z0
    (= U54 A. D.). The reforeace to Gorkha coins in tho above
    is en evidence of the economic advaacoment the territory had
    come to sosuro during Prithvinarayana's rroigne,

    Diplmaay
    Prithvina.rayana weB a msstor diplomat. He conducted his
    foreign polioy cautiously and tactfully. The following oxtract
    from one of hie lettere is revealiag for informstion in regsrd to
    9, For tbe ooiEoge oI GotLhss s€e Wdah. op. oit., pp. ?aO-41. Ih6
    f,rst coin hss o!! the obv6E. 6lgit-?et&l lotus rhe&ia iB insclib€,il g/ Bd
    Ei Gorakhrratha, gri sri gri Bhavani, .Eri gti Ptithtinarayal Bahadevd,
    1676. Other ooiD6 ilated 1680, 1683 oait 1691 are abo trao€il (Irirar
    Prokasa, i, p,l17). The roar used is saln.
    266 UODER}I OF NEPAL

    ths various missior:e he set up overtly or covortly in impoltant


    oentreg otrtside his oountry. This bears testimony to an advan-
    cod grstem of diplomatic organisation he created, even thougb
    it In a lottor he wroto, "Yritraspati Pandit
    wss rudimenta,ry.
    has goneto Purnea, Kirtimali to Patna, Vaikuntha Upadhyaha
    to Nawab Sujaddaula. Theso porsons are statioued there,
    Dinanath has left for Calcutta and ehall roacb thsro soon,
    Xor Lhasa wo have Bhimgiri's disciplo Rojgiri and he goee
    there."r o

    The fact of Gorkhali roprosentatives being stotioned at


    British headquatere is conoborated by a Britirh source. In a
    communication addressed to the Britieh Governor, hithviaa-
    rayana Shah hod informed th&t his yaLil would wait on him
    to talk about oertain bordor disputes,l l The nsmo of Dina-
    aath figures as bie vakil.

    Relation with the British

    In dealing with the Britiah in India, King Prithvinarayana


    Shoh handlod his foreign policy astutely and firmly. Ee knew
    that the British were oot reconciled to the situation tha,t, had
    emergod after his victory ovor a large part of the central
    Ilimalayos now coneituting the kingdom of Nepal. Ee undor-
    stood fully well that the British weto profeseiog friadship for
    him only outwartlly. fnwardly they nurecd secret iui.mical
    feelings against him. Ae thoy had failed to acquire domina-
    tion in Nepal by adventurist tactica, they had uow adopted o
    policy of intriguee and looked for an opportunity to harass
    him and weaken his etrength. But tbe Eoglish by that time
    had becomo a great power, snd it was not alesitable to pick up
    a quarrel with theln at that Btege unless supportod by a
    combinatioD oI forcee all over the Indian subcontiuent. There-
    foro, Prithvinarayana too adopted a tacticel policy of main-

    10. L€tte! to lfsbatrts BhrgwantEeth, p. cit, 1.


    ItihaB! ?rakssr, I.
    11. Caleatlar of per3ion oorrostrroEdeac.e, Yol. IV, No. 1443, Noyoabor,
    28, 111t.
    OOBEEA BECOUTA XINODOII OF NEPTL 267'

    tainiug a slow of friendship for tho Britieh whilo building up'


    strongth &nd resouroos in his owa country,
    hithvinarayana hail a clear vieion of the future of hir
    country. IIe felt that if he could koep Nopal freo from tho
    influonco of tho Europoan colonialiets, his oountry'a progroes
    snd security were assured, Eie primlry objootive was to avoid
    both confliots and contacts with tho foroignors, particul&rly
    the immediate noighbour the British. Eo oleverly avoided
    likely imbroglioe. IIe shelved problems that vould involvo
    him to undertake noar friendly intorcouree with tho British
    because he folt .that any iatimate conduct woultl givo the
    British protexts to interfere in his aEairs. Wbile he was pre-
    parod to disouss questions of disputes he evaded oll negotia-
    tions for permanent rel&tion of any kiud betwoen Nopal and
    the Britieh. Thia evasive policy wae al.r:rost baffiing to tho
    British. It sevorely taxod their p&tience ebout the queetion
    of border diaputes. The Britieh were anrious to obtein
    Kathmandu'a a,cceptanoe of thoh claims on certain greae on
    tho border then occupied by the Nopoleso. But ho maint&inod
    consietently a noncommittal &ttitudo or dl questions of
    border dispubo as it concerned tho very integrity of his country.
    Eo knew their stratogem and str&tegy and would uot bo
    caught unawares. The British complained that it was hard
    to negotiate with him because of tbis attitude. ft was said
    that oa a partioular occasion (whilo nogotiation ahout Baijit-'
    pur was boing conducted) while somo kind of commitment wee
    tanted from the Nopalose Yakil, it was found that ho wa,s Dot
    aoquainted with the bueiuesc eDd ha.d no full powers.r2 To a
    requost for Buppressing the Sannyasi raiders on the Ch&mpa,r&n
    border the Gorkhali King had reeponded by ertonding
    a olaim on psrts of BettirE, In both the cases the rosponse
    was as good as a rofussl. But all the whilo ho pleaded with the
    British'not to be projudiced againet bin by the mi8ststement
    of hig onomios.'r 8 At the time when Warren Ifastings
    1!. IDid, No. 1616.
    13. oet, Pe!. Oor!o.., IV. No. 1t13, Novoebcr, 28, t??1.
    268 MODEBN NEP L

    w&s h&rd prossed in Banaras ( 1772 ) the Nepalese Vakil


    evsn made an offor of militory assietotlco es a gesturo of good
    will on bohslf of his master, nhich, however, rraa not eccepted.
    It is said that a largo forco of the Gorkalie rpas waitiug at
    Maekwanpur, but it returned &s th6 Banaras revolt was sup-
    presBod.l' Obviously Prithvirarayana Shah was playing to
    app€ar ss a friend of the Britieh. The lattor a,ttitudo Bmacks
    of hypooriey, but Prithvinarayana had qnly actod in pur-
    suance of a policy dictated by his circumstances.
    His feeling towads his oompatriote in India, howover, wat
    one of brotherhood. Ee looked upon the peoples in India ar
    his own fratemity. Tho Nopalese and Indians were kith and
    kin ofoaoh other. Tho English were advancing in pursuit of
    a policy of military conquest and they were polluting tho soil
    by their impuro and inffdolisb touch. India was gradually
    being brought under thoir hoels and sacrileged that v8y.
    But Nepal vas eaved fiom the British. Tberefore Prithvi-
    norayana had said about this country thst it wos tho 'real
    Eindustana'16 whore'Cows and Brahmang wore duly rovored,
    and larrg of caste striotly enforced(.lo
    As European powers wers sproadiug their tantacles in India,
    tho under cuuent of hie feeling .manifested through eatremo
    hatred of thom. It was not in any way direoted against other
    country Powors of India.
    In the same vein Prithvinarayan Shah tried his lsvel best
    to preyent 'the British fron gaining aecendancy in Tibetan
    commoroe. He wrote to the Tibet&n &uthodtios requelting
    thom Dot to l)ormit the entry of English goods into Tibot,
    I{e also advisod them to discouroge British eforts to penetrato
    into Tibet.r ?
    1.4. IIEckwalrpur Btrtil6r Psp€! iE posBession o, tr'orei8! I\[i!istry' NePrl.
    1,1r. B. C. Chsuilhurt Anglo-Newlete RelarioxJ oto., Pp.5l-65.
    15, A 1iD6 lro!! hir ,ibya Upddesh, p'oblisbeil by l{. NllohulDAth.
    16. A liDe floE hir Dibya Upadesh, pnblisheil by lI. Nalahlritroth,
    17. This inform&tion lvas giveD to Bogle by the Porchea Ialto,
    ,u.rkhaE, p. 169.
    GOBIEA BEOOUES TTNODOII OT, NEPAL 269

    Rela,tions wi,th, kie brothers

    Although born of different mothers, tho fivo legitimate


    sons of Narabhupal had worked for a common purpose with.
    ertraordinary devotiou to each ether.
    But near tho end of tho mission they had fallen apart.
    Thero is no doubt bhat Mahoddam Kirti, Dalamardan,
    Daljit, Surapratap on tbo legimate lino, and Ranarudra on tho
    illegitimate line served Prithvinarayana Shah to the best of
    thoir ability and courage. But his relatione with his brothers
    though quite intimate till his conquest of the Nepal Valley
    were strained as soon as ho showed sings of consolidating the
    various territories oonquered by him iuto a siugle state. At
    tho initial stage the second and third of the brothers occupied
    the posts of super-ministers (Chautara). The .fourth servod
    the common caugo in the capacity of a commander and fought
    several battles at a g-roat risk, in one of which he lost hig left
    oye. Rut scoording to the chronicle they covoted a princ!
    pahty for each &s new territories woro boing annered and when
    they saw that the division of territory was not possible they
    6von went to the ertent of withholding cooperaton at the last
    stago.
    So much so, that the author of Bhaktaa\jaya hatrya Iocates
    the threo of them in Noakot at the timo the attack on tho
    city of Kathmandu took place. Only Surapratepa had been
    with the invading force but he too Ieft immediately aftcr the
    conquest of Bhatgaon to domicile in Palpe. It was sajd in
    the chronicle that Prithvinarayana rewarded Keharsimha
    Basnet for exploits in the battle at Bhatgou ignoring Sura-
    pratapa who had outehone everybody else in bravery on the
    occasion. There is a lettor of Prithvinaraya,n& to ahow that
    Kirtimahoddam had written objectionable letters to some
    courtiers in Kathmandu, which had been intercepted.re ft
    appoars from tho letter that the Choutara wa,! attemptiag t6.
    incite influential men against the king. On coming to know

    18. To Kehaningh Bosnet, ltihasaprakasa, I. pp. 14 off


    270 UODEBIT ]IEPII,

    &bout the interoeption of his lett€rs Kirtimahoddan haston€d


    to write to Prithvinerayslre clarifying his position' And be
    osoapetl to kaeki. Though tho lotter had pleodod
    innocence'
    on his guard as
    the incideat was onough to put PrithYinarsyana
    to tho Ettituite of his brothets ; and both Kirti and Dalamar-
    dan woro not permitteil to oome to the capitol in the life
    time
    of King Prithvitrsra,y&na' At ono time during Bana Bahadur's
    reign Kirtimahodtlam exeroised groat iufluonco at tho oou'rt'
    Bu-t Kirtimahotlilam died in oxilo'Dalamardan had onoe
    succoetled in securing & pessage to tho favours
    of bis nephew
    .but was ag&in compelled to retroat to Betl&'

    Not the slaaess of Orn rnan alone

    Prithvinarayaaa's 8ucoa88 was not tho suocess of a single


    'por8on. Eo hsd oble generals and diplomats &round him'
    Ws have &lro&dy recounted the services of those placed
    in
    charge of military afrairs. But for o11 these br&vo 3nd honest

    mon tho seri68 of victorios ovdr oppononts was not ooDoeivablo'


    Tho ohronicle proYiilos sbout fifty D&mes including tbose of
    his brothers, rho bad rendored signal service to the causo
    of
    Clorkha's victorY.
    CEAPTEB IX(A)

    PBATAPASIMHA
    The eldest eoa of Prithvinaray&rur was atowtod, ot Ma4ha 2
    (Magha Krana 10) oJ VB 1831 saka 1698-1775, Thursday,
    i2 Jauuary, but the tithi, ie wroag. The occaeion wae
    celebrated by issuing a new coin in his aams which bea,rs
    the dato 1831.
    Pratapasimba w&s married to Rajontlralakemi who, how-
    ever, did not wield as much influenco on,him as hi8 concubine
    and miuistor€. But she #as destinod to rulo as B,egont after
    the ileath of hor hugband.
    Prithvinarayana had left two young sons behind him. Botb
    af them woro born of tho same mother, quoon Narendraloksmi.
    At the timo hithvinarayana diod his successor Pratapasimha
    tas 23 years old. Ee ras in Kathmandu looking alter the
    business of state, The eecond son, Bahadur Shah, was with
    his father. for tho suoooss-
    Pratapaaimha was being groomed
    ion einco 1770 while he had only reached17. In a letter
    under dato 78 1827 Paus@ eu,ili 5 roj 7 -Satwday, 22
    Docember, 1770, addressed ftom tho valley of Gorkha to
    Abhiman Singh B&snot by Md. Kumar Yuva,raj Pratapsimha
    gives the officer a cloarance &s to tho exponditure ho had
    iacurred irr courso of time from Marga su.ili 5 ta Pausa eudi 10
    ( -22 November to 27 Decembar). As Prataprimha becamo
    ,king he oleared the Eccounte in tho n&me of Kehar simha,
    Abbhiman singh and Dhoukol Simha jointly. This was standing
    fuom VS 1827 Vaisakka oaild 1 roj 4-Weilnuila,C, 11 Apil,
    1770 to1830 Chaitra eud,i 15 roj 4 -WelJ;rLerdLoy, Z April
    1773. This involved ths revenue of4 years, which thoy had
    billed and depositod in tho tressuryo. The clearance was
    iesued on 1833 Pausa auil,i 15 rojl. Ae thoro is no weekitoy
    ia the published letter we canDot verify the date oractly,
    But tho document rougNy belongod to 177?.
    O. h ihasaprukasa,l, 73.
    1. lThe published lioe tloos Dot gire $oekalry but Jadi JJ is Thursday !a
    JaDuery, 1??7.
    272 N@DEIf I{EP.AL

    The dates iu both the documents (unless we add 4 for aail,i


    in the first one) are irregular. Probably tho copyist made
    the mistake in oopying the date figures.
    The first letter suggested that even &s crown princo just
    beyond his teens ho aould do the job of an accountant,
    general. Pratapasimha had been groomed by his father as.
    crown prince to fiually discharge the duties of a king.
    Pratapasimha is to havo beou disliked by his father
    said
    for his negligent behavior and life of ease. But this Eeoms.
    to be untrue.
    It appearo that Pratapsimha was a m&n of modeet habits
    ond fell ordinarily under the influence of one or another
    courtier. He had been worked up by his wrong advisors to
    treat hig brother as a potential rival. As the two brothers
    foll foul of each other the field was set clear for more intrigues,
    in tho court.
    ft is said that initially Pratapasimha was under the
    influenco ofhis ooncubine, who happened to bo a daughtor of
    Kazi Kalidasa, his Guru Brajnath Paudol and Svarupasimha
    Karki.
    Vamasaraja Pande also had gained influence at the oourt.
    This man and Svarupsimha Karki bear the title of Dewan
    in a document'of 1833 Bhail,ra auil,i 3 roj 6: Friday, 2 August,
    1776 (Itikasapralcaaa I. 92), in which they are witnessos. Kazl
    Vamsaraj had just returrred from' Parbat whero he w&s
    .confined as a prisoner having beon caught during a Skirmish.

    Prithvinarayan&'s second son Bahad.ur Shah was living


    in Noakot at ths time of his death. The prince was accom-
    panied by one of his uncles, Dalajit Shah. ft appears that
    Brajnath Paudel iustigated the uew king to arrest and detain
    tho two princes for their alleged aetivity against him. They
    were actually arrested within a week of king Prithvinarayana
    Shah's death. Eofrevor, Daljit Shah had escaped. The
    King's advisors wero determined to remove the collaterals from
    OORTEA BEOOUf,S EDTGDOU Or ]SEPAIJ Ng
    the royal .ptesence. They wore afraid of ths ohanges in
    thoir fortuue if the Chautaras woro sufrered to live in
    Kathmandu. It so appea,red that after Bahad.ur Shah and
    Dalajit Shah were romoved none of thom wae spared.
    Surapratapa Shah had died and Kirtimahodda,m Shah wac
    in Kaski. ft was said by the cbronicle that tho latter was
    living in Katarban. But this is wrong. After being suopectod
    of hostility against his erder brothor the chautara shifted
    hig
    residence to Kaski. Thue the instigatora enjoyed tho
    monopoly of influsace. On the assumption of powers
    Pratapsinha distributod the key posts as follows : Kazi
    Svarupasimh& w&a appointed chiof minigler (Mulkazi) and
    Brajanath Paudel, Shaktiballabha Arjyal and Bamsaraj
    Pando assisted him &s ministors (K"ui). Thore w&s
    Chautara. "o
    Sometime later Bahadur Shah was releesod from priaor
    and was allowed to go to Bauaras on the intercossion by
    Guru
    Gajaraj Miara who had then repaired. to the capital from
    Banaras. Bahadur Shah left for Tanhou where ho lived
    aearly I yea,r and half moving Iater to palpa.
    for
    fn any desctiption of evonts Bahadur Shah always a,ppeare
    as a, m&n of kind disposition, and broad outlook
    and bravo
    in word and doed. He wae widely respected because of his.
    unblemiehed character. ft wae said that prithvinarayana
    liked Bahadur more than pratapasimha if only for his
    qualities. Prithvinarayana,s partiality for his eecond soll waa
    not unooncealed and it was natural that the crown
    prince
    became jealous of him. The suspicion that Bahadur
    Shah
    would harm his position was born of jealousy which was
    further aggravated by hia ministers who equally feared
    unpleasant consequencos of Bahadur,s presence in the
    court.
    Bahadur Shah had not intrigued against his
    brother.
    But tho suspicion of his intontion harboured by his
    brother
    wa,B 60 deop that the latter had to rive in orile
    far from home
    until the death of pratapasimha. Daljit Shoh, his uuclo,
    shared the same fate. But he was recalled oarlior
    to Koth_
    274 MODEBN NEP.AI,

    maEdu by the influenoe of queen RajendralaLemi. Bshadur


    Shah war living in Betia whils tho royal letter from Katb-
    mandu reaohed him with the roport of hig brother'e death
    and invitation to be proeent ir the paloco.
    Aocording to the chroniclo Bah*dur Shah had troublei
    with his brother in the very begining of hie reign, oud wag oom-
    lnlled to loavo tho oountry. 8o was Dalajit Shah. his uucle,
    the younger Chautara who was oriled for the secoqd time. The
    oircumetancee iu which Dalajit Shah met hir fato.havo been
    described by the cbronicler thus; Kazi Swarup Karki wes
    ably aad honestly eerving tho palaoe and thef were immensely
    pleased with this man ; but ono day tbe Kazi comEitted Bome
    errors' oncl the Chautaras Bahodur Shah and Dalajit Shah
    oomplained to'the king and had him imprisoneil; on the
    queeu's intorvention however, the Kazi was pardoned and
    released and Dalajit thah wbo was the principel band behind
    the incident had his entire hoosedold and propotties GonfiBce-
    ted aad himself with his family erilod. Their ptoporty was
    giveu to Kazis Bhotu Panile and Jagajjit Pande.
    But this story iB wrong. Ths two chautaras had been
    imprisoneil before tho funerel ritoe of Prithvinaray&ae wa8 over.
    Uulike eome other relatious oftho new king, these two men
    always wished well of tho king and no evidenco of a miscon-
    duot oould be proiluced agaiast them. But unfortunately they
    wero Bent to live in exile.
    It appoars that
    Pratapasimha and Bahadur Shah had not
    broken off completely. But we do not know what exaotly
    prompted Pratapasimha to so seriously deal with his brother.
    During Bahadur's exile tho two brothore were aleo in
    corroepondence. Bahadur complained in ono of his lettors that
    his brother hsd exiled him to s country which was not hia
    own. IIe had never thought ill ofhis country and the king.
    IIo wrote that he wae then eating the s&lt of Tanhou &nd he
    was to &biile by whatever its rulsr orderod. But if Itatapa-
    simhe tre&ted him well, ho would be truo to him. Ee wanted
    to como back home. The elder brothor had replie.d that his
    ooprE^ BBOOIES xnxoDoM or rrpll, 276
    elile wss & medicine for the wound adding,
    you were given fare
    well by us rith all pleaeure, atthough jour acfi." fia *"""i
    &nger but we auppressed it. your return aup"oa"a yooi
    oo
    actions ; if you give evidence of feslty
    to tn" yoo"*ltt
    be allowed to return,. Bahadw "oorrt"y
    Shsh hsd *p.*uj itr, i"
    Rajas of L&mjuag and Taahou-
    l* :": -rhe
    talkod of Gorkha's frindship, which pratapasimb,"nil "o.iorsly
    ,;p;;;;;;;.
    The lat-ter informed in reply that yamearaj p.ia" -""i
    pantha were boing Beat
    |:ii*r*r to Tantrou, Lamjung and
    Piuthan to talk peaco rvith their rulers. The
    .qimha is dated. Sraaana ead,i l0 roj 6_
    letter of il;;;
    Friday, ZO .f"fy,
    1776. Ia a poetscripb ho mentioaed that for
    Sahadur Sta;g
    uso ho had despatched a bodtting
    and a box full of dry fruits.
    Another letter wea s€nt to Bahadur Shah
    *ith ,"""ri ;;;;;
    by the bea.rer. This lottor ie d,ated. Bhailra
    ; ;;";
    :Tuosday,20 August, 1i76. But
    tho month ie""iliatorcaliry
    This w&s in reply to i lotter which
    had informed hin thot
    Brahman was beiDg eriled. Bahadur disliked
    Ibanjsh the the 8;gg;o;;
    eon of.hig spiritu&l tutor. pratapapasii-ha
    infor
    mod tha,t ho had sout to Bahadur numorous
    artiolea for bis
    use during-the Dipavati festival (
    Kdfidka sla lS roi Z - lfronalrl,
    25 November, l?26.) In the ledter
    of S&m"", iAal i";r"ii)
    Z 5 - Thurndan A1xil, t777 pratapasimha
    Y; .*i
    th&t the report of the death of potala
    informa
    Lami and ;; ;;
    quont departulo of Tashi Lam& to peking
    had reached him.
    He also lets hie brother know that, Father
    Miohaol Ang"fo hail
    come to Kathmandu ond left for
    Beti& aftor staying a
    rrighte.,
    The last passago in this lottor suggeets
    that Bahadur would
    learn more from Chautara Suravira of palpa;
    that- Rahadur was liv.ing there at tho
    it i, po*iit"
    timo of writiug this
    p,uticular letter.

    x. All the tettgr! ErDtioaeil ate pubtisbeil


    3
    i! ? unioa, 17, pp. g!-AS-
    27i ODEBX !IIPAL

    Bbik of ,tw Oram Yinne


    Rajendraloksmi gavo birth to a eon who waa to suoceed hia
    fathor two antl holf yoors later. He waB botn oo Jgutha vdi
    70 rcj 5:Tharwy' of YS 1832. The a&me w&s to grow eg
    Rana Bhadur wboso capricoa caused troublee to NoPal PrataP-
    simha haal concubiue of the Newar Shrestha caste who had
    a
    almady born him a son by name Vidur Shah. Later a posthu'
    mous Eon was boru of her, aod this was Sher Bahadur, who
    killed Rana Bahadur in 1807.
    It is said th&t since tho birth of a son Rajendralaksmi
    wieldeal more iufluence over the king than anybody else'
    Rajendralaksmi ruled for sometime io the name of her
    husband. But the priucipal bande wero SvaruPeBiohs aud
    Brainath. Theso two mou had the king uuder thoir thumbs'
    Tho kiug was Bot & rorthy son of hie father' Ee ras ewtmped
    in lu:urios, was oaslly influenoed aad liat€ued to tell'tsle8' It
    ie doubtful if thoro wero oouspiracios at all &8 iB tried to be
    mads out. Tho story of plote and counterplots omsnsted
    from intriguors who waoted to ri8e to povor &t ths cost of
    their rivale, A vory suro woy to elimiurte ths rivals veg to
    implioate thon in a conepiracy &gaiDst the king. Thie succeed-
    ed, the meu implicated wsre killed and the survivors had s'
    freo timo to go ebout thoir business. Tho plots ofteu
    proved false after a number of yoars. But viotime werc not
    to rise out of the a.shee.
    The fear o{ oonepirooy haunt€d tho palaoe ogain and again'
    Wo ehall s€€ lator how Swarupasioha Karki himeeif foll a prey
    to Buch I foar.
    And oven as tho king was dyiag news had reachod that a
    conepiracy wss sfoot to Eurder him. Tho queou exploited tho
    rumour to hor orrn Edvantago by imprisoning her erstwhile
    rivals.

    TtdQ W, u/ith Tibet

    Io ths timo of hatapasimha Nepal started e frosh desl with


    GOEKEA BEOOUES KIITODOTI OF ITEPAL 277

    Tibet. As we know thig was in regard to the export of Nopa-


    lese coins into Tibet.
    Ee aleo entered into a trade pact with Tibet pledgiag
    afresh tho commitments of a former Gorkha ruler Rama Shah
    towards the Potala.a (For the copy of the draft seo appendix
    below). According to the document of tho paot the agremont
    was signed on Bhailra su,il,i 6 oJ YB 7832 (cotrwpondiug to
    X'riday, I September, 1775). Of courso, the export of coins was
    the main thome. Ouo of the provisione of tho treaty reguired
    Nopal to sho\p in advance the samplo of silver to bo coined for
    Tibet. The signature took place at a place oalled Khaea on
    the border. The trade was routed through Kerong and Kuti.
    The documont gives a fair idea of the settlement of the
    dispute between Tibet and Nepal over the quostion of coins,
    whioh however, could not he very much of succese; The treaty
    was negotiated by Svarupsimha's brother Rupauarayana.,
    Vamsaraj Plnde's sou Jagdhara, Taksari and Bhaneari Pratapa
    Simha, Jasram Thapa, Baijanatha Upadhyr, Laksminarayana
    Upadhya, Semantabhadra, Laksmisimha, I)amodar Upadhya
    and the best reproseutativos of 32 kothia of traders and others.

    Mdlitary Ail,aenture
    Like hie father. Pratapasimba wanted to earn glory of
    military conquest and additioual territories. He sent Bansaraj
    Pande to invade Tanhou with the support of Lamjung, but
    the latter's ruler Viromardana Shah was not willing to come
    to terms. Similarly Kaski could not oblige pratapasimba to
    invade Lamjung. But Abhimansingh Baenet did perform
    a commendable act by bringing into aetion his forces from the
    far east to operate in Chitaun.s Abhiman could occupy
    Upardang Garhi, and isolate Tanhou in the hills. The whole
    of Chitaun fell to the invader. Together with Sardar Abhi-
    1. This is ealletl Dharmapatra, anil the tert is preservetl in the archivee
    of Foreign Ministry. The script useil is Newari, antl the language also
    is Newari,
    5. Itihasapatrasongraha,T. 74.
    278 IODTR,N I{XPAL

    man the Psnde Sardar oould drive away the few soldiors in
    Bta,tion on the etrategio spots of Churia and Someevar ranges-
    Kavllaspur was capturod by Abhimansingh ou YS 1834
    Sraaana 2 Aadha Buili I raj Z:Morday, 14 July, 177?. Sardar
    Ramakrisna Komar ras charged vith the administretion of the
    aroa aud he liveil hore for fivo yoars in that position.
    In pushilrg forward to Uperdang Garhi Kazi Swarupasimha
    ag chiof acted with a design to clsim all tho glory. While the
    brunt of the fight was borne by Bamsam! Pande and Abiman
    B&snet who had thrown all resources in the fight, the ohief
    Kazi wantod to mako a ehow of it. Aocordingly he led a small
    contingent of troops and lay in wait in Jogimara. Eo also
    moved to Kavilaspur when this had been coaquered. IIis
    preeence in Kavilaspur after tho event of fight excitod the
    jealousy of Abhiman and in particular of Vemsaraj Paude,
    who poisoned the King's ears againet the Karki. Tho king w&B
    angry with Swarupaeimha, whoso action in Chitaun was reg&r-
    dod as irresponsible and importinent. The kirg was provoked
    by the Karki's enemie8 to iead in his attitude some kind of de-
    fianoo and. there were rrauy who would even go to the length
    of raising suspioion of shady practices nothing less than cons-
    ptatorial. As a result of thie machination Swarupasimha
    Karki was compelled to run awa,y from the capital out of fosr
    for his life. X'roB the letter referred to in the next paragraph
    it appears ihat he had straight gone to Banarag.

    I ntriguec qqain st Pretaftasi,rnha,

    That eome kind of attempts were being made to over-


    throw Simhapratapa's rule or &t loest to harass hio government
    from the baBo in Beti& oppo*rs from a letter of Sashidhar
    Upadhya who soome to have writter from a firet hand know'
    lotlge of the movenents of Nepalose erilos iu Betia near tho
    bortler, This was towards the end of Pratapasimhe's reign.
    The attempi seems to have ended infructuosly with only a few
    raids carried iuto Nepalese territories.
    GOBTEA BDOOINS KIXODOU OT NEPAI, 219

    Maay important porsoualitlos liviug in orile in Betis were


    involved in thie afrair.
    It soems Bahadur Shah had for some time lived in Tarhou
    and then vent to Palpa. Most of the refugees from Nopal took
    eheltor in Betia. Ife ha.d shifted hi8 residenco to Botia from
    whero ho occasionally vieited Palpa. Betia wss theD the head-
    quarter of a Cbristiau Miasion, and wae olso the Beat of
    Mr. Glolding, the English sgeut of tho Bengal-Bihar dioant
    (revonue administration) for that &ree. The Missionaries ond
    English civiliane woro not slow to activiso tho rebols if any of
    thom wantsd to hit Nepal. A letter written in 1778 by
    9""616661 frpadhya to hatapasimha roproduoed ia Ei ihaadka'
    Tnlra San4raha (P. 29-30)' PurPorts to show that thsro wss a
    oonspiracy afoot to overthlow l,he government of King ha,t&pa-
    simho and the conepirators were waiting for Babadur Shalr
    to reach Betia and take the leadership. Tho king's uncles,
    Dalamardana Shah in patticular woro inplicated. It is not
    known whether Bahadur Shah's coD6eat w&a obtained for the
    move. But according to tho information ooutained in tho
    lettor it \ras suggoBtod th&t Bahadur Shah's participatioa wae
    sure to a,ttrect notice of the Engliohmen, a,Dd ensute their
    co-operation. ABougst certain facte montioned by the writer
    of tho lotter the following cover m&in points: Dalamardan*
    Shah admite that there wae a raid on Nepaleso territory ; it,
    was organieed by Sane Khawas who ombraced Christianity to
    escape penalty; Dalamardan'e othor Bons who were in
    etraitened circumstatrc€E wore aleo thinking of embraoing
    ohristianity. Dalamerdana Shah had realisod the futility of
    &cting ag&iost hie motherland snd bevailed that in his old age
    he had been branded a rebel unjustly. Dalarna,rdana dopended
    Iatgoly on the Buppoft of Golding. Dalamardaua wac
    approached by Rana Jungan and Kasinsth to orga,niso &nother
    raid, but he discouraged this ide& ; aome poople, oro Bbima
    Khawas and one Kaei4aih, were deputed to fetch Bahadur
    r The ila,te liueg are rabsiag, The s6py ol the odglDsl ir lyilg t?!tb
    . BsbulaE Aoharya.
    1N IIODERN IEPAI]

    Sheh whoge mesrenger ha.d just roaohed. Betia. In the above


    Ietter Saahidhar mentions thet D&l&mordsDa. s&ye that on Do
    .aooount he would harbour evil iutontion againet Gorkha.
    Ee never thought ill of his oountry. Ee had been only
    misunderstood. Others, howover, were preparing to enlist
    aeu for oonspiratodal a,ctions. Sworupaimho was planning
    to go to Banar&8. IIe often complained that he woe punished
    for no fault of his. Again, according to tho lett€r Sashidhar
    informs tbat o report of Bahadur Shah'e movemonts thst he
    was roaching Betia ie ourront, Nayanasimha Nowar and
    Claugasimha Basnet also have trrived from Pelpa. One
    Loloji Madhesia caooe from Calcutta. Ee and the emperor's
    nen lcft for Patna on Thursday.
    Bhim Dvare and Kaehinath Padhya wero reported !o be
    thiaking of fetching Bahadur Shah from Palpa. Uptill norv
    thoy had not left. They were reported to have seid that
    they were to do somethiog in the moath of Kartika (October-
    November)
    Sashidbar encloses the reply of tho Padre.
    Sagbitlhar reports that a genoral transfer of English
    ofrcers was beiog contemplated and perhapa tho heeidont of
    tho Potna council would also leave his post,
    Daljit Shah .rr&s thinking of going to Gorkha but wae afraid
    of being o&ught on tho way. Many wero thinking of
    embr&cing cbristianity.
    Sashidhar suggested that Bahadur Shah Bhould Dot be
    allowed to come down to Boti& otherwise tho English would
    exploit his presonce to harm the cause of our h&r&ssme[t.
    It appears th:rt Bahadur Shah in exile moetly paesed hia
    time in Tanhou and Palpa. IIo aleo visited Betia wbers ho
    becomo a friend of tho Capuchin miesiouaries.' But he paid
    only short visits to Betia.
    Reading between the lines the ildorD&tion provided in the
    r€ports by Sashidhar does not actually suPport the fact
    of couspiracy but it might be tha,t the exiles had triod to
    x Ostholious, Replilt, 1942
    GOBXEA BNCOUES KIIODOI OF NEPIL 281

    goin British eupport for osu8iDg d.isturbsncea iu Neprl. The


    leading ffgure was obviouely Dalamardaaa Shah rho hld tri€d
    within the lifetime of Prithvina,rayana to be a king of o part
    of tho newly formed kingdou.
    Bsh&dur Shah had kept doof from euoh activities. Even
    whilo in orile he was working loyally to servo the intorest of
    the country. At th6 time while Dalamardana wae iaoiting
    the Rajas of Kaski and Lamjung against Gorkba, [abadur
    had dono everything possible to provent &Dy mieundorst,rnding
    betwsen Gorkha and Tanhou, Lamjuug &nd K&ski
    As it will follow Dalamardana was I suepect in tho oyee of
    the Royal palace, f,lor this reason he wm prevonted from
    &ttendirg the funera,l rites &s Simbapratep died and was stopped
    &t tho froutior, while Bahadur was cordiolly invited to the
    capita,l &lthough for somo roaeon he was not allowed to pirform
    the rites, But even though in the beginning his presenoe
    in Kathmandu was welcomed, he again fell into tho eame old
    trap, IIo had to f&ce again cbarges of conspiraoy and
    ultimatoly we8 ,forcod to leave homo. Ifero history was
    repoatod. But this repetition was lnseiblo aE tbe atmosphore
    of intrigue end coDEptaoy hsd coDtinued to domioato.
    In early January 177? Bahsdur Shah was in Palpa and
    from there was intending to go to Betia. But he bad let his
    brother know of his mov€ments in his correspondence. Eo
    had not eecretly left TaDhou nor hi8 iat€ution to go to Botia
    'was kept a secret. It appears however that Pratapa,simhe
    had not wbolly approved of his going to Palpa and Betia.
    In a letter da,ted YS Pau.Ea uad,i 8 roj 5:Thursda,y, 2 January,
    1777) Pratapasimha wrote to Bahadur '!ou went to Palp&
    but I heor tha,t you ale now intending to go to Madbesa. You
    must have the firll awareness ofour ability and resources, and
    also we must trot lbrget, the oxperience of our forefatherc. I
    hope you havo realised all this, and I can only tell you that
    if yougo thero in full re&lisation of the gravity involved
    you shall achieve all that we need". The lbelirg erprossed by
    Pratap&Bimha doee not seem to ouppod Bahailur Shah's going
    282 IODEBII NEPAL

    to Betia. Probably he wae getting suapicious as to Bahadur'*


    Iikoly involvoment itr intrigueB hatohod up in Betia against
    tho est&br-shmeBt iu Nopal. Ar it appears in Saehidhara's
    ietter, this was the time when persons with hostile desigus
    &g&inst Pr&t&pasimha were getting together in Betia. Uptill
    now' Bshsdur Shah was st€oriDg clear of any involvement. This
    rrar the re&Bon why he was reoeiviug lottere from hie brothers
    and the letters kept him informed of political eventg inside
    Nepal. Pratapasimha ha.d furthor written to him io tho Bame
    lotter "you had Ieft eome moDey to crea,to a,n ondowment
    (Guthi) on the oocaeion of our father's 6rst death anniversary,
    and lately I have fixed eome lanals to this ond, which will bp
    handed over to tho truatees es eoon as euitable prsons are
    available. In rega il to the question of demarcating tho
    border on ths eouth we have sent Bavanuani with the mission.

    might also settle the iesuee of various contracts. With


    Bavananaai &lso left Dharmangad.i Pandit aDd 4 others ha,ve
    Eith their destination to Banaras for sacted bath. Priest
    Narayana &nd Ra,mebh&dr& Pandit followed thom to the Eeme
    deetiDation to reach oa tho occasion of the eclipso. Dhauksl
    Singh Basnot has eurreptitiously gone to trladhesa. We knew
    that he would eBcape to Madhesa although as ho left he had
    erpreseed hie desire to serve the governmeDt to crusb a minor
    rebollion in the area west of tho Aruu, which we willingly
    &ccept€d. But we aleo had thought evea if ho went astray he
    would come back repented. Actually he crossed the frontier
    by way of Sindbuli. It was reported to us that ll,amaganga
    Shah (son of Surapratap) w&s looking indifrorent and he aleo
    caue to bid me fare\pell ao king for permission to go to
    Kaei to take advantage of the occasion of a sacred bath
    during tbe eolipse. We knew th&t this w&s a pretext
    to onable him to arors the bordor but allowed him to
    havo his way oforing &lso the psss&go money. Wo think
    that if he camo back soon after tho eclipso, this was
    all to hie good but if he tlid oot do 80 ho must come
    GOBXEA BEOO TS trIITODOIT OF I{EPAI, 283

    back aftei uodergoing certaia troublos, and thorefora we let


    him go. Ranajuag iB eccomp&uied by Jam Singh Madhesi&
    (belonging to tho Terai) and Dhanawant's brother-in-l,aw (the
    husband of wifo's sister)"r
    Bahadur was inform,€d at the end of the lotter thst due
    to widespread outbreak of smaI por in Nepal Yalley, tho
    route to Tibot was elosed, but a€ tho epidorcic had eubsided,
    the route was opened. But aa it vs8 wintor tho inoidence
    of tbe disease might not increase.
    We do aot know if Dhaukal Singh &nd Rauejung wont to
    Botia. But Bahsdur had definitely gone thero. lt wsr not,
    howevor, possible to find out about tho state of his mind aad
    range of activitioe at that otege. But talks of conrpiraoy
    ond euch other activitios soem to h&yo boen currcnt owing
    to tbo very intriguirog situa,tion prevailiDg in tho oapital.
    Aotually as Bahadur was invited to the c&pit&l to perform
    the l&st rite of his brother, he we8 without doubt not
    auspeoted of consphatorial a,ctivities. Others who had left
    the capital and sought shelter ia Betia could also be eronerated
    from charges of couspiracies ae ao tangible ovidence has como
    to light, so far. It would be wrong to draw conclusions merely
    on the basis of rumours. The refugees in Betia wero mostly
    those who had escaped from the capital out of feor to ssyo
    thoir lives from the wrath of tho king whose behavior iu all
    caaea waa uncert&iu.

    A l,antric p hi,losopher
    Pretapasimha2 is crodited wirh the knowledge of Tantric
    philosophy and he wroto a toxt ou thie subject3. But we do
    not know if he was the real author of dre book.
    r. Tte tetter is tcpt iu Keusitoss Khrrna recordirrg to ttrc pubtisher
    (PurrimB, 20, pp 30e-I0)
    2. Pr.tapasiDha was also LEowII es SiDha |!ah!p itr seyr..!l couteEt-
    poBry lecDtals (see Bhimsen'a Bagmati i[scriptiou), But tbe coin:inal his
    lit€rery wolks hsv6 Platapasimhe, trirhprtricli. 1,. ,72 i Oldtcld, I, p. 229.
    3. Purascharyafiavah Moharajadhirajeha Srimod pratapq Si,l,hena
    vidyadrepara driscena samvaatare nitanathavanhinagadhurahkite tapasyarjuta
    pakse hi ,ithau bhatkqtq yoliarc, otc. (VS 1$r, pbrlsuu.r tlarcb, 1??5).
    -
    284 MODEBN NNPAIJ

    Duth of Prureryirnha
    Pratapasimha diod towards the ond of l??Z st th6 ago of
    26. Eamilton wee wrong to ssy thst hc died at Dovighat in
    1776 (p.z(I). Obviously hs had confosed the fathor,s desth
    rith tho eon's. But Old6eld repeated Eamilton,e mintako
    (I,p.2ZO). Accordiog to tho ohmnicle hie death oocurr.ed on
    Mondiy 6 Marga ol VS 1834 iu the morning ( t777,t7
    Novomber). This is th6 corroot date. In a royal lotter to
    Bahadur Shah eud Dalamardan Shah writt€D in the name of
    Rana Bahadur tho ssme date is givon for Pratapa Simha'e
    doath. Ee rao siok for many years passing blood through
    tbe stool. Lotor he developed tuberculosig i oight coeubiner
    wor€ burnt on the funeral pyr€. fn s copy of tho Karunda,vyuha
    writt€n on Alnitra atdi 13 of 898 lV8 (9 April, 1778) Rena
    Bahadur, the infant soa of Pratapasioha, is referred to as o
    .sovoroi gr ( M aharaj adhiraj a).
    CE.APTER, X
    Brby Kiog and Rogoroy
    Rana Bahadur succeeded hig father Pratapasimha wLilo
    he was s baby of two and half years old. Eie corouation
    took place a year ofter his father'e d,eath on Marga aadi 3,
    1834 YS. The coin struok in his name is dat€d Saka l7OO
    (l?78). Sarvajit, Rano wae appoioted tho chiof Kazi and
    Daljit Shah took the post of First Chautara. It so happons
    generally that when ao infant ie placed on the throno, tho
    mothor sote aB regent. So it happoued while Rana Bahodur
    euoceoded to tho throne. Eie mother who also by tempora,mont
    v&8 a Btrong woman began to efectively exeroiso power
    ia the name of her son.
    The quoon mother Rajondralakemi rra"s the sole peraon
    to monage tho affaire of Btoto in tho period of vacrncy ceured
    by the death of her husbaud. As it happonod ehe leaned
    heavily on Daljit Shah Chautara and Sarvajit Rana. porhaps
    through their oouusol ehe eont a, meaaeng€! to fotch Ba,hadur
    Shah, the late King'a youngd brother, Sbe might havo well
    hoped that the brother-in-law sould cooporate with bor to
    the best of his capaoity without ony prot€usion to hi8 own
    claios ovor tho rogelcy.
    Swarupa Simha Karki, a friend and miuister of tho lat6
    king hod already fled to fndia. Vamsaraj pande algo mado
    good his esoape foering reprisals.
    Bahadur Shah ehould have beon uuohollenged in tho
    aituation. Bot fmm tho circumEta,ncos he returned in it war
    clo&r that ho was not to oajoy a long rospito.
    Bahadur Shah wsg not sllowed to rptum until the funeral
    rites wero over. Although he was givon an honourablo place in
    tho court, irll th6 arrengomenta for the runufug of the Govern.
    ment woro complotod bofore he arrived at tho scsue.
    286 UODEBN INPAL

    Sron tho following it will bo clear that Bahadur wanted


    to porfom tho mortuary rites by hie own hauds, which he
    was deniod, and hic srival wta also delayod by his opponents
    .st tho oourt.
    From one of tho myal lottere of VB 1834 Agaharw
    Vaili 6 roj 5 Thursdan 20 November, l?77 it sppoarg
    that tloso who performed funoral rit€s were Naru Shah,
    Jiva Sheb, Bhotu Pande, Niladhoj, Bhavani datta, and
    Iudramani Baenot. The two princee Dalmardana and Bahadur
    oleo wore esked to obsorvo mo[rnilg. After tho purifioation
    oeromoy thoy would be recoived by ofroora of stato, and thoy
    roold prooood to Kathmandu. They were asked not to move
    ifrom their quortors until the officers reschod. But the two
    soos (Maharajadhirujo Kumara) of tho King had haetoned and
    came to Parsa. The letter of ll arga aadi 10 roj Z,:Monday,
    24 Novomber, 1171 a.ke tbem to halt there until the ooucerued
    mer contaot them there. 'Thero was nothing to be hasty'
    a,<Ids the messsgo. InsPito of this wbilo Dalmardan Shah
    h&d thought it wise to stay oh' Bahadur Shah had proceodod.
    Eoaring this, 8, written meEailge was s€ni to L&ksmiram&n
    Upatlhye or 1834 Agahan tsaild 11 roi 3. tho Suba of the
    area askiog him to Etop Bahadur Shah but not to turn him
    blck, The mossago read "Oo the purificatiou day all
    rslations and courtiers aesemblo together. Let them couo.
    Let him not feel th&t ho had been pr€vonted from coming.
    Eo is roported to be sick. We aro eending Ballabbo Joshi on
    his request. Let him be troated. But Dalmardana Shah, the
    youngost Ch&ut&ra must be stopped at Persa. When Babadur
    Shah reaches here we shall decidd'. Tho letter of the sams
    date Fent to Bahaitur Shah in the same connection asked
    him to stop et Eet&lda till the day of puri6ca'tion, &fter
    whioh mombers of the nobility rvill fotoh him. Bahadur
    Shah had written abont his illness. So the physiciart was
    seot to trea,t him. But Bahadur did not stop at Hetaura'
    Ee had come to Bhimphedi. Again a messago was sent
    to Laksmiramana Upadhya to stop him there till,
    GOXEA BECOUES XINODOU Otr NEPAL 287

    Dalgit Shah reaches with meu of Pande P&nth&, Argy&I,


    Khanal and othor familios (I-nttme, Agahan l)adi 12 toj 4=
    Wedneeday, 26 Novembor, 1777) Bahadur Shah rcoeived a
    lettcr of the Bams d&to askiDg to stop in Bhimphedi un-lil
    omcers w&it on him there after tho day of purification. He
    was asked to proceed ot easo aud not hastily to oauge him
    disqomfort in his eicknose. The faot of hie haviog couo aloue
    leaving Dalamard&na et Perso w&B not lookod with dis-
    pleasure. Bahadur had written that he was snxiouB to
    perforh the rules of the I lth &nd l2th doys. ae ther€ was no
    other porson to do so. Bahadur had said that tho Chautara
    uncle and he himself had hsctened to returo ou getting the
    roy&l letter through Mahadeva Padhya; Bahadur Bhah,
    however, was told that he was oicL enough to porform tbeso
    rit€8. They had arranged to get them douo hy Daljit Shah.
    The roply disturbed Bahadur Shah. Ee insist€d on roaching
    Kathmendu for tho oereoony of the llth day. Ee comploined
    that he had ruD to be present at tho o,eromony but this vont
    in voia. Eo w&a truo to the throno and this treatmeot he
    did not deserve- Bshadur Shah s&iat thst iu tho ultimat€
    oyent ho would return. Again another royal lottor w&s sent
    to him erplainning that the delay was duo to hie own siokueBe
    ..&nal tho &axiety of the royal fa,mily not to givo him &dditionsl

    trouble. This mosssgo was oontaiued iu a lettor of the seme


    .d&te 80 that it I ppoars thst the paloco prl8 yery promlt in
    replyiDg to Bahadur Shah's lett€r. Wo do Dot krow tbe
    roasons \rhioh had led the palaco, in efect tho guo€n mother
    and her advisors, not to let him arrive for tho puriEc&tion
    ceromony. Bahadur Shah'e desire c-on be oaeily uldorstood.
    Eowevor, ono thilg was clear that nono waated to displease
    Bahadur Shah. So he rras politoly told that if ho was asked
    to stay on in Bhimphed, this wes just to onable him to svoid
    .inconvsnionco in his time of illnesE.
    Noxt d&y, Agalan oaili I3 roj ,5:Thureday, 27 Novomber,
    177? Bahadur Shah recoived yot another lottor iaforming him
    that articles litely to bo neceueary for tho puriEcstion wero
    288 MODf,BN NEP L

    b6ing sont to him. Eo was aesuled that D&liit Sbah would


    wait on him, on Sunday (30 Novemombor, l7?7) a day aftar
    the rites of the lSth dsy mourniog. After all ho was coming
    back to his own house. The lotter epprecieted that hehad
    consentod to Et&y oo in Bhimphedi. The articles listod are in
    addition to rupeee 100 in cash, Khasi, Boka 4, rice muri-16
    (:100 lbs), l[ung]oda!' Pathi+ 2, maea0kodal pathi 5, ghee
    I jar, oil I jar, Sugar 3 dharni, rcquisito opioos, oooking.
    pot l, oary€t I, SatroDi l.
    Boaidos thesa, he w&B to moeive rioe 10 muri in mearure
    from Gourikanta of Chitlang. AU those toro mosnt to bo
    di,stribntod as gifts. Tho messlge w&8 ssnt in viow of
    BahaduCe woak Sasnci&l Poeition.
    This mossago was aent on Thumday. Tho following tlay
    Bahadnr Shoh wroto thrt ho had left Dalamardana Sffi at
    Loksmipur but he had proceeded to Garhpersa on his 'ora.
    Eo had sont, ll strong lotter through a soldior of Baman Daju'
    If nocessary he would aek Ramakriena Kuar and Lata Bama
    to go to Porsa with a company of soldiorg. In roply to thie
    aoseago Bahadur receivod a royal letter aPprecisting all th&t
    ho hatl dono. It Ba,id thot a decision would be takon about
    Dslamardana as soon as Bahadur roaehes Kathmandu. Until
    thon ths unole ehould bo stopped in Parsa. Eo vae onoo
    agaiu essurod tha,t men woro going to receive him ou Suuday.
    Bahadur insiated that hs ghould not be detsined at
    Bhimphodi longer than Sunday, to which once more &n
    assuara,nce was given forthwith. But it does not seem thet
    Bahadur had reachod on Sunday. There is a letter of
    Wednesday Agakan suili 3 (:i December, 1777) which
    suggests th&t there wa8 Bome hitoh yet to bs settled. ThiB
    Ietter reforB to messages from Misra Guru Gajraj, which
    Daljit Shah sent through Laksmiraman Upadhya. Bahadur
    Shah had seid tbat his grand father
    had strictly told hia
    not to viola,te one's duties and ho was serious to observo

    x ! rariety oI Pul6e o 16116l 0 bleck besEs


    GOBKET Bf,COUES XIICDOU QF NXTAL 289

    th€se. fn roply* ho wae told tbat ae during the grond fathor's


    roiga ho obeyed the King'a order, he should also oboy the
    presont King. IIe was, however, fre6 to come to his nephow
    to live in hig own houeo sithout hesitsting to vrito thc
    requisito 2 lstters. Tho corrier of this letter and other
    docum€ats is oallod Bsbhannani (a young Brabmau) who wae
    alao to speak moro to tho Chautara. This man seemg t,o bo
    very important and iB often mentioned in corrospondonco
    regardiug relatione with the British.
    Wo do not hnow whon actually Bah*dur was recoived at
    tho lxlace. But he might heve reached Kathmandu soon.
    It ir aaid th&t aB Eoon as Bshadur Shah hod reached
    Kathmandu, he took ohargo of tho admiri8tretion aloug witb
    the queeu nother but to play a eecond fiddlo.
    Regenay

    Pratapasimha's death ie followed by a poriod of rogency


    which continuod for full sevont€ea yeare. During this timo
    two notablo personalities of tho court, one a voman and
    another e man held altoruately the roins of power. Tho
    rogent queen was poverful enough to iesue a eoin ia her aamc
    (Saka 1698- 1776 A. D)r iu tho lifetimo of her busband.
    Bahadur Shah ond Rajendralakgui were of different
    tompera,ments. But both v€re smbitious. Their unity did
    not last long. They fell out after eomo time. Dven as they
    had worked together, the real power lay in the hsnds of tho
    queen mother.
    Rajendralaksni wanted sll thoso persoDs to be romoved
    from the ecens who h&d beetr dominating tho court duriog hor
    husband's timo. The immoiliate viotims wero Parasura[r
    Thapa and Brajanath Paudel. Thoy wero charged with e
    crime of conspiracy to overthrov the regiEe on tho de&th
    of Pf&tap&simhe. ft was alleged that Bohadur Shah helped
    hor to this end and coneolidato her position, but this chargs
    . Th€ l€tt€ls :rentionetl here ,!o fto$'Purfiintu' I?, pp {O-43. I have,
    with tho oriSiEal.
    however, uot retifi€al thelIl
    1 we1sh, P. ?11
    250 MODOBN Nf,PAL

    wbs discovered aftar some month8 at tho queon mother's


    oonvenience. It was atlegod that Brajanatb Paudel and
    Paraiuram Thapa had conepired to kill the baby prince and
    his mother. Tho Paudol had confessed to havo committed
    the offoncs and as a ro8ult wa.8 banished beyond Sindhuli.
    But Parasuram Thapa takon to be tho cbiof couspirrtor out
    to destroy the ruling house was kept in conffnemanlt it botz
    boing subjoctod to triel by ordeal. The information ie given
    in tho royol letterr to Dalamardaua Sha! ond Balbhailra Shah
    rent from Kathmanilu in the name of Rana Bahadurs. The
    lotters Beem to have beeu writteu immediatcly after the death
    of Prataprsimha.
    Nobody can vouchsafe for tho huth of tho alleg&tion
    tevelled against these persons. But thoy had been surely
    implicated. The queen motlrer had brought a caso against
    theo with a,n intent to remove ihem from tho post8 they
    held so far. We do not know if Bahadur had hig hand in
    framing up the charges.
    For a long time it seeme that theii guilt P88 not establishod
    and later the charges wero proved to bo trumped up. But
    neverthelees they werc punished.
    Many persons who had fled from Nepal during the time of
    Pratapasimha could not obviously'come back in such an
    atmosphere. So with Brej&nath and Paraeuram Thapa
    removed the old order of trusted offcere had ended. Now
    no\r men younger in age wete'to play their part.
    Dalamardana Shah's request to onablo him to go to tho
    capitcl was turned down, though the pleas put fqrth wero
    based on the fa6te of malarial season aud difficultios of the
    proposod trip. Being of olil age he was .directod to live in
    I(asi, ond the Government provided his mainten&nce.
    ft appears that tbe case aga,inst Brajanath was cleared
    after some years while the king came of age, but long before

    2 A hou.e with s eourty&ld built os 611 ailiuDot to the pslsoe where


    srEts rver6 kept, &aa ceitsiD loomB os6al &5 plisoD fo! politioal snsPootr.
    3 Eitihasikapatru Samgruhu,l. N. 6.Dd,7
    GORKIIA BNCOUES KIIIODOU OT NBPAIJ 291

    that, the p&laoe was feoling that he vae not troat€d Tith
    justice. Brajanath could not find hia placo bsck in tho court,
    but he had the s&tisfaction of obt&ining tostimony written
    itr terms that showed that he wao unjusuy trea,ted by tho
    Regent. Brajanoth pessed tho regt of hie days in Banaras
    prayiog and spying for his king and thie he did to eem hig
    livelihood and we come aorose epecimeos of correspondence
    he had with the paleoo on va,rioties of eubjeots. Ee recoived
    conffdential l€ttters from the king ond bis mothor, which
    showg that his innoooace in the conepir&oy had boon
    establiehod, E[d ho Es8 restorod to his usual position es r
    well wisher of thc my&l family. But we do not know wh8,t
    happened to Paraeuram Thapa. Kirtimahoddam,s two sons,
    Balbhadra Shah and Krishna Shah were tho only persons to be
    iavited to reach the capitel. Letters to thou are clothed in
    words that ehow the high osteem thgy were held in at the
    time{.
    It was the policy of tho Rani to keep all possiblo rivals
    et bay. Thie must be tho reaeon why Dalamardana Sheh w8s
    debarred from coming to Kathmandu.
    Dalamardana's confession of errlier guilt and repontslce,
    however, rrere fruitless as his presenco wae not desired by tho
    ruling cliquo. Perhaps Bahadur Shah aleo was not in a mood
    to invite troubles on account of his prosenco,
    But Bahailur could not pull on well with hie sist€r-in-l&w.
    Thoir personalitias olaehed. Bahadur Shah wag suddenly
    throwa into prison on the allegation that he had taken part in
    a conspiracy to kill his brother on Prithvinaroyana,s deeth.
    Tho quoeu mother had for eone time surreptitiously aorked to
    capture tho person of Bahadur Shah, and Bucceeded iu doing
    so with the holp of Bahadur'e opponents.
    A briof account of the eyent of the plot to overthrow
    Pratapasimha is provided in a writing of the time, tho originel
    of which ie preeerved in the X'oreigu Office. The account
    runs : hithyinuayana Shah left for Nockot, while tho crown
    4 Eitihatikapatru samgraha, I. Lotter D.8
    252 UODEBI{ ITtrPAL

    priuoo ros in Kethmandu. On that very day Prthvinarayana


    Shah foll ill and on tho eighth day ho died et Devighat
    Thia croetod suapioion. Then when Pr&t&pasimh& waE
    cmwned, domeatic quarol forcod Baha.dur Shah to go to
    Botia. Lator thero was recoroiliation and the roya,l prie8t
    thaktiballabha started for B€tia, to fotch Bahadur Shah.
    Ee had tsLsn lesvo of the kiog and hed moved to Tankesvara.
    The king had ruled hardly for 2 yoars l0 monthe. But &t this
    time he bsoamo seriouely ill due to an attaok of small pox. The
    chiof Kazi Svarupesioha arranged for the distribution of
    gifts and othor ritos but ho was no moBe aeen in Kathmandu,
    Tho king died anil overybody grew suspicious. Meanwhile
    Bahadur Shah had arrivod according to tbo earlier arrange-
    tnont. But qu66n Rajeudralaakmi arrestod Balabhadra
    Acharya and othorr of his kin, tr'or 10-12 davs investigatione
    were oonductod ond the Acharye confessed that on Svarupa-
    simtra's a.dvice they had used evil spirits against the king.
    So all of thom were killed. A few months lotor Bahadur
    Shah was aleo imprisonod to be relooseil on the intercossion
    of Gajraj Miera.
    Wag there really a plot or w&s it a cooked up atory to
    ddve away Bahodur Shoh ? X'acta mentioned in the reports
    about the plot suggeste that it ias all a oooked affair. The
    men plottad to kill the king, father end Bon, not by any
    veapon or organised attempt but by invokiog tho goddess.
    Probably they had vieited the temple to seek the blessing of
    tho goildess to ravo the king. A confeesion ertracted by
    ooercion wag no evideoce. Thue the wholo basie of a plot
    falls to piecee. But Bahadur vaa now charged $ith an
    offence of conrpirocy eaid to havo been hatched two and &
    half years earlier.
    Bahadur Shah had boeD a rival to the queen mother ao
    long as ehe lived though on oDo or two occ&ssion8 they patched
    up. So whenovor somo incidents took place. he figured as
    plot leader. The lady, aa Kirkpotrick observed, wae'posressed
    of ertraordinary character and talents ood gifted with tho
    GORTBA BECOM'S TINODOIT OT Nf,PIL 293

    ofo rulsr'. Bahadur thah oould not pull on with


    o&psbilities
    her temper forlong. They disagree{ vith esch other efter
    somo months. Her brother-ia-law waB no match to ber iD
    tho art of intrigues. So he found hiuself in prison olco
    again. Lctor ehe forced him to leavo Nepal for tho socold
    time-
    In tbo beginning Bbe waB gree y influenced by Bahadur'e
    tactful haudling of tho admiaistration snd by his capabilitiee
    aud gonial tenperam€nt. But this hfluoaco waned ae soon aa
    ehe realised th&t he vas a mighty poreon&lity and she began
    to be afrsid of him and u8o her efforts to oust him from the
    powerful eeat of vaDtsgo ho occupieil in tho reelm.

    The Regent lmprhond

    The Maharani had hor own pattiaan in Sarvagit }taaa


    and his group, to which lrero allied a fow Basnets. Due to
    their influenao aho got Bahadur Shah and his sietor Jethi
    Maiyan who was liviog in Thankot deprived of rants and
    power and thoo Bent to prison. But somehow o! othor thoy
    were releaged but erpelled fr<.,m the capital. Things, however,
    were not moviug eroctly as the Rani wiehed, Bahadur's
    erpulsioo had ontagonised a laige section of his adherents,
    and ae a reeult tbe court ras divided into two groupr, and as
    the collateralr and Pandes were togother on ono sido and
    supported Bahadur Shab, the queen had to face a formideble
    opposition. Rajentlraloxmi's moDopoly over stat€ power
    showed eigns of cracks, as there aroee opporition from
    numerous Eupporters of Bahudur Shsh.

    The maitr compl&int against her wss th&t Ehe was DisusiDg
    Bt&te reyenue to lead o life of lurury. She maintained a
    very expensivo court. She bought costly articles from
    foreign cou:rtries. Sbo was a dynamio peraonality, no doubt,
    warlike, she handled the sworda and guns like an ofrcer
    experienced in the battle ffeld. She rode horses snd m ched
    et tbe head of a procession of soldiers bidding them farerell
    294 UODEE}{ OF }IEPI.L

    to go to the battle fiold. had raieed a corps of womon


    Sho
    voluntgors arming them to the teeth. Theeo she posted sa
    SuqDdB Bt vatrtsgo points iu the palaco. But thig was douo
    to the chagrin oftbe traditionalist nobility, who took ofrence
    ot her manly habits add otrlen intorcourse with mole membsrs
    of tho court. A powerful opllosition w&B now working to
    brio;ing sbout her downfall. Daljit Shah, tho ohief Chautara,
    vas tho loedor of this group. Eo contrived a situation which
    led to. the quoen's imprisonmo[t (Blnil,ra, 19 oJ VS 1835):
    3l Auguet, 1778. Sho was accused of misconduot. This wae
    ofrected whito her favourito Sarvajit Rana was murdered
    ono night. Erploiting thie situation Bahadur triumphantly
    returned to his post and it seemed that this time ho was uot
    to me€t with a rebuff.5 A letter of Rana Bahadur to
    Narayana Malla aud Brajabasi Pande dated 1835 YS Bhail,ra
    ttt/li 1I roj 48 Bt&kB th&t Ba,ha.dur Shah had beon &ppoht€d
    the Bogent and Sarvajit Rana wae killed for the offence of
    boing a paranour of the queen.

    Balnlur thak as Regent


    During the regimo the domain carved out by Prithvi
    neraysna Shah extended in oll direotions though it was not a
    smooth drivo. Now the advanoe wae to be in tho woBt€rn
    Boctor. The routhern frontier too wae equally ettouded to.
    .Thers was not a single inst&nce of slightest unooncern,
    inolertners ond nogligence. Flom the very early days thet
    main oonoora in thie sphere w&s to prevent tbe British from
    g€tting poesossion of the Narayani rogion in the plaine below
    tho Churia Range. Earlior lla,rakumardatt& Sena of Tanbou
    had already oodod to the Britieh a part of his territory in the
    Torai, now comprising the Ramnagar oBtate, (iD Bihar, India)
    whero he maint&ined his own Zomindari rights uuder tho
    Ecst India Company. Thero was every likelihood of thie
    t. Th6 ohrollicle.
    6. fhe ilrto ooE6spoDil6 to W€iltresilst, 2 SgptoEbor, 1?78.
    COBEIJA BECOITES KINGDOM OF }IXPAL 296

    Zamindari being enlargod to cover Chitaun, and if this


    mppouod tho way to further Britieh influence in thst ersa
    would havo beon wido open.
    As etated oerlier tho Clorkhalie fortiffed thie region, oad
    placed it under Ramkrisbna Kuar and next yoar he rent his
    forces to attack Tan\ou (Magha, VS f$6). Thoy wore also
    thinking of acquiring areas beyond the Kali, croBsing tbe
    riyer at Deogha,t and procoodiog aloug its course. But this
    waa not to materialiee at this hour.
    Upto 78 1835=1778 the Gorkhsli fotces were not
    ehcoura,gedto adyanco to tho west. But in tho ab8enco of
    the quoen mother wheu Bahadur Shah held the roinB of tho
    government? the advance was renew6d.*
    All this tim6 a oizable force of the GorLhalir was alao
    watching for sn opportUnity to grab Lamjung and its allies
    of the Chaubisie.
    The aocount of the chronicle is couoboroted by a lettec
    of Rana Bahadur to Babadur who was thoa elong with the
    troops in the forward march. The lett€f is d&t€d VS 1835
    PhoJ4una oaili tl roj 5: Thuredty, 4 trebruary, 1770. The
    lettor is o rcply to Bahsdur'e report which had ssid "On
    Sunday after l, ghati at night 2t Magha our forces oroo8€d.
    the Marsyangdi at two ploces, Dhukurdi ghot end Marryang
    ghat. Thero was a 6ght with bows end stonos. One or two
    person8 were wounded but we are engaged iu setting up &
    suspension bridgo," a
    fn March l?78 two companier under Sardar Bsli Ram
    Bania anil Sardar Ramkriehna Kuar advanced to Balithum,

    7 ltih4likapqtrusangruha, l. 18-41
    8. Pur,liEE. 30, p 31O.
    ,* Fathe! Josoph wlots, 'rBut Ecarc€ly two ye&rs sfte! Pt&tcp
    Eimha's al€ath e youDgor brothe! by usb€ B6tsdu! th&h Fho vo6 re3iiling
    witb his uDcle Deluraralsns ghah ot Boti., wrr in"ihA to accelrt dhrrge
    of the governDeut stril the b€gitrtriEg of hir govomDent t'as DatL€il rith
    ru&uy m&slaoros. Tho loral ,aoily ii ia th6 Brootast ootrfusio!, beoaulo th6
    queEllsyr olaim to the govortrxoent in tho !!!Ee ol hr .on.-''&ieti
    Roeoarci€g, II. 1'190, p. 39r,
    296 IdOD'BN NAPAL

    rhsro & bsttlg wss fought but this resulted in the discomfiturt
    of the Gorkhalis (Plwlgum 30 Cllaitra oaili I roj 4 of VS 1835
    : Wednegdoy, l0 Msrch, 1770); thiE was while Bahadur
    Shch wae ruling a! Regont. Thie time Palpa fought on the
    gido of Tanhou. In the fight Boli Bania wae killed tlong
    with 6G70 men aud the rost flod. A force of tho Tanhou
    Raja oroseed tho Gandak from Parasi and also recapturod
    Somervar-Churie ratrges. But tho ranges wore cleored of tho
    onemy &8 Bahadur Shah sent re-inforoemonte from Gorkha.
    According to s lotter written by Rana-Bahadur to Brajnath
    Paudel in VS 1836 (l?79 A. D), Bhail,ra Sudf 7 (Soptember,
    17) rqj 6 (:Friday) the progress of military conqests in Kaeki
    waE m&intoined &t a level lefc &t the time of the death of
    Pratalximho. But now tho central authority wss in lhe
    hands of the queon mother and her advisors. Ilere, howovor,
    thero wos a checkmato. The position was further weokoned
    ty Tonhou croesing the Mareyangdi ot 3 Chadtra otdi 11 roj 7
    -Ssturd&y, 13 Ma,rch, 177e. But negotiation had etarted
    with Porbat, Lamjung and Kaeki for a settleuoot of disputes,
    vhich, howevor, was abortive. Meanwhile as a result of
    defoat tho Gorkholis were forced to retreat relinquishing the
    hold of Upardanggarhi aud Somoavar rangee ( 78 1836 Vaisakha
    fJ). It was said by the chroniolo th&t on SaLa l70l VS 1836
    Yaisakha 13 euil,i 6 rqi 5-Thureday 22 ApriJ, l7?9 Tanhou,
    Palpa aud Pa,rbot aeked for peace. Gorkha captured thoir
    l[adhesia Sipahios and returned. This, howevor, did not
    bring an end to tho coaflict.

    Tha Qu.e.en Mothpr's Second tentu as Regerrt

    The queon mother, hovever, vae reecued (VS 1836 Andha


    I0) by efrorts of Bahadur'e adversaries. They had taken
    adyantsge of Bahadur's absence in Gorkha. Soon after
    Mehoddam Kirti Shah was summonod &nd ho suddenly
    reaohod the oapitrl on her requ€8t. Immediately after*atds
    ahe applied herself to aveuge Sarvajit's death. Bahadur Shah
    was tgken aback but was helpless. A host of his associates
    GOREEA BECOtrES XIITODOM OF N-CPAL 297

    werc killod inolutling hi8 Dearcst rslaf,ions. Daljit ren away


    to India for his life. Es olso advised Bahadur to flm, whioh
    he did again to come to Betia. Kazi Earkba Pantho was
    banishod to LBmjuDg. Although Vamearaj P&ndo was not
    physically touohod, he fell out of graco aud was forced to
    totiro to Betia. A siuilsr fate rraa mot by Siva,narayana
    Khatri who wa8 then lookiog after the middle Kirat-area.
    In e&me chrouicles Bamsaraj Pando hae been reportod as
    killed. But thir happoned later ag we shall come to know.
    Brojanath Prudol was aleo oalled to Kathmandu but ho
    desired to help the king fron his own etation. Eo oontinued
    to live in Baaaras and whilo in Banar&s h6 usod to sond
    political information to the palaco. This ir evidont from
    euother lettor of. 1836 Bhad.ra atdi 7 roj, 6:Friday 17,
    SopLembor, 1770 which w&s seDt to him in
    acknowledgoment
    of tho reoeipt ofhis !etter8. It i8 s&id 6hat ho was appointod
    Nopol'e Agent in Banaras in place of the Misa Guru.
    The Guru had informed that tho Englieh and Mabrattss
    had fought bittorly ia tho South. Thie refers to the bo,tiles
    of the Peshwae, Ilolkar aud Sindhia wagod against the Britieh.
    IIo had also iotimated the court about conditions in
    West Kumaon.
    In roply Brajanath Paudel was told sbout political t&lkB
    Gorkha-hold with its neighbours.
    There is algo a reference to llrrkha Paotha. Tho lotter
    sa,ye that tho Panths was involved in th6 oerlier conspir&cy
    a,s well as in tho second ono. Ifis caso waa judged by a
    commission (Panclu,), who g&ye a verdict after hie.confeesion
    of guilt. The punisbmont &s usual was conffsca,tion of property
    and buraiog of s p&rt of bis body by a sealed iroo piece.
    This done he wae banished across tho M&rsyangdl
    The Rogent held the monopoly of power. She could not
    tolorate tho preeence of any other powerful personolity near
    ber. The result wae that no collat€r&ls got a,r opportuoity
    to Iivo in tbo c&pital. All those happened onco again.
    9 Eitihasikopalratangruha,l. 13 4a
    298 IIODXBN NXP.AL

    Mohoddam Kirti Shah, the Chautara, could havo been the


    most povorfirl maa iu this poriod but ho could not eerve hie
    full term ; he was baniehed to Kasi on boing accueed of
    killing a Brahmon.
    Tho rvoman regent who could not tolerete o potenti&l
    riYal n€ar about her regarded Kirti Mahoddam's erit as a
    good riddance to a bad riddlo.
    As mogt of her aseooiates wero either killed or were
    liviug in erile without the courage to como baok in view of
    the fost changing fortuae, the Maharani .was tryirg her band
    to get minisl,orial a,Bsiotance from Bendu Rana snd Deodatta
    Thapa who vere given tho ranks of Kazi. Damodar Pande
    raa another Kazi. Ee, Amareiugh Thapa, Ramakriena Kuar
    and Pratiman Rana all the three Sardars were busily engaged
    in activitios on the yestern front.

    Bahailur thah qnce more in erile

    As in hie
    preyiouE exilo, Bahadur Shah cotrtinued to
    correrpond with his si8ter-in-law through tho lotters Bent
    in the name of tbe boy king. The roplies seut to his totters
    are availablo. One euch letter refere to Bahadur's recoomeada-
    tion o[ a caeo of a Brahman who desired to bo rehabilated
    by tho palace. Also on hie recommendstion another person,
    one Visvoeimha Karki had recoived royal ssal to enablo him
    to re0uro to his post. The lettor ig dated YS 1836 Phalguaa
    uad,i 4 roj 4r0:l{ednesday, 23 X'ebruary, 1780. Another
    letter dated VS 1837 Aaal,hq, suili J0 ro.1 4= Wednesday,
    12 July, 1780 sort to B&hadur Shab aseures hin that tbe
    man who roported against him would be brought face to face,
    and the truth of the sllegation examined in an impartial
    msnnerl r. Bahadur Shah wanted to convinco the quoen
    mothor that ho wae not inBtrument&l for hor oarlier chango
    of fortune and thet he was not doing anything at the momont

    10 Prrrr:rr4,. Quertoly h Nopoli n. 15 pp 46.{7.


    ll t, rbta
    OOKEA Bf,COUIg TINODOM OT NEPAI, 295

    to horri her osuso, But all this corried little meaning


    to hor.

    Thoge letterg show thot Bahadur wae not completely


    estrangod from tho ioyal family and he w&s tondoring advice
    ia state afairs evon from & distance ss it happeoed duriDg
    his frst erilo in tho &ign of his brother,

    After 6 moaths it BeeDB tha.t the queen mother was


    convinced of the falso naturo of tho caso ogainst Bahadur
    Shah. This ie oyident from ths fact thst Bahadnr Shab
    was in rogular oorr€spondenco with ths palaco sinoe this time
    uatil ho roturaed. Brom ono of the letters of Rana Bahadur
    dated yg 1837 a4h.a adi 15 roj 5-Thursdey, 8 February,
    1781 Bnd this was eent in roply to his two lotter8 written
    from Botia it appears that ho holped the palace in dealiog
    with tho British on varioug isgues of importance. Bohadur
    Shah had writton to the pela,co that ho had talked with
    Mr. Grim &bout tho royal elephants kept at Alau which had
    beon forcibly takon away to tho other sido and he had eo
    sucoooded in convincing tho Dnglieh ofrcer about tbo impro-
    prioty of ths aotion th&t the Nepalem had thoir elephaate
    baoL. Quite a few elephante bolongiog to tho British also had
    been foroibly carried eway try the Clorkhati Suba iu rotaliation.
    But not all tho elephants hod beon roturned. Bahadur Shah
    hed &lso written thst Babhannani &nd othorg went to Mahisi
    in th&t connection end thoy ha.d mot Mr. Grim with the result
    th&t all the romeining elephoDts bed been returned. Bahadur
    Shsh had suggested in the letter that Nepol had to livo il
    peaoo and liiondship with tho British, Tho capturo of
    olophents by f,'audyo ou offcer in tho employ of Nepal, would.
    bo tho act to spoil this rel&tion. Eo Frsonolly disapproved
    of the royal awards to Khyaliram and the Suba. Tho palaco
    had replied that this was in roto to tho aotion of Tulasi Raut
    who had forcibly driven away elephants from tbo eide of
    Nopal witL tho assistsuce of Kalchuria (an inhabitant of the
    villago Kolohur). Perhape the Euglish had no knowledge of thie
    300 if,ODBBI{ IIIPAL

    sction. Tho royel letter added.rThis iB not all. The Nepdese


    Suba had felt tbat be ebould aleo not BeoL permiesion of his
    govemment in pursuing his retoliatory measuree in the
    rircumstances. The palace pleaded that this wss s iust deal.
    Faudya had only discharged his duty. Tulasi Raut wae paid in
    his own coin. If he wae killed while io operations, this bappened
    also becauso the Kalchurias wore active in going from words
    to blow aod brgudishing of we*ponr. Otherwiso, the Nepaleso
    did aot touch even a eingle man on the other sido, nor they
    had raided the village as alleged. The Nepaleso Clovernment
    had beon apprised by Suba Dnanath that thie affeir was not
    taken soriously by Calcutta authoritieg. It was vory good of
    the hoeident of tho Patna Council to have aaked Mr. Grim to
    return the elephants. ![e aro pleaeed with MsD Siagh who
    wes instrumeuta,l for thie order from Patna.',

    Bahadur thah had couveyed Mr. Grim's demand that


    X'audya should be dismiseed. In thie regord the palace had
    to eay that Mr. Grim at 6rst should rurrendor Nopal's enemy
    priaoe of Mackwanpur who was in his protection.t2

    Bahadur was asked to consult Babhanaani if he wanted


    to go to Banarae.
    Thoro are more lettars addreesed to Bahadur Shah of
    January and tr'ebruary, 1782. lheso reyeal that Bahadur
    thah was no moro hold in ruepicion but vas held in respect
    ond his proseace in Katbmandu wa8 sought by the palaco.
    IIiE Btars were again in the ascendancy. In a lotter o/ yS
    1838 agha su,il,i, roj f-Suturdoy,26 January, l?82 in reply
    to Bahadur Shah's inlbrmiug despatch of pitchors of Gangoe
    *ater through the hands of Putuwar Norarr from Pstna
    the palace in the Dame of Rana Bahadur Shah srid,'{the
    Putuware havo arriyed. We do not koov how you are
    meoting your expens€s. When you left, mother wa,8 ill, a.!d
    no tolLs could be brooohed. We wanted to eend monoy for

    l, Puloi66, 20, pp 3fl.l9


    GOBXEA BECOMES XINODOM Or i{EEAL 301
    your oxp€rues. But now tho Chaubisia are in tho
    occupation
    of Sinjung ready to pounce on us. you have undertakei
    the
    trip with a view to tako eacrod bath in Kosi. If you
    have
    completed your mission pleaao return here rithia
    Magha. lf
    not, r€turn &t o,ny rato Eo aa to reaoh herc
    b, plwlgun.
    Gorkha is the rkin of all of ue. Wben thig is throatened,
    it is proper tha,t you come hero. Dinanath could not achiovo
    anything from bis miscion. If you can do it, pleare
    orert
    yourself to settle disputoe regardiug Rautahat and pacbrauti,
    and the Terai of Someewar &nd to B€curo tho extradition
    of.
    the princo of Maokwanpur. This you ghould
    do before you
    leave for home. Othorwieo you might entrust
    the tagk to.
    Babhannani. IIo bclongr to one of the 6 loyal familiee.
    Babhannani c&n rettrrn later when he suoceedg
    in his mission.
    ff he needs your advlce on any issuo, you will kiodly appriee
    youreelf of those. W'o shall eonil ordors
    after duo
    Regarding developments in the west, Narsing and"on"ottriion.
    Joya Siagh
    would toll you"r r.
    Bahailur could no6 leavo Banaros as desired. According.
    to & lettor of Rana Bahadur dated VS lgIg phalguna todi -6
    rry Z(:Sunday 3 February, lZ82). (This day is
    6th whilo
    tieing but 6th tithi immediately startod to prolong
    for d6
    ghati, wheress the noxt day ie ?th with E0 ghrti.)
    Bahoilur
    Shah at frst Broto tb&t he could return withlut
    performing
    ritual bath a8 the country was tbreatened Uy tle CnauUiairl
    Ife could take sacred bath later. Ho also had
    informed
    that he had mot tho Badaeaheb wbo had now gone to
    Cslcutts.
    But in eocond letter he wrote tbat ho was Buffering
    from a
    bad disease, &nd had shiftod to the padre'e haveli (residentisl
    house). The palaoe through Rana Bahsdur,s tetter
    erpressed
    concern over hie illnoes. The letter eaid that
    they *"rJ moeh
    worried as uo details of the sufi'ering had
    been provided in
    Bahadur'a letter. Ballabha vaidya and Vir"rm.
    ftawae
    wero immediately sent to pstne to look after
    Bahadur Sheh-
    13. PuruimB, 20, p 314
    302 MODERN NEPAL

    Ee was advised to congult both the Padre and Ballabha


    Yaidya for treotment. If he felt aftor congultation aad
    treatmont that his illrrose would not heoomo sorious, Bahadur
    Shah ehould come back home. Since the palace wrote the
    lsst letter (26 Jauuary, 1789), the Chaubisi had not advanced.
    But if he was Bot ir e position to moYe a,bout, ho should at
    once inform Kaihmandu of bis actual condition. IIie two
    letters had reached at the s&me time on Dlagh& 24 altbough
    th6y wore seat at &n interv&l of 4 days. Ono elephant and
    4lolastt of gold had boeu eont to him to mako gifts to the
    Brahmauas to ward of the evils of the planets.! 5
    Tho nert letter is dated 7 X'obru&ry' 1782 (-yg 1636
    Pha),,1una va.d,i 10 roj 5). But this givee & resulne of the tight
    at Sirhanchok, and there is no vord about invitations to
    Babadur Sbah to como home. The Gorkhalis had dofeated
    tho Chaubisi. The b&ttle 8o€ms to have tsken placo soon
    a,fter tho lettor of 26 January was tlespatohod.r'
    We do not know when Bahadur Shah reached Kathmandu.
    Was it th&t onoe tho exigency over tho P&lace juBt did not
    need him, and so there w&8 no more persuation ss to his
    roturn to the coPita,l I
    But it appoars from a bunch of other oorrespondence
    botween the court and Bahadur Shah thet tho latter w&8
    again persuaded to return home and ho oventually agreed'
    W'o ghall have occasion to eay about this affair a littlo
    later'
    Eutthet qilwnae ta Wut
    Rajonrlralakami wanted to make her own contribution to
    adding more tarritorioB to Nopal'
    The Gorkhalis seizod the opportuDity of a'ttacking tbe
    Chaubisis when the latter occupied Sirhanchok' On Srrka 1703
    VS 1838 Pausa 22 Magha rtofi,i 3 roj l-Wednesday 2 January'
    u82, the Chaubisie captured Situng aad fortiffed tbe area'
    In the ffght 14 Gorkhalis were killed But after some time
    I4 1 tole -216 8(aiDs
    15 Puruiroo, 20, P 316
    PutDiEr, 20, DP 31e-17
    OOIIKEA BECOUES XINqDOIT OF Nf,PAIT 303

    tho Chaubisie were driven out sust&iniog e casulty of ?0.


    On account of these happenings thoso placed on the western
    bordor had to be eyer watohful. In tho month of I'ebruary
    of 1782 another battle was fought at Sirhanchok vhicb was
    then occupied by the Chaubisi allies, but the Gorkha commen-
    ders g&ve them & stitr fight. La,ter they inflicted a crushing
    dofeat on Lamjung's ruler Yiramardan Shah. Garudadhavajo
    Pantha of Tanhou was tho le&der of tbe Chaubiei army
    supported by Palpa, Parbat and pluthan.
    The following gives a graphic description of the ffgbt .at
    Sirhanchok by a reliablo authority.
    Accordiog to the lettor of Thuroday, Z Fobruary, l7g2
    ad&essod to Bahadur Shah by the king it wes said .,fn the
    earlier letter wo wrote to you that tho Chaubisis were
    in occupation of Simjung. At that tims our forcs had
    Eet up & new outpo3t on the uplrad in Ajitgarh. But aear
    it in Bhachyak the enemy had tried to ostablish e etockaded
    fort ia defence. Wo eent tro field guas for Ajitgarh in chargo
    of Ranya Lama. The guns went into aotion as tho stockados
    in Bhachyak wero to bo complotod. IIerc tho tteath toll on
    the enemy eide amounted to 20-26. Thoy could not Btoy on
    the upland, and ha.d by thon ehifteil their quarters to the
    lowland in the volley of the rivulet. Our non, borever,
    could not traco tho whereaboute of thc 6uomy on &nother
    side. Moanwhile, they had made dofoneive po8itioDs at
    difroront sitee ia a place called Jhimryak in tho vioiuity of
    Sirhanchok, 3 made of Btotxe, 2 of vood and ouo of
    stockades. The whole preparation was comploted oD
    24 Magha. But next day thoy aleo know that we woro
    intending to attack their positions. Erom Ajitgarh wero aent
    t[ compauies of soldiers undor Sardar Srivar Singh Thapa,
    On tho morning of Sunday a8 the aight passed the enemy
    advanced to cross our position &t Chiplyati. But the hostilo
    marching force was given a tough ffght. Th€y woro puthod
    aside, aud our men reacheal Sirhanchok. X.rom there
    at
    2 ghati past morning the enemy outpoat at Jhimryak waa
    304 UODEBN NEPAI,

    uuder heavy attaok by our men. The 6ght took ploce


    for 6 gh&ti.
    "Meanwhile Kazi Balabhadra Shah with bis forco roachod
    to tho ssistanco of the Gotkhalig. They inflicted a heavy
    casualty on the etremy and 120 men along with Dhanaraj
    Tbapa rroro killed within tho barriere of tho potpost. The
    enomy wsE dislodged, and many wers chosed away to tho
    bank of ths rivor Chope' Even acroes Chepo our men'were
    ablo to kill 15 soldiors. They succeodod in capturing 2 drums.
    In total both in thoir outposts and outaido tho enemy lost
    300 men killed and 400-500 wounded. Sardar Ganegamalla
    of Parbat, Dilaram Karki and Jayaeingh Bbandari, wore
    insido tbe fort. It i8 not sure vbich of them was killod, and
    which escapod. After thi8 our foroe marched to Ajitgarh
    to atteck Simjung. But as our men roached thoir destinetion
    they found tho outposts evacuated. Thie vas on tho night"
    of 26. Ae wo wero oarlier defeated at Jyamruk and our forcor
    had boen oompelled to rotrost from our victorioue position
    aoross tho river Kali, the result of which had also been thc
    ey&cu&tion of Tanhow by Gorkha tho enemy had underrated'
    our strongth strd therefore they had dared ett&ck us. Our
    cosurlty has been 67 dead and 2G25 wouuded. Wo celebrated
    tho occseion of victory offering prayers to gods. Wo bava
    beon abls to defe&t the enemy by their blessings."l
    ?

    The combined forco of Lamjung and Parbat was defeated


    again in Tarkughat vhither Amarsimha had advanced
    through Dordor after crossiog Marayangdi' Sirhanchok wae
    abandonoil by the allies, rnd thereaftor Earmikot and Liglig.
    In the Sirhanchok 6ght KasLi was unwillingly drawn on
    the eiale of Chaubisi &nd its supllort wae nominal.
    But for this Kaski was punirhod. Raia Kirtibam Malla
    of Parbat attacked Kaski white roturning from Sirhanchok and
    forcetl Sitldhipratapa Shah anil his son to seek ehelter
    ir Gorkha"

    1? PumiEs, 20. PP 316-17


    GOBrga Enoour8 &roDox o, rDPlr, 306
    Taking advantago of the Baie's prorouoo tho Oorthaita
    seourod promiaoe from him binding hin to Gorkha in thc
    frturo.
    At this timo danger of a more vigoroar ettaoL,
    - the Chaubisiseusing
    from the Regont Mehsra,ni sought reconsilirtioo
    with his erstwhilo foos liko Swarupasimha Karki and Vamsarai
    Pando.
    Vamsrraj Paaale got reconclied to tho queen mothor sc
    gooa es ho rscoivsd hor
    call. Ee oame bac&. So itid Swarupe_
    sinha Karki.
    Both these mou wor6 sent to tho forvard areas to 6ght
    &gainst the dofonding onemioe.
    Yamsaraj Plndo was sotrt to Gorkha to ruooearfuly guidc
    tho oampaign against Lp juog.
    Tho Gorkhalie osptur€d tha fort of Ragioae aud 2I Iorto
    ot Anitn 25 Vara ZVS t\gg (:Monday, ? October, lI82).
    But attocking Lamjung w&a ro esBy Datter. Lamjurg wro
    vigilaat on both oounte. And to this vas addeat the goirlsling
    by the Gorkhalis of o number of outposts on the lrontier
    froi
    whioh thoy atlvanced ia ithree-pronged drivea
    ; Kszi D6vdatt&
    Thapa (Magar) through Bhote yyoildar, Damodar paada
    through Roginos, whiis Bardar pratinan Rana
    and Kazi
    Amareimha uade a direct .assault from Drglungpani
    (north_
    wert facing Lamjung) and Lamjong f€I ;itho;t
    firiDg a
    bullet. tr'iret Chiti Bud Chiaapani fsll on Karlika 1I oaru 4_
    Wodnesday, 30 Ootobor, 1782. Lanjung ras Captured
    oo
    1782 October, gt (yB 18J9, Rartila I8 iara l:
    Winosdcy)
    Sometime baok Kaski,e rulor Siddhinarayaa Sbah
    bad taieu
    shelter in Gorkha undor pressuro from Lemjung. But
    Lam_
    juag'e ruler Yiramardeng fled to parbat. Earlior
    the cotrfiD-
    gents of Pelpa aud Perbat had in their momeDts of frustration
    attaoked Kaski. Kazi Godutta Saha in hie turn had
    beea abl6
    to oocupy Kaski in the ssmo wsy in l?06 gaba
    Jyeatha(:May,
    1782) as he did earlior in sn attompt to get tho prinoipality
    rastored to tho orginal ruler. ?ho Gorlhalis neutralir€d
    Tonhoo
    by a troety, But the'Rsis of Taohou who ras
    taling ehelter in
    300 IIODERX I{IPAL

    Lbmjung f,ed from the hilh 6t Viramardana took 0o heolr.


    Soth thcso rulerc found themso'lvos later in tho Eaet ladia
    Companyte teritory whilo Parbst wos thoetened by thc
    advanoiug Gorkha ormy. Tanhou fell without having to 6ight
    .and rea annerod to tho stste of Nepol.
    It appear8 from a letter written by Rana Bahsilur Saho
    'to Yiramardaua addroreing him as eldot brothor that th6 lottor
    had run away in panio leaving hio family behind and that ho
    wrnted leave to go elsowhore &nd had writtcn to tho court to
    rllow hie family to join him.
    From Rana Bshadur'r side it was auggertod thlt Gorhbr
    and Ltmjung woro ono and Virauardana neod not abendon
    homo for politic&l roasons which had lod to his dofo&t &nd e{t.
    Aftor all, they had personal reletions ap& from Politic!.
    Glorkho was olso tho homo of the Lamjung rulor. Ae his family
    ras in Krthmauilu Lamjuug's or-ruler Yiramardana pould do
    vell uot to go elaewhere.
    Although Vira.msrdsna vaa no molo a ruler. yet Rma
    Ba,hadur'r lette! sddreoocs him as Maharajadhiraja with
    full titles.
    Vamea,raj Pande roturned to Kathnaudu &ftor Lsmiung intl
    Teuhou rero ounerod, Moanwhile Bhimo Khawas had rlso
    rctnmod.
    After eiguing t't.o Dh.armapatra tho rulor of Eoski sas sent
    back to his oapitrl to rule. But wo shall see that his ruto rE
    rbort lived.
    In the eaet ths situation was distutbod but Kozi Swarupa
    Simho and Prabal Rana could suppresa the anti-Gorlha elemeute
    ond pooc6 returoed to tho land of ths Kirstes.
    Kazi Srarupa Simha came baok to Kcthmandu aftor 6ni-
    ehing his t&!k in that quarter.
    not finol in view of Clorkba'a
    Tho conquest, howovor, was
    ambitign, and tho enomy's thmstening posturoe who was yot
    to be tot&lly round- Burther as Glorkha tmops advonoed
    OOEEE BAOOIIES EIITODOII OT NDPIL 307

    it encouotorod moro onemioq and for thia o ner otretegy wrr


    aaodod.
    Pelpa and Pa,rbat had not been dirhoartenod by tho defcat.
    It lra,s ropolted in Kathmaudu. thst thoy pore planning to aeet
    Sritish aid itr me[ and moDoy to Eoet tho challonge Gorkba
    .had thrown to them. This wae e oritical time for Grokba.
    If tho British holpod Palpa tho Gorkholig who vere now
    mestorg of Nepal wore to confront a totious situatioo. At
    this hour the queen mothor thought it ossenti&l to patch
    ,up rvith Bdhsduc Shah vhose conneotioils with Csloutta
    roro well known. A lettor writton by Rana Bahadur Shah
    .or Pauta elaili II roj t:Tuoeday 14 January, 1783 statod
    'tb&t ono Tiwari wa8 being deputod hy Palpa to meet tho
    English o6oere to sosk their help anil to purchaae crme.
    .Bahadur was requeeted to Bee thst Tiwari's miE8ion ws8 proyed
    .unsuccossful, I{o ws8 to rend friondly agents to oontsct the
    Engiish and porsuade them Dot to listeD to ths Tiwsri. Tho
    feudatoriee of Clorkho were also proparsd to 6ght ogainst
    Pelpa and Parbat, and were aeking for orders. Bahadur Shah
    ves epproochod for edyico, anil if ho oounsolled collision with
    th€ tso oppoBing principslities.
    Raua Bahaalur'a lotter furthsr asid that perhap they voultl
    have to roquest tho Englirh for 4 or 5 coopenies of their
    -trlops Bs w6ll aa arm8. Evon otherwiso should thoy
    ,now stort a 6ght t At suy reto Palpa and Parbat rhould
    'uovor get British holp. Let tho British aeauro Clorkha to
    'that ofroct.
    The roysl lettd
    informed that Bhim Khavag waE going to
    soe Bahedur Shah immediately with oral message.rS A sum of
    Rs. I .000/- was algo sent to him.
    About this tims information rsached Kathmandu that the
    west rulers 'including Parbtt had sent their roprosontstiveo
    in Caloutta. A lettor to Behadur Shah by Iiane Bahadur
    18' Bhiro Tsksali spporrs in OirvsEs Juddh. Vikram's inscriptioE oI
    Isloiu 8€t up sltor the d6pertuls oI EoEE Brhsilu! thrh to Baoslrs.
    308 IODEBX N'PAL

    Shsh rith drte lire Mqha oaili I roj I-26 January, 178&
    eaid'you must hsyo kuown about this otrair. Ploaso tber€foro.
    como to 8eo us, Or if you oamot movo due to illners, send
    advice througb Bavannsnilg and Bhim Khawae back. We shall
    Bg6iD deputo thom for oonsultatioD with ptesents'.
    Bono Bahadur wroto back iu roply on 7830 Ohaita oadi I
    raj l-Wedneeday 19 March' 1783 that no Engliebman had
    arrivod in Katbmendu!0. Eo was discouraged i[ this ventuo.
    It war suggestod that bo would get apything he raated if ho
    aeked for but his prosonco was not deeirablo. Bana Bobadur
    said in tho lotter thst all this wae couched in polite languago.
    Tho opproaoh to tbo English was not made in the aamo of
    Bavannani. fhir roulil have caueed worries to him. The
    Eaglish elso rould have thought thst thig rroe aot the final
    answor, aad held hopee. Bahadur Sha! also wgs to make
    offorts in that dioction. It should be a polite rofusal for
    tho intondoil vi8it. Bst if ho ingieted on a visit, Kothmandu
    would aot as Bahattur thah advisod. Thoy woro woitiDg to
    hea,r from him.
    In thia lottsr thore i8 oo mentioa of a request to Bahadur
    Sbah to visit Kathmsndu.
    But iD tho usxt lotter 20 days lster the Eamo lequest was
    reported. Babailur Shah had elrlier been askod to judge
    tho frcte of gome aotions done by Bavannaai and Dinanatha.
    But ho bail mplied that be w&e never asked to backbito whilo
    in the royal court. The king had not asked him to do any
    such job even while ho drew his salary. That which he did not
    do while beiug near, ho was not goiog to do staying far from
    his home. Eo would be happy to rot&in the old posture.
    Rana Bahadur on his part Buggosts in hls reply VS 1839
    Chaitra auili 4 roj 7=Soturilay, 6 April, 1783 th&t he would

    19. Wa &r€ trot avor€ of BovsuD&Di's lileltitt, but ho EeoEB to b€ sn


    iufueBtial EaD iD th€ coult'
    20. th6 tlsto is i*egulor as ehown ln tie Prblishetl toxt l hsv6 ret to
    examine ih,: original'
    GOBtrEA BEOOd,ES EIIIODOM OF Nf,P.AI] 309

    rrot do anythiDg wrong if he had conduotod tho enquiry to


    &now the truth. Evorybody muat rorrdo! his duty towards
    thir country. Bahadur was told rAfter otl this ir your ooutrtry
    .and we wrote to you thinking thie vae somethiog which hed
    gotto be investigated. Ae for your coming herg ifyou are
    oured, pleaeo Gomo Boon. If ss th6 padro aaye you
    .ought to tako healing bath iu the rivor for eomoting more,
    you might delay."
    In tho me&ntime tho court hoard a rumour thot Mhj&
    Abdulla Beg was advanoing towards Eatbolla with forces, a,nd
    he waa eucouraged by the British. Brhedur reooivod a lettor
    from Rena Bahadur sritten on 1840 Vainhha oaili i roj Z:
    Ifionday 2l April, 1783 asking him to go to Kathnandu et
    onoo. It wae said tbat the torritory urdor dispoto woa
    oocupiod by Nopal with the ooneont of Mr. Brooks. Eov Brools
    could agree to giviug this lend to Mirza Beg is rot und€rstond-
    able. Bahedur Shah ves aeksd to ffnd out tho cause of thig
    'volta face. Ho should also keep tho oourt informed of tho
    movomenta of tho Engliah. If it vss only the Mirze they
    would deal with him without sp,ecial orrangeoont. But if
    the Englieh had ranted to cross ovor tho mountainr, tb€y
    should givo a serious thought to the problem.
    In ths nert lott€r writtotr oa Magh,a aaiti 7 roj I (-
    Saturday, S February, l?83) Rana Baha.dur ropeats his doaire
    thot Bahadur Shah should como immediately. Ee complliood
    th&t eoEe courtiers wero causiog woriea to tho court. IIo
    TsE directed to come immedi&toly on seoiog tho eealed royal
    letter. Bayannaui and Earikrighna had aleo rritten to
    Babadur Shah aad in groater dotaile. Tbe former's ralary
    'vas goiug to bo ssttled in his favour.
    Bahedur SLah was dolaying to rospond favpurably to bis
    -r6quoita.
    lopbew's Probabl;r hs gtill dreaded tbe queeu
    .Dothsr, sud w&s Dot prolrarod to faoe rieks of the court
    lifo ia Kathmandu. Eo wds not euro if the goodwill contained
    in the royel letters was ainoorely erprcrsad. f,i8 past €rperience
    varned him thrt it might bo a ruso to tr.p him.
    310 UODEBN XEPAI,

    But Bahadur thah on his part bore siooore goodvil!


    towartls his nephow and his mother. Tho royal lstters aati
    intercossiou therein simply provo that ho was exiloil for ao'
    fault of hia.
    Oo tocoipt of thc sbove letter Bahadur replietl th*t he had
    not complet€ly rocovorod and he would himeelf visit^
    Kathmandu &ftcr reoovery' B,ana Bahadur, however, again
    suggeated thot he shoutd qomo soon if he wss foeling botter'
    But otherwise he should undtrgo further troatment' At &ny
    tuto in viow of the imPending malarial season he ehould make'
    a move. This mesesgo iE couta.inod in e letter dated 1839
    Phalguna va.tli 2 roj 4:Wodnosday, 19 X'obruary, 1783'
    Bahatlur Shah was appdsed througb the same lotter that
    Bavannani and Jorabara Khawas were on their way to
    ses him.
    The requoet for his immediate Presence to Kathmandu'
    was agaio made in the royal lettor of Phalguna oadi 6 roj 1:
    Sunilay, 2 Msrch 1783 r. ft waa steteal that Bahadur Shah
    ha.d boen given & iagir (maintenance allowance to bo realised
    from land holtling). Tho 8a,me plea that he ehould avoid tbo
    molarial eeason in the plain wag made in this letter also'
    Ee wae advised to ropair to Krthmandu without furtber
    dolay. i'or cont&ct with the Britieh,' Bahadur wae asked to
    seod Bavannani to Patna.
    Babadur Shah informod that Bavanooni and Jorabara
    Khawaa had loft for P&tDe on the fult moon day. Babadur
    Shlh hact s6ot a gift to two bilds Saranga and Kulung but
    they died on the way, while other articles had been deliveretl
    uadamaged.
    IIe had also written that Foxcroft was ready for departuro
    to Nepal &nd Bava,nns,ni was going thore with a messago of
    advioe. Borcroft had himself epplied to Kathmandu for
    permierioa to eater NoPsl.*

    9r. Tha firhi 6 ts iust ons thati oE thb ilsy.


    . All ths letters roforreil to hore are pubishsil ia Pqltrlltra. 2I.
    GOtxEA BAOOrrg rrroDol oF NnPrI, 3rt
    It appoarr thnt Bahadu Sf,ah had reeponded this time
    to the requost of tho court esking him to reaoh Kathmandu
    toon. From a lottet of Rana Brhadur Shah dst€d Vg l84O
    Vaieablw ooti 8 roj.5:Thureday, 24 April, l?88 wo cono to
    kaow that th6 oourt had doputed men to receivo him and
    teke hiu to Kethm&ndu. Iu an oarlier letter Bghadur Shab
    hsd ssid that ho yas getting bettor aad ho waa villing to go
    to Kathmandu in view of the hot season.
    It caa be &Egumedthst Bahadur reached Kathmandu,
    rhortly aftor tho reooipt of tho abovo lottor.
    It'was obvious that Bahadur Shah was hesitating to go to
    Kathmandu in spite'of poreiatont roquests. But iu vior of
    ctitical stato of affoirs in Kathmandu, for which the oourt
    noeded hie advico ho seoms to havo roluctantly agreed to go
    to Kethmandu. Ilowevor, ae usual Bahadur was compelletl,
    onco mols to loave tho capital after a briof stay.
    We do not know for wha,t rea,sons Bahadur had left,
    Kathmandu again and eo soon after hie gtrival, But it
    appears from the folloviug that he had gone to Mackwonpur
    in tho winter of VS 1840, and ba.d delayed hie roturn to
    Kathmandu eud this wsB oDe moro occaeion thot tho oourt,
    had iotorceded io him to coue lack to the capitat.
    Wo have seen that v&rious quostions affecting Nepal
    wero raised in tho Kiog's corrospondence with Bahadur Shah.
    It is certain that Bahadur Shah's sound advice wae neodod
    vhsneyor the court faced a crisie. But as eoon as tho criric
    wos oyer, Bahadur Shah bocamo a person non grstB, a,D.al he
    hod to leave the capitel. It appoars that Nepal was to
    worry not ouly for tho iutrigues of Gorlha,s rivals in the
    Test but &lso for landlords 1n tho Indo-Nopaleso bordor,
    who wero dopending on the Bricirh. Abdullo Bog war guch
    a landlord. Ee threatpued etrife olong yith the Briti8h,.
    vhioh could end i[ & full eo&ls war.
    Wo shsll hsve to aay Dore cbout Abdulla Beg antl of tbo
    mttloment arrivod ot regadiug tho disputed hod.
    3r3 IIODEBIT ICBPAI,

    Bahadur thah hed reaohod Mrokranpur in Pauo montb


    of 1840:1783. Thia is ovideat from Rana Brhadur's lctter
    to him datail VS 7840 ?aua atu/ii 5 roi I = Sundsy,
    28, Dooomber, 1783. Eo had left the palaco apparently for
    tbo porpooo of sponiling wiuter in the Terai wbero ho had
    plennert alao to hunt. Eo hail apprieed the court of his
    orrival in Mrokranpur antl hatl promised to resoh K&thmanalu
    eoon but had etayad on thsra for months which had oausod
    tho oourt Bomo worry and thoy appeolod to him for his home
    oomiug. Bahadur Shah had ogair pleeded hir inability to
    uovo bacaugs of illnesr as king also for the despatch of one
    of tho oourt physioiaue a,nd medicineg.
    Rana Bahadur had writton that tbo unolo had no work
    ;in Mackranpur while hil serviosg woro needed in Kothmandu.
    So ho ros to couo baok. Bsllabha Vaidya was doputod to
    look aft€r him on ths way. IIe was told that all cares roquirod
    for & pstient woro rrot possible in Mackwanpur' Therofore
    ,he should imnediatoly acoomPsuy th€ Vaidya.
    We have iaformation to the offoct tbat Bahadur Shab
    .wont to K&thmsndu to attend tho iuitiation ceremony next
    yea,r inJauuary. But ag we shall knore a littlo Iator Kazi
    Vamearaj Pande was also allowed to rotum. Both Pattici
    patod iu the royal initiation coremoDy.
    Inll lor Trn mon hs anil Allaits in Kalkmatdu
    Tho quoeu Regont about this time aeomed to be sufforing
    {rom tuberculoeiq though it was th€ very oarly stage. Sho
    vos uudergoing tre&tment but feared that she had fallen a
    wictim of au incurablo die6ago. It wae but naturgl that itr
    this Eitu&tion eh€ folt & dosiro to get reconciled to her brother-
    iu-l&w anil uucleg-in-law. Sho aooordirtgly sont wold to
    Daljit Sbab md Bahadur Shah who sho thought oould be
    aocommodated.
    Eer meio dosiro wog the safety of her son anil having had
    cxporienoe of charaoter ghe oould trust them.
    The auspioious day of Raoa Bahadur's initiation oelomony
    GOBEEA BECO![B8 EINODOU O.r NAPAT, 313

    vas fired for Jantary, 1785 ond all preparations wcae made
    to add to its gaiaty. Aa opportunity was offered to the
    tollatorals to attend the ceremony on spocial invitation.
    fn VS lSal Daljit Shah pledged loyalty to the king and
    hie motber. In a letter dated 184L Kartiba aaili 14 roj 4:
    Wednosday, 14 Ootober, 1784 he executed a ilharma, gntrd,
    e pledge talen on eerth of religious oharacter, in rrhich he
    promiaed unswerving loyalty to the queen mother. Ee
    promisod to abide by hor wishos, never hide faots from her,
    ,and sorve tbe throno loyally. (Pwnfurw, 1,3. p79),
    it appoars that Daljit Shah was rehabilitated just after
    this lotter was sent.
    Daljit Shah wsg made a Chautaralon return home.
    Perhaps duo to hie interoession Bahadur Shah was invited
    to attend the initiation \Vratabanilha) coremony of Rana
    Bahadur.
    The invitation was,also ertended to Vamsarj Pande.

    Bahailur Sholr anil Vamaaraj retur%


    Bahadur Shah had just returaed from Palpa having
    married the sister of Rajo on Magha l0 of VS l?41. He wae
    'in Gorkha where Ra,uo Bahadur's initiation oeromony waB
    porformod. Perbaps he was reconoiled with the que€n
    'mother onoe again.
    Bahadur Shah returned to Kathmandu, after several
    yoara and this time to attend the ocoaeaion of tho ceremony
    .of Rana Bahadur's initiation. From the lotter Bana wroto
    ;later to the Chineae Amban casting charges against Bahadur
    Shah it appeaxs that the latter had accompanied the party
    to Gorkha where the initiation cerenony was porformed. lt
    .seoms that Bahadur Shah had reconciled to the situation aud
    had promised help to tho queen mother.
    Bahadur's roturn had a soothing effect on the intricato
    ,politics of the Nepal valley. But & curo had yet to como.
    The Maharani though ill was yet maohinating and laying
    ,Btrstegoms to trap her oppononts.
    3r4 ![ODEBI{ NE?I.L

    Vemsaraj Pendo also returned to Kathmandu st &bout


    this time, IIe was probably iovited for the occassion of the-
    initiation coremoDy oftbe king. We do uot krow ofhic
    proEonee in Gorkha at the timo. 3ut ho hsd cortainly
    hurried to the palace on hea.ring noes of Bummors by the
    queen mothor.
    lu spito of tho di8tra,otion to tho oyonts in Kethmandu the
    ffght ia the weat we8 still going oD. But about thie time
    Gorkha was compolled to ovacuate conquered torritories of
    Palpa on being prerso{. jointly by Satahun and Parbat. lf,aha-
    dattasen wbo had fled without fghting returnedrzaod occupiod
    the ihrooe. The Chaubisie came ae far as Makaidaada on YS
    1841 Aaadhq 12 eail,i 4 roj 3=Tuesdav, 22 June, 1784. But
    Iomjuog vzas saved by the Gorkhalie. Tho tre&ty of friend-
    sbip was broken by tho Raja of Kaeki aud iho Gorkhalis nor
    assembled at Lamjung, wbore the wings stationed at NoskoL
    joined hands. Noakot was ovaouated nert year on Jyedtha
    25 oara 72' . The now line of defonce extended from Tanhoun-
    sur to Gorkha to $anang. But advancing from tho sido of
    Tanbou the Gorkhsli ofrcer Kazi Abhiman-"imha Basnet
    reca.pturod Kaski, Satahun, Bhirkot aud Rising and also
    Noakot, whioh greatly cleared tho ground for tho main
    seotion of the troops to sprawl atound the vautago points.
    The Raja of Kaaki got back his old principality aftor sigui.rg
    I treaty to remain ilependont on Gorkha for all timee.
    In VS 7840 Vaisahha euili 15 roj 6 = Friday' 16 May, 1783
    Kaeki and Nepal (mentioued as GorLha) pledged to work
    together &geiD8! common enemies. Thie pledge is containod
    in a copper plate submitted by the RBja, Eiddhinaray*na
    Sheh, to kirrg Rana Bahadur in Kothmando. The statomont
    s&id thet if ever Kaski ected to figbt Gorkha in collaboration
    with Andhikhola (Bhirkot). Jumlo, and BsiEi Etates, if it
    2l llhole iB ! aistrke elther iE gtte or eer!. lrhe rder oI Pllpa vaa
    r€rtotoil to tL6 tblotr€ oo. Jyestho fi Atadha vadl 5 rfi3:Tuesiley, 8 Jaae'
    1]184.
    99, 4 Juro, 1786,
    OOBXEA BEOOXtrg TINGDOT OF }IEPAL 3t5

    tried to revise the Gaddi of Lrojung nor slroady annered"


    to Gorkha, if it triod to incite Oorhha's snomios tskilg refugo
    in Koeki and if it did not oboy Gorkho iu timea ofneed,
    oithor while boiug tbreatoned or threateoing them, thon
    Iieski would invite tho wrath of divino beinge.9l
    We do not know how far tbis kind of pledge. helped the
    Gorkbalis in their desigos but wo Eeo thot thcy wero advauciug
    inspito of Bhat Kaski was doiug to promoto the objective
    of the copper plate. In fact this wag done ia coercion, and
    the Gorkhelis had further coerced tho Raja to leove hie
    capital by inarcbfug iato his capital.
    tr'urther west Noakot was oaptured io 1784 (yS 1840
    Plwlguna 2I aara l:Suod.ay, 29 Febrlary, 1784) by 6 com-
    ponios of sepoyr led by Kozi Balabhadra Shah, aud Pratiman
    Rona and Suba Jogamalla. Tbe latter two wero stationed
    there, whilo a wing advauced towards Palpa through the
    coureo of the river Kali Gandak aud captured Paiyun then
    ruled by a chief of impure doecent, Kali Gaudak wae crogaed
    on Phal,guna 29 oara Z-MolaLday, 8 March, l?84. A few days
    uftar ot Chailra 26 aara 7:4 April, Sunday, l?84 P&lpa'e
    capi6al Tansen fell to tbe advanciag army without e fight.
    In tho capital, however, the queen etarted playiag tho
    same old intrigues. Tho forgotteu memories of hoetilities
    towards her rehabilitated oppoDents woro revived. It wae
    said that the queen Regent promoted Bbim Khawas to tho
    rank of I(azi. He aleo became a favourite of her. This
    eudden riso to a high rank incensed many noble men. The
    llani dreaded tho repetition of tho event of VS 1836 and
    therefore l-ranished some courtiers including Vomsaraj Pando.
    The queen was tho camo ambitious woman, as tbo was
    previously. Sho had not changed a little, nor her intriguer's
    h&bits h&d gono. AB befors ghe distrusted all but the most
    elavish. No powerful and self respocting matr could withstand
    hor suspiciooe .Frtduct. No ono was spared for compromiso.

    24 Gtrrung-Mqgar Van savali, P 45 4$.


    3t6 ODBB]I I{f,PAi

    Thereforo Bahadur Shah oould not sustsin hir poeition by any


    means. With regord to him it res mid that hig very presonco
    vos doomod to be out of placo in the sohsme ahe had planned.
    By his disposition he drew eurpioioD of her8. So never the
    two agreod eveu if they w6r6 brought togother by forco of
    oircumstences.
    Rajondralakemi epuroed mon of noble oharactor &nd
    m6rit8. Sho always liked to bs surrourded by flatterers.
    Sho was elso uneteady in her faith towsrds hor friende. But
    shb know bow to uso them to further hsr enda,
    Eer aesociation with erperionoeil &nd [oritorious persone
    ront ss f'I as it went to serve her ambition. Once thie wsg
    fulfilled she droppod tltn in fevour oi lew sllios.

    Muriler of Vanuaruj Patde


    Ths ohroniolo roportB s 8ta,to of enmity betveon Vamsa,raj
    and the other two porsors of importanoo, tbe Kazis. The
    lattsr bad oonspirod to o:pol him from powor. They improeeed
    the queon about his suapicious D0ov€mont8 and ae a rosult ho
    wgs killod in Bhandorlhal unoeremoniourly on 2l April,
    1785 about & month &fter hig errivel.
    It is said that the Regeat was now showiog doffnite
    symptoms of tuberculoais, aod thought it proper to remove
    all porsiblo opponents. In this sho had acted on the edvice
    of Svarupa Karki and Bbim Khawae.
    Baha.dur Shah also was again kept in confiuemont and
    letsr banishod.
    But now we are coming to ths snd of the r€goncy of the
    queen mother. Eec hsrlth w&r f&8t deterior&ting, and her
    family phyeicians had loet sll hop€s of her survival. The
    king was hardly I years old, and the questioo was 'vho was
    to teke c&re of hio if the queen diod.' Thou thoughts
    naturally turned to Bahadur Shah. They advised the queen
    to vrit6 to him to rBturn.
    A lettor written to him in tho name of King Rana Bahadur
    .Shah was soat on 7B 18t12 Aeadha ardi 5 toj z:Mouday,
    OOBEEA BXOOUES KINODOM OX I{&PrL 317

    It July, l785and boree messago reqtroeting him to retura


    homo. ft 8ay. that tho emilsaries Na,rayana Ariyel, Juthyl
    Khowas and Bobra, vho vor6 sont to goo Bahcdur for no
    other purpom than rooing him ia Banaras with tha govern-
    mont'g order had oonveyed to the oourt all that the Kiug,a
    uncls had to say, Tho lett€r gsvo &n oxpre88 call to Bahadur
    Sbah to coms baok to Kathm*ndu. It added .The visitors
    wore there not to the maohinations of others. you are
    delaying 6o return. Ploaso do not dose. If you are delayod
    there for any reason, you ehould leave for home as aoon ea you
    soe thig sealed lotter. You had gono there oa pilgrimage
    rnd this is no timo to dcl&y home ooming,.
    Ba,hadur Shah roached Kathmandu ofter some timo only
    to hear of tbe queen mother'r death.
    Tho lotter wae addressed from Kathmandu but it fails to
    givo tho rocipient'g addross. Where was then Bahadur Shah
    living ? According to tho ohrodolo it res goid that he psg
    living in Botia. Et might hevo gono to B&narss.
    At tho time she diod she was fully coneoiouE snd msitrtsi[-
    sd her a^esortivs charaotor. Only a few days beoL she
    paseed orders of baniehment to tho Tes&i on Bahadur Shah
    vho sctuslly reaohed Pharpiug bound for hig journey. She
    had passod another ordor to dotain hin in pharping-
    Bahadur hosrd ofhor doath ia Pharpiug whilo raiting for
    another order.
    But the lottor
    8sy8 th&t h6 trss on pilgrimago or a,t least
    had left
    home profeoing oponly to go on pilgrimago. The
    plaoo rhere he war liring, to whioh tho totter vas direoted
    oannot bo located for yBDt of inform&tioo.
    ft is quito that the letter s&B 6ent to him at
    possiblo
    Pharping, although the same suggested that ho had left out
    of hie own sitl.
    Deatk ol Bajenihalabami anil Aecendanay of Bahadur
    Aocording to a noting :ho died on Aeailha auili, T roj I
    of 1842:13 Juln Wotlnordoy, 1285. With her doath o power_
    3r8 UODEBII NIPIL

    ful personality had boon withdrawn from the potiticol acone.


    As long aa she lived, ahe had dominated the political situation
    of hor country. Now gho lraa llo moBe, her rivals made thoir
    ro-eppearanco. Eer death p&vod the wey for the ascendancy
    of Bahadur Shah oud bis group. Bahadur becamo tho Rogent.

    Atather Marak to Ka.ski ond Surroutiling Arcad


    The lonquest of Ka"qki and rmall etates folloved Rent
    Baha.dur's initiation o€remony and tbe frontier was again
    pusbed to tho river Kaligaudok. But atl tbir could happen
    bocause tho army command pss not mixed with palaco
    iutrigue except io a few cases. The Gorkhalis had not rest€d
    and vero all tho on march even if thore wae a ground for
    fruatra.tion. Accordiug to tho chroniole of Saha 1707 VB
    1842 Jyeatka 30 cuili 2 roj 5:I\ursd&y, I Juue, 1785 Rupakot
    fell to the Gorkhalis, Thie eector wae attouded to &t tho
    command by Swarupsingh Karki, Partho Bhanilari, Amarsiugh
    Thap&, PratimaD Rana, Kazi Nsru Sabi, Abbiman Siagh
    Basnot and Chautara Daljit Shah. Arghouu wae conquerod
    oa JgesrLa 3f, Friday, 19 June, (1786) vithout a fight. Koeki
    wa8 finally annorod to Gorkha on tho capturo of Sarakolon
    oo, Aadha 1 Jycatln cu.ili 4 roj .7:Saturdey I I Juno, 1785
    cnd o\ AEal;he 2 Jyeeth.a atdi 5 rq l:Snuday, 12 June, 1786
    Noakot fell to tbe Gorkhalis for the second time. Again,
    Aeail,lw 7 Jywlh,a eadi 10 roj 6 was tho day whon Satohun
    called for aid (:81;6rr, l7 Jurro). Garhoun was conquerod
    oa Asditrfui 16 Adailha oadt 4 roj f (:Sundry, 26 Juue) while
    tho Gorkhalis hsal moved to defend Satahun.
    It was said tbat ll,aendralaksmi dieliked expaneion of
    territory snd eo were her Bupporter8. But sll tho acquisition
    of territories to Gorkha mado till l78i vas duo to tho
    continuance ofthe policy of erpansion, which she could not
    but follow,
    B,ajendralakami wa,s a wom6n of extraordinary courage.
    She moaut to rule while {unctioning eB regent. Giyen to
    GOBEEA DECOXEA XINODOIT OT NEPAI, 3t9
    manly b&bit8 Bho rodo horree,. played with gwords a,nd
    addrseeod soldiors deporting to the battle fields. Sho hcd a
    rotinuo of trained women to guerd her innor oomp&rtmont.
    But if somotimss eho led a hardlifeof a atruggling woman,
    ahe at times govo evidence of a lust for power as well as lururi-
    oua living, which comes in tho wake of an assurcd exi8t€Ece
    furthered by stato power. This rendered her weak in epirit
    a.t time8. But thore ie no doubt that she stood fast in her
    etruggle for power up to the laet,
    Beforo eho died ahe coatinued to
    deal harehly with rome
    of.her formidablo opponents. Wo havo already eaid that
    about a month or two earlier to her death shs had Bahcdur
    Shah conEuod in a houso near Pha.rpiug. Eis aupporter
    Kanchbi Maiyaa, Prthvinarayana's youngeet dsughter, wa6
    olso pining for freodom under houge arrest placed in Thankot.
    With the death of quoen Rajendralakami, Bahadur Shah
    automrtioally wag ellowod to return to Kathmandu. Eo
    porformed her leet rites, and then ocoupied the chgit of the
    Nayab. All tho Bharatla,re gavo thoir full support to thc
    now Nayab. IIo retaiaed tho council to govern. Daljit Shrh
    who was tho Chaut&rs once about a ye&r w&a allorod to
    oontinue in his p,ost.
    CEA?TER X(A)

    ncgont Bahadm'. 8k Yorrg


    ID tho six yoare from 1786 to 1794 Bahadur Shah aoted
    as Regont. As soon ag bo beoame the rogoDt, he took caro to.
    soe that tho adheronts of the qumu mother wers dielodgod
    from positions in the administration snil army. Howover,
    few wors actually removetl from tho eoeno. Tbere was only
    ono doath, Kazi Svarupasimha was killsd. All this did not
    afreot the hard oore of tho army command. For gomo timo
    th6ro waa a lull in militery Botiyity. Aftsr rome dsys,
    howover, tho lull broks. Cheut*ra Jiva Shah, Kazi
    Sivana,rayen Kbatri, Sardar Partha Bhandari, Sardar Amr-
    simha Rana, Suba Jogamallo and 6thsm left forthwith for
    tho conquoot of regions wost of tbs river Kali. They orosaed
    the rivor oo aaba 1708 VS 1843 Jgettha 10 oailiT roj 7:
    Saturday, 20 Msy, U86 th6 ,;thi w8,' 7 sterting &ftff 24 Gh&ri.
    From a royal lotter addrees€d to Kazi Jiva Shah, Jogatjit
    Poude, Partha Bhandari, Amar Singh Rana and Prabala Singh
    Rana, whioh is dated Samvat lU13 Pausa rsaili I roj 3:
    Tuesday, 12 December, l?86 it appears that Satahun and
    Bhirkot had accopteal the overlordship of Gorkha (Nepal),
    and thorofore they gainoil additiouel toritory, Bhirkot
    annexing Jahari, and Satahun gotting Darmu. The officore
    had beon asked to demarcate tho boundary to the convenionce
    of the two rulors.
    Thero was a large scalo advance of troops in the two
    directions, one towards the weBt under Kazi Damoder Pande
    to attack P&rbat and another to keop the moveEent oD to the
    eastern Torai under Abhiman Basnot, Damodar Bt&rted to
    attack Parbat ot 16 Asadha:Mond&y 26 June, 1786. As we
    saw it tho purges effected by the now Regent did not at all
    touch the Iligh rank of the army. Tho soldiery behaved as if
    nothing had occurred wbich cotrcerned them, as s,bsolutely
    no new ohanges had taken pl&ce in the armed forces,
    ooErEA BlOOrr8 SnSODOX O' r,EAr, 321'

    Gulmi wes then attsolod by a:eotioa of troolx stetion€d


    in Pokhara. X'or aomotime it Yss u[der aicgo. But beforo
    that its ruler was friendly rith Gorkha. Wo sholl loam from-
    tbe next paragrsph thet ths rulor wsa oocouraging €lorkha
    militery activities iD this rogion with tho prospeot of getting:
    a rowa,rd in rsturn. Tho GotLhalis had' howover, erhaust d
    the utility oI Glnlmi's rulor, &lthough st 6rst h&ud thoy woro'
    hobaobbing with him. Ilaviog grabbed a.djoiaing 8re&8 tho
    Gorhhalis had orossod tho rivor Koli, and Gu}ni was vulnorablo
    to thoir attook. Obvioualy they could trot lesvo tho march ot
    that poilt. So tbey had advsnoed to attsck Gnlrni prcper.
    dthough Noekot had to bo given up for sometimo it woe
    fully aonered to Gorkha just a few monthl lster. It appean
    from a letter of Bena Bah&dur to 888hidar Khatrir of Gulmi
    drteit l84l Marga udi 14toi 4-10 or ll Novembor (oaili 14
    ie Thursday, so tbe dat€ is iregula,r) that the latter had
    suooessfulty helped to maintain friendship betwoon the ruling
    houaee ofGorkha aud Gulmi. At oae time Gulmi wae evon
    tompted vith tbe prospoct pf adding territorioe at tbe cost
    of Piuthan (Raaa Bahadur's letter, dateil l8{2 Staoana auili
    11 roj 8:Ttead.ty, 16 Augult, 1785). But thie kind of
    hobnobbing with Gulmi through Sashidba,r did not go furthcr,
    and ag eoou es it w&8 Eeeu tha,t the situBtion ilemanded its
    anneration, Gulmi'e fate was summerily docided. The
    invaders reached the Bheri on 7 Matga ozudi 14 Bundoy-
    19 Novomber, 1786.
    In the ye&r 1712 Baka (1790 A.D.) they coaquered Dailekh
    after a haud to hanil 6ght at SurLhet. As the ruler wae trot
    seen any more ofter thie 6ght Dailekh was merged with
    Nopal with immediato efect. The army command was in
    the hande of Sardar Amarsimba Thapa, Captain Golaiyan
    Khawas, Captain Ranvir Khatri, Sardar Shatrumalla. The
    ner frontier in tho west was now the river Bheri'
    Piuthan was governed by a Suba who wae agked to allov

    1 I tihasaprakasa, 1I, 3, Pp 464.65.


    UODERN NEPAL

    to rsturn all such people to his are&, who had ofrsnded the
    ruler in the pre-Gorkha period.
    In an order issuetl from Kantipur on Monday, 17 April,
    f788 (yS 1844 Chaitra adt I roj 2) one Ichharan Brahman,
    .an inhabitant of Udaipur, had beeu askod to respeot Sa,llya,na
    in tho B&mo ry&y as ho rospected Dang earlier. Eo woe also
    to acknowledge tho overlordship of Piuthan as hs had been
    doing sinco long.2
    In r letter to his ropreEent&tive
    in Jaja,rLot King Rana
    of frioadship and etatee
    Bahadur rope&ts Nepal's asaurancee
    that now that tho river Bheri was the bouadary Iine the
    friendship betweon the two countries bears moro importance.
    The lottsr firther etressss Jeja,rkot's ow! importance &s &
    prinoipslity holping tho Clorkhalis or th€ir m&rch and stetog
    that Nopal solely deperided on the R&j&'s asoist&nco &nd
    ooop€retiou for further suocaas. ft givos the King'r
    8pprovel to & p&ot to bo sigued by the Clorthali Bharadarr
    with the Raja. Tho lottor ie dated YS l84l Ohai;tra oaili I
    roj 3: Tuesday, l3 March, 17878.
    According to thir letter Nepal had sent & mesaengor to
    Jumla and Jajarkot oho was req[ested to pload Nepal's cause
    in tha,t principality. Two oficials Lrkemipati Pande and
    Tularam Thapa were on thdir way to Jajukot. They vero
    eent to deliver & mesa&96 to the rulor of Jaja,rkot, and florers
    and othor metorials for the celebration of the occrsion while
    the Bheri had bocome tbe boundary.

    in,lu West of the Bheri


    Aatiaities
    The lotter addressed to Rani Yilaekumari beariag ilate
    1845 Jyesth<r eudi 10 roj 6- f,'riday, 13 June, 1788 is in roply
    to hers of aD unknown date.. She had eont o copy of a
    letter she wrote to Ambar Singh Thapa about tho united

    2 Ipss, I' 401.


    B A copy ot the lett€r is lyitrg id th6 poisg3sioD .of tho Alohivo8, Fo.€igR
    NiEi.try,
    { IP8S, P ilor.
    GOBBS.A EEOOXIB XTISODOI Or NEP r' 325

    stsnal of thd B,&jas ruling wost ofths river Bheri. The R'oyal
    palace wrote from Kantipur tJut the cantr&l authority h&d
    deapatcheil Kolu Pande and Sardar Prabal Bana for tho
    prot€otioD of tho wogtem rogiou on 6 Aaara (:Mottdty,
    16 Juno). Tho sstelites euch as Palpa, Bhirkot, Riaiug and
    Satahun hrd been asked to go to thoir aid in Piuthan'
    Vilasakumari was aeked to re$cb Kathmandu sooo at hor
    roquest ond carriers and ofr6ere viz' Sauo Khawas, Jiwa
    Khawas, Basung Gurung, and Bhakti Khawm were doapatched
    to receivo her.
    Aocording to tho lotter 1846 oJ Kartika rtadi 14 roj 3=
    Tueeday, 28 October, l?88 address€d to Vilaeakumari's
    gons

    Raghumalla Shah and Raghubara Shah, the aunt (the phupu)


    of Rana Bahadur i.o. Vilasakumari had arrived in
    Katbmandhu. Vilasokumari hereelf was to reach later iri
    Mansir (November-Docember).
    It appeare from the royal lettors to tbo rulors of Sallyaaa
    end Jajarkot that theee two princip&litiee were etaunoh allios
    of Gorkha duriug tho crucial poriotl of their thrust forwsrd
    to the regions to and acrots tho Bhori river' Tho conquest of
    both Doti and Jumla posed a sorious problem for tho Gorkha
    army. These wore by far the largest states in the Baisi region'
    Each commanded the poBseEsion of feudatories conglomeratpd
    in tho Baiei confedoracy. Although Doti did str€tch far into
    the snowy rsngos. it eujoyed like Piuthan and Patpa landloril's
    {Zomindari) rights over the contiguous landg in the Terai'
    Bajhang north oast of Doti, weet of the river Seti was a
    eatellite under its Raja Dipobanda. But as Gorkha troops
    appoared $elt of the Bheti and croesed it oL Bhailra' I
    Weclnesday of 1846i:1789, 2l August, end came cloBe to
    Karnali, the rulor of Bajbtng left his lsnil to the theltor
    oftho invtdore pledging to become a vess&t of Nepal' Doti
    fell to tho iuvatlers after aome 6ght at a placo called Dipaval'
    Both Doti and Achham wore annored to Nepa!'
    6 Iatt€! ilEteil Vg /846 Magha sudi 3 rci 2=MoBil&y 18 J&nuary, 1790
    \Himotulsanskii,l, 3, P, 6\
    324 UODEBI Ii!P,AJ,

    It ie sgid thst in tho ffght againet Doti, Achham and


    Jumle, the Raja of Dullu wae very helpful to the Gorkhalie.
    IIo not only provided them ratione but also gavo thoo
    thorrougb knowledgo of tho naturo of tho country.o Accortling
    to the abovo mentioned letter Bh&kti Thapa wae aeked to
    rataio the oonquered territory end not to advance furthor
    unle68 the gains wero re-coneolidated and in thir attompt the
    (to
    Glorkhalie- employed all meane. The lotter inetructed comb
    the ju:rglos, aad kill all above 12 years of age,' and added
    'we havo sont money by the hand of Yasudeo Pant, you have
    rooommoaded tho caro of Sivauarayana Khatri, we are pleaeed
    with him. But a.bout return to Kathmandu, you will know
    from his l6tt€! to Nepal's ropreeontativo at Jajarkot'.
    Oulmi was now merged iuto Nepol on Jgaatfui 11 of 1848.
    oati I roj f-Sund&y, 2l May, 1786. Sardar Amarrimha
    tried to advauoo through Cbsndrakot with two companies;
    Suba Jogamall& invadod Khanchi and Kazi Jiva Shah's
    targot v&s Argboun.. Th6Bo three plaoes were sooa occupied
    in Bhadra. Aod. oa Bhailra 26= Thurgday 7 Septomber the
    ruler of Khanchi fled. Nert tlay Argba was captured, and on
    third day Khanchi surrender€d. Then they jointly proceoded
    to.Baglung after laying siogo ou fsma on the way, which foll orr
    Asoina 4 odi 9 - Saturday, 16 Soptombor, 1786. Tvo d&ys
    o&rlier tho invaderg had entored Dharkot on Asoina 2 aaili, 7
    :Thursd&y, 14 September. There was s two-pronged a,tt&ck
    on Parbat. Tho wiag that attacked through the northern
    sector was led by Damodar and Jagatjit Pande. Parbat was
    conquer€d without muoh .eeiatanco on Awina 14 suili 4 VS
    I84.3:Monday, 26 September, 1780. Tbrough Dhurkot tho
    latter wing advanced to Piuthanl, which was capturod on
    19 Kartilea Bukl'a 10 ( 78 1843) = Wednesday, I November,

    6 lbid.
    i A lett€! to M.h6!6joilhirria Yuvorajd Yilsssku&rli by BsaE Bola,au!
    (Pausa 1842 l,/B yadi 13td5l hrs ll,1e6 slprs.iEg the lattor's oDxiety
    about Pluth.n (IPSS, p. '100). tho il,st6 ooE6poEils to fhursilny, 2S
    D@€ntot, 1? 85'
    GOBXEA BTCOUIS EIITODOU O' NEPAL x26

    1786. The reiguing ruler in Piuthan was Motiohand. We


    haye two doouments of hir time (t836 VS Bnd ISiiZ VB)
    mortgaging Eomo land to somo peoplo in lieu of eome monoy
    gtilwa;kA Patra Sangraha,II, pp. 9f.94).
    X'rom Piuthsn it w&s o&sy to dsscond to Dang. They
    couquerod it on 29 Kartila arga oodi 6 Soturttay = I t
    November, 1786 sfter three days, msrch. Theroafter the
    GorLhrlie captured Pelpa ot 3 Marga rudd g:Tueaday,
    14 November.s
    In a Istt€r to hisaunt Vilaekumari (father,s riater) Rana
    Bahadur appreciates efortB made by Satlyana to advanoe
    Gorkba's intorestg. e agsuros her that Gorkho would evcr
    look after Sallyans'B iut€rests. Ee waa happy that Seltyena
    wss oontaoting Piuthan for comDon objoctive. But.if piuthan
    did not listea to hGr, there was J*jarlot, to whose rulo! o
    Khelila lettetr had besn Bent from Kathmandu. The l€tter
    dated 1842 Pauaa oaili 13 rqi 3=Thurgday, 29 Deoembor,
    1785 further statea that oue Jeth& Madho of Sallyoue had eet
    of baok to Salliyena from Ka,thnandu, aud the Govemment
    war sending mou to reoeive the elder priace.
    Earlier a letter aent thrcugh Budba Medho from Vilasa_
    kumari had reaohed Kathmsndu, which was acknowledgod in
    & soparato lotter by tho royal palaco in the name of the king.
    The letter from Sallyaua inforDs th&t the seoood prirce of
    Piuthan had been oallod to S&llyana. It
    also Beid thet ag
    Jumla iu collaborstion with Rugum &ttscked th€ Rsja of
    Piuthon, ho yiolded to their premure. Sallyana had $8ursd
    Gorkhs tha,t no furthor assirtanoa was deeired fron Kath-
    mapdu as tho former was aleady helping pinthan.
    'Tho royal r€ply suggestsd
    thaC Rani Vilasevati ebould
    acquaint Kathmandu with devolopments about Jumla'e
    intentione and objectives, tho ras aaked to be a friond of
    8. Tt6 itotes her€ sr€ tsleD IloD s aothillg in !!y possession, This
    lotiDg i6 slso poblilhoil iD trfshaDts Nslstolin9;lb'a ]rihosaprakosonn
    s4ndhipatro tamgrale, Tie iletos slso agroo w;tL those gireD ir! IaksEiloti
    Poarle's odeailrr lYlile , Paraina, ,, pp 64-8t.)
    326 MODEB}I ]TEPAI,

    Gorkha. If ths Raja respon<lod, then the B,ajas of Piuthan


    and Jumla should be sont to Kethma,udu. In that ceso old
    Dalcm&rdgu Shah and Jasodhar liano would go to Jumla.
    Som.o lettors in the lsst few liass are tom of. But
    Taahou, Kmki. Biring, Isma, Dhurkot, Musiko6, Sata'hun are
    distinclty read. The d&te i8 missing. But this document
    might belong to the period botwoea YS 1836'37.
    In ouother lotter aildreesed ia rePly to Vilass,kumsri on
    VS 1842 Phal4una eudi 15 toj Z:Monday, l3 Maroh, 1786 from
    Gorkha Vyasi (foot hill) R.ana Bahadur inforuo th&t there
    was no option loft, for hir army but to attack Khanchi aud
    Parbat ag Gulmi had evaouated ths territories of Khsnchi
    under ite occupation and GorLha had not beeu able to rotsin
    IBma eutering via Galkot, Musikot and Parbat. Rana
    Bahadur wrote that Yilaeakumari's aons (oldor cousins of the
    king) woro roceived in Gorkha and mutual oonsultatione were
    hsld in the preeenco of Bharadars. Gorkha had decided to
    hit Parbat from tho northern side and it was docided also to
    cttack Khauchi. f,'or thig purpose Kezi Jiva Shab and
    Eeridatta, Upailhyaya had boon deputod. Thoy wore to
    strike Khanohi by way of assisting S&llya,Ds. This would
    strengthon tho poeiiion of Gorkha aud Sallyaua. Raui
    Yilasskumari wae asked to consult Gorkha's Bha,radarr
    rosidont in Sallyana and omploy the forooe of Piuthan
    asd Gulmi,
    This lettor montiousd also changes in tbe appointmelt
    it lhe pajani of tho year. Jiva Shoh and ths Panilos wore
    oppointod Kazis, Partha Bhandari was ret&ined ia his job of
    tb€ S&rdar but with tho 8&lary of Abhim&n Singh. Balabhadra
    Shah was to get the a,llowance of Naru Shah, and Sibya Khatri
    became a Kazi aud obtained the salaty of Ambar Singh,
    Kalu Paode's j&gir waB to go to Gola,ya Khawas and Amar
    Siagh Thapa was appointed Sardar with tho jagir of Bilochan.
    There were eight now Subedero, Bhotiae, Arigad Khawas,
    Ajap Khawas, Bharatha Khawas, Eausamd,n Khawar,
    Narsing Gurung, Dhanaraj Khe6ri and Chokrapani Khoual.
    GORBXA BECO!'TS EISODOU OF I.IEPAL

    tr'rom Noakot Vyasi a letter of VS 1843 Vaiaabha oail{


    9rqi 7-Saturday.22 April, 1786 addressed to. Rani Vilasa-
    kumari informs in roply that Madbo Budha was earrying some
    oral message in detail. Tho Rani had vritten earlior tha!
    attacks on Piuthau, Argha and Khanqhi had demoralieed thc
    Chaubieis. But Dang, Jajorkot and Rukum wero conspiring
    against Sallyana. Tho Rani got a roply that, the authoritie&
    knew of this poesibiliby and therefore thoy had ordered
    attack on Khanchi with the help of Piuthan and Ssllya,na.
    Tbo Palace aesurod all holp to Sallyana. Kazi Jiva, Shah
    and-Yogamalla were Bent to Andhikhola. fn ordor to bastia
    tho progress of their work Siva Narayan Khatri, Sardar Partb*
    Sandari and Prabal Rana had beou doputed from Ciorkha to
    Kaski. Also all forcea statioaod west of tho riyor Dudh Kosi,
    wero asked to prooeed to the west. Ae this vas oyacuated,
    the ofrcers werc eont to Antlhi.khola but Guhd diil not altow
    them to cioss the rivulet. The lottor added that tho Gorkhali
    Suba Gangaram hail dono eome misohief in Moghalaa (British
    torritory) aad as a result the British vere provoted to maroh
    to Nijamtara. Ilowever, poace was reetored betwoen thq
    two parties with Nopal's claim ou Nijamtara duly rocognised
    by the Britishe.

    March llantarile Jumla


    Jejarkot and Sallyana baving conoludod a treaty of
    srmy stopped at that poirt, but to
    subsidia,ry allianco, th6
    march again further weet bypassing thoso stetes. Jajarkot
    was au ally of Gorkha einco Prthyirsr&ya,ne Sh&h bofriended
    its rul6r in Banaras. But bocauss they rore quite apart,
    physically there was not muoh close contact botwe€n tho
    two souutries. With the demolition of tbe Chaubisis tho
    Etato of Jajsrkot oame to occupy a po8itioD cortiguoue vith
    tho w€Btern lrontior of the kingdom of Nepal: Tho pinoi-
    pllity h&d almady scknowledged Nepal's. suzoraiuty a,nd
    g Tho aboes letted eililrEseil b, B.nr B.hrdur to RoBi Yilas&tuDqd
    ste publirhoil iE IPgg, Dp 40G10I.
    ?.28 UODNBII ITEPAL

    pledged to work in co-operltion. But at closo quart€r


    Jejerkot w.8 a souroe of great help'to th6 Nepeleso a,rmy
    oommend wh6u they moved weatwatd from Piuthen. It
    appesrs that before the Nopalese army c&mo to occupy the
    rogion, a roptlsontatiye of Kathmandu r&B stationed in
    JajarLot. Eis duty was to offer assusrsnooe of friendship and
    prct€ction to tho Baia. In this yoar tho Gorkhalie oocupiod
    all aroas eaet of Bheri. It appmrs that in l?86 one Roohhu
    Bist& w&s Neprl's ropreeentative in JajarLot. In & letter
    to this man m6snt to be conveyed to the Raja, King Rana
    Bahadur repeate Nepal'a aseurances. of friendship and ststes
    'that the river Bheri wae ths boundary lino, the friendship
    betwesn the two couutrio8 beare more importauce. Tho lettor
    .fi:rthor etresgos Jajarkot's own importa,ncc as a principality
    helpiug tho Clorkhalis on their march and statse that Nopal
    aolely doponded on tho Raja's aesistaace &nd coop€r&tion for
    further succ6ss. It givee the king's approval to I paot to
    bo signed by the Gorkhali Bharadars with the Raja. The
    lettor iB datod 7B 181J Ch'aitra vaild I roj 3:Tueeday,
    13 March, 1787.
    According to this letter Ncpal had sont & messeDger to
    Jumla. Jajarkot also was requested to plead Nepal's cause
    in th&t principslity. Two offcers Lakehmipati Pande and
    Tularom Tbapa wero ou thoir way to Jej&rkot. They were
    €ent to delivor & mese&ge to Jajarkot a,nd flowers and other
    matori&ls for tho oelobration ofthe ocossiotr vhilo tho Bheri
    had booomo tho boundary.
    A wiag of the arEy had already peD€trated to Chinnaim,
    the capital of Jumla through the circuitoue routo of tho
    northern r&ngos. But thia forco found iteelf surrounded
    by tho 6n6my. The Gorkhali force was led by Sardar Prabal
    Rana and Shyannaroyana K.hetri. Yet another force led by
    Kalu Pando with Bhakti Th*pa ae Subedar launcbed e drivo
    froo their baso in Dullu. Easily the Bouthorn portion of
    Jumla came into tho hande of the inysders. lt is suggosted
    in s lottor to BhaLti I'hopa that the conquest was poesible
    GOBT,EA BECOUES trINCDOII OF NIPAL 329

    with the arrival of hie force. otherwise the drive had gono
    in vainlo. The ruler of Jumla theu fled into tho British
    territory and the whole of Jumla was captured. on . fl)ina I
    of VS 1846:21 September, 1846. Doti after surrender wag
    being looked aftor by Nerayana Malla with a paltan
    (company)of200eoldiers. InJaiarkot the ruler received e
    contingent of 100 soldiers to protect tho area. In Jumla a
    company was etationed for the semo purposo.
    The information about tho capture of Jumla is given in
    a letter of Rd,na Bahadur to Bhakti Thala who was appointed
    a Sardar in the &rmy. The date year of the letter is given
    differently by tho editors in two publications, 1843 in
    Iti,lnsapralcoea, I, p. 9 end, 1846 in Eimatsat Sanakri,td l, 3,
    p. 6. Of course, in that'eonnection my own noting of Saka
    l7l2 ie a printing mietako for 1711. Tho year VS 1846 for
    the couqugst of Jumla ie clearly montioned in tho chronolo.
    gioal note of ovents, whioh I possess. If thie note is corroot,
    then 0here is no doubt that the date of the aforesaid Ietter
    is 1846. I had no intention to accopt the date 1843 ae
    referred to the letter in my footnoto. But after all ono
    had to depend on what rnas publighed until, tho original was
    available for examination. . Eere again the aetronomical
    elemonte which aro correct help us in establishing tbe fact of
    the year. X'rom this date it becomes clear that Ju la was
    captured in 1846.
    The Gorkhali commanderg led attacks on the forward
    areas crogsing tho rivere Karnali and then Seti and entered
    tho Doti region. The southward wing had an unchecked
    advance ag far as Doti, whoae Raja ffed on tho arrival of
    his enemies.
    A letter to the Raja cf Mustang by Kazi Sivanarayana
    I(hatri and Prabal Raua with date 7B 1846 Kartika suli I
    roj 2 from Chhinnasim, Jumla'e capital shows that the

    L0 Purnima, I. 4, pp 6a-65. The date corresponds to trIonday.6


    October, I789.
    330 MODERN Nf,PA],

    prircip&lity wae &nnoxed to Nepal rcme time before tho date


    on which it was vritten.
    Doti w&s the only state to defy the Gorkhalig but wben
    fghting came, aDd strong words did not breok bones, the
    ruler quit hio country to flee to the plaias. After Jumla a
    contingotrt of force oocupied llumla farthor north. Thue
    the whole of the hilly region e&st of the river Kali was
    annered to the new kingdom of Nepal.
    In a copper plate, statement made by Rana Bahedur
    addressing Wangyal Dorje, the Raja of Muetang,. on Samvat
    1847 Jyutka sudd 5 roj 4, it ie said thet tenitories &Dnoxed
    forcefully by Jumla were returnod to Muet&ng, wht.rso Raja
    was to rulo directly over arr &re& comprising all lards to the
    north-eaet of Baudarghat, plus tho valleys of Baglung Kbola
    aud Chharka Khola, while he wae entitled to receive
    cuetom&ry duea from Thak, 'l'himi, 12 vitla,ges of M&nang, and
    Taranisyan. The Raja was further enablod to receive duee
    from traders, which so f&r was forcibly realised by Jumla.l l
    In return the Raja was, to act &nil cooperato sith meD
    and monoy with any ofrcer of the King of Nopal, who
    happoaed to bo th€ro a,Dd in tbe neighbourhood. Tho Raj*
    rras also to msintain nilita,ry outposts and join in the
    oampaign undertaken by the king'e army.
    The Raja wss to pay as tributo Rg. 929 and 6 horees to the
    King of Nepal oa the day of Magha Sanl<tantt, whioh tbcy
    had been surrendering to Jumls 8o far. The emou[t of
    Rs. 7l paid as tribute to Lhaea should continuo as usus,l.
    The comm&ndars Kazi Sivnarayana Khetri and Sardar
    Prabal Raua had earlior on Samvo,t 1846 Kartika sud,i 1 roi Zrs
    addressd a letter to tho Rajo from Chbianachim made a similar
    statement.
    Adtlrossing tbe Maharaj Kumar of Sallyana on yB 184f
    Aghan wdi 9 rqj 3- Thesday 1{ December, 1790 an announce-
    ment cams from Kathmautlu that tho Nopalose had rsached

    11 Purnimat 6. 5a-66. Th6 alste coll€spotrils to Weilaeriloy,19 Msy. 1730-


    19 MoDiLy, 19 Ootober, l78g.
    GORXEA BECCI'ES XI]ICDOM OT NEPAL 33t
    the bordor of Kumaon after oonquering Doti. In aD e&rliep
    lotter Ranabhim had reported that the Nep*lese bad euocess-
    fully attacked the outpost in Dahrya in the Terai, and that
    Ilarkbadeo Joshi was boing eaoouraged to croato confuBiotr in
    Kumaon. Both the aotions had obtained approval of'
    the Court.
    The Raja of Sallyane yas himeelf involved in the aotion
    and therefore in another letter, VS 1848 Plnlguw nf,i 1B roj &
    :Tuesday, 20 March, 1792 he is reminded of his responsibility
    for anything achievod, grace or disgrace 1.s.
    Rana Bahadur'e aunt Vileekunari had reaohed Ketbmandu
    and eho was followed by her etdest son. At this time
    Bahadur Shah was yet in the eolo chargo of Nopaleso admini-
    stration. Ae Sallyaua had ertonded all cooperation to his
    army to conquer the Bsisi statos so Bahadur wanted to
    utiliso tho oocasion of the vieit of hie sistor to confer on the
    Raja of Sallyana, the title over Chhilli, a noighbouring
    principality, in the regiorr, and he did so tbrough a letter
    to tho Rsja, dated 1850 Jyeetha t:a.ili 72 roj 4:Wedneaday,
    5 Juno, 1793. Yilaeskumari w&s to leave Kathmandu in
    early March but &B the Regeut had to be bu8y io nal,terg
    connected with the Euglistiman Kirkpatrick's Eiosion at tho
    time her doparture was delayed. Meanwhile the old Raja
    of Sallyana died.
    Thie information is contained in a lotter of Rona Bahadur
    addreseed to tho uertr ruler of Sallyana, Rana Bhim Shah,
    on YS l85l Vqisabha uaili 11 roj 7: S&turday, 26 April, l?94.
    Thie letter informs that Sallyana took charge of Chbilli just
    a few days earlior.
    Sallyana was givon a new status. No autbority from
    Kathmandu could oramino the ruler,s afairs. Thie immunity
    from iuterferonco in internal afairs wae also onjoyed by the
    ruler of Jajarkot. Both of thom adopted titles anri epithets
    of indepondent kings and also were addresred by the king of

    13 IPSS, p a02
    s32 MODEBIT NEP I.,

    Nepal a,s Maharajadhiraja (Rubka 1834 Marga eudi tt roj 5:


    Thureday, 23 Novenbsr, 1707).
    Lottort of asguaranoos to Jajarkot F6ro Bont ofton until
    the Nepalese army establishod its position in that region. In
    & letter of VS 1847 Kartiln oad,i 5 roj 4=Wedoerday, 27
    October, 1790 whioh was geut to tho B,aja on bohall of
    Rana
    Bahadur Shah tho fomer iB reportod to havo - complainod
    that ho wrie not allowod td onjoy poarl€sBion of ls[d rowsrded
    to him by Kathmondu although he war yct . dutifully
    guarding the outposts in Nepal's intoriet. Rsno Bahadur
    Shah had repliod that his conplaint would bo doalt with by
    tho Sardar to hie satisfaction, and tbe old ties of frieodsbip
    would not bo brokea. Jagajjit Prnde wes boing sent to
    tako chargo of tho srea, to whom tbe Raja wee to mf6r
    vhatover ho raDted.
    ThiB letter refors to tho visit of tho Raja'8 son to
    Kathmadu snd st&tes.that becsuse of tho rainy seaeon he hrd
    boen held up.
    This much about Jajarkot here, ve shall h&vo occ&sioDs to
    refer to it8 Raja again.
    CHAPTER, XI
    Bahadur's Poliey Towarde Palpa ond
    Conqueet ot Kumaon
    With Palpa alono in the map to deal with, Bahadur Shah
    wae thinking of acquiring areas beyoud the Kali.
    Now the lo&d to oppooo Gorkha's advanco was taken by
    Mukunda Sena II of Palpa. Earlier court intrigue had removed
    Bahadur Sbah frou tho Government ia Kathmandu wbere-
    upon he had sc&nned the opportunity to finish (Eamilton,
    173-75) the Gorkhalie altogother and succeeded to some
    extent in attaidng his objectives.
    Through hia efforte Earakumaradatta got Tanhou
    rostored to him, and he had aleo planned to restore tho Ssna
    Raja to the Gaddi o{ Vijayapur and Mackwanpur. But
    this could uot be implemented soon, and he, therefore,
    organised a confederaoy of himaelf, Lumjung and Parbat to
    launch joint &ttack otr Gorkha, which was aleo defeated,
    Mukunda Sena, howovor, died wbile he was still thinking of
    rtinewing tho attaok. Eis succossor Mahadatta had eaterod
    into an allianoe with Bahadur Shah to whom bis daughter
    was married, Acoording to thiB ellianco he had promised to
    render holp in the lotter'r westward march. Thus Gorthe got
    an opportunity to advance agai! to th&t oide, and liquidated
    tho principalitios of Galkot, Ghtiug, Rising, Argha, Kharchi
    a,ld Gulmi, tho three last boing handed over to Palpa as a
    reward for collaboration and o ehare of spoils. Although
    it meant eonoxatiou of fregh tcrritories to Palpa the devolop-
    ments tha,t followed provod quite unfavourable to its
    freedom, because even if thero was actually no inyasion
    upou Pa,lpa by the GorLhalis, it vas threatened and was
    complotoly blocked ag a rosuit of the conquest of Doti,
    Jumla and Kumaon regions by thou.
    It appears that by 1787 the whole of the temitory nor
    334 MODERN NE?AL

    oomprising the independeot stato of Nepal had come under


    tho Gorkhali army. In the Bouth all the areae in the Terai,
    that formorly belonged to Doti, Piutbau, Meckwanpur,
    Chaudondi &nd Viiay&pur rvere &nrexed to Nopal. Becauso
    the Rajas of Doti and Achham had fought the Gorkhalis,
    their sta,toe wero annered to Nepal. Ercept in a few places
    tbe boundsry all ovor tho Torai went furthor gouth as far
    sq 15 to 20 milea from the oight milo belt of fore8t and more
    from the Churi* ranges. In the aorthern sector not only
    tho orpansion took place aloug tho coDtral stretch of the
    Eimalayau mgioB, but the torritori&l conquest vas puehed
    to the l&Et litr6 of the Ilimalayan suow, wherever this was
    perEitted io viop of ths juriedictiou of tho stato that w&s
    absorbed. Thus the oxtremity of the IliBsl&yen region
    falling within Bajhang, Jumla, Parbat, Lamjung, Kathmandu,
    Bhatgaon and tho Eemi-autonomous Limbu*n had now
    booomo perts of Nep&I. It 8o h&PPened that tho ruler in that
    rogion established the tr&dition&l boundary with the laet lino
    of the enowy range.
    After Bahadur Shah was removed from power, tho throat
    to Palpa's existenoo aa & sop&rate princip&lity &pPearod once
    again. According to Eamilton it was "Nawab Yiziet'e
    friontlship thet E&ved Mabadutto so long as he livod". During
    Bahcdur' regency, it we8 all tho time Damodsr 'Pande who
    rae entrust€d with the command aud diplomatio duties in
    regard to Palpa &od other Etatos of tho rcgion' Gulni was
    slso allowed to rotain its feudatory stotue as R'ana Bahadur
    had murietl the daughter of the Raja, Siddhi hatap.
    During tho regency no commander da,red to touch these
    states, Palpa atrd further westoto Palpa, s8 wo said earlier,
    were absorbed iuto Nepal in July of 1806. Prithvipal,
    suecee or of Mahadutto, rsas liYiug in virtual confinement &t
    Kathmandu sinco 1799. Eo had gotre thoro ct tho invit&tiotl
    of Rana Bahsdur to ioin tho celobrstion of Glirvan'e coroia-
    tion &nd was ttosohorously dsteinod. Onco in 1893 (January)
    Prithvipal heal obtainod his freedom aa a rosult of int€rvention
    OOBr,gA BECOUES TINODOII Or NEPAT, 336

    by the elder Maharanir He was back in palpa, but had


    something else in store for him. Rana Bahadur on his retura
    again tompted him to go to Kathmandu on promise of
    offoring moro territories and of marriage with the palpali
    prinooes, tho ruler's sister. Hamilton sayc that at ffrst tho
    prinoess was sont eccompauied by the Raja,s younger brother,
    but on further insistence that the elder brother alone wae
    oompetent to offer the hand of the girl Prithvipal went to
    Kathmandu. Prithvipal yielded to tho feigned solicitation
    of Rana Bahadur and he wes again dgtained. According to
    Hainilton, Prthvipal wae killed in oold blood by Bhim Sena
    'for his alleged complicity
    iu the murder of Rana Bahadur,
    which, however, wag not founded on facte. Soon after,
    Bhim Sena became the dofacto ruler in June tg05. IIiB
    father Amarsimha thoroaftor aesaulted Tanaen (August, lg06)
    and occupied the whole principality. But to thig we shall
    come later.
    hithvipal's widow and son Ratua Sena fled to the
    Company's territory for shelter.2
    fn the south Palpa,s territory touched borders of Oudh
    in a strotch of soveral miles. and the area within this etretch;
    ths whole of it in tho Terai called the district of Butwal,
    was hold by its ruler ae a feudatory zamindar of the Newab
    Vazir of Oudh. When on the l0th November of l3Ot the
    East fndia Company became the Severeign of the Nawab,s
    domaia aftor the latter signed a treaty of subsidiary allianee,
    an attempt was made in behalf of the Britieh to acquire
    overlordehip of the said territory. The British put forth
    the olaim as the rightful heir to the Nawab in respect of
    the sovereignty.

    1, Two bookg in Sanskrit, one a dtama and another a;treatise in


    verse tlepiot the ecene of Prthvipal's last tlays iu Kathmantlu rutl of the
    fate ueted out to him by Bma Behadur.
    2. layaratnakaranntaka, a drama irr Sanskrit, wlitteu by a Oourt
    Poet of the time has some eyents rolatiag to palpa depicterl as port
    of the
    -uain theme oI royal couquest ol tle Nepalese ruler.
    UODEBN 1{EPAL

    Immediatoly sftor th6 conclusion of the tre&ty sn omc€r


    wa€ Esnt to Butwal "sith the ptupos€ of forming a
    sotttemeot" with the Raja of Palpa. tsut the latter was in
    Kathmanilu'not having yet been releaeed from tho restraiut
    impoeed on him somo yoars ago to reside at the C&pital of
    Nopal.' Thoreforo the nogotiatiou was conducted with
    Lal Bahadur, the Raje's brother. It wa,s Eaial that 'the boet
    modo of making tho cession of Bootwal of Ycluo tD
    Goyommout would'be givetr the confidenco of Lal Baha'dur
    ond hia ofroors by conciliation &nd by couYinciug tbem that '
    iDtention wes to settls tho Raja in possossiou of the
    Zamindari on tho moet iust snd liboral terme'. At the
    s&me tiBo the Company's authorities w&nt€d to make
    &u &rrangoment 'to est&blish the authority of GoYernmont
    by committing the ontire charge of the police to the Tehseeldar
    &nd by publishing rules to be obsorvod by tho executive
    ofrcers of the zamindar in the roalisation of revenue'
    'The emount of ceded Jumrna did not &ppe&r to ha,ve
    beea any year fully roalisetl by the Nawab Vizier aad"'
    trothing hsd beeo paid to the Vizier's Government for at lo&st
    tbroe yo&r€ past.' So it vas an achievoment for thc
    Company's Eervants to find Lal Bahadur 'consonting to give
    in a Derkhest for farming the district for three yeare at an
    aunual ffxod Jumma of Rs. 30,000/' erclueire of Syer
    Abkareo, otc.'8
    Tho district of Butwal hae boen deecribed in English corres-
    pondenco'in a high state of sultivation with ryote numeroua "
    eveu though ertremely unhealthy is as nearly well cuttivated
    as Bihar or Banaras, unlike Glorakhpore being an almoat
    desert'. It a,ppears that mauy families had been compellod
    to lea,vo the distriot due to oppressiou of the Aeil8. But
    now with th€ ncw eottlcment they were exp€oted to return,

    B. Erglish recordsi No. ,} EIoDry W€IloBl€y'' co!re8_


    gel€ctiots frorE
    pouileuce (1801-og). Letter No' 92, J' Routleilgo, Colleetot t,o the Secrctoly
    to tt" tloo'bt" Lt. Cloeortrol, of CotrrBi8siotrels of the oedeil ilistlict8
    oi
    Oudh, Baleilly, iletEil llth DoooEbet' 1802' Oorrkhpole'
    GORKEA BDOOi'DS KINGDOM OF N}PAL

    'clear the jungle and claim thoir properties listed in tho recorde
    of tbo Kanungoes'.
    Further'tho B.aja ae the sole propriotor of the districi
    farmed it out to tho Mushtabjeers of the KanungoeB
    .docount
    of the Jumme.......several villages (uot included in Jumma)
    wore sot ap&rt for the m&iot€nanco of the Raja's rolations and
    payment of his mofueeil establishments.l
    Realisation of revenue was not the only intoroBt of tho
    British. They thought that cossion of tho dietriot vould
    aleo holp them to secure alter&tions of tho rateB of duties
    levied by Palpa in Butwal town to the adv&ntago of the
    Company'r tradore. Tho Tovn of Butval "situ&ted at tho
    foot of tho ffret rangc of hills and on ths northorn banks of
    a rapid river......dividing the two cedod Pargunnahs of
    Tilpoor and Benawetpoor fiom tho Raja's independont tract"
    ofcountry below the hills" enjoyod a unique position of *
    trade centro, occupied by m6roh&nt8 from Outlh which was
    rogularly visited by moroh&nts from Bhutan, Tibet antt
    Nepal {for the eale of gold ore, brass, iron, copper, borax,
    boes-wax and m&ny other productions of the uorthorn
    countries and for tho purchaee of coerse cotton, curwah,
    broad cloth &nd other articlos,,but principsl cotton with
    which they aro entirely eupplied from the countrios bolow
    thd hill8'.5
    The Englieh authorities wanted to move shrewdly in the
    matter of obtaining a seouro foothold. They would on no
    account diBturb the &rr&ngemeat by vbioh the hill Rajar.
    erercieed the za.minda,ri rights. Claimr of the Raja of palpa-
    and of the King of N6pal vere vieved in that light. In
    accorda.nce with that policy the following tsluqs wore,
    recommendod to bo loft with tho origiaal owners :
    "Tho Talook Kunjunee Bunder claimed by tho palpali
    Raja as his horeditary zsmind&ri vas situated itr Ba,tsnpur
    Bunder. Atthough in the records it ws8 roptosont€d ss utrit€d
    ! lbid.
    6 lbid.
    338 ITODEBN NEPAL

    with Sheoraj Bunder, the joint produce being rated


    Rs. 365?/12, the income from this Talook w&s realised
    eeparately by the Raja's oflcers since ll90 f,'ussily, while
    the Raja of Nepal received the collections of Sheoraj""it
    will be moro advisable to instruct thc Resident at Nepaul
    to demand the rovenue from the Raja than to dispossess
    hig officers".c
    But eventually this attempt failed ; the' question of
    cessidn of the area beoame complicated as Gorkha absorbed
    ?alpa and ocoupied the whole of the Butwal district soon
    a,ftor. As in thc case of tho Terai area undor Piuthan, oo in
    this oase tho claim of the Britieh to territorial acquisition
    could not stend. In the ultimato efect it c&uto to bo
    narrowed down to moye round the dispute over some villagos
    on tho border of the district cf Gorakhporo.

    Conque*t of Kurrunn
    Kumaon was originally ruled by a prince of the Salivahana
    race called the house of Karavirpur (Kattyur). But gince
    tho l4th century thie house got weakened by intornal
    dissensions and an omiSrant prince from Rajputana carved
    out a small principality, whioh gradually enlarged t'o becoms
    .astrong domain under his desoendant Rudra, the original
    Raja being liquidated. This was while Akbar w&s ruling in
    India. In the timo of Baj Bahadur; Rudra's fourth successor'
    moro strips of territories from Doti and Jumla woro included-
    With Almora as the capitrl Kumaon had become a country
    of considerable imPortancq.?
    But the glory soon deelined. The successors were either
    old men or infants, and thie gave en opportunity for unhoalthy
    influences to work in the court' During the time of one

    6 tbtd.
    ?ForthohistoryolEumaouinbriofreatlR'Biukrityrna'sKwruton
    {Elniti) i B. D. P*utle'a History
    of Kumaon (Einiti) i lr*milton'e Account
    on Kum*on) r Attriuson's Hinilayan Dlstrict Gazetteers.
    ;i;O;"i(Chapter
    tI (OhrPter on EistorY)'
    GOBTEA BECOUES EINODOU Or NE?AI, 339
    Dipchandra a Brahman, J:ryakrirhna elevatod himself to tLo
    position of tho Chiof Minist6r. At the samo time Mohsn
    Chandra, the ruler'g collateral, had tho control of tho forc$s.
    Thero devoloped an enmity botw€en theso two oftJra, and
    it c&me to oaoh of them to seek .the bolp of the g,ohilla
    chiefs of 6ho adjoining RohilLhand. At the fflst on@untor
    Mohan was expellod, but noxt timo it wae Jayakrishua who
    had to leavo his po8t. Third tirre, howevor, Jayakriohna
    succeedod in prtting hi8 rivel to flight end finding
    thst bir
    country w&s now safe fmm raids of his rivol began to devote.
    himsoli to colleoting revouues in tho western parts of Kuuaon,
    while ono doy Mohansinho suddenly appeared and foroibly
    captured power. To make his path smooth ho imprironed
    Harkhadeva, Uro nephew of Jayakrishna. But t&is did not
    aavo him, becEuse the prisoner's unclo procured Garhwal,s
    o8siEtango and Mohdn ha.d to ffnally leove A}nora.
    Harkhadeva eecaped from the oustody of his onemy, joinod
    his uuclo Jaya and both of them brcught pradyumna Shab,
    Garhwal rulor's brothor, to tho throno of Almora. L&ter thia
    Pradyumna beca,me ruler oyer Garhwal oe hia eldor bmthor
    died 'without an heir. Parakrama, s younger brothor of
    Predyumna had influence over ths ruler, and he got
    Ilarakhadeva diemiseed &nd ruLd for sometime in the namo
    of the King. But lfarkha returned soon aud having Lilled
    Mohan Chandra, bis former onemy, he could by that.tins
    becomo a force in tho weakly ruled Kumaon, hadyumna
    had to relinquish his throno of Kumaon soon Bfter, No_
    I{arkhadeva was playing the role of a king maker. Ar
    it
    happened bo roes to power aod ominence with tbo help
    of
    the Raja of Garhwal, who dethroned and drove out
    Mohan
    Chaodra, & Bcion of the Kumaon Royal family. But Earkha_
    deva was Dot tho Dan to acknowledge gratitudo in
    t€rm8
    tbat would in any way go to lossetr bis importance. Ho
    contrived to end Garhwal ruler'e enthronement and too_k
    rocourso to fad out a trew haDd. Ono Sivachan&a
    was
    se&ted on tho throno as ho boing a Bsmber of
    the same
    340 UODEB!{ NEPAL

    roy&l family qualifiod for the job. But his was not a pacoful
    term, Mohan'e brother Lal Singh postemd him very much.
    At ono tiEo he had to leave his prinoipality and reek rofuge
    ia Garhwsl. IIe, \owor, utilisod hie oxile to form an alliance
    vith the G&rhwal Iiaja's brotbor, and witb the latter's help
    attacked Lal Singh'e headquartors. But no amount of
    porsovorance oould seoure for him tho throno whioh hs had
    e&rli6r lo8t. By tho timo he roaohed the capital, it was
    announoed that Moh&n'E sou Mshendra hsd been &ccepted
    on tho throno, Ilarkhadova, howover, had been dismies€al
    and expollod.s
    For gometime peace had prevailed between Kumaon snd
    Nepal. Ihey lad a rosident Vakil also at each othor'e oourt.
    Aa undatod lettor wlitton by Rana BahadurSheh to his
    resident Vakil Sripati Pantha in Almora speaks of an agreoment
    between Nepal &nd l(umson to psrtition the area under
    their influsnoe ro that Salsu could becomo the boundary9.
    Doti and Jumla intervenod botweon Kumaon and Nopal.
    Jumla had orossod the Sberi and attacked Clotam aad
    Bamphi, but the &ttaok was mpulsed aud the Gorkhalie
    pushed their frontier to, Saleu. The letter wag a rominder
    for Kumaon's partioipation in the conflict a,geinst Junl& snd
    sD op6n invitation to tho ruler to invade th6 tenitorios
    up to Salsu. Tho lottor montions that aa offoial informatiop
    of Gorkha's fight againet Jumla waa dospatohod to Almors.
    In Ksthm&ndu two potsons, Srikrsna Pando aud Dattarama
    Pando had arrivod from Almora with offcial letter. Sripati
    Pantha hed been asked to approaoh Kamaon to ottack
    Jumala snd adjoining torritories up to Sabu. IIe was olgo
    asked to wait a littlefor further advice from Krthmandu,
    which was being 86nt by king Rano Bahadure" through
    Kanakanitlhi Towari.
    8. AurinsoD. Op. Oit., Pp. 594 E. For a hiBtory of KomloD r€8al
    Eamill,otr Pp. 292-9+ i Nopal Papers Pp. 243 46, 49 in Enctosuro 3-letterF
    by Ftasor.
    g. ltihasawakasa, l, 153,
    , Purnina h 4, Pp' 61-64.
    GOREEI. BXOOUES EI}ICDOU OF NXPIL 341

    It BeemB that Kumaou had aot utilised tho oppo unity


    it by the engagement with Gorkha. But in early
    given to
    1787 A. D. Marga 8ukla,4:Mond8y, 22 January of lZ09
    Saka, Maharajadhiraja Mohanchendra hsd also exbcuted a
    sacred deed (Dharnnlntra) in the nam6 of MaLeraja Rana
    Bahadur of Nepal (Gorkha) pltidging goodwill and respoct.
    Tbe illwrmapatra also road tha.t tho onomies of Kumaon
    wero aleo enemios of Gorkha whilo friends of one were ako
    tho friends of tho othei. As narrated oarlier Mohanchandta
    was ousted from powor eoon after and tho tro&ty lost velidity.
    it is tlifficult to determine tho date of the roysl lotter
    s6nt to Sripsti Pantha. But as it talks of tho coirquo8t of
    Jumlo, tho date must occur sometime in VS 1846. According
    to our source Jumla was &nnored to Ncpal in early 1840.
    With the dofeat of Jumala aud Doti tbe Karnali basin
    end the doab of the Kali and Seti oame under ths control
    of Kothmandu. The8e two territorios vero iumodiately
    annered to Nepal,
    'W'e
    ehalt know loter that the Rajas had shifted their
    reaidenco to the border in tho Terai. They wero often
    trying to wrest back thoir erstwhile priDcip&litioi. Whilo
    Gorkha wtr,e ongaged in a life-and deatb strugglo on the north
    eaetern border and there wero troublos in the west of Kdi,
    the Rajas of Doti and Acbham seoretly instiga,tod & rovolt
    in the areae. But timely reinforcement eent by tho Rajae
    of Sallyana and Jajarkot helped the Gorkhali commandors
    to oYorcomo tho crisis.
    According to the letter of 1847 Rartika aatti 5 roj 5-_
    Thursday, 28 Ootobor, 1790 addreseed to tho Raja of Jaja,rkot
    king Rana Bahadur appreciatod th6 lstt6r's help in upholding
    the interost of Gorkha. o was informed that Kazi Jagajjit
    Pande wae oa his way to th&t rcgion.
    From thie letter it appears that the eldost son of the
    Re jo vao et that timc stayrng in Ksthmsudu ond vas
    dotoinod due to rainy seagon. The Reja vrs ssrurod that
    312 IIIOD-IBI{ NEPAI,

    ths Srheb would bo sent b&ck at th6 osrliest wbon the rainy
    toeaon .lr&8 0Y6r.
    Tho lottsr obout Saheb adde a delioate touch and it
    appears that the palace end the Regent wero quito iutimatoly
    conuootod vith the Raja,
    By tho wey the Raja of JrjarLot ir treat€d in corrttpon-
    donce it ie olear that he ras a oonfidant of the Nopal P&lsco.
    Ee ras ofton approachod for deepatching troops to concernod
    lreas. Eo rsas also reported to have pertonally suporvisod
    tho opor&tions against tho robels in Achham areas. Nothing
    is heard of his son in other letters. Tho rame priviledge of
    trust and responeibility wae aleo enjoyed by tho Raja of
    Sallyana, to whom royal lettor8 wero sent ocoasionally giving
    instruotious sbodt the defence, troop movemonts and other
    allied mattere.
    Ae internal dissengion wss raiged to a pitch the Gorkhalie
    hail decided to strike Kumaon and anner the country. They
    no longer folt - bouud by tho provisions of t'bo Tamragntra,
    and onoo Mohauchandra had gone out of tho scono it becamo
    possible foi' them to adY&nce to that eector. Yet they
    w&iteil for sometimo, aud they would not jump 'to adventure'.
    But Earkhadova's [r&noeuwea had puehed the N€paleso srmy
    into the fray. I{eving advanoed to the rivsr Kali tho
    objeotive could not but be Kumaon. If thcy had not
    pursued the ailvanco the area would have fallen to the
    clutohe8 of the Nawab Vazir ond ultimately to tho Britieh.

    Nepaltse ?hruat $orutotitr to Alnota


    After the conquest of Doti the army moved onwords to
    ths west of the river Kali. It wae the beginning of the
    year 1790.
    InKumaon the Nepaleso thrusi w'r8 mainly directed
    towards tho west with aimc to oooupy Almora, the oapitel
    of Kumaon-oue army advanoing towardg Sor aod another
    t,o Bisung. Tho men in oommand woro trusted and
    orperionood soldiers like Amarsinho Thapa, Jagojjit Pondo
    GOAtr,EA BEOOUXS rINODOII Or NfPrrl g{:g

    and Suravir Thapa with 20,000 troops; of whom 12,000 had.


    firelocks advancing from two sectore.ro But I think that
    the number of trooBaa6 given above ig much exaggerated.
    Kumaon was in a, yery helpless condition, sufrering greatly
    from an internal disorder on account of the two houses of.
    courtier faruiliee of Pha,rtyol and Joshi bitterly fighting
    oach othcr.
    The Clorkhalis found that a good many peoplo hoadod by
    Harkhadeva Joshi nere siding with them. Thie Earkhadeve
    war a m&n of great ability. Harkha,e role in the conflict was to
    collaborate with the invaderg with men amd money. As he fouud
    himself out of favourin Kumaon Dorbar, he was now determined
    to avengo his adversariog aud goin back his usual advantageous
    poeition. A contingent of Kumaonis was eerving under him
    against.those who resisted the Gorkhalig. partly with hie help
    andlpartly with their own strongth tho Gorkhalis continued
    on their forward maroh. Little reeietance was offered on
    the way orcept at Ealwalbagh where ths reeult went against
    the defondors. According to the Nepaleso chroticle tho
    Gorkhalis fought with Laleimha at Dhauli Ka Thana, but
    tho latter's resistauce was little effective.
    According to Atkineon the Raje Mahendrachand had
    collected a sizeablo force and geve a good eccount of himsolf
    in the oncounter at Gangoli, but the newg of the defeat of
    his uncle Lal Singh in Kali Kumaon compelled him to
    withdraw. Lal Singh had to face not only the advancing
    contingent but aleo the retreating units of the Gorkha army
    and in a village called Gaatod, the lattor inflicted a crushing
    defeat on him, and he sustained a loss of 200 menl 1. But
    his rib was broken. Both the uncle and thc nephew lost hopes
    of saving Almora and moved to Kota. It is said bhat
    Harkhadeva Joshi was at this time with commauder Jagajjit

    10. Euglish rcooril of ltaratha History, Pooua Besideucy coruespon-


    dence, f, 1784-94 ettiteil by Bircar, 11-272, Pp. a76-?9,
    11. B. D. Pgntle z Kanaon Ka ltihosq (Einili), p 886.
    344 MODEEN NEPAIJ

    Pande ip the latter's oustody a,nd he was. a,v&ileblo for advice


    a,nd military intelligenoe on Gorkha's side. Ho was also
    using the Kumaonis under his command to esBist the
    Gorkhalis.
    When tho defenders had left for Kota the way for an attack
    on Kumaon wa,s open to the invaders.
    The Gorkha troops encountered littlo difficulty in capturing
    Alnora. -Tho entire town wag paniaky. This could not be
    rotrieved by Mahendrasinha who had for some time succeoded
    -in halting tho attack from one sector. 'Almora fell to the
    invaders in March l79l (VS 1847 Chaitra 1l Mondal-Zl
    Maroh, l79l), the Raja fleeing to Rudrapur in Kilpuri.l2
    Although Mahendrasinha was not, bimself defeated, he
    abandoned all hopes of rosistance onco ho knew of his unclo's
    flight. A fow days later they evacuated Rudrapur and came
    to Kota. But the Gorkhalis pursued thom there. The whole
    of Kumaon had by this time come under occupation of the
    Nepalese arms. Before advanciug further Almora was
    placed in chargo of Yogamalla. Garhwal was the next
    objective. Eere they did not even encounter the samo
    resista,nco which earlier the Kumaonis were capable of, the
    Raja ofSrinagar purchasing a peace by an offer of an annual
    indemnity of Rs. 9,000 to the victors.ls Srinagar surrendered
    to the Nepaleso troops on Asail,ha 12 Tu,esilny of VS 1848
    (end of June, I792)x, and tho Raja of Garhwal became a Vasal
    of Gorkha.
    The fort of Srinagar was entrusted to the chargo of Suba
    I(alu Khawas and Vira Rokaya. While Garhwal was suing
    for peace the Nepalese had experienced many vicissitudes.
    At Salang Garhi on the Mahabharata rango the enemy made
    a surprise attack on the now occup&nts, but Sardar Amarsinha

    12 X'oreign Ministry Archives.


    13. Atkinson, Himalayan District Gazetteers,II, p.610-Bs. !5000.
    T, Ilarilwick-'Narrative of a journey to Brinagar,' Asistio Besearchee
    (I8or), vr, 343.
    *. The date is irregular.
    GOREEA Bf,COMNg XINODOIT OT' NEP f, 345

    Thapa ard Bhaktieimla eav6d the po8ition. The &ttack


    was ropulsed with hoavy loss to the enomy. This meant th&t
    tbe Raja, was not roconciled to the new situation and mado
    offorts to extrica,te himgelf out of difrculties and becomo freo
    of Nopal'e tutolago.
    About this timo the Chinese wero creating troublos in
    Chanpur aud Yijepur by encouraging the rebellion among
    the Limbus. Thoy spent a large amount of monoy to foment
    trouble. According to a lettor sent, to B,aja Srikrisna Shah
    of Sallyaua addressed by Raua Bahridur on Saturday
    24 March, L7g2 (:1848 Ckaitru audd roj 7) rl.e rebele h&d
    csptured a, few places including & portion of Chanpur.
    There were 5-7 thousand onemies but the Subadar of Yijepur
    Purnanaoda Upadhya with one or two companies of sopoys
    and irregulars couuterattacked tho rebellious area and from
    the fort of Siddhipur on his sido of the river he ehellod tho
    occupied territory inflicting on the enemy a casualty of 40G500
    inoluding 7 Bhote Serdars. In tho meanwhilo roinforcemont
    anived, and from 3 sidos a vigorous attack w&s lauuohed.
    Tho enemies flod in panic leaving a large number of doad
    snd woundod.l a
    Kathmandu also wae alivs to the needs of tbe Western
    tr'ront. Jagajjit Pando was asked to proceed to join tho
    forcos fighting ths Chinese. So Kalu Paudo was ordered to
    take his place and go to Kumaon rithout dolay.
    It vill be geea from the following paragraphs that Kalu
    Pando's arrival in Kumaon wag dolayed on account of tho
    robollion in Doti and Achham.
    Capiain Kalu Pande was eent reinforcement to meet
    any contingency of a eurprieo attack from any quarter. Kalu
    Pande wag aleo to ronder &ssistance to tho command working
    for the siege of the capital of Garhw&I.
    A lotter by Rana Bahanur to the Raja of Jajarkot (78
    1848 Phalgaw. eudi 13 rol'3=Tuesday, 0 March, 1792 informs

    14 IPSS, p 403.
    346 MODDEN NEPII,

    the lattor that CaptainKalu Pande wos Leing sent to take


    core of Kumaon and be was peeeing through Jojerkot,
    the Rajo ehould provide him hetp in mon aud materiols.r 5
    It furthor esid that Jagajjit Pande w&s boing rtc&ll€d
    aud aeked tho Raja to see th&t the streDgth of tho forcee
    in Kumaon should not be allowod to thin out. Kalu Ponde'e
    movo should bo faoiliiitated by all moans. A letter with
    eimilar contente was also Bent to tho Roja of Sallyana on
    tho sane dato-ro

    Be*k in Doli ard Acbltatn

    the timo the Nepalese were advancing towards


    At
    Srinagar it was decided th&t thoy w6r€ to be ioiued by more
    troops frou NePsl. But ag tbe lattor had reached Achham,
    the ruler revolted. Doti'g ruler had algo ent€rod big formor
    domain. Tho ruler ofJajarkot had gone to help tho Nepolese
    with his troops, non and ofEcers in Achham and Doti. This
    informrtion vas given to Kathuandu by tbo Raja of Jajarkot.
    The reply from Kathmandu is dated Iz8 1848 Chailra Sulih t
    roJ 7 (-saturday, 24 March, l?92) and gives a resume of
    wbat the P"aja had submitted.
    The royal lotter from Kathmondu stated that all troops,
    whethec frou the areae under contral authority or from the
    dependent principalities had been as!.ed to proceed to t'he
    aroas of dieturbance, where they should join Kalu Pande. The
    Raja vas asked to aot'in unison with Kalu Panile in the way
    tho la,tter deshed. The blockod road had to be op,ened, and
    the rebels crushed. Tho Iiathmandu authorities acknowledged
    with thanks the services the Raja rendered to the oause of
    Nepal. The other portion of the lotter relating tho eastorn
    sectbr he8 been mentioned in tho appropriato placo.l7
    15 Foreig[ i{iDistry ArchiY€s.
    16 rbtil.
    11 Copt i! th6 IDss€6siotr of BsbutrE Aohrry& &nil .lso publisb€il i!
    Etihrsikspotrs gtBgrohs, 1.53-54. But tbo otlginsl lies h th6 trllhivq
    ot th6 Fo.eiSn Mtnirt.y.
    GOBf,E BEOO!f,IS EIXODOM OE NTPAI, 317

    The Nopalese orossod the river Kdi without any roristsnco.


    The contiDgents advanoed uncheckod to tho vioinity of
    Almora-
    A rimilar letter writteD on the samo dste ws8 addr€s8od tG
    Srikrena Shah, Roja of Sallyana who hod roported oB tho ssmo
    liue ss ths Raja of Jajarkot about the rovolt of the defo&ted
    Rajaa of the rogion iaoludiug that of Achham bad Bteged st &.
    timo rshilo the Gorkhalis wero engaged in launohing an
    ofoDriyo ageiDrt unyielding Langurgarh. The runaway Rajas.
    had coptured two fortiffed headquarters in the hille and blocked
    thg main oest and wost highwaye.
    This letter gives moni details about the measures takea by
    Kathmsudu to meot the chollenge. Thoy had orderod. goneral
    mobilisetior of all regimeuts Eo th&t th€so oould go to tho
    aros oonoorn6d after moling due provisions {or. tho protoctio[
    of the usually guardod placos by them. Tho rogimonts
    vhich had proceeded to that direction were lod by Krln
    Pendo. r E
    Kalu Pando's atrival in Jajerkot ond his Bubsequont
    doparture to tho wegt of Kanrali aller cushing the robels ir.
    tho area was reported by itE ruler, which is montioned in Rans
    Bahahur's commuaication dated 7B 1819 Aeaitrln Mdli 13
    rojf.ro Kalu Poudo went to Doti to help the cause of
    defenders sgsitrst tho rebels. The letter agaia mentioaB about
    the Rajo's son. who wae for two years in Kathmandu and
    whose rslsese was sought by the Raja. Tho roply, hovover,
    is on tho old line that becauae of the rainy seaaon it w&€r.
    not porsible for the prinoo to leavo bis prosbnt residence.
    Kalu Pando roached Kumaon efter making suitable
    arrargoments for the dofouce and adoiaistration of Doti &nd
    Aohham. Two Sa,rda,rs woro left in charge of the area. Thia
    information ir oontained in a letter eent to tho Raja of Jajarkot.
    by Raua Bohadur Shah (78 1849 Aafun oaitri 14 roj 6 - Fri&y,

    18 IP8g, P 409
    19 Foroiga trIinirtry Amliver, Nepal
    Dst6 SuDiIE , U JuDo, 1f2.
    348 MODEB}I NE}AIJ

    t4 Soptomber, 1792), The information was supplied by tho


    Raja who was asked to writo also *bout Glarhval. The Raj*
    had again raieed the question of his son, but this time slso tho
    reply is negativo. Bocauee of tho rains he would not be able
    to move but would leave for Jajarkot in winter. The RaJa
    waa odvieed to arrange help wherever aocessary.
    A ch&nge in the succossion to tbe Gaddi of Bhirkot was
    made by Rana Bahadur by conferring the rulorship on Eari-
    kriena Khan on Irl49 Pausa oaili 9 roj O:Friday, ? Decomber,
    1702. Thig m&n aeems to be a cqllateral of 6he eretwhile Raja
    Indrabhupal Kban, whom Kalu Pande had digmissod ou a
    n-harge of digobedience. The new Raja and his degcsnilants
    would onjoy the ohioftainship ae long as they were faithful tb
    the oountry and oboyed th6 king.ro
    This thange probably lraa necess&ry beoauee the old Raja
    wsr tryiDg to foment troublee and revive usual animosity
    tetwocn prinoes againtt tho Gorkhalie.
    Eaving had erporionoe of general uPrising in Acbham and
    Doti tho centr&l authodtios oould not ta,ko e chenoe iD the
    important erea of the Seti-Kali Gandak doab.
    As oreeult ofa norn msn boing ou the throno vh&tever
    trouble there was goin! to happon was nippod itr the bud
    and tbe Ncpali arny oould look ahead withont conoorn for
    dieordors in the midwest or west.
    Ifrom Srinagar the Nepalese thrust vas directed to Sirmour
    Et the south-sast. Meanwhilo Kazis Amareimha Thapa, Kalu
    Pande (Brahman) and Chautara Bamehah reached the bank
    of Altkhananda. Raja JagatpraLasa of Sirmour took the ffeld
    against tho iuvaders, but w&8 oYerpowerod. Accorcling to
    B,ana Bahadur's above montioneil letter the Raja of Sirmour
    oa,me to contect Gorkhalis on the bank of Alakbananda. Al!
    his torritories to the ea,Bt of thc rivor Jamuna if any vere
    snnered to Nepal, and & garriEoa waB Etationed to guerd
    sgsinst possible revolto (10 Aaai,n uadi 7S 1849, letter of Rana

    to PurBiDo, lf, P 48
    GORKEA BECOMES XINODOM OF NEPAI] 34e

    Bahadur to Bisnunath Upadhyaya recivod on I October, 1792


    in Calcutta.) (Tho date is inegular.)2 r
    At .thet stsge of expansion the report of e robelhon in th6
    &roos wost of the Kali had roa,ohed the command, and Captain
    Kalu Pando and Jaga,jiit Pande and with them companier
    of Bepoyl were despatched. Tho robellior w&s forthleith
    euppreesed. Bhakti Thapa elso went to their aid. It i8 Esiat
    that the Garhwalis offerod a etiff reeistanco at Langurgarh and
    this fort defied the attaok for about a year. Tho rulers of
    Doti, Aohham, Kumaon and Jumla were also hoping to
    stagd a oomebacL.
    Whils laurels after lourels went to the Gorkhalis onhancing
    thoir reputation for bravery in thc wostorn front, tho army
    ongaged iu thc uorth i.o, tho Tibotan bordor suffered an uuex-
    pected nisforluue. Thc Siiro.Nopalese w&r w&B raging furiously
    about this time, and it aseumed * proportion to oause oxtromo
    &nxiety to Nopal as a situation was cropping up threataning
    thoir very indepentlonce. Naturally tho GorLholis could not.
    think of oonquering edditional lauds in tho wost in tbom.
    circum8t&nce8. The forces in Garhwal and Kumgon werE
    considorably mduoed. A firman issued by tho king of Nepal
    to Amarsimha Thapa directed him to leayo Garhwal and
    Kumaon keeping there tho minimal force neocesary. Tho
    administration vas to bo ontrusted to tho Raja of Glarhwal
    antl Earkhadova rospectivoly. Tho Nopal{hina war had,
    howovor, oomo to an ond' while the withdrawal wae still in tho
    proccss of oxecutiou, the Gorkhali troops had only been obliged
    to rsiso th6 siege of Langurgarh but thoy had kept intact in
    Almora. Acoording to tho Nepalese ohronicle the maiu army
    returnod to join tho Tibetan orpedition leaving a powerful
    wing undor Captain Brahman Kalu Paudey and Suba
    Nandasahi (Narasahi). Narasahi ws8 left in chargo of civil
    adminietration. It is tho eamo Narasa,hi who hae beon blamed
    by Atkinson for killing tho mgreenaries aqd thoh doBcendente,

    !1 CPO, rN 835.
    350 IUODBN,N NDPlL

    reaiding in Kumaon. Tho mercenaries rere probably tho


    Nagarkotis onlisted to fight ar rebele.z2
    In the &beenoo of Jagajjit Pande tho Ofioer Commanding
    was Kalu Pande, and we find the king directing his foudatory
    allios such es tho Raja oI Sallyana to rendor all pomible
    help to him for tho oare of Kumaon.28 All the Bajas of the
    region west of the Marsyangdi wore aeked to join Kalu Pande.

    Atlack on (]arhwal

    According to a letter of ll,ana Bahadur S[ah to Kazi


    Jagaijit Pandey, Sardar Ambarsingb Thapa and Captain Golain
    Khawas doted VB 1810 Karttka vaili 7 roj 1:Slrtday, October
    I, l?92 seut form Kathmandu2. tbe Nepalose olaahod with the
    Garhwalig again at a placc celled Kandya whore Amar.gimhe
    Thapa had joined in responee to a call. ?he 6ght roeulted in
    the succosa of tho Nopalem. The report of the olash was givon
    in.& l€tt€r written in the month of Phalguna but had rcached
    Kathmandu ou Aaoj 8:20 Scpt€mber. Thie letter refer€ to a
    Iottor of Deonitlhi Pa,Dtha about, the arrit&l of the Raja of
    Sitmour with hia army in Langurgarb to holp hi8 relatiyo, th€
    Raja of Garhwal. Tho lettor reached Kathmandu 40 days after.
    it was desp&tched. Deonidi wrote that tho Raja of Sirmour
    had returaed home as monoy promised to him wae not paid
    by Clarwhwal. On the othor hand Sirmour had ptedged loyalty
    to Nepal under the advico of the Nawab aB contact wa.s
    oetablished on th6 bgnk of the river Alakhananda. It was
    agreed that lands weet, of the A)akhananda wero to go to
    $irmour, whilo east of it wae to be in possessioD of the
    Gorkhalie. Newe had reached Kathmandu that Srinagar had
    eurrender€d. The centre ha.d reinforced thb BtreDgth ofthe
    oftcere by sending Kalu Pande and Bhagu Khaws with a iarge
    number of soldiors obviously for tbe new responsibilities which

    92 B. D. Panile, Kuaro,l Ea Itihase Pp 693'94


    23 Letter ilatoil Vg 1848 Pholgun Budi 19 loj 3 =Tuosdry, 6 lr[&tch, 1798
    24 hlhasaprukaso. l. i. S
    OOBKEA BECOUES rINODOII OF ITXE.AI, 361

    .came in tha aftormsth of the coDquost of Glsrhml. Kezi Jagaijit


    Pande wae tho principal oftcer undor rhom all other Eilitsry
    and civil authoritiee woro to work. I{e was to deploy *rmed
    forces ond officers in his ilisoretion in differont part of the
    newly acquired torritorieB. Kozi Jagajiit Pande wae to b6
    obeyed by all oftcers and msn. The recalcitrant ones
    qere to bo treated aE rebelg. Ee wcs howover to go to
    Kathmandu to help tho authoritioe mgarding the year's
    .pajani irolviag renewsl or dismia8ol of thsir services.
    Before Jogajit Pande reachod Kathpandu Bhakti Thapa
    became the aole civilian administrotor whohad &lrio to adviee on
    th6 milit&ry opor&tions. Other ofi<lere from tho allotted region
    were to obey him, but he also had absolute powers of dismissal
    over them. Beeides thie the Sawals (rules of business ) issued
    to him enablod him to exercisc aome more powers. Thia right
    diil not extend to Piuthan and Brgluog. Alao in the exereiee
    of this power the Suba and Sardar were to act in coocert. But
    from the Kali to the tr{arsyangdi Sardar Bhakti Tbapa had
    absolutc powere both in respoct of internel and foreign afairs,
    anil the dependent Rajes were also placod under him and
    they wero to obey orders. fn critical times, Bhalti Thapa was
    to exercise judicial powers and himself sit in judgeme4t on
    oages of rebellion ond conspireoies. The injunotion prohibiteil
    killing of men below 12 yeare of ege add women and children.
    This saoal wae islued on Friday, 8 Auguet, 179425.
    Ae the Chinese h&d loft tho Nepalese soil in Ootober, 1792
    the dieturbances iu Almora automatically eubeided.
    fn Samvat 1849 (l?92 A. D.) on Tuoaday,2S October, the
    Raja of Garhwal, Prad5rumna Shah erecuted a ilharnopatm io,
    favour of Captain Kalu Pande saying th&t Gorkba had become
    a friend of Ga.rhvcl anil that Kalu Pando would receive similar
    treatmeut in tbe oourt of Grrhwal as he did in the conrt
    of Nepal.2 c

    ,5 Eimsvst golakriti IU, 1851 grovctre sudi 1! loj 6.


    t8 rtEg, P 56
    352 MODERN NEP L

    Although tbis dhafinep@tra came after uearly three monthe


    of the acceptsnco of subeidiary ststue by tho Raja of Garhwal,
    thie ehould be, howevor, taken in tho changed contert of the
    Chinese attack on Nopa.l. This was tbe renewal of the pledge
    undertaken by Garhwal to roassure Nepal of its fidelity which
    was undormined due to tho Baja'e hostile aotione earlier.
    The disturbances iu Kumaon in 1791 ie the subject of
    statomont in a lettcr by Rana Bahsdur to the Raja of Jaiarkot..
    The letter said that the Bharadars posted in Kumaon (YS I85l
    Kartiba Sali f0 /oj /):Sundoy 2 November, 17942? verq
    demanding roinforcexoent aa tho Raja of Garhwal, Ilarkhadovo
    Jo:hi and Mahonilrachandra wero dieturbing thc area by their
    hos$ile activities. On the doath of the Nawab of Rampur his
    olileet son was killed, and other gone werc quarrelling auong
    theuaelves, Tho Nawab of Luckaow was taking up the causo
    of the decoased, Bo the Bituetion had been risky in the hilly
    oreas. Tahing advantage of thi6 the rebole had bocomo activs.
    But a large force from Kathmadu as woll ae from tho depenilonL
    principalities were sent to Kumaon. Al[ forces stationed West
    of the Marsyangdi were ordered to leavo for Kumson at otrco.
    forrever the Nepa.lese found themsolves halted at that point.
    Meanwhilo in the c&pit&l Rana Bahadur soized the reign of
    adminietration. Thie wae the year 1794. Bahadur wae
    dismiesed forthwith. This was bound to be reflected in trhe
    moyooeDt of troops in both the sectors. Not knowing liana'e
    miud the commrnders hesit&ted to throw their all in forcing
    occupation of a,reas further west. Now they were eoekiug
    tenpor&ry truce. The river Alakhauanda remained the laet line
    where tho Gorhalie had halted. Garhwal had accepted tho
    proteotion of Nepal by signing an &greement. But Kumaou
    had been annored, aod the matter rested at that. Actually
    the Nepalese hatl no plan of conquest to push farther west than
    Garhwal. They could not sfford to ilo Bo in view of the
    internal troubles.
    9? Foreign l\liDistry Archive8
    GONrHA BDCOMES KII{GDOM OT NEPAL 35i]

    A letberts ot King Raoa Bahadur dated 1852 Stat:ana audi


    8 roj 6:Friday, 2l July, l?95 written from Katbmandu to
    Bhakti Tha.pa gives a resume of $hat tbe latter wrote to tho
    centre about tho political situation of the timo ia the Kumaon-
    Garhwal region. From the letter is appears that tho of8oorp
    had informed the king that wheu Garhwal 8nd Sirmour wero
    mututally fighting, the Maharatta porrer vas playing one
    against tho other eud obtainod money from both. Mahendra-
    chand and Lalsingh were in Rudrapur. Joebi (EarLha) waa
    playing bis own evil game in LucLnow. The Nawab Yazir
    had just been defeoted by tho Nizam, and the formerhad
    purchased poaco after p&yment of the moDoy. Tbo Nepaloso
    of,Ecers were asked by their kilg ever to bo alert and not to
    creete a situation whch Sirmour and Garhwal might combine.
    It ie all to tho good of Nepal they were fighting agaiost eacb
    othor on their oru. The Kathmendu authorities had already
    vritten to tho N&wsb Vazir to counteract the machination of
    Joshi, Laleioha and Mahendracband. From Banaras the
    Government had lsarnt that Nizam Ali and Mabrattas had
    fought and both bad sueal for peace' A rumour aleo brd
    reached that the Mahrattas would attack the Sikhs with tho
    alliance ofNizam Ali. the Covernment wanted to know if
    there was any truth in this rumour. Kumaon was nearer to
    the rogion. Therefore tho Gorkho Officeis should bo in a
    position to dopute persons to ktrow tho rea,l state of afairs'
    and report to Kathmandu. Ka[hmandu authorities were
    also interested in knowing the real income of Kumaon. The
    Suba had been asked to show &ll accounts to the Sardar whicb
    showed that though the Suba disliked it, the people were
    h&ppy. But for close scrutiny of all hidden incomes, tbe
    centre had orderod the Subo to allow Bbakti Thapa to enquire
    into tho Btste of rovonue. Bhakti Thapa bad been charged
    with the aitministration of pajani Ior places beSond the river
    Mareyangdi. However, in erercieing his porrer the Kirg'e.
    collrterals were algo iuvolvetl and ilismissed'
    28 llem&rat SaEskriti
    x IOD'RN NEPAL

    But Brna Bahadur had reeciodo l ihe Thapa's ordor aud


    roinstatod the men. The King aho laid down that whon hir
    fanily membera were involved, any kind ofremoval ftom poate
    .. Sub€dsro Bhonld bs done with reference to the Kiog. The
    leods as Jagir ohrnging hands mu80 get sonction from the
    oontre. Bh8kti Thapa ros informed thst io Achhrm,
    Gbaliohham snd Doti, Virauokaya wae ordered to commsnd
    202 gunr. Proviously & comp&ny waa looking after Achham.
    Two oompanios of Doti woro to bo put under Chaogu Narayanr
    ![alle rnd Galo promoted to Subedarrhip. A company of 30
    gunr v&s stationsrl io Thelara anil Bajura with Suramardana
    al Subedor.
    8or tho protoction of JajorLot a oompsny of ljiO gunmon
    Tith J&g&jjit Pande as Subedar had boen provideC. Jajarkot
    h*l revoliod on oarlier oocoaion8 &ud thu8 Kathmendu had
    to be ruepicious of the movo. Tho erpeneer of this comp.ny
    Toulal bo borae partly by contributionr from Jajorkot end
    partly fiom the eight.lands of Darnra, ite noighbourhood and
    Jrhari alloted for tho purpose. Ercept these slloc&tionr
    othor msesurss taken by Rhekti Thapa had been scceptd,
    But all measureE aro t&ken iB the interest of tho Becurity of
    Jumla and tho road on both eides. The ofEce$ wero also to
    keop guard ovor tho paeres end prcvent suepicious charcctcn
    from entering *nd watohing the inner country Bido.
    It apFare from aaother letter sent iD ssply to Hardstts
    Upadhya and Baliraja Thapa those oficors had reporUed
    the fall of Dehrsdun to Gorhha but eo f*r this Dun wae held
    by Garhwal. The letter2 e ie dated VS 1852 Magho sudi 2 mj
    4=Wednosday, l0 February, l?96. Ie is also ssid that the
    Nepaloeo under edvice of Kazi Amarsingh hsd ca.ptured
    Kewalpur. But no &ttempt h&d boon made to assess the
    Narab's feoling, Thie action ou their pert vas not deeirablo
    iu view of tho complication likely to erise. Tho centre bad
    c*rufully iesued ordera. Every offcer hail been iostructcd
    to ettack Kewalpur only aftor ascerta,ining tho Nawab'e feeling
    29 Himan, Saatktiti, I. 3.
    GOBXEl BECOMEE KINODOII OF NXPIL 355

    snil not to stsrt s Bhootilg rar without o&reIul ooDsidor&tion.


    Now the quarrel with the Nawab rould flare uP. Thcroforb
    tho addroesoes were to aend roinfortement, from Garhrrl.
    The officers hsd ssid that Nopal woe fearod by tho inbabihntg
    of Garbwal. they had pivatoly mot tho Mahratta Sardars
    aud retutnsd to their h€sdqusr,tor. In thir lotter tho King
    sont hie instructioo to tho stroat that Garhwal should bo
    aeeurod agoiu end agtia that Nepcl would koop ite vords of
    promiee. The oeutral government had olso been concerned
    ebout the Suba and Serdar rrot rorking in egrecmont, and
    thorefore, a euperior Bharadar to metrego the afrairs wsg
    being eent with th6 over-all charge of Kumaon, who alao
    would hold the ronk of Chluta.ra. With him would go
    Dharonidhar Khadhsuri and both ofthem would gtart from
    tera aftor rainy rcason, tho latter Yith Khillat (promnts) and
    6arfaraj (titlo of rorpect) ae euggestod by the Nopalceo
    .Sardar of Kumaon. But eeoding of Bam Shah's p&rtlr tas
    beiog delayed. The lett€r at tbo end informs the Upadhyo
    .and Thapa that they sould collect from tho Chautare thc
    .rmount of Rc. 700/- to pay ea aalarios, which wae refurod
    ,by Subo Ajab Khovas.

    Tho letter to end givoa & Etatomont of chrngoa and


    -transfers ia tho Eilitary command and adminielrstive
    aervices of Kumaon 80 that the Nawob foels ossured. Bam
    Shah wag to g€t tho post of Balbhadra Shah with the rank of
    'Chautara, Anged Khawaa with the rank of Sardat vas to
    roplaco Jsswont Bha,nda.ri. He will head - Purano Srinath
    compas. Ambarsimha Thapa wae roplaced by hobal Rana
    'who will aleo become Suba. Ee would be in dhargo of
    Bhovsnibor Company. Tbo new ofrcers will deparU on
    8 Clwitra. Hard working soldiers who guarded tho forts
    but wero found out of employment due to tho rccent pajani
    are to bo re-empleyed, theeo are to bo taken back in
    coueultation rpith the new Cbsutara.'

    From a letter of King Raua Bahedur dated VS 1852


    356 MODERN }IEPAL

    Magha eud,i 3, roj 5 (=Thtrsday, ll Februory, 1706t0 to


    Sardar Bhakti Thapa, Brliraj Thapa, Amarsimha Bhakheti
    aad Eati Bohra, it spposrs thst tho Gorkhali officers had oocu-
    pied Johora Bhot proviously belongirg to I(umaon and settled
    tho &Eount of tribute at Rs, I0 thoueand ia cash ingtead of
    articlee. The Bhotiyrs edmitted that they used to pay
    Rs. 16,000 in artioles to Kumaon. Nepal conaidored it a loss
    to acoopt Rs. 16,000 in artioles. Theroforo thoy sgreeil to
    reoeivo Rs. 10,000 in cash. Like Kumaon tho Bhotia Raj*
    of Johore was paying o tribute &s soon &a the Gorhha
    oppeared in the neighbourhood. Thoy paid ouly Re.6r)00.
    Aocording to another letter of YS L852 Pawsa eudi 5 roj of 6
    :Briday 15 Jann&ry, l?06 tho attsck on Jobore took plaoo
    on 25 Kartika-I November, 1796 Saturday heyiDg Btertod
    fiom Kupaonou 18, Saturday. l&15 Bbotias woro killod.
    Thie oonquost was forcsd on tho Nepaleso because the Bhotiag
    erhibited a hostile mood. The Nopaleso had acted sftor dtro
    oonsidoration and consultation among the ofrceru Mutual
    oonsultation omong thoir ofrcers rsaa prescribed by the
    contre, The army, howover, was contont with an sgreonent
    by whioh the Bhotias were to surreudor some tributo anuually.
    King Rana Bahadur had written to his offieers to station
    his troops in such aroas, but the authority of the Govornmont
    ehoulil be maintaiqed by peaceful moang and ;how of
    frieadrhip and not by utiliaing force. The centre'e inEtruction
    was to uphold Kumaon at any coBt. So the troops sent for
    tbe attack on Johore were withdrawn.
    Ths Suba hail soid that Rs. 6000f diverted to another
    chandel from hir oustody should hove been returned. This
    amount, ho said. was to be ueed for the re-imbu.reement of
    Rs. 6000/. paid as compeusa,tion to those involved ag
    casualty in tho 6ght in Johore. The ofrcers to whom tho
    royal letter was addressed had suggested that tho origin&l
    tributo from Johore vas 6red at Rs. lg{)00, but due to

    * Hidatat Sa\sktili, l, 3.
    OOBXEA BECOMES XINODO![ OF NEPAL 357

    .somebody's machinationB the amount sctu&lly psid rs&g


    Re. 6000/-. Tbey had eought tho couseut of thoir kiog to
    allow them to claim Rs. 16000 alougwith tho balance at that
    ,rato. The king aocepting thoir proposal asked them to try
    to get Rs 16000/- from Juwarbhot (Jaharbhot). This ehould
    go to meot the psyment of ealarioe to Ommos snd ofroers
    viotimieed in the pajani as well as to 6uch of them &s wero
    out of servico in areas as Garhoun, Darma, Jahari, Aththapali
    and Dullu. Tho letter acknowledges the roceipt of Re. 1000
    sent by Bhakti Thapa as tributo paitl by Garhwal.
    IrI this le[tor there is an instroction about Kowalpur whiof,
    was occupiod by ths Gorkhali commandor without roforonco
    to Kathmandu. This villago was claimed by the British for
    Lalsimha, The Nawab of Oudh also had put forward his own
    claim. Tho iuetruction wes to tho efrect of holding the post if
    tho English &lone &ttemptod to occupy it, In c&Bo thoro wal a,
    combinod adtack from tho Nawab and tho English, Kowalpur
    vas to be abandoned.
    Thero are moro letterl on tho eubjeot of Kumaon. Ono
    was wr.ittoo oo. 1852 Phalguna au.ili 5 roj Z:Monday, 14 Ma,roh,
    1796. this wa8 in reply to tho correspondonce sent by Bhokti
    Thapa earlier, which gavo doteils of the situation following
    thei! Bttaok otr Kilpur, Tho offioers had reported that ia the
    .mid8t of th6 campaign & party was sont to watoh Garbwal
    where things had run smoothly. Tho Raja had pledged
    .ollogiauce to Nepal. Tbe preeont letter wae in reply in tho
    namo of King Rana Bahadur to tbo ofrioers aud expressed
    sa,tigfsction over their conduct and said that Garhval,s Vakil
    iu Kathmandu, Pandit Khsdauri had also oophasisod th6 n€od
    for friondly reletion betweon the countrios, and rould on no
    account tako tho eido with Neynl's enomies to bring about
    Gorkha's downfall, Garhwal was not oxpectod to botray
    tho Nepaloso. Tho latter worned Bhakti Theps thst tho
    Nawab wes provokeil over & potty affair and this was not
    vorthwhile. This was not tho timo to ma,ke tho NEw&b
    quarrol with }iopal. Peaco must bo rostored botweon Nopal
    35t UODEBN NEP.AL

    snd O[dh. of changer


    The letter ot the ead gives '& Etatemot
    ond transfere' in tho militaryoommand and adminietrativo
    aersioes of Kumeon, snd tho dispens8tion rae that Bam Shah
    was to g6t the post of Balbhadro Shah with the rank of
    Chautara and Angad Khswas with the rank of Sardar was to
    toplrco JsBIrBut Bhandari.

    Changea in V estem' C omnanil


    Ono lotter with date portions torn oE gives tho &ccount of
    preoeding events. Aaother addrsssed to Ssrdor Jaewant
    Bhandari, Sardar Bhekti Thapr and Suba Ajab Khawm
    purports to inform th&t th6ro war a 6ght betweea tbo
    Rohillae and the Nrwab, ia coureo of which tho lattsr had
    Eought Nepal's refussl to the Rohillas in respect of rations of
    food but peaoe had retumod. Tho Boyal reply ssid th&t
    llaruaahi, Kalu Pando and Garhwal's Vakil had returned to
    Kathmandu aud were grantetl audienco of the king on the 6rst
    ot Chaitra, Wodnesday. Thsy reportod everythiog in detail to
    th6 Govortrment. As for the roturning officers uot submitting
    tho &ccount it wae deoidod thst tho Bame Pas to bo suilited iD
    Kcthmandu por aooount sont by Bhakti Thapa and othere. Tbe
    rovouuo acqount of Somvat 1860-1893 A. D. would also bo
    eraminsd from Naru Sahi and Kolu Paode i the resident officerg
    were to oscortaia the 6x&ct amoirnt eo that thie matter could
    bo followed up in Kathmondu. The tocount reaching
    Kathmaudu was desprtchod goon after the new officers arrived
    in Almora. This might givo e ole&r picture. ThiE letter
    instr[cts th6 officers, the Sartlar and Suba to act io concert
    with rogard lo Pojani. Complaints reached Kathmondu that
    they were not ecting with common conrent. But this
    informotion was not givon by the officers. Tbey Beeoed to
    hido faots. Eowever, lbe pajod had to bo dono carefully.
    Aooording to bho trDjani of tho year in Kathnandu, the
    Kazirhip ao long enjoyod by Doodatta Thaprwould now bc
    enjoyed by Tribhuvan Kharas. Tho Sordarahip of Badalsingh
    ooSKs^ BIcoIDa EIIODOX Or nEPrL 359

    would go to Subedar Aoargimba Thapa oI Barakh oompany


    vhilo Chaugunarayaua Malla and Gols Khargas voro to beoome
    Subedar of Doti's compauy (Darmahadu), Yiru Rotaya to
    booome Subodar of Aohha,m aud Dullu with 160 guns but
    Jagljjit Pando was to bo the Suba. Ia Gotam, Bamphi,
    Jrhari, end Jojerkot Suraj Malle and Narottamsmalla pold
    appoiDted Subodars.
    fu Bajura, Bajharg, Chham Thalora, Chuni, Tglkot, Sattl
    thore should be one company of 130 men, undor Ramaohsndra.
    P&ndo &ppoinied Subedar who rould atso look sfter Jumla-
    (Darmahador).
    Araarsimha Thapa, father of Bbimeen Thapa was appointed
    the Suba (govornor) of Kumaon and Ajap Khavas sos aeked
    to return to Kathmandu as soon ar ths n6v goverDor a!8umed
    < hargo of his uow aseignment.
    Tho lsttor wae to be told of his
    new post as he arrivcd in Kathmardu. Uptill this timo Am&r
    Simha Thapo woe Subedar in Barakhdul company.
    The ofrcers had reported thot tho Nsrab wag pa,tronieing
    Laleingh. Tho oentre had rcplied thst they should try to plsy
    on tho Nawab's fear of tbe Rohillae. If t[ere ie an attak from
    the Nawab's side, tho immediato step should be to go into
    a,ction &nd ask aid from Kathmsndu. The pbiringi Naweb, tho
    Englieh Govornor Geoeral was Kathmandu.s friead, anJ had
    seut Guru Gajraj Miara who was hero to talL affairg of Coasipur
    and Rudrapur. Tbe Misra said thet tho Englisb would ao6
    sct againat Nepal's interest. Nono ehould got alarmed unleae
    thero is vdid retson for it, lf the enemy actod, thoso iD
    charge of the outpost had to defond. In any caso they shoukl
    defond their outposts with all their etreogth. They ehould
    also store rations guf6cient for our men in certein emergenoiel.
    They ehould tBke care of trcasuty above all. Thon sttontion
    should go also to the places where foodg aro stored and supply
    of drinking wator is provided.
    360 MOD!RN NEPAL

    Bam Bhah Appointeil aa Chief Ofiaer

    Tho last letter of the series aarrates tho events occuring


    .aftor Maroh-April of 179631 But like the other undatod
    Ietter this is also incomplote. This was written from
    Kathmandu to inform the officers in Kumaon that tho Chautara
    was on his way having left Kathmandu oo 26 Chaitra, Ho
    was sout thero bocougo tho Nepaloso officers had not worked
    vith one mind, and thoy hatl ao[ed irrosponoibly advancing
    north &nd Boul,h a.nd this wes dono to cau8o conflict betweon
    tho British and Nepal. In order to remedy tho situation a
    now &rrlngemeut in the Gorkha command of tho region
    was boing made. Tho Chautara ras aocompanied by Sardar
    fndravir Simha anil Suba Prabal Raua and thore were 4
    of8cers of Kumaon guard oompauy ( Jagirdar ) promotod to
    Subeilarship-Sauya Khawas, Ahivarna Basnait, Vasudoo
    Raut anil Inilrasimha Khawag. Also going with them ress
    thc nowty appointed Suba of Piuthau, Ranjit Kawar. Ae
    soon as'thsse mea took chargo of o6ce thoso good soldiers
    ou guard duty in Kumaon trow living unemployed &s a result
    of lhe pajani' ehould bs ro-inetgted.
    The letter warnotl that Kumagnis might oarry secrets to
    the eaemioe, aad thorefors tho outpost should be strangthened
    and suEcient ratious be deporitod iu view of tho thre&ts posed
    by the exilos and tho Nawab.
    Thero is a roforenos in the game loi,ter to e report sont
    by tho officor (Sarilar Bhakti Thapa, Ambarsimha Bakhati,
    Eati Bohro) about tko Suba'e action in suddenly iuvadiog
    Saktipur-Lalgaou ot 17 Phalguna with the holp of two com-
    paniee of Sepoys rith with swords and
    guns, antl moro playing
    ehield. Tho place was uuproteot€d. Th eroforo tho invadorr
    killeJ a few mon, looied property and returned. On that
    day tho Nawab seot hie force wittr 4 ffeld guns, whioh reached
    Srktipur. In Kowalpur there were already l-2 thoueand
    armed mou. In liudrapur there $a8 ono British ofrcsr
    31 lliErret SsEskriti, 1,3.
    GOBBE.I' BEOOMES KINODOU OF NEPAI] 36I

    Mr. Mot, vho oommandotl 2-4 hundroil soldien, Cossiput


    war being made a fort. The oriles (Mahendraohandra, Earkha
    Joshi and Lalohand) were with the Eoglish and tryiDg to
    exploit ths situetion.
    Kathmsndu wanted to know whethcr tho nowly arrived
    force of the Naw&b was at S&ktipur for the protoction of tho
    inhabitants or tbey had intentled to climb tLe hills. But
    tho uumber of tho army goldiors wsa not onoogh. Probably
    they had como to assese tho situstion- But tho Nepaleso
    had to etrengthen thoir position in Garhv&l.
    Tho lettor also refers to the report of the conflict between
    tho Mehrattes, and tho Nawab, &nd to sucther of tho Emporor
    of the west i.e. tbe English crossing tho IDdus at Attook
    with a huge army anil corquoring Sindh. It lamonted that
    tho Rejas on thig side wore quarrelliug among themeolves.
    Lastly the King's lottar noto.s with satisfactior that
    €arhwal w&B Btoadfast in loyaloy to Nopal. It rofers to ths
    prosouoo of tho Yakil in Kathmandu who had demandod
    Keaari,a Patja (yellow seal) &8 I Bign of no fear and abolition
    'oftho tributo rhich wae now reduoed to R,s, 3,C00. Tho
    .hing of Nopal had sont ag rorf,ard & uown with a plume,
    shawl had othor insignias of toyalty. Tho Yakil Dharanidhar
    tecoivod os preser,ts s robo aDd a,n olephont. The YaLil rras
    acoompanying tho ohautora.
    It appoars that a fow ohanges were Eado iu ths admini-
    Btrstivo 8t&ff at the time of titeir departure. Originally it
    'vas proposed to eond as Sardar or militsry ofrcers a man of
    conaequonce but fndravir Basnet wae finally chosoa for
    .that purposo.

    Intrigwa oJ Earkhaileua in Garhwo,l


    A unit of Gorkha eoldiors w&s Bt&tiouod in Srinagar in
    Garhwal. Thie lras a, gua,lantee against local intriguos
    direoted to dislodgo tho \epaleao.
    Ia ths meantime, Amarsinha Thapa had kept Ilarkha
    Joahi in conEnement haviog bgd doubts about hig sincerity.
    362 UODAR,N NEPAIJ

    Bot he escaped from priron &nd went to Johar whon he vso.


    again imprisonod by hir lifelong Phertyal sdvsrssries. In
    the last resort EarLhadsva was busy intriguing fmm bebinrl
    tbo bare to iustal one Kuwar Padoasinhc on tbe throtre of
    Kumaon. Thie priuce was deputed by th6 Rsia to srr€st,
    Ifarkhs at Joher but he rr&s won oyer to his sido, ho rsloaaod
    Jolhi aad Ecoolnpsnisd him to Gerhwal. The ceatre ol
    aotivity sbifted now from Almora to Srioager aloog witb
    Errkhodova rpho was now carrying on a . ceaseless intrigue
    rgoiort his formcr alliee, tho Gorhbalie, as well aa againat
    ahondrariuha and Lalsinha. Against the lattor bia wbolo
    &tt6mpt waB to preyent theic rostoratlon to power. But in
    this activity Padmasinha could not co-opor&te with him as
    he Ieft Garhwal ard took shelterin the plains.
    Tbetwo unfortunete princes of Kumaon tried to erploit
    the Rohilla War. When tbe leader of the Rohillas wss lying
    hiding in the lower hills of Kumaon, they ofrerod to join hontle
    rith him ancl immediately efter when Rempur wes evacuatod
    by the Britiah, Maheridra Sinha advanced to Almor&. Bui
    Kazi Amarsinha vss too cautions s perEon to bo taLen by
    surpri"e. Ho iomedirtely led bis army to Kilpuri and put
    au ood to this souroe of d&nger. tr"urthe! &ttenpts to rogain
    Kumaon through tho help of tbe Nawab Vazir was fruatrated
    by tho lattor'a entry into e peaco treaiy with the Gorkhalis.
    Of coucse, Kilpuri was returned to the Yazir but this gatisfed
    bimtofeelhis ground for not allowing his tenitory to bo
    ueed as a base of activity egainst bis GorLha allieo end
    'rorpoct tho position of tho do facto rulere of Kumaou'.
    Atkioson writes that Mr. Cberry used bis good omcer to
    bring about this eettlement.
    Earkbadgva rvaS Dot e man to loeo courego. X'rom
    Gorhwal, ho camo to Lucknow and tried to instigate the
    Nawab Yazir and r €nt to B&naros to meot Mr. Cherry, tho
    Political Agent rho treated bim on friendly terms and
    promised help. But in I'709 when Mr. Cherry was killed
    by tho Nawab'e auccessora his hope broke down. Being
    GOREEA BECOU!8 trINGDOM Ox. NEPAL 36e

    dieappointed at Banaras, ho trangforrrd his B€at to Kengra


    towards rhich the Oorkhalie Boomed to prooeed. Kumaon
    w&s ffrally &b8orbed into th6 compeny's dominioa in ltil6.
    Uptill the Aoglo-Nopeleao Wa.r of l8l4-15, tho Britiah
    took caro not to giv6 ofrenco.to the Nepalero snd not to
    causo tho slightest &nxi€ty or euspioion iu their minds in
    rogard to British intsntion about Nepal. Ia confrmstion
    of this, we read the following letter of A. IVelland, Colloctor,
    to G. Mercer, Esquire, Acting Soctetery to tho Eon'blo
    Lieutenant-Governor, Allaha,bad, dated 26th Februory, 160&
    (Zilla Cawnporo).
    (Them
    ir anothor olaim, prtfprred to the Zaminrlori by
    Raja Laul Singh, brother of Mohan Singb, one of th6 I&Bt
    Rajas of Kumaon, previous to the corquest of the couatry,
    about 14 yeers ago, by the Raja of N€pol. On Sheo Laul,g
    observiDg.thst his claim only related to th6 Zamindari whsrtas
    that R,aja Laul Singh being founded upon his...witt the
    family of ths--tension to.'.of tho country. tho-..his country
    tho--snd the Zamindari had ever been one &nd the E&me,
    as thoro was no propriotory right to land vested in individuala,
    but as with tbe Britiah Govornment, which now had an
    undoubted right to tho &auje. the caae tv&s diferent, he
    thought he h8d tho best claim to i[,e Zomindari.' As far as
    I oan now form an opinion, it does not Epp€ar to mo
    that Raja Laul Sirgb's claim is well founded. It vould
    se€m, th&t he oithsr clBims too littlo or too auch.
    At all events, there would, I think, be oousiderable riek,
    sdjudgitrg the Zemindari right to him, aince it ie hardly
    poasible, that he oould bo upoa good terms with...stationed.
    iu tho southera,..p&rt of the provinco...Goyelnm6nt of-
    Nepal...GlovornmoDt ond dostroyor of tho grendeur of hir...
    This would, of cour86, givo riso to oonetsnt dilput€s, intrigues,
    and frays on the borderg of tho two Btater aEd teDd to
    counter&ct tbo humane dosiro which the Eon'blo tho
    Lioutenant-Governor hrs eo Euoh at hoar0, of ostebllshing.
    suoh a systom of friondly interoourso, as is likely to obvirta.
    364 MODERN NEPAI,

    itr future, tho painful necossity of sending troops to that


    uuPholesome part of tho country. 1'h6 continuing of Sheo
    Laul in tho E&nagement of tho diBtrict, woald, I think tend
    to promoto that truly desirable object, aB ho is upon very
    good term8 with R&ja Rooddur Ber Sah, the porson stationeil
    et Almorah, on tho part of the-.'of Nepal several... whetbor
    to him."s I

    Gorklm Admdniatration ol Kunnon upto the aine ol


    Bhakti Tlrypa
    It appoars that though at the initisl stage Kumaon was
    govornd by a milit8ry ofrcor, this arrengomeut was reploced
    Boon a,ft€r by a milita,ry.oum.civil rule,
    Bolow is tho liBt of name8 of Gorkha military anil ciyil
    odministratorB of Kumaon, which wo add hero for the
    information of our reudere,

    Admini.slration
    Ciuil Military Command,ers
    The Suba The Sarilar
    I70l-92 Jogmalla Jagajjit Pande
    U93-94 Narsahi and his Kalu Pande
    Deputy -Ramadatta Shah
    1791-95 Ajab l(hawas Thapa Jaswant Bhandari
    and his Deputy Shrestha
    Thapa
    1706-97 Amarsimha Thapa and Bbakti Thapa
    Deputy Govinda Upadhya
    1797-98 Bam Sbah and
    Deputy Rudro Shah
    Bhakti Thapa was giyen porpers to recruit his mon and
    ofrcers from t,ho region west of tho Marsyaugdi. In somo
    lottors addressed to Beverel ofrcers in general dated,
    Wodnesday. 16 August, l?94 (YS l8i1 Brauana sud,i j0

    92, g6lootiotrs flom U. P. neootals, ao. 2. Il6trly Woll6ly'. corros!,oE-


    donoe (1301-03) corresponileDco lr, ?9, pp. 1064?,
    GOBKEA BEOOIIDS X.INGIDOM Otr NEPAL 365

    roj 4)* by Raua Bahodur Shah, the Omraos in of6ce and out
    of office beyond Marsyangdi es well as those Subas, Subedere,
    Omraos of Noakot, Darma, Jahari, Dullus, Dailokh, Gotam,
    Athbis and Achham had been asked to join Bhakti Thapa
    in his journey to Kumaon and accept sll ordere issued by
    him 8 8as issuod by a military oommander of tho area.
    Atkinson gives a similar table for the namos of Civil
    administrators and military commanders for the period sinoo.
    1794-95 to 1802 A. D.
    As it would have appeared, tho administration was carried
    with joint consultation of the Suba and tho Sardar.
    Tho Sardar in this are& &B in othere wae in aharge oftho.
    army.
    X'rom lotters addrossed to Bhakti Thapa tho pattorn of
    administration c&n be .understood, and we c&n deduce how
    the Nepalese administered their territories, But intricaoies.
    had been left out.
    It appears that since Bhimeen Thapa beceme the Chief
    Minister his father's influenoe es the head of administrsti,on
    extended from the Mersyangdi to the Satlaj.
    Jogmalla who was the first Suba of Kumaon and responsible
    for the settloment of laud revenuo introduoed a tax oir land
    in 1791-92, by whioh a citizen paid,Ro. l/- for every bisi
    (nearly a British acre) of cultivable land to the Glovernment.
    e also levied a kind of poll tax of one rupeo eaoh per .

    adult-male of the population. To this wae added another


    sum of Re. l-Z-G imposed on orrery village, which wag ssid
    to be used for meeting the expenres of the suba's offfoe. No
    more item of tax wag addod in the time of hie auccesgore
    in offioe coming after 1794 until Bam Shah made tarable
    all the free-holds in possession of the Brahmans. But the
    last measure of taxation wag enforced only when the Brahman
    landholders were suspected of tlabbling in political intrigues
    on one gide or tbe other. Bam Shah had a roputation of a.
    Iiberal administrator.

    'Ilimavateanskriti; ilI. Pp 6-7.


    366 iIODEB}I IIEPAL

    From 1700 tc 1816, for a period of 25 yosrE tho Gorkhali.e


    wero meators of Kumaon and Clarhwal, Their rule hag been
    oondemnod vory strongiy by Atkinson and writers of hie view.
    But it our comprehension to ffnd that inrpito of tho
    beate
    ollegod misrule, the Gorkhalis wero commanding a great
    support from tho. general population. Thore might have been
    certsin oxc€sse8 ia administering milltary lare and thos6
    becomo very oommon durina a period of traneition and in
    sharchic condition like tho one Gorkhalis wero put in when
    there was every foar of sttack snd counter &ttack, and in
    that condition an undue amount of lenienoy might haye been
    the oauge of a ruin to thomsolyos. Oo the other hand, wo
    find how tho Gorkha Subedars collaborated with the local
    peoplo in conduoting tho sdministrstion. Though Atkinson
    queliffoo it with Ciorkha Buspioion snd torna it as
    subordi- a
    nato collaborstion and laok of reeponsibility, tho fsct r€main8
    th,at the Gorkha adminietretioD preEents a deep contrast
    to tho rucco€diog British administration, where thers rsa not
    ovon & s€mblanoe of collsborstion with tho poople. Thero
    ano maDy oneodotos in Nopol pa,p6rs to ahow that Gorlha
    rule oompsrod favourably vitb the administration of tho
    British &t that time in aomo oth6r pErts of Indie.
    The alleged Gorkia atrooitiee were as follows ;
    (l) Undue exsotiotr of tarc.. Thoy soy that tbo Gorkha-
    lis exactod its. ll,6{426 in a ainglo yoar in 1812.
    (2) AMuotion of girls aad forcible marriago.
    (3) Forced work without v&ges ( seo Atkiruon for
    Ilarkhadova'g memorandum to Mr. Cherry).
    (4) Atrocious juetice eccompanied by oruol penalty for
    ru! brooch of dieoiplined or harsh lavr.
    (5) Selffsh eilministration based oo iadifference to publio
    wolfare,
    With all these, tho Doglirh historian doos not erplain
    tho rosBon whioh led Kumaonis to eido rith the Clorkha
    iavadors itr tho rrar. Uatil the poisoaoua prop&grnd& of
    OOBEEA BECOl[f,A KINCI}OU Of Nf,PAL 387

    Ilarkha .corroded their minil tho peoplo of tho &re& rogsrdod


    tho Gorkhalie os those who rdcued them out ofa situation
    that was chsotio. Wee it eo bocalrso tho Gorkhalie wer6 botter
    onomies tban the Britiah who by thet tiEe wero casting a
    gloedy eye on Kumaon Bnd wero for opening tho tr&us-Eima-
    layau trado route u:ing Harkha for thoir purpoeo ? It roslty
    sstoni8hes all to read the86 indictments against tho Gorklalis
    but &t tho samo timo to havo beon told thot the Kumaonis
    w6ro 6eetr supporting tbo Gorkhslie to the l&8t minuto and
    that thore w&s & voluotary army of the Kumaouia which servod
    .ag a brauch of the m rin foroe iu all oxigoncies (See also
    Nepal Papors).

    Nepal's Eges on Aatam

    The men in poyor at Kathmrndu in thoEe dsys roro not


    satisEed with acquisition of territories ia
    tho Ilimalayan regioa
    olooo. Whilo they penetretod boyond tho Ilimalayas in tho
    oorth, thoir de8cout to tho plainr was inspted with sEbitiotr
    to acquir€ furthsr areas in the unsottled condition of th6
    pl&ins. In tho esst their ero8 rcannod portions as fsr ag
    Assam. At one tioe they caEied socrot oorrespondoDco ,ith
    the deposed ruler of tbat country, who promised in writing
    'to pay annudly a sum ofBs. 20,000/- to the Govornmont of
    Nepal on beiog rertored to powor.
    Ia VS 1755 Assam sooos to haro so much engroseod the
    ..attentionof the Nepalero King th&t he had evon sent a
    lott€r with a red soel oslling Ugrsss! to Kathmanttu. The
    Vakil rho wss to deliyor tho lottor to the ex-ruler of AsE&m
    wae told to proven0 aid comiog from thp British to him.
    The letter bsare tho dato Samuat lSiS Bratsana vadi 6 roj:l
    - Wodueoday, 4 July,
    1798. The month is interc.lary.
    But in a lotter of VS 1855 Marga elu/ri l5 roj 1 (:Sunrtay,
    23 Deoombor, 1798) Rana Bahodnr suggestod that if Ugrasona
    waa not to bs rostored to his throne it would not sorvo &Dy
    purposo to take him to Nepal. Rana Brhadur diacouraged
    368 UODEBI{ NAPAI,

    8ny mov6 to back a rulsr who had I lost oause. The


    'Nopalere intendod to reap tho bonefft without muoh cogt and
    dieplay of partis&n attitude. ft rres Proposed to cotrtsct
    LTgrasen'e advereery witb promise of help eo that ho w&8 slso
    compellect by ciroumstances to executo a gimilar bonil to
    aurr.endor tribute of d lekh of rupoog also to Nopal.
    This Ugranatbsinha ie no other than Prince Brajanath
    Clohain who was a claima,[t to tho throne of Agea.m. Eo
    ortended his claim for tho kingship on the ground that.ho
    wag the aearegt on the line of euccogeion even nearer than
    the man seatod on the throne, i.e. Kamalewar pioho.
    Brajauath's father wae tho grest grandeon of king Rudra
    Sinha whose lino had ruled Agsam from l7l4 to 1794. The
    lsst king of this liae wa8 G&urineth Sinha whose cousin wae
    Brajanath's o\rn gr&ndfather ahd ho had died childlese in
    1794. In ordinary oourso Braianatb should hove succe€dod
    him. But like hie fathsr he sae algo disqualifiod booause
    Leksmi Siuha ha.d mutilated tho oors of both of them ae
    punishmont. In Aesam any person ofthe royal family who
    sufrored from any kind of deoapitation of e part of his boily
    was uttinately disqualified for ths throne. So hia olaimg
    had been 8et seido. But hs had & Epecial re&eon to bo
    aggrieved with the sfairg becsuso the man who was preferred
    to him inas not only disquoliEod on accouut of the eamo
    conditloh of multilatiou but he eleo v&s not &a closely rclated
    to the outgoing monarch ag Brajonath wag. Thore was no
    aloubt tba,t Kamaloswar ha.d been elevated to kingship undor
    fortuitous circumstences. Brajanath'e claims hail boer set
    aside because ono Purnsnanda Gohaiu who was the virtual
    ruler of Assam of thoso days in tho chief minitter'o capaoity
    did not liko him. But iu making a choice of Kamoloswar for
    the gaddi of the Ahome tho miniater had the full backing of
    tho British. It Bppe&rs that iuitially Brajaaath appealed to
    the British to rsatore him to his rightful placo. Lord Wollosloy
    was approacheil on ssveral occqsions and Brajauath puraured
    bis efforts through many ohmnels. Ono of tho wivea of
    eoBaEA BIOoUES EIITCDOI oa NDPIIL 30!)

    Glaurinath Siaha also made a representation to the Glovornor-


    Goneral. This lady wea Brajenath's foster mother and ho
    obtaiued all the help from hor. It wae even Buggeeted thet
    Glaurinath Sinha had in the last {&ye nominetgd Brajanath
    as his eucessor. But all this appeal, argument and porsuasior
    did not ca,rry eny efieot with the British authorities who werc,
    determinod to maintain tho statue quo as far as the position
    of the occupant of the Ahom monarohy was ooncerned. fn
    theso oircumstsnoes it wae but natural that Brajanath Sinha
    had turnod to tho Nepalese for aseistance.
    'orchanged
    From the lotters the Nepaleso Vakil had with
    thd Darbar it does not appear that Brojanath did oven go
    to Kathmandhu to persuade the authorities to take up hie,
    ceuse. So what S. K. Bhuiyan writea about Brajanathrs
    going to Bauaras and then acconpanying 6wami Maharafe
    Bana Bahadur to Kathmandu is not worthy of credence.Bl
    Brajanath had never entered into a treaty rolation with Nepal-
    The matter was in the atago of nogotiation qnd it did not go
    boyond that The letter of the Nopalese Yakil (abovo quoted)
    shows that Brajanath had offered to pay & sum of Rupees
    two lakhs ag annual tribute to the Gosernment of Nepal in
    oaso he wae restorod to the throno with their aid.35 ft seoms
    that after somotimes the Nepalese withdrew from the
    negotiation as soon as they were eonvinced that it wae no
    longer possible for Brajanath to procure British assistance.
    They did not like to support a party whose ascendancy would
    not be toleratod by the British. Brajanath,s relation with
    Nopal ended at the point.
    84. Eitihasikpafiasamgraha, 17. pp.88-84, The Nepalese Govemmeat
    instruoted the vakil to contact the other sitle anrl soe if the British wers
    in a mood to favour Ugrasen's oaailitlature.
    4lolh"r Je-t.te1by !_he \ing to Dinanath-Upatlhayo (vg 1Sb6 adhik Sravana
    1? roj- 6, Eantipur). asks him to deliver o letter to the Assam nuter
    -v!!i
    (llhursilay_,9 August, 1798). Diaanath:was elso aeleil to senit Ugnk;-io
    Krthmaatlu.
    9q. q. E. Bhuiyeg, Anglo _Assamese Relations, t??1-1820 (Depertment
    of Eistorical antl Antiquarien Stuilies. Assam, 1949), Pp.4€.d.
    Bhuiyan says 3 lakhs,
    ?70 ![OD[B]T ITEPTL

    Marahing loruaril b Sibbim


    Ilamilton (p. ll0) deeoribee Sikkim as a oountry of the
    IJpcha tribe under a Tibetan ruler. Originally it came to
    occupy lowlands as far as the rivor Mahananda. Later .tho
    Muslims puehed them out of tbe lori,landa, yet thoy could
    rotain somo land in the valley of Kankayi, Darjeeliog was
    th6 oepital. Urlike the two rulers of Bhutau tho temporal
    ,ulor in Sikkim wa,s the only one. fn li82 a now ruler camo
    to succeed to tho throne. According to 14r. pagan'e lotter
    to Col. Ross, the Gorkhalis atttcked Sitkim in lTgS (but
    the dato ia miseing in the letter). Their troops consisted
    of 6000 meu, 2000 regulars and wore commanded by the
    Subah of Morang, Tiurar Singh, ond a largo pa,rt of Sikkim
    fel! without-reeistence but the rulor gave stiff opposition in
    the capital. At one point here the Sikkimeee force wae
    muted. This occurred shortly previous to tho 28th Octobor,
    1788 which wae the dato of a Iotter of Mr. pagan intimating
    oomplote victory of tho Gorkhalis. The gikkim ruler
    approaohod ths British for holp and also Lhasa and Bhutan,
    to whom he pledged his loy&lty. Meanwhile the Gorkhalie
    rotreated to Illam in view of thoir involvement in conflicts in
    Tibet. The troops of Bhutan had roturned, and for sometimo
    it appeared that Sikkim was Ieft in peaoo.
    Accordiug to E&milton's account tho ruler of Sikkim
    nsed to har&ss tho Gorkhsli sottlonentB all over the former
    Sikkimese territorios. But the GorLlali Subc iu the orea
    vas not Euch dieturbed nor did he try to ponetra,te into tho
    mountaiu forests to goek the ruler in his hiding. Meanwhi'lc
    Nepal was nogotiating with Bhutaa. Ite Raja Deb Juddur
    though nominally acknowlodging Tiboten Euzerainty end
    often rppealing to Lhosa wautod to appease tho Nop&l6eo
    offfoers. Bhutau had promisoil to ooilo Baikunthapur to
    Nepal. In 1808 tho Sube of Chainpur controlled the aress
    as f&r back as the border of Bhutan through a Lopche
    Feud:rtory Yu-kaug-to.
    CHAPIER XII

    NEPAL AND ITS NEIGHBOURS


    ( t?7sr800 )

    We devoted the concludiag portion of tho last chapter to s


    description of the military erptoits of the Nepalece rulers in
    between 1779 and 1789 A.D.
    It hae so happeood that from 1789 onwardo the oveBtr ir
    Nepal get quiokly mired up with Britieh diplomaoy. Whether
    it ie Nopal's war with Tibet and China ( l?89-93 ) or King
    Rana Babadur Sbah's exile. in Banares (180O-1803), tho British
    heve come in tbo picture iu one way or another. In this
    period thoy had aleo euooceded in ooncluding two treatie8 with
    Nopal and ostabliahing coirtactr with thia country thiough
    va,rious trado and goodwill missione.
    Thus, any history of Nepal botsoea 1789-1800 oould not bo
    narrate<I without bringing in the British to tho 8ceno.
    Wo havo plauned tho contonte of tho preseat ohaptor to
    cover in dotail a description of how Nep&l's relation rith tbc
    British bad emerged at the ond of tho csntury ia.tho haok-
    ground of its hietory.
    In order to show slink with the maii ovonts it was essan-
    tial to have in tho beginning two Eeotions about Eaet Indis
    Company'e trade relatione with Bhutan and Tibet. Itrithout
    a knowledgoof tho subject mattor doalt with in thero, tbo
    roader would not havo traced the miasing link of iaitial
    commercial iuterest of Britaia in Nepal. Brit&in'E attemptg
    to degl with Bhutan and Tibet ars much too immediately con-
    nected with their trade interests in Nepol to be isolated from
    tho mairr cuuetrt of history of Anglo-Nepalese relations.
    British interest in trade with Nepal and Tibet srose after
    thoy csmo to control the afairs of Bengal and Bihar in the
    wako of Plassey. Beforo they actually moved in the matter
    372 XODIBN IEPAL

    of soouriag faoilitios for thoir coEmerce tho British had eought


    informatibn sbout the prospEcts of trado and etato of morchan-
    diso passing botweon Indio and these oountries. This w&E tho
    rery initid msasure in the fulfilmont of tho objootive. W6
    shall eee a little later how thoir intrigues had been frustrated,
    and thoir €forts to aohieve the objectiee by military me&ne
    had also failod. Bogle was the ffrrt agent of tho East India,
    Company'n Clorernment tJ tr&vel to Tibot, aud he reached
    thele in 1774. Turner conduotcd tho moond niesion in l?83.
    Eo was followed by othors. Nepal was visitod by Kirkpatrick
    inl793. Thers doputationa were aort to orplore avenuos of
    oomneroisl oonteot &nd negotiate trado treaties. Oa all theee
    ooor8ions th6 British pressod herd wi6h the rulor8 bf the
    r€spootive oountrios for the op€ning of trade rolations, but
    although in the beginning the couree of talks had eppoared to
    pronise a suooessful oonclueion, it ultimstely ended in failure.
    In both Tibet snd Nopal the Britigh enoounterod deep suepi-
    oions 6nd joalouey about thoir movc, which preventod from
    aohieving anything of good;iu in these countriee.
    To Warron Eastioge goes the crqdit of concoitir:g the
    importanoo of oommoroiel oontaot rith Tib6t. _ Lord Cornwallie
    pursuod tho E&mo iotor€lt with tho same zeal in regard to
    No$al. Sir John thoro wae tho third Governor-Geuersl
    in suocossion to work on thie line. He was responsible for
    eonding a frosh mission to Nep&I, which'had gone t,o K&th-
    msndu in mid 1795.
    Tho British &dmiDistrators woro attr&cted to this aree
    situetod uorth of their domain for tho reason that this afrorded.
    &n oxtetrsiyo msrkot for thoir produce, both of Erglaud and
    Bongal and ilso th&t the payment in returtr ses ma.de in
    qu&ntities of gold and silver cheeply priced.r

    1 Tutd6r' oP. cr|.


    NEPAL rICD IT8 IIIICEBOUBS

    Engliah and Bhula,nue dn the 18th Century

    I
    It was only in tbo lattor.pa,rt oftho oighteenth contuy
    that Bhutan came in for proper coneidoration ar e Stsfo, not
    to bo loft out of accout from th6 sphere of British infuoncs.s.
    ?ho inteleEt of the British Govemmont in Bhutan was of
    two-fold importance, Bhutan ss a country ocoupying the
    Didway betwsen China and ludia comDsnded the front poai-
    tion of the buffer. Eor bloae proxinity to Bergal and her
    place in the o&stern cortrer of tho Eima,layaet were factora
    which dotorminod her plaoo in tho comity of Indian provinces;
    snd &lthough a depondenoy of Lheeo.r yot within tho geogrb.
    phiosl cotrfnes of fndia, tho British Government could nevor
    lose sight of hor important ptaoe in viow of th6 requirament
    they felt for s good noighbour to mrintsin tho ufaty and
    tr&nquillity of th6ir torritodos. Socondly, Bhutaa ofored
    through hor north.v€stem border, an outlot to tbo Chumbi
    Yalloy aooees to whioh the Britieh tradors wero inding-
    impossiblo on &ccount of the Gorkha conqueet of Sftkim

    , Publlo Lotto! Irom Coutt, r.Durry ?r l?74 I,.,!r 3.


    38ir Froaoir Youaghulh.od: Indio ard fibcr, pp. 4-At Ait htaron:
    Trcoli.s, Eryarcrrrcrds otrd Saads, aol, \, p. ,86 (1909).
    Bhutstr ooGuple . 6trilr oI toldtoly betr.oa t6.48' rEd 18. D.l, s t
    botteE 89 rLil 9r. lolgituilo. Ono of th. @ttdrod to CblEbi vsu.y lid
    oo th. to!tio!. 8€riil6s, !h6 th6n coltlottoit d@e psls to the hilts, orlba
    itorrr. Thero rre Daliukot, taErltot, OhilEalchi, Lolhi, Bure, Eellr,
    E.E. oa tt6 &!grl (nonti6. i Ouan, Bip., Cttnng, Siilti, Bryh o! BliEi on
    tho lrotthc! bortlot ot GorIll.tr i .!d Gh.!Lol., B.lsls Chippag&thi, Uh.pp.
    Ehrorti. Bijat, Butrgqlr rEil f.Urg ir NtErup.
    { I.!t€r ol Ts.hi Iatar to Warr.D E .5!a., ![., 10, 1?i{i Oor!..IbD-
    iltro. R.6lrott, Pr. 2t'?-9.
    974 MODf,RN l{EP.A.L

    through which hitherto the morchariiliss passed.s To .tho


    British it appeared that the acquisition of this iDport&lt
    highway to tho Chombi Yalley would compens&te them for
    tho loss of other routes i sud therefore thoy looked to a
    settloment with the Bhutanese more'oa thig account than on
    ony other.i In viow of the potenti&lity of Bhutan end Tibet
    as a morkot for Britieh goods,T the l&tter aspect of the
    quostion w&s more important and as they wore now deprived
    of the acoossibility to the oasier route thmugh Bbatgaou
    vhioh commanded the Eimalayan passes of Kuti,B they wero
    iusyit&bli obliged to fall back on the only way left for them
    thst iE tho Bhutsneso route to the Chumbi Valloy. e Logan,s
    roport sent in 1769 wag ono of the earlier moterial of tho
    kind to ilraw Britlsh attention to Bhutsn. It was. howovei,
    with much reluot&rce and after a good deal of disappointment

    6. Ihis !out6 itrsll iE lTOg elt€i the cossin t!a,d6rs


    wos exploreil
    were erlslleil trod trotLEcnilu, L s trosty ,as sig6a with
    th&t y€6r
    Boja o, MoraDS who wac later on alethtoueal orrilg to sD uptisiDg of his
    iotoa., by which thsy secureil the eccess to tho Chumbi Yelley through
    Mor8bC-Teesto rood (Eoroe Depar[EeDt, Original Circu-lar No. 20 of
    JaEtrsly qg). fhsre lrorr oth€r route3, fo! €:ampl€, the oDc l€ading thtough
    the river Aruo to the llyoEg Yall6y aDil auothor through PoLhls to
    trflrtsng Eoil TsNI}elsDg (g06 trswogo,cbi'B Three Yeats itt Tiber) i bnt these
    loutea i?er€ iDxoc€isiblo o! tb€y worc uDiler Gotths ocoupstlon. The
    route to I.aparaEg lrr,s!6il through g Drgor (Gathwal),
    6. sgt logon'e B6Port, Iattor to Oourt, Ja,lusr7, 25, I?70. Publio
    letter itoo Oonrt, Iuelch 16, 1768. Psts 4.
    7. R€port oa Bhutea olal Ass.m, EDOC, oI D.c€Ebe! 9, U?l.
    Melkhs,m, ,ogle'r E nbassy to Ti be, , P. ltu,
    A. ggt. Logan, Ibid: EDOC,, oI Octobbr'31, 1?69i B.B. O6w&1t"6
    Prithtilarqyan .'lai (Nepeli) P, 180 i llarkham. ,rd: trirll,qtrick. ,{,l
    Account oI the Kingdofi af Nepal,P,916. The hope lor e suco€s8lul tBilo
    in Iibst var stoused in British Eioil b, th6 lorge volu.ue of [tbeta! gou
    possing through Nepal, th6 valne of whioh itr KathDaldo ,ao 50 tror oelt
    lBss tLq,n th6 yalue of silnilat golil iD P.tD&.
    9. The routa tbrouSh Bhutsn to Ph&rioD8, . bolalor towtr o! tho
    ;ntrrloe to the ChuEbi V.ll€y, ss Boglo rsports, w8s lrdsssblo only rith
    Bro.t ilifloulty.
    NNPAI, l.ND ITA }IEIGEBOUBS 376

    from othor quatt€rs thst they took up thia courao of action.


    trimt thoy attempted to prevcnt Gorkho erpansion aud tried
    to intervene on the sido of tho Newar rulers by organiaing
    &n orpedition to Kathmandhu, which unluckily failed duo
    to the inclemency of tho wosther snd tho extrome watchful_
    nees maintained by the Gorkhalis to ssvo their conquest.ro
    For eome time &fterwards thoy continued to back up the
    carise of the exiled rulors ; but thoy exp€rierced a eeuge
    of
    disappointment from that eldo as tbo prospect of thoir
    regtorotion dwindled aray. The ettempt, therefore, to
    pnotra,te through Bhutan was occasioned by failure iu other
    qua,rtore and tho British ia quest of a tr&do route establiehoal
    oonnoction with Bhutsn only after 1774 aB s, favourable rreeult
    of the wa,r ths account of which f,rllows in the subaequent
    paragraphs. r r The w* botwoetr the two csmo when the
    new Deb Zudur played dynamic rolo in Koch Bihar.
    Curiously the Anglo.Bhutaneoe relatione emerged &B & rceult
    of the wer proyolod by Bhutaa in '1772. As thie war was res-
    poneibie for their future relation and determiued the course of
    eyonts at a later period, a detailed description of this inoident
    would not bo out oI placo. It should be observed hore that
    although the Britigh had intervened in tho diapute botweon
    Koch Bihhr and Blutou, their ilosign was to bring tho
    prinoipality of the Koch Boja undor Subsidiary Allianco,
    and baving obtainod foothold thero subjugato tho Bhutaneeo
    so tha,t thoy become conciliatory to tho approacbes of tho

    10. Ahe Issile! oI this ertEilition !r.s C&pt. Kidoch, B.ngal, par, and
    Prese ,AoL X. P.29i Krkpotriok, opi cir,, p. Na,lilall Chrttaqi,
    2?0.
    yerclsr'! Rule in lndia, Ohsptet II g. B. G€rioli, o?. ci.
    ; Ch.Bpt€r XvI.
    11. Esrlie! iE 1?r0 F!a[cl6 peaoool ,os ss]€d to vl.it BhuteD ana
    olthir fsiluro tr{t, B6iloy, Cou€oto! ol Oc.ltrsB, took up hls pla36. But
    b€yoaA colleotiDg hesrsry ollaloBco on tho gist6 of Bhutelr as s rnsrk€t
    Io! trail6, no t&Dglbl€ inlormr aD oooLl lr. gsthoreal sDil cona€queEuy
    tho whol€ stteopt fallotl owing to tho illsturtroacee on ur6 ADglo_Bhute,16e
    borile!. (Publio Proco€iltEgs, Novober !19, 1??O: p[bl_to I8tt6r floE Oourt,
    JoDusry 7, 17?4.
    376 UODEB]{ ITEPII,

    British. r 2 Kooh Bihar iteolf wae important for tho reamn


    thst the 'bountry was oqual ia fertility and cultivation
    with Bongal'.r !
    In 1772 tho Deb Raja of Bhutan seized Koch Bihar,
    uade a prisoner of tho Iiaiall Dhiroudra Narayan, and
    €Bteblished a footing thore. Sometimo latsr tho Raja waa
    takcn away to Bhuten. It is said that thoro wore two
    rivals for tho throne of Cooh Bihar, one of whom the Diwan
    Deo had askod for Bhutan'e assisttnco. With the oasterrl pcrt
    of Sikkim under hic heols,l5 he oould now look forward for
    on e:paneion in the gouth ot the expenso of the British
    protoctorete of C,ooh Bihar.r0 Raja Dob Judhur, such was
    his ua,me, had aleo obtsitr€d the support of the Raja of
    Biehnu or Bisni on tho north-wostorn bordor of Cooh Bihar,
    rho wss fgrmerly an ally of tbe Bihar Raja (Letter of
    Colleotor of Rangpur to tho Council of Revenue; Novomber 2I,
    l7?2). But ell this attrected Britieh attention to th6 Btato
    of affaire in th&t sootor. Tho uiuistor of tho Raja (in
    prison) one Nadir Dso Kharga Narayan bad fervently
    appealed to W&rren Eastings to intereone. Notwithstanding
    ths remoEstrancos of the Govornor Goneral, the Bhut&ueso
    B,aja peraisted in aggression and it was oompleinod that ho
    thus hampered the British adminietratiou. To 'Werren
    Eaetings thie afforded a caugs for intervention ostensibly

    19. G. B. Oleig, ![@oits ot tho lil6 oI W&rlsa E&rttng6 iloDdoE,


    18a1) I, pp. 2?9' 295-96 (in $ Yoluueg),

    $. Ibld,E. &a.
    14. Tho!6 rero two lulols la Bhut&l! h thG6 d&F to! spilituel aDd
    t€DIDrrl b.ttots t6sp€otiyoly,: aDil ot th6o tho Deb Rsja w.. temDotal
    tuLr. Ir tho ninority ol tho Dhat D Boir, he wes nor left all ln
    all i! thrtro* sEsirs, oEly t.at!.beil by o lorBilrl sobi€ctio[ to tho
    Ddsi I.Ee. ILe qu.lrol lrlth 3hut6E wss rory olil.
    AttohiDroD, O?. crr. P. ,86 I JASB. 1890. P.!t I, P. otfi. Bir Fmaots
    Youaghuobanil, op. olt,, P. 6.
    15. For tho itryarioa ol gttliB by the D6b B.jo.
    16. Lsttsr of E stitgs to th€ Coult ot Dileotors, Januoly 16, ].1?9.
    NEPAL AND ItS XEI0EBOUBS

    Bs s ohsmpion of the dothromd ruler. Tho Bhutanoso were


    not suffciently organiaed or oquipped adequstely to meot
    auccoesfully the Britieh pressuro on the course of. tho conf,iot,
    but they hoped thst 'from their mount&in fortress they
    .could desoond with all the speed ofa hurrioane, spread devae-
    t&tion and scourage in the enemy's to*itoriee snd return Doore
    quiokly than thoy camo'. It iras, therefore, a atif problem
    for tho BritiEh to doal with the Bhutanede and coarcious of,
    the disadvantage of meeting gueillas by a standing force tbey
    watohed every opportunity to engego thom in a pitched battlo.
    And luckily suoh an opportunity was ofored by the capture
    .of the fort of Bihar by the Bhutanere. A eimilar situstion
    had developed in 1766, The Bhotias had mizod Koch Bibar,
    &nd the Dnglish detachment had contacted tho Bhutaneeo
    forces. But tho British failed to Bubiugeto tbeml7. Now
    the British oontiugentr were faco to face with the Bhutaneee
    at o Bite in tho plains conveniently Bitustod to atroril full
    play to Britieh etrategy. Accordingly, Warren Eastings
    despatched Captain Jones at the head of the four companies
    of Brigade Sepoys of tho 6th Battalion 'to free the zemindary
    of Koch Bihar from the ravages of the Bhootaners a,nd resiore
    that country to its former dopendenco on the Governuent of
    Bengal'.r8 Ee also ent€red into an iDt€rim ogreement with
    tho liaja's brother, Nazir Deo, on the quostioa of war
    expendituro, by whioh the lattor would meet all erponses
    towards tho rostoration oftho fort of Bihar, the ffrst instal-
    mont of Re. 50,000 boing paid iu that year followed by another
    of Rs, 15,000 in thc nert. This agrcement aleo entrusted
    to the British all defonce m&ttors of the court and Bome othsr
    important afrairs excepting the coinago which wag the Rajo'e

    17. Esrt fttril WeEt, New s€ries, Vol, 13, Nos.4. Deoeobe!, 1962.

    18. Th6 papers !€lating io the tr'irBt BhutrE Wer sre 8l9oa ia
    Forert's
    'S.lections fiafi lhe Despatchet, eto, Pr6erv6il i!
    tho I'o!oi8a De!tt,, 177r.86,
    Vol, I, Pp. 2?-31.
    378 IIIODEBI iIf,PAL

    prorogatiye in viow of tho lattor's ineietenco on retsining it.lr.


    With the Raia of Baikunthapur on thoir eide tho Britiah
    litre of defonce was complete and. Capt. Joues bosioged thc
    fort of Bihar,2o Previously this Raja wos roportod to havo
    insited the Bhooteas againrt Koch Bihar.. The British had
    ssid th&t they had oonsented jo go to the help of tho Raja
    'from a love of justice and deeire o[ assieting the distrossed,.
    But it wes to gain possession of Koch Bibar and humiliate.
    Bhutan tha,t tbe British had readily abided by tho requeat
    of the Raja'a brother. Thig waE &dmitted by Warren Eastinge
    in hie memoir.zr
    With due precaution against desertion end with ofieotive
    military baoking, with new alliee and now finanoial help, the
    Government of Bengal ewiftly embarLed on a mission to ,erpel
    tle Bhootaners from the fort of Bihgr'.22 It was said that
    the enemy numbered noarly 4,000 concentrated round Bihar
    and 2,000 moro in tho northern part of Juhugopa. Tho Engt;rfi
    had, however, meroly ?00 men. Inspito of their rosolution
    rud bravery, anfl euperior numerical BtroDgth the Bhuta,troso
    vere poor in ammunition and it was aleo no longer a ffght in
    the hills which they were fociag here. It was, therefore,
    impossible for them to stand the quiok aad forceful aeeault of
    Capt, Jonos who in his owu worde'took then by eurprise, aad
    stormed the fort.z8 Thoro was nothing to provent Bhutanege
    dofeat. But all the same the Bhutanese have the oredit for

    19, Th€ ilgbor€d ourlaEoJr f,as s soutoo ot pro6t to th€ Baie (Oouaotor of
    .8.!gIrE! to th6 Oouroil ol Boyolue, Noyoabol !1,17?r: rlso Lis lott r to
    tbe
    Conrnittea of Oilouit, J.nuary t t72il th6 Brttish is t.oLliDg thiB
    qu€stlon iE5tlucteil l{r. Purliag, th6ir &geDt io Bihr., to sel volontsry
    tolilquhhmo[t ol coiDsgq but no insist€a€€ prs to ho put oD hiD,
    90. Thir Rsj. paiil Bs. 16,000 to tho Blitish snatr.lly.
    !1, Ol6t8. op. ctt,, Pp. llltS-96.
    ,!, Easthqs'lett r to tL6 Coutt ot Dteoto!!, J.Euqry 16, lr?8 : OloiS;
    Metoirs of Eotuags,aoLLD, t7g,
    23' /617. Eratiags' tetter.
    NEPAL lND IT8 }IXIGEBOI]RA 379

    their bravery and courage. fnepito of success aohieyed O&pt&in


    Jonea'brigadea loet 260 sopoys, bs himself ras wounded ir
    his right arn followod by Lt. Diclineon who saa hit in hiE
    breaet.2. Tho Bhutanose losg was compar&tivoly sm&!ler,
    only 200 of them being killed.26 The position, howeter, after
    the Bih&r eng&gomoat was thst the Bhutaneee were rnuch
    intimidated by the British thrust end they avoided all contact
    vith the Britieh army and evacurted all paeses beforo they
    rstired to the hills. Thenceforth one incident of e 6ght rhich
    took place ou thc bank of the Brahm&putr& iB r€ported but
    it produced the samo domoralising efleot on tho conduct of
    the Bhutaneee.
    Thus by tho end of January 1773 the var with Bhutan
    c&mo to an eud and tho application for a eettlement froEi tho
    Deb Raja26-who was noy scold.ed by the Tashi Lama.2? aud
    Prithvinarayan Shab28-reached the British boforo long. But
    the British had now beforo them the problom of the Sannyasi
    robbers, equolly outrageous end devasta,ting aDd dema,Ddinl;
    urgent disposa,l. It wae raid that until thie wa8 solved tbo
    cessation of hostilitiee with the Bhutanese bad ao tongible
    6foct oa tho Bituation. Thoroforo, the British put ofr tho
    question of & ssttlomout with tho Bhutaneso syetr thouSh two
    monthe had olapsed since hoetilities had ceased. They had
    asked Mr. Purling to ongagc in talte on their behalt and
    protract tho negotiation ou various pretext€.20 The Sannyaeis

    ?4. GIei8. Mernoirs l,P,2?9, Iatter frorD the C(Drmittee oICilouit to


    the OotrDcil oI R6voaue.
    ,5. HBBtiDgs'lottor to the Oourt ol Dir€ctols, trIaroh 31, 1??3 i Oeptoin
    ,oDes to l[s,Btin8s, December 24, I77q.
    26, Letter of Mr. PurliDg to th6 CoDEitteo of Circuit.
    ?;1. Ia,tt?f; ot TcBhi Lsno& to Werre! IlastingE. fhs Taahi Lemq
    hail iEtero€ded with the Britigb lor tho Bhtrt&Dese (Iu&!khsm, LXIX'
    Lxx).
    98, 8, B. Gewali, op. cit., P,2O9. (E6 quotes &u ertlact lrcl! tho try'e.
    of Pddes Eahe to oo\irm his stat€eeDt).
    29. op cir. Gl€ig, I. P $94
    .380 XODXRII I{IP.AL

    woro th6n in the vioinity of patgong and after.ocoupying


    Eomo of tho do8re, thoy had dosoended on tho pleiDs to take
    up ths lrsr in alliance rith Raja Dharmadeo of Biahnu, who
    wrs thon at Lakbipur.a 0 They were in euftcient numsrical
    atrengthend the yenoration thoy enjoyod rith th€ EEss€E
    of tho pooplo protectod them from active eearch by the Britirh.
    But iaspito of th6ir boldnesa and reaourceful conduct they
    oould aot put up s strong resistsnce to 3ritish prbs8uro. At
    .Dinlah they retired after ,thowing I fev rockete' at tho
    Britishsr ond finally fled to the other side of tho Teeeta. In
    eimilar othor eug&gements tboy collapsed before any ofensive
    worth tho namo was begun by the British s?d thus the wholo
    of Purnea and the Iorts of Rohimgani anil Jalpaiguri
    vero fro€d. I 2
    In only one oDgagomont could thoy bo s Dstch to th6
    .British detaohment end succeeded in inflioting tevero loesss on
    them. In a goramble to cross & river Capt. Edward,e troopa
    gcvo wsy on aocouDt oftbe prossure from the Sannyasia on
    the front and the rear.rt Thie vae retrioved when the
    rings of the regimnnt from Dinajpur ond Rangpor.e advonced
    to moot the Sannyaeie and thoy wero compelled to flee to
    the hilla, tho Britieh loaving them alone as ,pursuit wae
    da,n86rour.'! .
    Tha Britirh first dealt wifh tho quertion of the Sannyasis
    by ovrouating them from their depondencios, for which they
    noved cautiously efiecting voluntary rolinquiehment by tho
    Sonnyasis ag far os posBible and thus evoidiag any undue
    olarm liloly to rfoct thoir rank and 610 in ths ovent of auy
    undue prossure. Even though reluctantly tho Sannyasis hrid

    30. Lottot ot C6pt. Jo!63 to EsstiDg!, ,sDurt, t , t?7g.


    31, O.pL Jo!e. to E stt!8s, Jrlulry gO, 17?3.
    3r. I.tter ol Ci!t. Jo!6s to EN.tiDg8, ,enu.ry 80, 1I?9.
    85. Ibid.
    84. Er.tiDg to Oeor!6 oolobloole, l{.troh 31, lI?9. llhe 6tu!6 ol thh
    ,&b.Eilo[DoDt i. ssid to be a, oi.!g6 ot 'LBt lttoDr.
    NDEAI, .A]$D ItS Nf,IOEBOUBIT 38h
    departed. From 1773 the Bhut&nese question Fa,s tskon up.
    Koch Bihar was asked to eoas6 hostilitios with the Bhutanese,
    and this dono they tutued to Deb &aja aesuring the latter
    that their limit, of orprnsion was Kooh Bihar aad that they
    hsd no iatention to penotrote into iho hille.r s The Bhutaneso.
    now rocognizing the olaia of Koch Bibar upor the do&rs -
    rccopted the suggoBtion of the British snd a treaty waa signed
    betreen theur in April lZ?4, which determined their $lstions
    and oonuoctions throughout the oighteenth century,
    Nothing, however, w&a moro important than the trade
    orticle which confered on the British &n uninterrupted right
    of oommorcial dealing with the Bhuteness in e:change of the.
    some privilege to be extended to thom iu British tonitory
    ;
    and tho u8e of the road to Chumbi Valley was mcured
    ai
    a oorollary to the formor stipulation, thus fulfiIling
    tho long
    w&nt of the British. The hietory of the Anglo-Bhutareeo
    rohtions hereafter covore tho development of the last
    nomed
    atipulatioo .
    Ae has boen already observed, the Britirh Government
    tooh
    up the mattor of opning the pharjong routo to the
    Chumbi,
    only when the att€mpt to penotrate to that quertor
    thmugh
    Kathnandu failed. That fact, ooinoiding with the peril
    overturos of Tashi Lame; which supillied ths -maiu initiafi;J for
    correspondence,l . helped tho Government of Bongal
    to uro
    th€ir pr€dominanco in Bhutsn for aecuriog commorcial
    oontact
    rpith that country and Tibo6 8nd they roized
    tho osrliest
    opportunity to open nogotiation with the Tashi Lsma.
    A
    hint to the intended embaasy to wei6 upon tho Lama
    was.
    mad6 in the reply, accompanied pith aseurancee
    about tho
    Rhutoleee ofair and denying all roaponsibility for provoking
    the war. Mr. Bogie wae despatcheil at the head of the
    mirsioi

    35. The interior ot SorrdluDgr p.sr, $rs thu! girea ov6s to th6.
    BhutsDeae.
    36. Ihe lctt€r ot TE.bi Iamr nte detivered ou tf,sloh 31, 1??t iu.t_
    alter th6 tsrttriEArioE ol th6 $rr. lte reply Loro tLe drt€ Moy
    tq l??4.
    3E2 !f,ODNBN Nf,P L

    to Bhutan and thonos to Tashi Rabgya to nogotiete a ttad6


    paot rith Tibet.8 7 Tho gettlemeut with Bbutan was, of
    oourao, eooondary ; for tho etipulatione in the treety of 1774
    elready oaviaaged oommercial iutercourse botrean tho two coun-
    trieE. Mr. Bogle'e presonce in tho Bhutaneao capitol holped him to
    soouro tho goodwill of the aew Dob Raja who had now replaced
    tho Dob Judhur. It wae proposed that XIr. Bogle should
    wait for the suggo8tion for trade negotiatione from the Tashi
    Lam r, ; but it vos the &rdent wieh of Warren f,aatings not
    to allow time to elap8o or a,t lea8t to exert to ovade all
    dis€oursgoment from. tho Lama vhoso attitudo towarde the
    miseion ros colodred by a fear of China. Warren Eaotinge
    had a kaowledge of his sympetbetic attitudo towards the
    British. It appears from the biography of the Sirth Prnchen
    Lema, Palden Yesho, that he was in favour of orternal
    contircte. Ee was the firgt Tibetan authority in tho medieval
    sge to seek contact with the Indian Princes. Eie deputations
    had twice yisited Benarae to re&it on Chait Singh-ono in l??2
    ond &uothor in 1774 (Tho Miesions of Bogle and Turnor in
    Tibotan.Terts, T'oung Pao, X_XXIX, 1940, Pp, 334-38.)3t
    Warron Ilaetings know all this and he wanted to securo e
    po'sition beforo anything hogtilo occurred. He had thorofore
    edvieed Bogle to turn & ile{if oar to all kindg of disoouraging
    suggestions, Accordingly Mr. Bogle roached Pharjong on
    Oot,ober.13, 1774, subsequently orriviog at, Taehi Rabgyo itself
    on Novembor 8 ; gnd &ll waa done with Bhuta,uose goodwill.s t

    Eie Tibetan'mission! howsvor, not beiig suocessful inspito


    of the cordiality shown to him by tho Lama who accepted tho

    31. Tho imports irto Iibet froE Beagal coDstut€d ot brcld oloth, rtt6t.
    slias, iDdigo, le*rls, corrl, aaber sDil other teeik, ohst}. tobocoo, sEgsrt
    !fislila gtriptrEd satine atril & low *hit€ cloth6s chi6fly ootlro.
    98. geog. CsEEsn! (Op. Crr. P.24)guotet i. Peteoh, tho ruthor ot
    the adicl6.
    39. Lttot ol itr. Bogls, Deoemher 6, 1??4. Forr€stlt Serecrionr
    r. P. 264,
    NNPAL .4,!TD IT8 ITEIOEBOUBA 383

    proposal foi o trade pact,ro Mr. Bogle returuod to Bhuten


    to folmally rign a trade pact with tbo lattor country. Ths
    Raja waa sll attontion to l[r. Bogle's roquest and erprosred hie
    readinegs to 6ntor into &D agreeDqont vith him. .The trado
    pect thus grantod 'equal &Dd mutua,l rightE to the
    inhsbitsDte of both couutries,. r aboliehing all import dutier
    on goode passing between them.'.s Thie aleo secured-for
    them the exclusive right to use the Chumbi high road, tho
    Bhutonese being content with tho monopoly of tho tr&de of
    tobacco, indigo, betelnut and redeLin would not grudgc thle
    advautage going to tho Britieh trsdors.
    Warren Eastings to whom goes all tho credit of uniler_
    . Gt&nding the import&noe
    of Anglo.Bhutanege relations in
    the light of tho Befoty of the empiro &nd &g I vsy of
    approaoh to Tibet and China, strove earne8tly to keep
    the goodwill of the Bhut&nese Raja. Eo could aot forget
    tbe part that Bhutaa had played in the 6ret Tibetsn aiesion,
    aor could he overlook tho p&rt that sho was likely to play
    in the ooming mistion, snd aooordingly ho ttoputod Dr.
    Eamilton to Bhutau rith his morsage of frieadrhip..s This
    was the socond mission of the kind sent, to Bhutau. yet a
    third wac in the ofrng. In lZ79 Mr. Bogle had once again
    roeched the Bhutsnese border at the hoad of tho second
    mission to Tibet but having hoard of the departuro of Tashi
    Lama to Peking, he returaod to Caloutte. The question of
    certain disputod pointe in rogard to territorial adjustmeDt
    betwosn Bhutan and Beagol r&s th€n pending and- Eamilton
    had only recommondod c€rtain Btops. As Mr. Boglo had to

    tO. See Turner'g Rsporti viil6 3orr6rt, III. ,pp. 107f-7t. AlBo rerd tho
    .rtiols h I.II.Q. Yol. IX. pp, 425-49?.
    41. l\Iarlhsm'., BoSl€, P.6, Ther€ *sro tilo tltoro Disllonr froE tho
    Bdti.L both led by E.Eiltor. (LXIX-IJXX).
    4t, A. tr€r inatruotiola i.3ued. to Mt. Bogl6 by the Gov6rDo!-Oeleral.
    Tho oltiol€6 porsiEg froD B€Dgsl to Bhuto! wore blosal oloth & cor:Ll
    theo lmlnrteil ftor Eurupe (IEQ. IDid).
    49. U8lkhrio Op. Cir., LXIX-LXX.
    384 TODEBN N'P L

    breaL his journey at Kooh Bihe1, it fell to &nothor mission to


    csny out tho esttlemeat. This mission rcaohed the Bhutanssc
    capitsl duritrg the qiddlo of l?80. In this year tho Govem-.
    meot of Be.ngal duly acquired the possersion oftho two doar&
    formetly belongiog to tho Roja of Baikunthopur and for
    this Bhutan was oorcodod the right of free trrdo in some nor
    distriotr, fn 1783, trfr. Turnor wag deputod to onqufue. iD.to
    the grivencos of tho Bhutanoso mcrchsDts Bnd signed snother
    sgr€omont with the Bbut&noss Raj&. This agrooment woe.
    followed by tho ratification of tho old treaty, the erecution of
    whiirh vas done in Bengali."
    Iho fooling of lmity which was marked during lll these
    yo&rs oontinuod to rule thoir policy till 1794, and Bhutan
    alwaye-formed a ohaansl of India's oommunioation with Tibet
    till then. In l?86 ve hesr of hor Lelp available to anothsr
    miesioa in tboir talk with the &ogent ot Terpauling and in
    l?86 to Purangiri ot the time of the inetallation ceremony ot
    the new Loma, But. for tho aesistarco rendered by Bhutan,
    tho Tibetan policy ofiho British would not have beeninitiated.

    So long aa hops for I settlement Irith Tibet w&g


    tho
    dominating the fortign policy gf tho Clovemmeat of Bengal
    in ;hat regard, Bhut&n was tho scene of. occaeional visits'by
    the Britieh r€presontati"es. There wero a aeriea of doputa-
    tione eitLer to Bhutan or to Tibet passing through Bhutan.
    The chain was brokon only after 1788 owing to tho Tibeto-
    Gorkha confliot, wbich for a time diverted the attentioD of tho
    Tibeteng to their owu eelf defence end. ended all hopee of
    sottlomont of other queBtions. In 1792 a worse Bituation
    cropped up. Tho Chinese who hacl hitherto orercised a vague

    44. Thlr ooly ii sttsoheil to the Pspot ol Dr. Siroat, Yido, Ploo€€tlilg.
    ol th6 Eistorlool B€ootalt OohEis3lou, Yol. X[f; AttahiDsou, Or. Cr].,
    P.
    '86,
    !!he s6oouil tt&t[6 Ei.sio! to Tibot.re.ohoil Toq'suli[g t! U8g. T.rht
    Laur hril itieil ia 1780, toil tho iloloy ol thro€ yo.!5 tle au6 b tho il*tb
    of M!, 3oglo.
    rEP...I, .A]ID ITS NEIOSBOUBS 385

    kind of suzerairty ovor Tibot now sat heavily on its ohest.


    Their powor waa eroroised in oveqrthing down to details. Ae
    8 sdyeroiga power they had their oqrn intorest in the ovorall
    commercial tr&Ds&ctio! of the country they controllod. They
    wanted excludvely bilatorsl trado betvoon China and it*
    Tibeton region- Naturally they disliked any idoa of permittiog
    the British to entor the 6old as competitors. In 1793 by a
    decree the-Chineso once for all declared Tibot closod to
    foreigners. Bhut&n, thorefor.o, lost all glamours for the British
    ond accordiugly the tcmpo of the Aaglo-Bhirtanoeo rel&tiorehip
    g&ye way to a Bt&to of restraint and onstr&ngemont which in
    the end atlded to tho moro t€rrible coiflict of 1864 and to tho
    Auglo -Tibetaa teaeion of 1904.

    APPENDIX

    The treety taken fmm Aitchisou roadc as follows . . 5

    (l) That the Eonorable Company, wholly from ooneidera-


    tion for the distress to which tho Bhootans representcd
    themeelyes to be reduced and flom the dosiro of living in
    peace with thoir neighboure, will relinquirh all the lande wbich
    belouged to tle Dob Baja be{ore tho commencement of ths
    wa,r with the Raja of Cooch Bohar, namoly to the esstwsrd,
    the laudg of Chitha-Kotta and Pangola-heut, and to wost-
    wa,rd, tho lande of Kyrunte, Ma.nagant and LucLy-poor.
    ( 2 ) That for the poEBession of the Chitch&ootta Province,
    tho Dob Roja shall pay an anuual tribute of ffvo Turgini
    hdrseri to the Ilonorablo Company which wae tho aoLnow-
    lodgemont p&id to the Behar Raja.
    ( 3 ) Thet the Deb Roja shall doliver up Dhujindor Narain,
    Raja ofCooch Boh6r, together with his brother the Dhern.
    Deo, who is oonfind rith hie.

    ,16. Aitohi8o!, Tr.attet alo.' t Vol. II. Port IV. pp. 290-9?
    46. Torlot, OIr, Citi pD.'21-r3.
    386 UOD&R}I NtrPIL

    ( a )' Ttrat ths Bhootans, boing morchants, shall have


    tho same privilego of trade as formorlR rrithout tho poytuont
    of duties and thoi! oarsvan shall bo allowod to go to
    Rangpoor annually.
    ) That the Deb Raja shall uovgr cauge inoumion to bo
    (5
    made into the country, nor in auy respeot whatever molest the
    ryots that have come undor the Ilonorable Companyls
    subjection.
    ( 6 ) That if any ryot or i:|habitant rh&t€ver ahall demrt
    from the Eouorable Compauy'e tarritories, tho Dob Raja sholl
    cauee him to be delivered up immedi&t€ly upon applic&tion
    being made for him.
    ( 7 ) That in caeo tbe Bhootans, or Bny ono under tho
    Governmoot of tho Deb Raja, ehall havo any demouds upon
    or dieputes with rny inhabitant of these or eny p&rt of the
    Coupony's teEitories, thoy shall prosocute them only by an
    applioation to tho Magistrate, who sh&ll reside horo for tho
    administration of juetice.
    (8) That vhoreas iihe Sauuyasia aro cousidered by the
    English as au enemy, the Dob Roja 8h&ll not &llow anybody
    of thom to take sheltor in &ny port of tho districts nolr, givon
    up, nor permit them to enter the Eonoruble Compony's
    torritorios, or through any psrt of hir, aud if tho Bhootans
    ehall not of tbomgolves bo ablo to drive thom out, they BhaU
    give informaiion tothe Resident, on the p&rt of tho Eoglish
    in Cooch Behar, and thoy shall not coueider the English troops
    pursuing the Saunyasi: into thoge dietricts any breach of thie
    Troaty.
    ( I \ Thot in caso the Eonorablo Company ehall havo
    occosion for cutting timber from any pari of the woods undet
    the Hills, thoy shall do it duty free, aod the psople th€y 8eqd
    rhall bo protected.
    ( f0 ) That there sball be a mutul releaso of prisoners.
    Treaty to be eigned by tho Ilonorablo President &nd
    This
    Couaoil of Bengal, etc. and tho Eonorable Compaay's soal to
    NEP.AL AND ITS NtrIOEBOUR,II 387

    be affxed on tbe one p&rt, and to be eiguod.and sealqd by tbe


    Deb Raja ou the othor part
    Signod and ratified at Fort William, the 25th April 1774.
    Signed : Warren Eu.Etingo.
    ,, William Aldersey.
    ,, P. M. Dacres.
    sear
    :: *",?T::.,".
    ,, J. Groham.
    ,, George Vsnsitt&rt.

    u
    ?he Bed kda trlitttbr ta ?ibet
    Warren Eastings with hie ideas of commercial penetration
    by tho British into Tib6t and China schemed a plan for
    deputations to thogo oountrios.4T Obviously he looksil to tho
    Tashi Lama, .for holp in this otrdoevour bocauso he knew th&t
    if it wore not for tho good ofroes of tho Taehi Lama, thc first
    British Ilade Miesion could Dot h&ye been able even to
    negotiate tho fibetan pathvays.
    Tho Mission which wae to visit Bhutsu &t tho first Btsge
    was dir€ctod'to cultivatiag aad improving tho good und6r-
    stsnding Bubsisting betw€oE the Chiefs of thoeo oouutr.ier and
    the Sritieh Govsmont- 48
    India carried & brisk tr&de rith Tib6t, the details of which
    are given iu the apponilir. The traders who haadlod the
    doaling wero mostly Kashmiri Muglims aud Bengali Glosaine.
    The l&tt€r, according to a British report, .woro tho trading
    pilgrims of India, resortcd hither in groat numbers, thoir
    humblo deportnoat, and holy charact€r heigbtoned by the

    47. tr'or s d6tsil6il socouEt oI both tho 6lst o:ral seco l r[irliorla lrail
    Cleoents ![or]ham, Naftaliyet of the Mission oj Geotge Bogle to Tibct etc.
    ( Louilon, 1876 ) e.Dil Capt. SaEu€l lD'tno\ Al Account of aa Edbassy ,o
    the Cowt of Teshoo Lama ( Loudon ).
    48. EoEre Departeent, Publio Boily Sheots ol 19[L -{p!il, 1??9.
    388 MODEAN I{EPAI,

    merit of distant pilgrimages, tbeir &ccouuts of unknown


    countries, &nd romots regioBs, &nd sbove all their poasoasion
    of high yonerstiou for tho Lamrs, prooure tbem not only
    r rsady sdmit@nco but gro&t favours. Though clad in the
    gsrb of povofty thero are EaDy of them p,oseessed of
    ooneiderable werlth. Thoir trado is confined to articlee of
    grost yaluo aud small bulL. It is carriod on without noise
    or ostentation, and ofton by patha unfrequentod by other
    merchante.49
    Tho Seoond Trade Misgioa to Tibet6o embarked on its
    journey in l7?9 iu the month of April under Mr. Boglo's leader-
    Bhip, but hardly it had roached Koch Bihar whea the oows
    of the Tashi Lama's departure to Poking wes doliv€red, which
    oaus€d the postponomoot of tho mission until Euch time &8
    the neture of the talk between the Taehi Lema and the
    Emperer would beoome known.5l Siuce tho beginning of
    1776, lbo time of Mr. Bogle'e stay in Tashi Limbu during hie
    ffrrt visit, when ho could impress the Tashi Lama with the
    fieadliness of the British migsion and the advantages
    eooruing from the proposed Anglo-Tibetan Mission tho itle+
    of an earl-v sottlement of the questioa of commetce had
    asgumed a praotioal Bhepo &Dd the British Goveromont were
    loohing forword to cstoh evary oPportunity for negotiatiou.
    Of course, Bogle's miseion ite€lf was a failure because thore
    oould be no nogotiation aa such owing to the feeling of
    ertreme eloofnesg on tbe part of Tibetans, of wbich Bogle
    hail tho bittorolt erperience io bia eadier vieit, it was such
    thst none would dare carry his letter to tho Dalei Lamt5z.
    The Chineao who rore the auzeroin power aleo bod erercis€d
    their influenos to diroourago a,Dy nogotistiotr with the Britieh'

    49. Eot!6 D.!6rtE6ot O. O. No I ol 1st EdpterDba!' 117''


    6o. trot the fLst ll!.d6 lfl..io4 rsril.E.ltialc b lidiqn HttL'ticol
    Qnarr.rll,Yol. DL No, t PP. 4qF30.
    5I. Eo!!€ DoFltl!6Dt, Publio Boily gheot! of APril 19, 1779-
    l[.r].h.o. hglc, D, c@.
    5r. 8l! Fr.rcis Yonoghusb.ld, lidia out Tlbel' 99' 6-1'
    NEPAL AND IAS NI]OEBOURS 389

    It
    was Beid that the Tibetan notiou of o trade paot with
    the British was coloured by a fear of imperialistic d.omination,
    and thie ras quito unjuatified in view of tho design8 of the Bri-
    tieh inIndia. Thia might be p&rtly true. But the real cause
    cf theii cautioue sttitude w&8 the fear of courtiug the Chineso
    Emperor's displeasure. 'Iho Chineee did not like any foreigaer
    to eet hie foot on Tibotan eoil. Bogle was, therefore,
    obliged to return to Oalcutta without achievirg the end oI hjs
    miesion; but the Taehi Lama gave adequato promiees, and
    Mr. Boglo had como to tbo Gloveruor-Gener8l with thosa
    promieos. which had gono to keop wann the eathusiarm of the
    latter about proEpects for a cloeer eollaboration reith the
    Tibetane inspite of adverse circumst&nces encouDtored by the
    first Britirh trade mission.
    The policy of ieolition pureued by tho Tibetan GoverDmont
    the Britigh regordod ae likely to undergo a hango in tbeir
    <

    fayour in due oourse, and ae the Tashi Lamo uaintaraed


    oordial oommuaioatione with them, sometimes hiuself reques
    tiug for certein favourg like o plot of land near Celcutta,5r
    aad at aaother time soading the Govemor-General ovou formal
    ealutations, they vere .conffrmed in their belief ss to iho
    6ual outoome of thei-c trade miesion. Most of all, the Tashi
    Iama's journey to Poking wa8 wetohed with care, for according
    to what Bogle wss told by him, the fate of the Mis8ion
    hnag on the trond of the Sino-Tibotan talLs, s r it was thereforo
    Dot without a sufrcient ro&son that tho Govornor,General
    oompliod with the Lema's requosts for peorls and conch ehalls
    in all hurry and promptnoes. s6

    53. Ihic is still tLovtr as Bhotbe,gsn. An e!,ticle sbout this plc.


    in the Jou al of ,he Belgdl Asiartc Sociery, 1890, No. I pant I:
    Epl,€arts
    Ma*ha 's_Bogle, pp. 184-65; Abetr.ots of L€tter. n€coiv€d A. p. gg,
    April 3, fl75.
    64. Viil6 TuEo!'s Relrort in Forteet.s .ge lections ltom For.ign DeDart-
    me Papert, Yol, III. pp. 19U-?9. Csptaiu Seuuel furaer. ;la
    Ac@uat of rh. Eobatty ro th. Cot t of rh. Tertoo lanv in Tibe, (Iandan.
    1806), pp. 381 f.
    390 MODEBI{ ITEPAL

    Tho Govornment of Bongal rho wore also fortonato in


    haviag obtainod acceeg to tho Chinese court and their agent,
    through th6 goodwill of the Lama, could plead for the
    Emporor's &ssent to the Anglo-Tibetan Trado Pact.sE But
    the hopo of further ection on this matter was smashed by
    the untimely death of the Tashi Lama in Peking, and the
    departurc ofthe deputies to Tashi Lumbu put Batters to
    reat for all timea, a,t least, so far rs securing China's assont
    wag conoerned,s ? Now the yerl prospect of the second
    mission going to Lhase looked to have roooded farthet.
    And with tbe death of trfir, Bogle on April 3, l78l, the very
    idoa ofa proposed Second Trodo tr[iceiou of 1779 oa,mo to
    an end, only to be rotsken after four yeers.
    W'arren Eastings, howevor, olutrg to tho hopo of reaewod
    negotiatione with a toneoity poculiarly his own. ag it wag
    a droam of his to establish trade in thot country. Ee aho
    hopod that ultirnately Tashi Lama's influenc6 witb the Chiu€so
    Emperor. rould secure for tho British 'a communication witb
    Pekiag',6r thie ho montioned in a letter to the Court of
    Directore (19 April, 1779) adding, 'It is impossible to point
    out tho advautages eithor itr opening new channels of trade
    or ia obtaining redross of grievauces or extending the privilegee
    of the Company, th&t m&y result ftom such intetcourge'.
    L,uokily, rr f6r this Tibetau adventure of his, which wae of
    less hazard and of muoh g&iD to tho British and, therofore,

    56. Puraugiri Goaoin boil goBo to PoLing to meet the Talhi I{tns'
    E€ vrs prEent€al to th6 ElBp€ror by tbe letter. It sPDesri flom tho
    D&lrstive oI Mr. Turner th&t the EmParor hail aoo€lteil tbs iile{ ol . Itsot
    wtth tho Briti6h (PloooediDg6 ol tho Elto osl R€colils 0oDEl66ioE, Vol.
    EII. pp. 99 tr.)
    6r. The it-to of th6 il@th ol TeBLi L&Do is wtongly Put !€ NoY€ltlb€r
    20,1780. 8oe.!!s!ciB YoEEShusb&Dil, p, 26t Bengal' Past 4nd Preseat,
    Yol, XXVI. P.I95 : JBA8. OP. Oit. Ei6 il6cth oocut?eal o! ,uly 4, 1?80
    ...pp€.ts ltoa r lottet ol Ealo Irtiai (llR. I9 pp. 3'L) ltir lette! ir
    quot€il itr tho ,rry'raz Estorbal Qtsrle y ,boa' lelerrei[ to'
    68, Pub. OoDsult. Aplil I9, 1779.
    NXPAL AIID It8 IIIIGEBOUNS 39r

    worthy of the rising State, a kiad of


    Dogotistior psB kopt
    rtill going by tho Regent of Taahi Limbu, Tashi Lama,e half
    brothor Chanzu Cusho, through hie large corroepondeace for
    all thoso yeare. Raje Irtini w*s another persotr to help him
    to ths best of his oapaoity.oo In 1782 he supplied the
    Goyernor-General with the dotails of the Peking talk, which
    of course, nado painful readiug and was dieappointiog because
    of the leader'g death,6 r but thia conespondeace had opened
    up the vista for a fresh attenpt on the part of the Bongrl
    Government. I[arren Eastiogs, therofore. witbout waiting
    for any invitation from Tibet, ro-iustituted tbo Seoond Trade
    Miseion for the second time and placed at its head Mr. Samuel
    Turner of the Bengal Service, 'with a salary of R8. 8,000 per
    month'.o2 Puran Giri Closaitr accompained tho mission a8 h6
    did tbe tu81.
    I'his time, the mission started pith a Iimited aim, whioh
    thc British wore forced to sccept by tbo Btat€ment of advica
    of Chanzu Cusho, tho half-brother of the Tashi Lamo. But
    etren with limited objective the mission weg checkmated in
    its oourse of action. It wos oot without Tibetan objectione
    tbat the miasion could ffnally onter tbe border. Whilo Mr.
    Turner was in Bhuten, he received a lotter from Raja Irtiai
    end Jossa Loma68 to tbo efroct that hie mission wae untimoly
    and it ws8 Iikely to faco complioations owing to Cbineso
    EuzeraiDty over Tibot..a fn thia letter they ha.d olso erpreseed
    tho feeling of the TibeteD people who appeared againet sending
    a European enyoy, and requested tho Governor- Gdnerel to
    dspute an Iodian who'is able to evade tho suspioion of tho
    trreoplo of this country.0.6 Mr. Turner himgslf wag diesuaded

    @. Ee w.lr aiDlstet.t tha court ol Tlshi Iomr sDa[ s brotho!.EaI


    o@Aiblt oI hir.
    61. 178q,ltebtroty r, ; In 19, P. 2f.
    0r. IIoE6 DoI,oltEeD Otigitrsl Co&ult tiou8,N,9. g oI J.DEsry 9, t?88.
    03, A Einist6! .t th6 ooult ot tb€ Tr.ht I.ar.
    64. R€o6iy€il oD lfolch t8, f88.
    45. bid.
    392 ODEBN IIEP.AI,

    from sttompting to go to Tashi Limbu, for tho latter hsd


    declered in s letter Bont earlior 'the Tashi Limbu i6 undor
    China, the law forbids the ontry of Europesn fortigners and
    the &pplio&tion for such ontry would not bo conoidered by
    the Chinese promptly'.'o But Mr. Turnor was undaunted,
    end all this porsuasion hail no ofect whatsoever. l[r. Turner
    replied that his mission having once left India, rould not
    roturn ther€ and could only alo so if tho ClovernorGleueral
    iutorvonod. Tho journey of tho Mission was continued and'
    towarde tho ond of Decombor 1783, they rmched Torpauling
    the educatioual abode of tho miuor Tashi Lama who had just
    been 'discovered in reincarnated form'.

    With ths fear of Chirioeo intorention, tbo otmosphae in


    Lhasa ooutt wa,s quiet but as tho isol&tioli8t l]srty vas rrov
    veakonod by the dcath ofits le&rder, Gesul Rimboohry, it
    oould rot prot€Bt against the arrival of tho Britieh l[iesion.
    Twner, uuliko Bogle, was, therofore, ia a fivoorablo position
    and hir aegotiation rith the Regeot was marked by the
    williuguoss of tho lattor to meet his point of view. But it
    did not fulfil Warren Eaatings' erpectatiou,. and the ecopo
    of their discuseion v/a8 ao n&rrow and limited th&t otrly a
    part of Tibet, covering the domain of the Teshi Lama, could
    como under the proposed pact. Notwithstanding this, Mr.
    Tumor signed an egreomeat with the Regont and roturned to
    Calcutta in March 1784.
    Iu John Machorson Bent Pur&n Giri to &ttend thc
    1785
    installation ceremony of the now Panchen Lama. (JBAS LX,
    Part I, No. l). This ie the third miagion. Ee reoohod
    Tashilhunpo on the 8th of May.o 7 In the uoxt year, horover,
    the Tibeto-Nopaleso war hsd etsrt€d and tbere wae toasion
    all over the frontier aroea, Meauwhilo Puran Giri rotirod

    66. Raoeiv€il oD August l, U8S.


    6?. Tu!n6r, Pp. 419-29.
    Irf,PAr, A]cD rr8 ISrIOEBOITB! 393

    to a priv&te life antl Waron Eastings himsslf had been


    reoalled,o 3 snd thus the relationship camo to an euil.. t
    The Gorkha-Tibet war ha.d aot only disrupted the course
    of Auglo.Tibetan Degoti&tions but also put au end to tho very
    possibility of nogotiation onoo for all. As it will follow .lator,
    tho Chinese who bad gained absolute powers iu Lhasa, discoun-
    tenanced eny moye directed to contact tho British ou any
    aocount. 80 the attompt to eeok comuerciel penetrstion
    into Tibet from India was givon up. But tho Britigh on ths
    sugg€Btion of their offcerg in India made eforts through
    snother chaunel to reyivo the tregotistion. In the summor
    of l?93, a formor Glovornor of Madras, the Earl of tr[ea&rtroy
    was deputed ss speoial enyoy to the Chines€ Emperor snd ho
    visited Peking. But lieoauso of the goneral atmo8phcro of
    su8picion and o6cial indiforence tho eavoy did not make any
    hoadway in res[,eot of negotiation, &nd ho returned. Tho last
    sttempt in this direction waa mado in lT96 when aaothor
    miesion vieited Chiua.?o The ujssion catried a letter of the
    British KiDg to the Chinose Emperor to cleai any kind of
    doubtg about British help to Nepel in tho war of 1788.92. The
    King rrrote that tho British inetoad of helping the Gorkhalia
    had attacked Nopsl from the South, and oompelled.them to
    surrender to China. But this also did not cut any ice. The
    Chinese discouraged any talk on the issuo of Auglo-Tibetan
    trade, and tho Emporor,s reply to tho Britiah King's letter
    refuscd to believo his version of tho Nopal atrair addiug thet
    Chioa had defeated the Gorkhalis without anybody,s help. ?r
    Tho gocond mission algo like its pr€decessor rotumed. a failuro.

    6S Eastiugs l6ft IDals iE Fobru&ry of l?86.


    69 Porertci !?.s oDo oI thoso men who was r moEk bot .st once !,
    pilgria, morohslt anil s eolili6!, Tho co6.itrr lail the moaopoly
    o, Ttbototr tlsito in thel! hsatL' (Eu!uo!, ! gZO), G. gossk in
    Bengal, Pdst ond Prcten, LXf, I,I, (l8SO): (Notes o! & Buildhistic
    MoDs,Btery Bt Bhot Ba8sn, Ilort h).
    10. 8. CrDrlD.lEr Pp. lg&ltl.
    71. AcooriliDg to 8. OrrtleanD (P. 143) Oh'ieo.IJutrg EEpolor.6 lotter of
    ?th Ecbruory, 1700 quot il io ET8L, 1499, 16819.
    30r TODEBN NEPAI,

    The British wero kopt at b&y fron Tibetan rfiairs for


    onother huadretl yeers.

    APPENDIX
    A liet of articles composing the Commerce between Tibet
    end the suroundiog countries (encloeure in Ur. Turner's lotter,)

    ExportB: Imports:
    Tibet to Nepal China to ?ibet
    Gold dust, diamonde, peark, Gold and silver brocades, plain
    corale, asmall qu&ntity ofmu8k, silk, plain satins, black tea of
    tinka.l, woollen clothea, lamb four or five ditrerent qualities,
    ekins. wood or othor ekins. tobacco, talents of Bilyer,
    quickeilver, cymbals a.nd other
    mu8ical instrument8rT l firs,
    sable, ermino, black fox and
    dried fruite.
    This trade is carried on at Shining or Sitting, a garrison
    town on the woetern froutier of China.
    Chinq
    Tdbet to N epal, to Ti,bet

    Rocksalt, tinkal, gold dust, Silver species, coarse liaer


    pearls, corals &nd a littlo cJoths, gurreetree, rice, copper.
    quantity of musk, woollen Through Nopal also paso
    cloth, lamb skin and cortain Englieh commod.ities and Ben-
    goods obtained from Bengal. gal goods like broad cloth and
    the inferior gorts of which ttro
    colours in most, inetances are
    yellow and scarlet. Some few
    triokets, such as enr:fr botes,
    smelling bottles, knives, scis-
    sors, spying glaeses. Of spices
    cloves are most saleable, Thcy
    are the principal ingrediente in
    the composition of the perfu-
    merl rode which men of rank
    7rl. Sqob as oonioBl oboes.
    rNPlI AXD ITS ]IEIGEBOUBS 396

    NeTd to Tbel
    koep oonrtautly burning in
    their proseaco, No sort of
    spioes u8ed for cullinary
    purposos.

    Tibot to Bengal Bengal to Tibet


    The artiolos on tho oppooito Nutmeg, sandal riood, dia-
    eide are by the produce of monds, pearls, emeralds. sap-
    Tibet. o.9., gold dust, musk hirea, phirosa or lapis lapuli,
    and tinkal. corals, jot, amber, chaauk-
    challs, kinlaab, g[zeB8b, moat
    valuod Malda cloths, guzzie,
    Rangpur loothen tobaooo,
    indigo, wooil and other skias.

    ?ilnt to Bh.W,n Blrutan ta ribc,


    Gold duat, tet, salt, woollen English broad-oloth, Raagpur
    clotbs, th6 manufaoture of leathor, tobacco, coaree linen,
    Tibot. guzoe, etc. coarse drapery,
    rico, sandal wood, indigo,
    mitriaDt.

    With As.am there is no intercourae


    f M b LdoblL ard, Kulunir. Ldalch anil Kaahmir ,o ?ibet
    The ffne wool of the goats (the former is the market
    from rehioh shswls sro between Kashmir and Teesho
    maoufaotumd. Lumbo)
    6 fev rhawls, dried fruitg
    apricots, kishuish, rairins,
    currants, dates, almoada, and
    eafrront. ? I

    79. gsilo[ L s.lil to h.vo b€ea [!€il for il]eiDg ih6 head-iltess of tle
    IaBrs ol tLe eoltrgllo 8€ot.
    396 MODXBN }TEPAI,

    Khambacb1 t to Tibd.
    Iloraos, Dromedaries ( camele ) Bulger hidm (Rureian
    leather)? !.
    A boue0oial traffo is oarried on with Lhasa in excha,nging
    gold duet for silver bullioa. Eato of carriago from Phari to
    Teeshu J,umboo for the hire of ons bo&st of burden that oarties
    200 cwt.; is eight or nino Indormillies?' equivalent to threo
    siooa rupeoe. t ?

    ANGLO.NEPALESE AIFAIBS

    It
    was no socrot thsb the British wero hostile to the
    growth of Gorkha powor in Nepal and they had left no etoas
    unturned to proyent it. In theeo oircumstoncos it wsE but
    uatural that th6 Gorkhalis did not trust British itrtontions
    oven when tho subjoct was inaocuous. For th&t re&son tho
    idee ofeigning a Trado Pact with the British Governn€lt
    of Bengal was intolerable to tho sentiEent of tho Closkhalis? t
    and thoy had shunnod and eva.dod tho attompt on tho psrt
    of tho British to oarry trad6 nsgoti&tion8 till as lato as 1792.
    In that yoar, howover, taking advantago of tho r€pested
    roqueets of the Gorkhslie for Britieh interveation in tho
    Tibeto-Nepaleso conflict, tho Govornment of Bongsl &ttempted,
    tbough unsuccesefully, to impore a trado peot on Nopal,
    the full accouot of which will intercst thc readeis. The

    ?1. A ttibe oI SsLDEls.


    ' ?6. gkinr luU of bott6r' roliSious ttibute to Tsbi LsEs (Pa,trobao I.E ).
    ?6. The ooi!6 ol N6IreI, so'csll€d tft€t tho Ea.De ol the BuI6r f,ho f,tat
    ooileil silvot rtrIl@6 ia NsIEl. Tha€6 wore ilobasoil aEA w@o ourtoDt
    ;n Titot at o lorer rrts ot .erohoage rith tho ftdis[ totae ot 6v€n rriih
    plrg Natl.leae rEI,€6.
    17. Eottof;t, Op. Crl., III, P. 1C7?. Ihoro is . lePloihctio! of Tur[6'r
    reIDrts.
    ?8. Tho KhgiioE oI Nopal beosloo Ltrowtr rs Gotlhr o!..ooult ol tL.
    rolilg ilymsty h.ritg cotrtlloil tL. vsllet rtoe i hill PltEolpslitt'oI'th.t
    Erhe rhioh i6 .ltu.teil f,lty Eit€s ilse wost o, tr tLe.!Ao. '
    I{[PA', AIiD TTg 39?
    'C'IGSBOUBA
    trade paot was a cuLninstion of a soriea of efrorts sads in the
    dircction by the Britirb suthoritios to influonce Nepal in so
    m&Dy rsys, whioh had oxtondod for an uncortrin periotl of
    morr thsn twonty yoerB involving difrertnt phases of Ang'lo-
    Nopalose relatiou, It is now nocoBsa,ry to take up tho account
    of A.nglo-Nepalose relationr for these years before we dea,l
    with tho trado pact of 1792.
    To the lgador of the Gorkhalis goes the undoubted crodit
    of foiling the British imperielist designs on Nepal, Einding
    that the Esst Iadia Company rras gradually strengthening
    ite position in tb6 couotry and showing iDoperislistic
    tsndenoies Pritbviuarayaa Sheh was oll along opposed to any
    sort of eettlemont sith the British and, from the vory stert
    ofhis caroor, his movoments wore directed to prevoDt their
    asoenda,ncy iu his domain. The grandoet etratogic defoat
    whioh he inflicted on the British was to drive Captain Kinlooh
    from the fortress of Siudbuli, &n event which terrified ths
    Glovernment of Bougal into accepting as fait accompli the
    Gorkba conquest of Nopal? e. As the preeent orticle purports
    to deal with tho question in its full, other details will follow,
    but horo it will suffce to aoto that the Shah had proved a
    euooeeeful oonquoror whose doinge had discouraged tbe British
    from attempting rnilitary interference ia Kathmandu 80. Tho
    British hld boen awaro that Nepal could bo touch€d only &t
    9 great risk and injury to British interest. But for about
    t n years since 1767 the British authorities pursued a polioy
    altrcraating botween intriguea for a dominat position in the
    politics of Nepal aud formal peaceful approach f,o Kathmandu
    for eocuring oommerciel intorcoutso with thie country.
    ?9, Osptaiu KiDIooh wcs scnt to inveile Nepal o,1 b€ha]J oI R.iN
    Jsyaprskrsamalls of KsthEerilu. who sPPsled lor Bdtish holp thloEgb
    th6 Oollector of Bettia ( Iettet froro Il Bulrbolt, A!!il ,0' 1?6?). Raler to
    Beigal Past and Pr.serr, vol IX pp. 99, tr; B. B. Goweli' Ptithtinorayah
    Sial (Nepafi)1 N. Ohstt !j6o. Yerelst" Rde in ladia, C}-. II i P. Auher.
    RjlE ond Progr*r of the Eritish Power in ladia, D9. 181-206 i trllkD.tlict.
    An accowt of th. Nepal,-1811, Pp. 2?0 tr.
    80. Seagol Select Coaglitteo. Febmsry 16, 1768.
    398 IODEBIT IXEP.AI

    After Kiuloch'a dofeat &n sttenpt va,s msdo to renow th6


    orpodition, but the Company's pro-oooupstion with Eaidor
    Ali io the South dismissed the posEibility of euch adventure.! I
    Tho East Iadio Comprny meanwhilo tried to get opportunity
    to advance its commorci{il oaterprire. Until suoh time as
    military expodition beoamo practioable, E 2 trade considoration
    alone was to bo tho guirting foctor. In bir despatch of
    l6th M&roh 1768, the S€cret&ry to the Board of Directotg
    of tho East India Company wrots to thoir Council in Calcuttt
    'to obt&in the beet intelligence you c&n whether trade can be
    opoDed with Nepal aud whether cloth and other Europoa,n
    oommoditioe may not fiud tleir way from theuce to Tibet,
    Lhtsa and Wsstorn parts of China.'st Another propoad
    towarde sookiog trade facilitios in Nelnl was moot€d out by
    tbe Court of Directors iu thoir letter to ths Pregidont and
    Council of Calcutta, s8 they vroto 'to cotrsidor whethor a
    sohome ofouttiug sticks for masts &hd yard and proouring
    pitch tar, etc in the Morang oouutry could be implomentod'
    (30th June, 1769 Pam 30). tr'or all thie it was essontial
    that the goodwill of the Clorkha Meharajs bo obtefued.
    But the l&tter was irreoonoilablo to any entroaty of tho
    British, as was ehown from tho way ho prohibiteil the eutry
    of oertaia Briti8h traders to Kathmandu. Ee had alro
    approachod the Lhaea outhoritios not to entortain the Britirh
    ofror of sctabliehlng new trado rcl&tions betwoon Tibet and
    Bongsl.84 The British howover desired to pursuo tha msttor
    imeslrctivo oI his atitude. Although evon l&t€r he tumed a

    81. A Corrrwchenliec Hisroty or lndia by BevetiilSe, rI. P. g.


    8!. Iatt€t frou Ooutt, Novemhor 11. 1768.

    Bg. Fott VilltatuIldio Eoutc Coneqnndencc, Yol. V. pp, 1q81, PtbIo


    I4tt€t Ir@ Cautt, l(.tch, 1168, Prlr 18.
    16
    84. Pritheintloystr thrh h.il cl.o ln Eiia tho iDiltrrtlid ProsPottty
    olhls oountry, whioh he wrateil to uga lor hir or?! o6coriblcy iE Tibott
    .oi.rirg to op6tr Lotodos thqB.
    ]CEPAL AND rf8 XATOEBOURS 399

    deof ear to the proposal for a negotiation contained in


    Verolst's letter to him,80 tho Brltish had wanted to make
    a formal approaol to him with a show of frieudship. They
    now deepatchod'a man of high position to vieit Nopal and
    confor with tho rulor.'86

    Jqrna, Lagor.'a Bpg ieeion.

    Jame! Logan who ras doputed to do tho neodful in thie


    ondeavout rocommeudsd a policy of intrigues with tho eriled
    rulers &s aa alternetiyo msthod of reh&biiitation (Lotter datod
    August 25,1769). This nau had formed a uotiou that
    Prithvinarayau Shah woukl on no acoount enoourago British
    trado iuterest in antl through Nopal. Primarily Logan woa
    entrust€d with the task ofoarryiog a letter ofthe Governor
    to the Gorkhali King ae a mark of formal &pproach for olose
    and friendly relations betwoon ths Eoat India Company and
    Nopal. This lotter aesured Prithvinarayan Shah that only due
    to ingorance the British had aesistod tho Nowu Raja, and now
    as they wero fully acqu&irted they would oa no ascount support
    any other perty eroopt tho addressee.sT It appeare that Iogan
    did not teko the troublo of deUvering the letter to Prithvinr
    rayan Shob. IIo wae go prejudicod in the oase thet ho advised
    his boss to rtoouo JayapraLissmalla imtead. Eo hinself
    undortook to go on a secrot apying missioa to ditrorent p&rt8 of
    Nopal.&] Aocordingly the English royerted to tho old poeition
    ard triod to baok up tho oause of the dothroned rolers aud
    workod. hard for th6ir r€otoretioa. Iogan'e mirsion wae ssddlod
    with doubls objeotive. Wbilo he va8 to luro Prithviaarayan
    85. Copiss i5s[eil, 1769-70 Nos. 106 eod 107. It apl]enrs irolrl s lette! oI
    the Governor th&t th€ Briti8h eveD lslourrceal thsir ooDDectioD witb the
    N€war rul€rs to pl€sr4him (NoleDb€r 13, 1769).
    86. CPC, Ir. N. 1636.
    87. OPO,1I. N. 1686. Lettot ilstoa Nov6mb6r 13, 1169.
    88. I[ js Dot clear to *hiob port ol Nsprl IJog&D h8,il moeaal. Boglo
    E€poried (P.lr8) th&t tho gorkhsl8 iBlolEed the'l'ashi Lsms ol t}o movo-
    meDt of a, Firiugi.
    tt00 UODXBIC }lEPlL

    Sbah by e:prrssing friondly sentiment of tho Company, he va*


    to enliet tho eupport of all the elomentE hostilo to the Gorhhalir
    for the seoond &ttompt to bring Nepal under Btitish orbit of.
    influonce. The first gwarm of omigraats from Nopol, rhich
    mainly consieted of refugeee, moetly dothmood rulors, had founrl,
    shelter in the frontier dietrict of British India, from whsre t
    ceaseless intrigue &gsinst tho Shah dyDssty wss boiog oarriod
    with the connivanco of tho Comp&ny. Logan's first step w&B.
    to egteblish olaudostine contfscts with the oxilog. B,aja Ka'ran
    Singb later su erile in Bettia and thon a ruler of Sapteri,
    jranuotl permission to the British mission going thono; to tho
    Chumbi volloy to uss tho trfor&ng-Toesta road as r quitl pro
    quo for tho help ho orpeotod ftom them to meet Gorkhali
    attack on his domaio.89 This rae the only routo loft for
    Britieh morohandise to Tibot after the Kathmaudu"Kuti ;route
    wag olosod permaDently.go
    White in the torritory of Karan Singh, Jamoe Logan hoped-
    also to obtain guidos and intelligenco'in oriler to Proseouto my
    iouruey'.gr Tho ogtonsiblo object of this ho outlined w&8 to,
    gain acoess to Tibst rhero according to his informatioa Jaya-
    prakasamalla war liviug after haviug fled the country on hir.
    dofeat by tho Clorkhalig. In 1769 Will Mitleel and in 1770
    Franoie Poscock and Jamss -Christio sttenPtsd to oxplore tho
    rogions covorod by this highway ou tho ordor of the Council.9&
    Theso gentlemon had besn instructed uot to dabblo in politioal
    activities. Although thoy could not negoti&te Bhutan, Poaoook
    obtained from the Raja of Morang 'Coran Sing the sole right of
    outting furs in hie couatry'. It wos, however, found in Calcutte
    thet tbe timber 'wae of inferior qu&lity, rotten at hoart and

    89. yiile Lir letter Marsh ,9,1767i Cal.idar of Pe6tal Cottctpondcro ,,


    Yol, II. PP. 67-68t Publio l6tt6! floa Oourt Mrroh 10' 1768' Ilrrr 4. J-
    I.gsD's l6tter ilsha O.C Ootober 81, 1769'
    cO. EorBe D6I.!tDeEt, O.O. No. !D of Noveobet 15. 1169.
    91. O.C.I., Octobor l3' 1769.
    S,!. floa6 DElsltEent, O.O. No. I ot 16 Ootobd. u69'
    93. Eoloo DoIErtE€ut Poblio MiDg ol Not@bec ,9, l?70.
    I{EP.IL .IITD II8 ITEIOEBOUBA 401

    woighty'.9a We do not hear of Logao any moro in Bubsequent


    doapatohee. It seems, howover, th&t h6 wa8 pureuinr hia lino
    of aotion in ths eaetont part of Nepal, while pretending to
    oont&ot Prithvinarayau Shah on apparently a friendly mission.
    But the dread of Gorlha lnterference occasioned by their
    rapid oxpausion towards tho e&rt frustrated the joint labour of
    those Englirhmen and it seemed that tho lost hope of a,
    Dranoeuyre of tho tind euggested by Surgoon Logan was now
    fading oway.
    IVe do not know how I-,ogan obtained his informstion about
    the flight of Jayaprakasamalla in Tibet. But newe of tho
    lotteds death in Bhatgaou in Novenber, 1769 must have
    roaohod Caloutta in tioo to prevent Logan from uudertaking
    tho arduous jouraey into tho Eimal&y&n region as he had
    planned. It is muoh probable that ho returned from the Terai
    at the end ot 1769.
    Eis mission hail surely failed, but he had tho satisfaotion of
    rsoertaining the ststo of commerciol trans&ctions between Nepal
    and Patua. Thus wrote J. Logan h O. C. 3r, October 1709 :
    In tims of pea,co & oorsiderable tra.do used to bo canied on
    bstwoen thoir city aud Nepal, the chief erports of Patna in
    this trsde wero coarso woollen clotb, Patna chintzea, nutmegB,
    oto., tho imports wore gold iugots, gold duet, borar, muek,
    oowtailr, chirres, eto. The common value of gold in Nopal,
    and it is chiofly brought there from'Iibet, is said to bo 50 per
    cent leas tha,tr it is at Patna. Ee added'loaded bullooks may
    travel. Tho Gendak is navigable for big boats to witbin two
    daye journoy to Nepal. The Bagmati to vithin 20 Cos.' (Ilomo
    Dopertment O. C. No. I of 3l October, 1769).
    tr'or eometimos since the failure of Logau'e aotivitiee, tho
    lino of aotion adopted by the British become cbscure. Probably
    thoy would not find any lino of conduct, and therefore thoy
    allowed the m&tter to reBt at this Btege.

    94. ED.O.O, No. l(r) ol 16t g€ptoDb6t, 17?2; O.0. No.13 ol 10gopt to-
    b6!, Uzl.
    402 IIODNBN IBP,TL

    Of oourae, the British vere not sitting quiat on tho dobaolo.


    Now thst the Nepal affair was completely gone out of their
    hand, thoy were scauning prospects of alternetive tredo rout€6
    for their msrchandiso in tho oaetern Eimalayas.
    In the meantime, tho suddon &pp€aronco of the Aoglo-
    Bhutanoso P&ct of l?72 revived hopes iu the doapoadent hea,rte
    of the British. But tbe Bhutanese route had its own ehort-
    coming. 'What the Britieh wanted by a sottlemont with tho
    {lorkhalis was the facility to uso the road to Tibet for their
    merchandies.o6 Pihar and Bongal had a l&rge erport trade
    with lower and contral Tibet, which was carried from Patua
    through Kathmandu and its four contres Chinachin, Bonisahar,
    Russoagorhi aud Dolkha ( Kirkpstrick's Memorandum,
    Appendix L ). It was the tuaditional highwoy which reachod
    Kathmandu from P&tn& within g or l0 daye. The Baa]6 fecility
    could not bs obtained by tho Bhutanese routo, for thers reero
    ao navigable rivers liko tho Gandak, Bagmoti aud Kosi in the
    3hutanese rogioa on this sido of tho lfimalayae.g6 Eowever,
    Bhutau oEoted a,n outlet to the Chumbi Yolloy and for tho
    tim6 boiug fulfllled a grea,t ne€d of the trading oommunity of
    Britieh Iudia.g7 Duo to Britieh rsadinees to como to terms
    with the Deb Raja, no a,ttention vas givon to the promotion
    of Anglo-Nopaleso rolationg for that poriod and tho prospect of
    rapproaohoment with tho Nepaleao woe ronderod all the more
    romote.
    But to the British, beoauso of intial difrculties. the Auglo-

    95. Th6 raerchsEaliso ooDsistsal oI woolle[ l cottoE pi€oe-goods, stsplos


    r
    eEil p€a,rb, whioh w6re exoh&ng6a ior Eusk. chowrie, we1 botrx aaal gotat,
    the lsst b€ing ooEpeEtively ohosp€r sEt[ therololoI souroo oI Euch profit
    (IHQ,1933i D6oehbe!) i )€tt€! iloD golootoolnElttee to Oourti gept6Eb€!
    26i 1167i letk! to th€ CoDaitt€e, AEgu$ rq 1767 i Tunoor's UoEoira rnil
    his r6l'orts irloorporstoal ir Ilotrost,s Selectio,/.r fro Foreigi Departmenr.
    Prpers III; Pp. 101L-79 \ Calehdar of Persian Correspondence, yL p..g{G;
    LoI)g, A selection frum unpubl ished Records. Vol. I. p, ,BO.
    96. trirkpatliok. Irid.
    97. Klrtpatriok. ,rid.
    NEP.AL AI{D ITS NEIoiIlBOl,BA 403

    Bhutaneso trade pcct proved unworlable ond further the Raja'e


    dioposition towarde tho fulfilmont of it was noy€r satisfsotory.
    l(oreover, thero vas the difffcult and rigorous trade route
    paasing through tho dease for.eet and hiUE of Bhutan, which
    admitted of no couvoyance, and which groatly annoyed tho
    British odminiBtratora. r t The inportance of friendly Nopal
    was,thereforo, a questio! Devor to bo lost sight of, even when an
    amicablo sottlement botwesn tho two Governments appeared
    & r6mote posribility i! that contoxt. Nopal, ae a traditioual
    aDd ancioDt highwoy between India ond North-Eastern ABis,
    offered tho bert aud, so f&r, tho only notursl end tho eaeiest
    olleniDg to Britiah commerco. which tho British vsnted to
    reeumo with oouatriee in that area. f,'urthor Nepal's geogrsphi-
    .oal contiguity with eouthora Tibet, & country of oomparatively
    undoveloped oconomio lifo, yet with a lergo potontiality of an
    erport marLet, gavo another importanco to the route &nd tho
    samo waa the deciding factor in detormining the Aoglo-Nepal
    rolstions 88 they omorg€d with the trado pact. Mr. Samuel
    Turner who led the Socond Trade Miesion to Tibet and who
    utrdersteod the difficulties att€ndiug tho oponing of ths rout6
    througbBhutan had writton oopiously, urging the Government
    of Bongol to Eeoure the Kathmandu-Kuti routo for that
    PurPoso.
    Boglo's sttompt to establi8h direct contaot with Tibst from
    Seugal had failod to attaio ite objoctivo. Ee was shunned,
    ond the general sttitudo of the Tibetans was to avoid auy kind
    of oontact with British, Bogle had felt thst tho Engliel wore
    regarded aE prospeotivs conquerors o[ the areae routrd them
    aud theroforo their movement was vatohed with euepicion.
    It was in theso circumstancee tbat Bogle's eyes had aho
    turned to Nopal anil Nepsless routo to Tibot ( Pub. Conrultf
    April r9, U79 ).

    9B Red trilkpstriol, Appe0dix L. Pirsg, I heve rililerl tbe vhole


    totbrt oD tb€ .t.te ot BritiEh-Neprlose t!.il,o flaDed by O.pt itr trhkp.triok
    ot the e l ol the prE.ent sltiole.
    101 roDlBrr NEFJ,
    ft the Tashi Lama had assured Boglc to uee
    wre roid that
    hig influonce with tho Chine8e empero! to allow the Tibetan
    Glovernment 'h&ye oontacts rrith the British on commeroial
    m&tters'. Th6 Lsme had aleo writteu to tho Nopelero Kitrg to
    opotr tho uouel trado route of Nepal in ordor to lot unhindered
    all merohandiso passing botwoen Tibet aud India (Pub. Conaul6,
    April 19, J779, No. 2).
    But wo do not kaow if this had pro-
    duoed ony offect ou Nepaloso euthorities.
    It appears that Britieh wontod to otrltiva,to good lelation
    with Nopal at this stego. But there wore impedimente in the
    vay of a rapprochomont betweolr the British and the Gorkhalis.
    The British had not yot renounced th€ir cl&i@ over tho dispu-
    ted rroas in tho Terai. Thoy hsd &l8o not disoarded tho dual
    polioy altogethor.
    Until 17?6 A.D. tbe British had not oompletoly relin-
    quished the intontion of subjugating the Gorlhalis by a
    rocourse to wlr. A euggestion by the Patna Counoil iu Juno
    l7?l thet tho Tautar Paraganas, and tho whole of the Ierai
    up to Kosi inoludiug Janakput, should bo forthwith ocoupied
    by the British forcee wae etill under oonsideration oI the Board
    of Direotors. Ths Coloutta suthorities had not eooepted the
    proposal to invade but had eaid that'we shall keep the demand
    to tho aunual tlibuto Paid for thoso pergenas, 12,500
    rupoos iu elephants at tho oustom&ry reto' (India ofrice, Public
    Consulatiou s, ff&23, f47-63).

    Olit Policy DiscariLd.

    But &bout thig time the British hed eufficiently realieed


    the futility of a dual policy pursued ro far in their dealing
    with tha Gorkhali rulers of Nepal, Thiepclicy had oot paid
    them auy dividend whatsoevor. It had ouly entagonised the
    ruliag authority in NoP8l without in sny vay influeacing tbe
    ovonte thero. The Gorkhalig wero grorirg ftoro strength to
    8ttrongth, whilo oll tho portiaans of tho BritisL 'rero ougtod
    ftom power ond forcod to livs itr orile. The lrtter rere so
    1{8PAL .A]XD IfE TXIOEEOUBA d06

    nuch reduced that thoro waa no poiot iu supporting tbem


    4,8 ag&iret thoee eolidly entrenched on the soil of Nopal.
    Ifore tras & situation to comp€l tho Btitish to have $cond
    thoughts on thoir policy uia o o{r Nopal.
    ,By 1774 Morang was anneled to Nepal by the Oorkhali
    invaders and all hopoe of tho Britiah for securiog a foothold
    in th&t area had vaniehed. We have alroady observod how
    the British authorities up to tho last had tried to get hold of
    the two Parganas of Amirpur aud Baijitpur. But they hsd
    fiiled. Nothing short of war would have en&bled them to lBy
    hold on the touitories oocupied by the Gorlhalis. In rega,rd
    to Morang &lso th6re wero Beveral suggestions f<x a speody
    military aetion on their side. One Raja Ajitsinho of Purneo
    had ofrorod them all belp if tho Britieh would go to the
    rescue of Diwan Budhakarna Rai.99 But the British wero
    cautious onough to rejeot all such sdrice likely to load thom
    to cl&sh with the Gorkhalie. So they would not do anything
    moro than sending e nounsl protost to the Nepal rulor for hiE
    ocoupation of Baijitpur and Anirpur.l@
    All this howover wae ofno avail in inducing tho oocupsnt
    to relinquish his hold. But the British had got to be reooncilod
    as they vero ontirely holplosa in the matter.
    At .tho end of the deacriptiou about Nopal it DaEhtr
    Bhahnama, etc, noticed in an isguo of the Procoediugs of the
    Indian Eistoric&l Rscorde Commiesionrrol tho author *roto
    th&t Rajs Ranajeotsinha of Bhatgaon sought eB intsrview with
    ![r, Ale:andor, the Chief of Potna Council of &ovcnue, rho
    wmte to Cslortte. But Iator ss Rs!&jeot died this mtttor did
    Irot coE€ up for oonsid€rstion ct that lovol. It was gaid thst
    Ranajootsinha hed santad British holp to rostoro his son
    Abdhuteinha to tho g8ddi. Somotimo later Raja Kirtilbam of
    Maloibam olso tried to help him. Wa,rten Eastinge vcs

    99. CPo. IV, N. 1998. Iattot oI Nov66b.r li,


    100. oPo, rY, N. 1{48.
    10r. XYUI, 191, (rtitt .bor.).
    406 IIODNBN NEPAL

    aproaohod for 20,000 gun8. Kirti promirod help of his pooptes


    to Abdhut. Thie man continued to reprro8ant his oaBo to the
    British e€ late &s U88. Ee domandoil two battalions to invsdo
    Nopal, but thio w&e refused in ii€w of the ohanged oonditioa
    in Nopal.108 A similar request by Earakumardatta Sen of
    Tanhou was turned dowa by the Govoruor-General for the
    tome roason.l03
    It is obvious that ths Britieh had refussd to involve them.
    oolves in intriguos against Nopal tho more they found that
    circumstanoes had eltorcd to tho oltent that euoh a policy ra+
    expeot€d to bear littlo fruit iu thoir fevour. But it took then
    nearly nine yoars to finally disentangle thomsolvos from thc
    aflair.
    Ws sball find thot a full realisation of tho situation hed
    como by l?76 as their &ttempt to build a trade routo through
    Bhutan had failed.
    While we ooneider British polioy towards Nepal in this
    poriod wo haye to boar in mind two factors, (l) that tbe British
    had not at the tim€ thought of colouiring Nepal or making it
    a subsidiary Btato and that (2) thoir foromost oonsideration was
    to opeu Nopal, and through Nepal the hinterland of Tibet for
    thoir commorcs, Ilowover, it did not mean that they would
    let slip eu opportunity for gaining political aecondancy in
    Kathmandu.
    It appears that tho procoss of diseotanglemo[t Bt&rted in
    1776. Now the British authoritios disavowod &ny intentior
    to claim disputed t€rritories and to involve themselvee in
    activitiee against the Goyornment in Kathmandu.
    In 1776 the distriot of Morang was completoly dropped
    out of British claims by an order of the Beugal Council (A,R,.
    3, P. 82). The eriled rulerr wero totally disowned and the
    claimg forwarded on their behalf could no lougor form a
    standing ground for Britieh intoryontiou. Thore would be

    1Or. CPO, YIII' No. ?23' 1356, 1306; CPC, VII, N. 84?,
    103. OPO, Vrr N. 1381'
    IIEPAL AND XfB IYDICEBOI'Bs 407

    henoeforth no dispute or withholding of .reyenues on that


    occount over all the lands of debatable jurisdiction. Since
    then in the next ten years, thereflore, a backgrorrnd wa&
    prepared for a futuro move os it were to compensato tho
    rituation when the Britieh met with disappointment from thc
    Bhutanoso quarter. Rautahor and Pacbrauti wero finally
    handed over to tho Nepalese Govornment in l?83 as a token
    of etrict oompliance with the findings of an impartial tribunal
    coneisting in thie oaee of Mr. Brooko, the Chief of Patna
    Council, amongst others, who had settled the dispute in favour
    of the Nepal Government.ro{ One Mirza Abdulla Beg was
    claiming his Zamindari rights over Rautahar. This in itself
    was not vory inportant, but it paved the way for an amicabls
    eettlement betwoen the two Governments and set an example
    for future uegotiation and settlement. The British Government
    also assured protection to tho Nepalese pilgrims coming to
    Gaya, who wero till then subjected to molegtation by one
    Mantaram in the servioo of Mr. Barkatullah at Haziporo. r 0 5

    Iomroft Deputeitr

    At about this time the British Glovernor-General dosired


    to send ono Mr. X'orcroft on a deputation to Nepal with
    presents and messege of goodwill to its King and Governmeat.
    Wo do not know as to whethor X'orcroft was allowed to visit
    Kathmandu. But Tlanen Ilastinga' lottor to tho King of
    Nepal, dated January 1,178{ givos this kind of information.
    In thie communication the Governor-Gleneral urged for tho
    establisment of friendly relation between the two countrios.
    The British had developed close neighbourly relation with

    104. Mirze Abtlullr was ileolrred to heve no olaimrovor theso Prrgaaasl


    on the grouutl that they originally belongeil to the Reja oI Meckwanpur,
    whoee territory aow formeil prrt of the Gorkha Kingtlom (CI. 14. PP. 27-28).
    OPC' VI, n. 911.
    LOi. A Handbok of the Bihar Proyincial Records, P. B?, Irtter reoeived
    ftom tho Raja of Nepol.
    408 ODBBTI I{IPAL

    Bhutan and Tibot. Thorofore, th6re was all the greater reaaon
    for tho two countrios'to rsnew tbe old relstion kroring by
    rrporiooco thet tr&d€ by eupplying difrerent n;tior8 with
    goods which thoy w&nt in erchego for thoss which they hsy6
    in plenty ia a eourco of bleesiag t'o m&nkiad'. r 0 c
    Without further inforoation of f'orcroft's miarion, it is
    impossible to have an idoa of the mood of the Nepaleso about
    tho intcoded move of the British. But tho lottor of tho
    Goverrior-Goaeral in this regard provee beyond doubt Britieh
    ooDcern to gain commercial fecilitiee in Nepal. Thoy had not
    beea ublo, howover, to cut much ice by all the8e efort8.
    It w&s true that in spite of all this certain point8 of dispEt€
    yot remained unsolved, euch ag tho questio[ ofthe owuorship
    of certain bordec villagos in Tichutl07 and Champaran.l0 t
    The clairn of t,be Nopal Governmont o\ lbe taplns of Rampur,
    Chiswan and Jamh,ruli noar tho fort of Someswar algo bsd
    not be6n settled inspite oftheir repeated requests.ro D The
    Nepal Government h;rd algo felt comeplled to complain agai:rat
    the Nawab Vazir of Oudh who"e men had joiaod hande with
    somo of the Nopaloco oriles to raid ond ravage tho Pergaru,
    of Shooroj.llo [t w&8 8&id tba,t tho Psrgan& was a disputod
    aroe, &nd Nop,rl requirod to eetablieh it's right over it. Tho
    British aleo wero cautioug onougb to se€ that ro arme and
    ammuoitian roached Nepal. fn September, 1789 they eotu&lly
    stopped a consignment of 500 gune purohasod by Dinanath
    Upadhya,l lr while presenting a mu8ket to the King. Although

    106. CPC, VL N. 949.


    ry. cx,. Yr. N. 11{1
    108. OPC, VI, N. 15{o.In s letter ilstaa Doo66bo! 18,1784 tho OoU6otor
    ot firhot r€guosteil th€ Bsjr ot NeIEI to prgroEt his beu troD iEt6rIeliD8
    la th6 vill'i8e ol Itsh.lwa or AEstalw. (OI, 15, p!. 70 71, No' 16 ; TI, ,g !.
    ?6, No, rr7). A similrr lotter ts rditr€slail by tho Ooll€otor oIOhrEIBt,!
    oE tb6 mbi€ot ol illrtsrhonood i! lfu![lo MEnroo, whioh I'& she.ily rcttld
    bya ooBtt ct with tL6 Roj.. OPO, VII N. t49, SOO, 1O8q 1!8r.'
    109. OPO, Vrtr, N. 6.
    110. oPo fE, N. 068, 8?4, t?87
    111. CPg VnI N. 69.6
    ISIPAI, AND If8 XEIOSEOIIBA 409

    the Nopal Glovommont Fas apparently reoonoiled to this


    'ooourtnco aaying'thir does Bot mettet 8o long ss tboro romeinr
    friendship botwesu the two'1r' yet this was enough to indictto
    the Etato of distrust botvo€n the two. But theso were uot euoh
    a8 to staud in tho way of a trade pact or of any sort of
    rapprocbemout orr other vital questions in view of the
    dov€lopments that had occutred in 1788-92'
    In 1788-89 presont8 were o:ehanged botwegn tho
    Governor-Cloneral and tho King ofNoptl,rrs ard Nepalose
    pilgrime aud morch&rrtr weto assured of tbo most cordial
    treatmeut in Indian oentres. Tho occasion of the King'e
    marriago iu l79I further wae utiliEed by tho Britieh to eend
    felicit&tions and presonts to him. But now there woro oth€r
    dovelopmonts in Nopal, which facilitated British move to
    nogotiate a oommercial sottlement with this country.
    It wae said that Aoglo-Nepalese relation a8 it stood in
    l?88 wag much fovourablo to the British line of policy
    rerovated since l?76. The old bitternese in their relation ras
    gore. The British were now obsolutoly reconcilod
    to the eristsnce of tho new Kingdoom of Nepal
    ruled by tho Gorkha dynmty. Thoy were ouly seeking trade
    advantsges iu the now situetiou. But the Nepaleee had not
    totally shaken off thoir dirtru8t of the Britieh. They under-
    stood tho chango in Bdti8h Ettitude towards them &8 dictated
    by chonged circumsta,acss. Although tho Nepalose &uthoritiog
    acted subsequcntly to suit their neode; it oppoaroal that
    their readiuess to oouo to terms sith the British oveu oYor
    tfedo mett€rs wos aot devoid of re8erYstiou. Ae soon as ths
    'oompulsion war goao, they would behave difforontly.

    ?ln Xirat Anglo'NePalue ?rad,e Pact

    To aitil to thoir readinoss or rpishee to cultivst'e the friend-


    'rhip of Nepal, the British Governmeut suddonly twoko to a
    u!t. Ibiit. Atrglst 2t, 1788, N 1386.
    118. cPo, vlu N 1356.
    410 UODNBII NTP L

    n€w dovelopnont in tho Nepaleee foroign policy. Tho Nepalese


    having invadod lower Tibot and pluudored its mon&storioB
    o&Ee to closo grips with the Chineso army, to face which was
    oortsinly a tosk beyoud Nepal's orn rosouroes. But uuooa-
    ditional surroader was vhat they would not conooive ; this
    had to be avorted at oll cost i so the Nepalese turned towarde
    the British. 11{ An onvoy from tho Mahoraje of Nepal waited
    on tbe Govoruor-Goneral at C&lcutt& end expres:od on hig
    macter's behdf hie roadinoee to nogotiato & tr&de pa,ct as e
    oondition for tho British help in tbe war againet, China. It
    appears that on British side, Jonathan Duncan sag the pmae
    mover in ioepiring and faoilitating tho nogotiation to that end.
    Tho idea of a trade p&ct w&s alresdy pros€nt in his mind
    whilo the talk was formally opeued by tho Nepalese. Becaure
    of his position as the Britieh Resident in Banarae he ha.d
    boen able to conclude a trade paot vith the New&b of Oudh.
    As Banaras used to &ttract & large numbor of Nepaleso traders,
    mondicsnts, pilgrims aud eriles he algo came to possess
    iatimate knowledge of Nepal. Before the arrival of the
    deputies from Nepal ouo Rajguru Gajraj Misra had a talk with
    Mr. Duncau on the subject. As ono having a long conneotion
    with tbe Rogent in Kathmondu thie person carrisd some
    influenoe at tho Court of K&thmsndu. I,lr him Mr. Duncan
    had aeoured the right por8otr to oonduct negotistion. euito
    possibly Clojraj Miera was the ohannol through which Dunoan
    had estoblished commuoication ryith tho Nepele8e authoritieg.
    Xlom & lotterll6 sent by Nepal,e Maharaja to Cornwallis, we
    ar6 led to inf€r that the suggestion of a trads pe,ct aa quid pro
    gua for Britiah sssi8t&nco in the Wor bad oome from Dunoan
    himself. But this Eust not h&vo occurred to him without

    L14. Fo! Iitoto.N€Itrloso Wsr ot I?80-91, re.ril Ki.kp.tricl. AppsEili!


    No. L lppolilix No Ili ,l Jounal of rte nh* arrd Orissa Rer.qch Sociery ,
    Vol. XIX Pa.t IV, Pp.316-41q, The wlito! has 8ivctr sightp6d lettals or,
    ths.ubiect, soE6 ol which wels slrcaey pubtisheil by EirLpattioL,
    116. goe tto tt€rt ohapt6r lor a reloroooe to tho lsttor.
    I{E?AI, AIID TTS XNIOEBOVBA 4ll
    somo a.dvico the plight of Nepol
    of tho Raigllru who know
    and tho prodioament in whioh tho rulsrs woro plecod at the
    tire. Tho Rrjguru raa in Nepal et the timo of uogotbtion. Wo
    may imagine that ho had gone thers with a vior to iulluenoo
    tho high ofrcere of ststo mort prtioularly the Bcgent ou
    behalf of Duucan. It aleo appears from rooorde tbat Duncsn
    w&nt€d to moko of tho propsod trsde pact & Btarting poiat
    for all negoti*tion8 of poutio&l naturo tbat was to follor it
    inevitably. The trado poct ha.d a provirion by which tho
    BritiEh vero enabled to Bt&tiotr & roprosnt&tiYe of thoi6 in
    Katbmandu. Whilo trying for tf,e inclusion of this provirior
    iu tho dr&ft troaty Dunosn bad in his mind the neod of
    having a perm&nont political rtprooontative rosiding ia
    Kathmandu and ho had thought th&t tho trad€ sgoDt rould
    be automatioally roplacod by tho lattor iD oouree of time.
    f,'ortunately for. Nepal although tbo treaty was aigued and
    ratified ae Duncan hod hop6d it w&s not implenonted. Eorr-
    evor, Duncau did not anticipato tho turn of uDexpootod ovsntl
    which wero faet dovoloping to make his offorts infruotuous. Eo
    thought thst the prop€r climato for a movo w&a thors. The
    Nepalese, had of their ovn aceord rhown willingnees to como
    to t6rms with the British.- Nor was tho tiEo to eecurc tho
    facilitiee of the Kathmaudu-Kuti trado rout€.
    The first tredo p&ot botweon Nepal and British India weg
    at once takon up for discussion. Taking advantago oftho
    deputies from Nopal arriving in Patna rr0 Mr. Jonathon
    Duncan who, beiug tho Resident in a gtate ( Banaras ), had
    a first.hand oxperience of suoh affairs entercd into dieoussioa
    on the Eubjeot. [rom a lotter11? dated June 7, 1791 it
    appeara that Mr, Duncan wsnted to know tho Btets of trede
    between tho two oountries from the Collector of Sarao and
    Champaran, who rout the uoeeful inlormation incorported in o

    110. The NeI'.l aleputatior coB6it€i[ of Bher Baho,ilor thab, Rrm thab
    llrd Balbhadra gheb.
    71'l . A Hatdbook of Bihqt Records , P . 25 .
    eLZ .roDtglr xrprn
    lotter drted JuIy, l79l.us The Collector of Tirhut ako
    supplied him rith o list of articlee forming the trade ofthe
    two countrios. A Iittlo sarlior the Britigh had informed the
    lfiaharaja that the Britieh hsd removed their trado oirec\rett
    on Indo-Nepal bordor and thfu they had done to facilitote
    movsment of tr&de on both gidol even though the msasure had
    brought a loss in rerenue to them. Witb the knovlodge of
    the condition of trade Mr. Dunoan then proceeded to ftame
    tho olausos ; l re ood the draft was prepared. Tho negotiation
    hrd a emooth sailiog ; aud Glajraj Misra vas eont to
    Kq,tbmandu with tho tlraft for final talks. After eomo
    he8itetica the Nepaleee doputies wore willing to finaliee o
    troety vithout any resclv&tion snd tho first Anglo-Nepalere
    trade p&ot was signed on tho first of March 1792.120 ft was
    to be ratiffed by tho two Governments in the couree of &
    month. The Prerimble to the troaty read :
    Troatv authentic&tod under the seal of Maharaja Run
    Behauder thoh Eehauder Shumshero Jung; being accordiag
    to the Toety transmittod.by Mr. Jonathan Duncan, the
    Resident rt Benaras, on the p&rt of Right Eonourable Charleg
    Earl Cornwallis, K. G., Governor-General in Council, and
    ompowored by the said authority to conclude a Treaty of
    Commerco with the said Maha Roja, snd to sot e and fir the
    duties payable by tho subjocte of the Espoctive Stltes of

    L18, Ibid A letter oI R. Bathurst, Uollecto! of TLLrq compl.iD,


    aSoiE6t the slbitlsry osil erotbitent Eatu!6 of the aoty ,orieil by th6 Nep.l
    Gov6mrr€ot. Tho st&t€ of trode betw€en Nepal tnd Inilio wes sa lollows ;
    Etlrcrtr to Ne?sl : (1) grlt, (8) Whit€ voouer ctoth, (3) MEstill, (4) MsliL
    cloth, (5) Oocosn[t, (6) EDSlish leil clotb, (?) Elitrihsthsai ehoes, (s)
    ![us]sts, (9) NutEo8., (10) Clov€s, (1.1) Peppe!, (1t) Bupori, (1S)
    Pufter, (14) Opiu.a. IEI,ort f.olE NeIEI : (1) colit dnstr (!) Oroilo bolrr,
    (8)Ivory, (r) I{.x, (5) Y.L's r.il, (6) I€.d, (?) Iror, (e) Ooopp6i, (6)
    Oirohi,! cloth, (10) Obintr, (1ll OiDDrEo!, (19) Eoloy, rsD.jveq (19) TiD
    (!ail Februery, 1?92 ).
    119. Aitchiiotr, U, 1900 p!, !O&IO5; Forres[ pp. 1Og-84, g6o Aptr€nitt!
    No. L E EiltoB'. Ear, Iddto Gazeltaet I Lonilo!| 1815, Erh.otr ),
    7,o,. lhtu|,P.11.
    NAP.'L AND TI8 }IEIOEBOUBA 413

    the I{oaourable Engliah Compauy and thoso of Nopaul, the


    eaid gonileman charging bimeolf with whatoyer rel&tos to tho
    dutios thus to bo payble by tbe subjocts of tho Nopaol
    Government to that of tho Compony; in liko
    hath the aforosaid Maha Raja, with whatover regorda
    -roo", ,..
    the
    dutiee thue to be payeble by the.eubjocts of the Company,s
    Govornmont to that ofNepaul; and tho eaid Troaty iavi-ng
    boen dolivered to m€ (tho 8&id Maha Reja) by Mowlavy
    Abdui
    Kadir Khan, the eforosaid genfloman,s vakeel, or a,gent; this
    counberp&rt tbetoof baving boen by the Nepaul Government,
    hath. been committed to the said Khan. ae hereundei
    detailed' :-Tho draft contained altogether soven arl,iclee.
    Tho treaty wee to be in operation siace gth April l7g2.rrr
    It enjoi:red, 'the officere of both etates shall, in pureuanc,e of
    the Btrictest ordors of both Glovernments, immediately carry
    into effect and obeerve the EtipulBtioDs aforesoid, and uot
    wait
    for any further or Dew attraction,. And for preliminory
    arrangements to bo made in that connection one Abdul
    Kadt
    wa8 sent to Kathmandu oD doputa,tion in tho oompany
    of
    Guru Gajraj Miera. ThiE man waa a muueif in the Doiaui
    Court of Bouaras, and wae a son of the Chief Kazi. Abdul
    Ka.dir ie mentioned as Vakil in a communicstion sent by
    the
    King of Nepol to Ali Ibrshim Khan, Chief Judicial Magistrate
    of Banarag ( 25 Apr , f792 ). This oommuoioation stso
    oonveyed tho nows of the trosty being signed for ratifioation
    in Kathma,adu by the ring and its being corseqireatly
    put
    into effect forthrith within Nopal.rar
    A-li Ibrahim Khan reportod that though iaitially tLo
    --
    Nopalero administration .refused to consider such p-p*itioo,
    as ell the people of that place shun and ,"oia
    EngUatioo anj
    their agentr, but es o result of t*otful poreoasion, it
    wos
    accopted. Abdul, Kadir had returned highly sotisfiod
    and the

    lrl. But iE Attobi.o!'. drsft tha A.t6 glre! t.8dt By.aoL l8{9 ol ttro
    SsEbut Er..
    rot' N' lsr) PP' €&3?' No
    '"ili flo;1"t"ff#i*- if*tli'&?
    "r
    414 ODEBN I{EPAL

    attainmont of thoir obiootivo wal no loee due to the gooil


    ofrcoa of Gajaraj Misr*. r t t
    Unliko temporary Bottlemonts arranged over disputed
    torritories, this paot h&d one advantago from tho Britirh
    atondpoint ; it provided specially for tho protection of Britirh
    morchandiee in Noprloso territory. In othor rsspects, it waa
    of littlo sigoificanco to ths British Government. If its
    advantage va,B the socuring of protection for merchansilise, its
    disadventa,ge wr,e tho omission of sll trsdQ mattere with Tibet,
    whioh, howovor, was the main consideration moving tho
    Britieh. into acoeptiug tho treaty snd theroforo suoh an omige-
    ion w&s an irreparable loopholo. But just to ffll this g&p there
    was & propossl to send a miesion to Ksthmaudu, headotl by
    C&ptain Kirkp8trick,r r r vho war also entrusted with the tssk
    of bringing roconciliation botweon NePa,l and Tibet. IJe was
    to be acoompanied by Nepaleso agonts from Patna where they
    hail oomo to invito bim.r I 5
    Ifowover, beforo Captoin Kirkpatriok etartod for
    'Kothmandu, tho whole background of a situstion neoorsitating
    e pact with the British had undorgone a chauge'
    ln October U92 tho Sino-Nopal truoe h&d beon 8igoed.12'
    'Tho War with Chino was now snded. Therc was no fear of
    an invagion from the north and consequontly the Nepal
    authorities felt no noed of Britieh help. If the Britieh had
    willingly sitleil with Nopal in the very beginiing, tho eubs-
    equent propos&l for a olosor collaboration would hove found
    support with tho Gorkhali leadere' Tho Britieh proved by
    their attituile towsrds the War that,they bad no desiro to
    hetp a einglo party, as they hatl at hoart 'tho maiatonanco of
    tbe most cordial and friondly terms with all povers" 'ard tboy
    doclineil to'infringe rulee of friendship on that ground.lBt

    123, CPC, X' N. 344l6tt€! 21 APril. 1792.


    114. Iattor dat€il Eeptember 9O, 179r. (JBORS' lSgS, P. e]5)'
    126, Ror6, Vol. III' P' 905.
    it6: i;"hi GEo's lett6!, dotoil Juao 28, l?93i Lilo ol JoDg Behedur
    be PodEr JuEr. P.51.
    ' t2?. Lstto-r to th6 Rsie of NoPal, gopteEb€! 16' 1792'
    I'XPI'L A.I{D II8 IIIIOEBOURS 416

    Tho Go;khali leaderr had in mind tho hopo of Britieh


    as8istencs when thoy nogotiatad the trade pact e yoor oarlior.
    Now ag it had uot besn forthcoming aud there was no neod
    of it any moro, thore w&s littlo reaponee from the Nopal
    Government in regard to the propos&ls of Kirkpatrick.
    ft should be boroe in mind that tho Nepalose authoritier
    had never earnestly deeired to promote olorer underetanding
    with tho British, for thoy fully roalised the dangerr iovolved
    in such a, policy. They had sought British help for Nepal,
    because tho country wss under duross. But evon undor
    duress they ha.d uo idea of gotting involved. in eny kinil of
    alliance with tho British. It is obvious that they had put
    their eignature on the oommsroial troaty, not without mentsl
    roservetion, It oppears that inspite of tho treaty, there was
    no desire to implemont itr provisious. So whon the first
    occagion for disougsgomoDt from the committed position wa,s
    provided by tho end of the war with Cbina, tho Nopoleee
    rcfused to have an;rthing to do irr ooqcrsto vith the British,
    though epparently they oontinued to show friendly dispositioa
    towarde them. Tho trado paot becamo practioally o dead
    lottor sfter suoh s tr6atm6ut.
    fq_tho the enigmatic policy and the eelfieh
    attitude of-mo&ntime
    tho East I.otlia Compony ia tle Tibeto-Neoalene
    coufliot lod the Nepalese authorities to form their' owi
    conviotions th&t tho Bdtieh worc only bont on their limited
    intorest. Inspito of certain cour0ierg fa,viuring ." ,lli.;;_ ll.
    general opinioa was againlt it.1r8 So when Kiikpatri"t
    "o."tA

    i
    *t*ru[q$$;**tEi|:f $,-m',,]1,,ft
    H?: tffi" [.:]]:xiT,i,? :',""*'-T",,,.'iHf '"lti,
    f f"'i,.-;"','*"$;,i;:;"Hfi "1",H'f i**r*#il+t*i,,ll"t
    I

    S"tif"*[i:J,f,,lit;"J#"1*"',,-39]o**;,y;,.:.ii;;ldff i*i
    rl+:tff5:*'ri,l1ll*i;i,*1fl -1+:+;l+,i:"qhi'*;r,iu
    *g*,rx;$pi,r*rnt*i"ji*,1*T:ji,
    416 IIODAEX NEPAI

    Nepal, he had to eucounter s grest oppooition, whioh


    ultiustely foroed him out of tbo Liugdom rithout achieving
    his miasion and thus tho vholo ssrioe of attempts in thia
    diroction crumblod liko a houso of oards. The Britich did
    nob profit by tho otber troaty oither, aa it nas not ratifiod
    by tho Nepal Clovernment.
    In truth thsro pao no baeig for the foar ontertained by the
    authoritiee and tho leadore in Nopal that the commercial
    unilertakiig inrolvod in the olaueos of tho treety of 1793 wa8 s
    pert of defensivo alliauce. The British shreetlly syoidod
    speoiffo clauses of tbe nature of a dofeuaive allia,nce et
    tho firet st&ge. Tho entsy of a British diplomat in tho capitel,
    horovor, indireotly might havo brought about intorference by
    him in the admiuistration, that was in itself likoly to be
    followed by opposition or ta,cit &cquioscouoo by tho rulors
    ooncerned. If thoy meokly occopteil British interforonoe,
    then of oourso thoro was aot further trouble. But the
    Clorkhalis would not. tolerate this eituation, Probably the
    Bame might haye led to war causing submission, aud finally
    subjugatiou of all the snti-Britisb €l€m(nte in tho couDtry:
    Nopal thereafter would have been a subsidiary state. The
    non-eccept&nce of the proposed treaty of 1793 had, thcrefore,
    a gteetor sigoific&nce than what it appeored on the eurfaco.
    It kopt Britiah infiltr&tion into Nopal io abeyanco for
    st loast snother fifty yeara.
    The ssttlement thet wae envisaged in accordance with
    the provisions of thc treety w&s nevor realised in praotico and
    th6 Tredo Paot of 1792 was buriod into obliviou in due oourao
    witbout oven I ooremony. But an idoa of tho positioa may
    bo obtained from tho draft ofthe troaty as wo reproiluoe tho
    sam€ in tho nert few page8.1rg
    Wo havo reproduced tho entire draft ofthe trcaty in tho
    noxt fow pagos a8 au appondir &tt&ched to this chapter. The

    129. ttso !e&il. V. A, N.!6iE, Aiglo-Nepalese Comfierciol Trealy of


    1?9r, trBBg, XLIII, Pts, III & IY, PP. 334.10.
    NBPAL AITD IIA NEIOEBOUAS lt7
    duty on. importr was lovied at 2! P. C, the price of articles to
    bo detormined at tbo market rate. For tisBgression of thie
    provision, tho oithor Govornment w&r to putri8h its ofrcers.
    ffthero was thoft or mbbory, tho Zamindar o! propriotor of
    tho are& wso to compoDosto for any loss thus eustained by the
    merch&utE who were to enjoy sho the faoilities of tsking
    their goods beyonil the froatier in caso of Dot being sold
    vithin the country, The troaty was to bo ofootive forthrith
    efter tho r&tificstion.
    As we have eaid the treaty was put into cold storago so
    soon a,fter it was rstified.
    The circumstaucos thst followod the r&tificstion, s,nd
    which finelly rondsred tho instruments inofeotive havs beea
    deecribod in a eeparate chaptor dealing with tho story of
    Captain Kirkpatrict'e misgion.

    APPENDIX I.
    Text of thz ?ra.ila Pmt ol 17g2.1fi

    (r ) In as nuch ar the iotetrtion to the genoral wolfire and


    to the eaao and estiefactioa of tho Eoroh&nts and traders,
    tends equally to tho roputation of the admiuietratorr of both
    Governments of the Company ond of Netrnul ; it ie thorufore.
    agreed and stipulated, that 2+ per cent shall reoiprooally be
    t&kotr, a8 duty on tho imPorts from both countrioe i Euch duties
    to. be lovied on ths amount of the invoicor of the goods whioh
    the merohsnts shall havo sloug with them ; and to detor tho
    said tr&dors from oxhibiting felso invoicee, the seal of ths
    cuetoms house of both countries rhall bo impmssed on the back
    of the said invoiceg and copy thoreof being kopt, tho origiual
    shall be rcstored to tho mcrohauts, end iD oaso8 ,h€re the
    merchent ehall uot heve along with him hfu origind invoice,

    130. C. U. LitchiBon. ,{ Coll*tior of Trcati.t lj,lc, vol. lf (19fg}


    N.\XIII PP. 103{4.
    418 XODNB]S ITEPTL

    tbo cudom houre oftoen sholl in ruch inatanoe, lay down ihe
    duty of 2| psr oont ou a voluation aocording to tho msrlot
    ptico.
    (b) Tho oppoaito statiors herounder a1nciffod, within the
    {rontiere of
    e&ob ooutrtry, aro fired for tf,s dutior to bo loviod,
    at vhioh place the trsdorr aro to pay tho 8&me i &nd &ftor
    having onoe psid dutios and roooiving o Rorannoh (licenoe)
    theroon, no other or furthor duty shall be payoblo throughout
    oach oountty or domiaion respoctivoly.
    (c) Whoover among the ofrcers ou oithor eide shall excood
    iu hie demends for, or oraotion of duty, tho rato hero sp,eciffed
    shall bo oremplarily puniahod by the Glovernnent to which he
    belongs, ao os ofootually to deter others from liko ofenoes.
    (d) In the asse of theft or robberies h&pPoDing o! the
    goods of the merchonte, tho f,'oujdar or ofrcor of tho plaoe,
    shall advising his superiors or Govemmont thoroof speodily,
    oaueo the zeminilors or proprietors of the epoto to make good
    the valuo, which ig in all caaos, without fail, to bs so made
    good to tho merchants.
    (e) In cases whsr.e iu sithor courtrJr any oPPressiol os
    violeaoe bo committod or any merohant, the ofioars of couatry
    vhoroir this may happou shall, without delay, hear aud onquirs
    into the complaints of the Pelsous thus eggriovod, and doing
    them justioe, bring tho ofrendere to puaishment.
    (f)When the m€rchsnts of either country' htving paid tho
    setoblished duty, shtll havo traneforrod thoir goods into the
    dominions of one or the other etsto if such goods be sold within
    suoh Bt&t€, it igwell ; but if such goode lrot aeoting vith sale,
    &nd thst the eoid tradore be dosiroue to trsnsport their sale
    of gooda to any other oountty boyond the limits of oither of
    the reapective statoe iaoludod in tho trt&ty, the subjocta and
    ofrcere of there l&tter shell not tako theroon any other or
    furthor duty than the ffred one levied at tho fust entry t snd
    aro not to oract doublo duties, but ere to ollow such goods to
    .depart in all safoty vithout oppoeitioa.
    NAPAI AI{D ITB ITITOEBOUBS 4r0
    (g) This treaty ehall bo of full foroo &nd v&lidity in r€Bpot
    to the prcsont and futuro rulera of both Glovernnonta, and,
    boing considorod on both sidos as a commerciel trosty and &
    basis of concord betweon tho tro ststes, iB to be st all times,
    observed ead actod upoa h timos to come, for tho publio
    advantago and tho iucregso of friendship.

    APPENDIX II
    Eoads for tho ioprovemeat of thc Treaty of Commorco rith
    tho Nopal Government, pe eubmittod to Bahadur Shah by
    Dlnanath Dopedhyo.
    l. The Maharaja duly to oonaider the terms of the Commer-
    cial freaty of Mrrch, l7gl i to f,eigh woll the adventage likely
    to reault to hia orn Clovsrnnont, ar rell ss to Complny,s from
    e cbrdial and ragulatod porauit of the objocts of it, anal to
    €vinc€ his mgard for the Englirh, and hie desirs to oultiyato
    their friendrhip by promotiug to tho bost of hie power tho
    extersion of his voolloa trsdo, in particular iato suoh partr of
    ?ibet os ehall &ppoar to bo easity acoosaible through the tsrri,
    tory of Nopal,
    2. To agreo, for this purpom, to ths folloriDg stipulstioas
    in fevour of tho EngliEh oommeroe in addition to thoro alreoity
    fired by the sforos&id trosty.
    3. To eagago gouorauy to tske all tradors from the
    Company's pos8ossions uDder biE protection, aad to aford them
    overy security and indulgonce during the etay in his couatry
    that tho intercsts of the rature of his governmont will sllow,
    understanding by the traders hero mentioned, such at moy
    from time to time eator the terri6ories of Nepal for
    commsrciol purpoees under Bowannahs (licenco) regularly
    obtained from tbe custom house offcer-
    4. To facilitstg the msroaotilo opdlatioD8 of the aforosoial
    trotlers by cousenting the oocesionel or coustant reaidence ( as
    420 ODBBIT I{EPAL

    oiroumstono€o msy r€ndor,it noocssary )


    of ono or more nStive
    Clome8thse or agents at each of the following ststions :

    i. At Pistie13l ia tho Kuti quarter (N).


    ii. At Dolkhslg, in tho N. E.
    iii. At Ruesoa in tbe KerameglEs and J oongah (N. W.)
    iv. At Beni8&her (of Malaibum) in the tr[uBt&ng qusrters.
    v. At Ohinnaohin in the Taklakh quarters (ertremo N.W.)
    5. To take the proper me&aures for eecuring to euch
    Gomaethas and their servants suitabls accommodatiou for'
    themselveg and morchandieo; tho Gomasthae dofraying the
    erpenses of tte Bemo, &nd yielding, in oll rospeote, during their
    reeidence due obedieuco to the authority of the Maharaja'S
    officers govorning in the geveral places enumorated.
    . 0. To etrgsgo th&t the afores&id Gomasth&s, Beoparies
    (traders). shall bo permitted to orposo morchsndiso to soll &t
    the soy€rsl plsoos rooited abovo, end to doal without any
    rostrailrt with such Bhoto Bmparios or ttadem aa may repair
    to the said frontier atations, for the purpose of purchasing ot
    bartoring thoir oommoditibs.
    7. To plomiso th&t the &foresdd Gomasthss ot Beoparies
    no domrnda of any kind or on sny Pret€nca
    sh&ll bo liable t,o
    rhatovor, from ths ofrcors governing at tho froutier stetions
    spooiEod or from auy other oftcere of tho Nopal Govornmont,
    eave and oxcept the duties sottled by troaty of March 1791,
    and suoh other additional moderato DuBtoor or foo8 on iho
    aotual reelised amount of their sales (whethor in gold or silver
    or articles of barter) *s thall hereaftor be ffred to bo paid to
    tbe comnanding officors st the frontier places enumorated, on
    their rec€ipt from the ssid officera of passports or &owsnnaha
    to K&thmeDdu.

    13r.. Listi or N6sti.


    r3!. About 00 ailq lrou f,ethraruilu
    133. trfiro!8.
    IIEP.6.IJ trID IlS II}IOEBOITSS 421

    8. To agroo to aubatituting in li6u of tho frontier placos


    above moatiouod any othen th&t m&y hcosft€r .pp"." to Uu
    moro favo urably gituated for tb6 commoroi&l purpose in vier.

    9, To ongago to rogulato tho dutios to be lsvied on tho


    roturning trade from Tibet whethor this coosista of silver or
    gold or grow or manufacture metoriale the produco of th&t
    country, oD equitable principlee, and in a maDtror calculoted to
    guard the merchs,nts orlncially from the inconveniencos
    and
    lossos lioblo to result from voxatious dolay and ill.regulated
    impods.
    10. To consont fiaolly to tho rosidoDco of an Englieh
    gentlemen and euitable rethue in Nepol fot tho oombinod
    purposes of facilitating ard aiding the operatlons of the tradors
    ;
    of vatohing over and oontrollirg thoir oonduct, of ondoavouring
    to ertond tho g€aersl oommsroa, and of improving the frienil-
    ehip and beirofioiol oonDoction so happily commsnc€d bstroon
    tho Maharaja and the Company,e Government.

    APPENDIX III
    According to KirkpatricL,e Eource8 the following is the
    movoment of trado botwoen Nopal and India (p. 906) :1sa
    Erports from Nopal to theCompony's and Viziers, dominions.
    Elephaats.
    Elephant'e tceth.
    Rice of kiads.
    Timbere of sortr.
    Eidee of Borte.
    Ginger.
    Kutt, or Terra Japonica. white or black.
    Turmeric,
    War.

    I3{. Also see EsEilton's Exrracrs lrom Easf Indiq Caze e.r.
    122 ODEBN NNPAL

    f,orcy.
    Bohloae (ot puro resin of the pino).
    Walnuts.
    Orangoa.
    Long pepper.
    Long pepper root.
    Ghoo.
    Teigh (or aromatio bark ofthe root ofthe boetard oinnamon).
    Toiz-pot (dried leaf of ditto).
    Large Cardamuma.
    Roal or Dammer.
    Lrmp oil.
    Cotton (of tho Simul-treo).
    Tho following ertiolos aru tho protluoo oither of Tibet propor
    or of the Kuohar.
    Tanyale, and rmall Turki hortos of Luddakh, and other
    nortAorn port! of Tibet.
    Sheep.
    Shawl goats.
    ' Chowri bullocke.
    Mugk-deer.
    Dogs.
    X'aloon8-
    Pheastnts.
    Chuok roars, ffle-osters.
    Gold in dust, grains, and small lumps.
    Borar.
    S&lt.
    Sulphur.
    ADtimony.
    Arsenio.
    Orpimeut.
    Muek.
    Chowris, or cow-taih.
    Rugs, or coarse blankots.
    Muoiheet.
    NXPAI, AND IT8 I$EIEEBOI'BS 42.3

    Raw sal.
    Cherrie.
    Bikmah.
    Jaithamaei, and various other medicinal drugs.
    With rospect to tho Munjheet, whioh is chiefly produoed in
    the lower parts of the Kuchar, it would appesr to be in great
    demand among the Tibetans, who uae it in dyoing their coarse
    elothe and stuffe. The Neparians mogt conmonry barter it for
    the rock salt and borax of Tibet, whioh, f war eesured by
    geveral intelligout porsons, were invariably
    found in tho samc
    situationr, in proofofwhich, it tp&y be observed, that there ie
    ecarcely eyer a bag of salt imported into Nepal in which nurne-
    rous lumps of crude borax are not met with, There are gmall
    quantities of both salt and salt-petre made in the eastern parte
    of the valley of Nepal but the formor is not so much esteened
    by thcnatives as that ofTibet.
    The following are tho principal oommoditioe oxported from
    the Company'e dominions to Nopal, either for the consumption
    of that country, or for the Tibet market.
    Doputtahs.
    Sariee (worn by women).
    Dhoties.
    Kenkhabs.
    Gloolbudduns.
    Bhoolame.
    !flushroome.
    Oornies (or veils), and verious other stufrs, the ,nanufaoturc
    of Banaras.
    Tafetas.
    Baftog.
    Cossahs,
    Dooreas.
    6tiatz.
    iluImuls.
    Broad cloth.
    Shawle.
    ,L24 IODNBN Nf,PII

    Jamosor pieocr of Sherl. Allum.


    thawl reojais. Vermilioa.
    Raw silL. Quick silver.
    Glold and.Silver laoea. Shell lmk.
    Ca,rpots. Reil rood.
    Englirh outlery of aorts. Cotton in the pod (Kuppas).
    Bofron. Tin.
    Clovei. Zina.
    Maoe. Lo&d.
    Nutmege. Soap.
    Gluzorot oardomum. Camphor.
    Blaok peppor. Red popper chilly.
    Betel uut. Conoh Shella.
    Red Sandal Wooil. Oud Billa.
    Whito g*ndal wood. Tobacco.
    Coral.
    CEAPTER XIII
    TEE FIRST GOR,KIIA.TIBET WAR,

    Gorkha Nopal ceme itrto coDflict with Tibot on aoms


    ocoasioas, in 1787-01, in 1855-5?r and in lg29-BI. Ercopt the
    leat ono, which wae settlod by aegotiation, all these confliots
    lod to wa,r between the two countrios.
    Tho inportsnt featoro of tbe ooaflict in alt the tbreo oasee
    ?aE that Nopal alwaye came out I vinn6r.
    Tho rubjoot of the pre8eDt artiole ie the fust Nepal.Tibet
    War.l
    Nepl
    At tho timo of tho crisis in the rclation of the two coultries,
    tho Gorlbalie ruled at Kathmardu. They per€ a newly born
    lnwor and ever marohing to nep glory aud aoquiaition. They
    tod suoooed€d itr o&ryiDg out o fairly largo state in tho
    Eimaleyas ort€nd.iDg from tho Bivor Kali to Sikkim. They
    'hed sproad almost vithout
    check. All tho hill chieftaing bad
    fallsu befor€ them, one by oue. OnIy tow.rds th6 Bouth th6y
    had to \e oont nt rith s little Etrctoh of tonitory former!
    tolonging to tbo B*jao of Palpa, Tauhou, lfaokyanpur &n;
    Morang. s BoyoDd thet Etrctoh the mighty British defendod
    th6
    pl.iD8.

    1. Ahia *a! l06t€d fo! tr'o yea!. &Dd eadea irl tho diacornfitoro ot Tib6t.
    Tta Britirh iliplon tiosUy bellril the.Nepsl GorellE€at. I,h"
    Tr*;;;
    Lb.e..igreil jD 1866 rst rsil sll plirileg66 of theits to ths Xepotese.
    ReJ
    !1. Bor Chiuese gouroo 16 hsv6 [s€al Est€dals tlo]cl Sohuyl€! Cs@msEn,s
    Trude Tfuouth the Himaralar, (priao€t rr, t96t) aaa Iaailoat lvepal
    iluoe<l et tbe enilf Ih6 ofroist ChiEes dooulEle\t Kuo_erh-K,oahi-t
    1rs;-
    el, *ofa
    Dot bo ploouE€il iD rpit6 ol b6st 6fiort6.
    3. n€ril Ey srtiolo itttio Ne,! Retie\ Augu8t 1912. R€plitrt itrotuded
    io thi8 yoluroo. Tt. E&st Itrdit CoD to c€46 ruvthiDs
    oBr h.il ,,o plausibl€ 8loq'al oD ,hich ;?'#";xl:t:"
    426 MODSBI{ li [P.IL

    Tha powor 8t Krthmaudu was uoified and etrong. The


    rulerB roro inspirtd vith patriotic zool, which gove them
    stiongth otrd courage. The glory of their oountry w&8 their
    sustoining powor. They needed exponrion to make their
    kingdom large ond great.
    Beforo thoy como itrto oontaot with tre Tibetsns, they had'
    overrun Sikkim, rulod by a Raia of Tibetan origin. The actual
    dat6 of tb'o iavasion is not yet known. X'rom two lettert of
    Mr. Pagan to Colonol Ro88, it &ppesrs they took Darjeeliag
    shortly before U88r. The Gorkholis invlded Sikkim with 0000
    men. Tho Ilaia took gheltar in Bbutan and askod for Deb
    Judur's help, but before tho lstter could actually help him
    the Gorkhalig reached the gate of Bhutan. The Deb Raja
    haetoned to oonclude tresty by promisiDg to cedo Baikuntha'
    a,

    pur, but as the Yictora wero immedi&toly afterwarde engagsd


    in Tibet the promioe was Dot erecuted ood Baikuothapur wls
    saved. Tho Gorkhatig had left the civil Goverument in the
    hauds of o Lopcha Chifo.6 Tho overall commaud of tho erea
    wae, bowover, in tbe hande of tho Suba who funotioned from
    his hesdqusrto! st CbainPur.
    At about tho s&mo tine, Damodar Pande had been able to
    anuer Jumla, Dailekh, Jajarkot ond other stetos further west
    lke lroti aad Achham end Amsrsinba's foroe had olroa'dy
    roached Eardwar, whilo development in Tiboten border divertod
    their attontion to that sido' Palpa waa oonquored, but not

    4. Esllilto! ia of Kingdom of NePql :


    Qootsa by BuohADEn '
    eho aeeitem 66 in EraIo6uB
    "{d'ol'r'
    3, N€pol Prpod (P' 'he l'G'9' The
    tgl6, PP'
    '69)
    s€ooDd l€ttrt i! ilst d 28th Octob€r, 1,88'
    L.d.g. o'u-stlet i Ddrieeliag (BE,ogrl Ditttiot Gaz€tteoEs)' 1907' P'
    'gl'
    5. Buohols! EBDiltoE ,rlt€d thst the 'sD6 Oieil GovsrDE6Et f,B!
    funotiollDg gcrrisotri, Er6iltod s'y6 thtt
    in 1808, but ths!6 \I'etle Clollhs
    acooralitrS to oDoth6r lett€! oI }ft. Psga!, tho 6rst oooB!'stioo ol Gorlhtlis
    wrs repuls€d by tho irt€rvgtrtion oI D€b Juds!, hut i! Mrloh 1789 tho lrtt6!
    poveil oI no .vsil eBa Eitkiro t.E ADiUy snnox€al. Thls 1160 eE bleil tho
    Gorkhslis to lsy b.lrilr on tho low lrDils betwee'l the Bite! KiEk'ye€ r l
    Ti.ta.
    IS,,IBBT OOBEEA-rIDX! WAB 1N
    anaexod. Tho Brja hrd oobs6nt€d to rsD&in a veslal
    of Nepal.s

    T;bct.

    Tibot on the othor hand was paasing thmugh & sov€ro


    crisis aud amarting under duress. Thorc va8 no rnore the glory
    tha,t vag libet. It was a tim6 of docadonco and defeat.
    There rae not e uniffsd foroo to wield a central oommand.
    Politic*l power rca dividod botroen tho heeds of monaet€riee
    and seoular ohiefe. ?he Dalsi Lsmo re8 just a nominal h6ad
    over them all.
    Even that waa not as bad es tho sta,te of
    in which Tibetaos were plaoed after the Chineso
    subjeotior
    oonquest of Tibot about helf o oeutury tgo.? VirCually the
    Chineao roprerontative at Lhasa, wbo vas oallod the Amban,
    guided the deatinies of tho countty eud Tibetcm in their orn
    efairs orjoyod abaolutoly no s&y.8 Tho situation in Tibet ras
    oimply doplorable. But we fail 6o untterst€nd ae to hop
    thie had oponed the way for aggresaion by the Nopalore
    aoighbour who had litrlo csrcd to noto tha,t invaeiou would
    froo s Chinoso countar &tt&ct on bohstf of Tibot.

    Tlu Cataea ol tlu War


    As soon as tho CtortheUrr osptured the valley of I.IepeI
    the tendenoy ou thoir pmt pas to olsim the right to sonal their
    moDoy to Tibet. X'or o long tims, Nepleso coina were the only
    ourronoy iE Tibet for iatornsl and a:ternr,l exchango. Tibet

    0. Buohruo ssrs thtt pslpo rss thG! inalotroDaleEt, but this is trot

    ?. Doritlli, Aceoint ol Tibet, editcd by Fil.ippi, Bk. U. Oh.. X, Xl, XU ;


    PP. 29,90 (IEtloiluoUotr) ; BooLblI, Dot.i IJ8E,3, p. gO.
    8. geo Bogl€'s l[oaorrEiluD i Kilhratricb's Accoa t ol Nepal, AryoIlrdii
    A to E t TE a!r's Boport i! Fo!ro.t.8 gclcctlons from Forelga Deporntct
    Pqp.B. Vol. lU, pp. lOZl-?9.
    9. Ihe solil cotthr strd Gotlh.li hry6 beE o..al Lere at ue6. i! tho
    EaEt.i€!s6; BlEilatly N6l,sli stil Napcl6e. Alt thoie iou! ,o!il5 igrlu
    Lrve beea usedl to oonvoi idoDticrl Dead[g.
    428 YODEBN NDP...IJ

    oDDu&lly contributoal a fixed quantity of silver iu lieu of thoso


    coins. But during the last hunalred years the rulers in Kath-
    mandu had iesued debssed coins, which hampered tho
    €eonomic grorrth of tho cooutry.ro Tho Tibetau authoritieg
    had stoppod importiDg Nepalere coins whon thoy noticed tho
    elfoct of such currcucy and this wso Dot ch&llongod owing to
    the ohoos and politioal upheaval then roigning in Katbmandu.
    Tho Gorkhalis r€formod the curroacy and wsnted to Boad
    the now coine to Tibet. Thoy alao s&id that tho now coins
    rhould ooEE&nd a higher rate of orohango. They sent a
    deputation for that- purposo but the authorities iu Lhasa
    dsmonded tho withilrBw&l of the debaeed ourrency itr circul-
    rtiou in their State, bofore this roquost waa aooedod to or else,
    thoy eaid, both coine were to ciroulato et tho sems rate of
    .oxohatrge. r I It vas not poeaible to accept thia demand without
    inourrirg sovore loss. Thorefore Tibet'r reply wont only to
    irritats the Gorkhalie. In the moentime, while tho Lsma had
    reoeived o British trado deputetiou, the Gorkhalis felt further
    embarrassed at the prospect of being noglected in commeroial
    deoliugs.rt The Bitustion, thorcforo. deteriorated to c&usc
    e goyeto etraiu ia tho reletion botwe€n tho two countriee,
    A word ie hero nooessary on tho position of trado anal
    oommorce between the two couutries.r 3 Nopal commanded tha
    highway botween fndia and China. Muoh of tho tredo l)assod

    10. Aoooding to Bogle these \ye!e tetching higher velue thEu th€i!
    intrirlsic votth. Th€ ?tofit ol mintiag wss to the exteBt of ru[lo63 10o,0o0
    ( EtlLpat iok. P. ,u )
    11. llBrLt !o, Op, Cit, PIr, lzs'99. lnrner, Op-Cib, P' g?2, Th6 ilebssoil
    .oiEr olso letch€al. voluo high6! then the oDe iniliosteal at th€ir l6ce. Both
    3ogle sEil Trmet Eport€il thst they Yalueil much Dote iB terEs o, Eolal
    sra lilvor austs.
    1r. ResAorticle ia th€ New Re!,.w, Norsaber 1942, rtout tbo
    Dt
    Bdtish t!ad6 mLsion iaA the stst€ of coEmsro6 io Tib€t. It aay be
    thst Neprl's 8haro iu the ooEEeroe o[ Tibet was tho l'er8€6t'
    Eretrtlotroil hele
    Also EElrlilto!, OP. Oit, P. 21r-14.
    13. Th€ llewrr tr.d€r! hore still s position o{ ratrt.ge in Lhass' th€y
    610 eogogeil in lolei8n tmile'
    TEE TIRST GOBTEA.TIBET WAII 429,

    through Kathmandu. The Nepal Govornment roceived a fair


    revenue out of taxos on transit goods. In addition its nationals
    did the ageacy work and to thot oxtent it rooeived an
    additional advantago. From Tibet also camo gold, silver and
    other prrcoious metals and wool and toa. Nepol would not
    easily give up this luorative souroe of business, and in tho face
    of the uuoompromising attitude of tho Tibetans, war was the
    only alternative.
    ft cannot be eaid with accuracy whether Tibet had harshly
    dealt with the Newar traders of this country. They had
    culturel affinity with tho land of the Lamas. hobably they
    were receiving due attention on that account. T[hat seems to
    have autagonised the Tibotaus moro than anything else was
    the exorbitant chargo the Nepal Government levied on goods
    going to Tibet. Probably that was what compelled them to
    lend oa.r to the British who promised to supply goods at a
    choaper rate. l a

    So long as ths Taehi Lama was living thore was still a hope
    of a poacoful settlement,l6 for his porsonality was respeoted
    by tho Gorkhalis as well.16 Eisdeath in Pekiug romoved the
    last hope of a poaceful settlement. ft was said that he vas
    poisoned to death.
    There was a bitl for power in Lhasa and after a bittsr
    strlrggle the sixth Panchen Lama's brother came to Nelnlr 7
    for fear of porsocution. Ee is known in records as Samarpa

    14. Accortling to Wei Yuan, the Gorkhalis attacketl Tibet using as the.
    pretext the iuorease of tares on merchantlise ancl the tttmixture of tlust in
    the table salt. (Sse Appentlix II ).
    15. It was eaitl that the Nepaleee harl proposetl & conference .on tli*
    guestion, but the Tibetsns insoleutly refue€tl to listen ( Kirg*triok, PP.
    339-40 ).
    16. See Paltlen Yeshe's Life of the'Tashi Lama. George Bart Btaunton,
    An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the
    Enperor of Chiza (Loudon, ttg7),2 Vols. II, p, 52 guoted by B. Oammann
    also 0PC, X, P, N.745 Abdul Katlit's report, Beptember 4, 1792,
    155,
    lT. Kirkpatriok's Accoant of Nepal, Appeudix A. The letters and
    dispatohes referretl to are to bs fountl in Kirkpatrick.
    430 UODNEIi ]|EPAI,

    Eutukhtu.r E Ee was alro an inbarnate Lama of tho Rad


    E o_t. It ras alleged that be ha.d told the Nopaleao rulere all
    th6 seorot8 of tho trossnry and hoarde of wealth io tho L&m&-
    sode of Tarhilhunpo, ft was s&id that the prospect of gotttng
    possor€ion of thie oaormous riohoe wag a furthor attraction
    to tho Gor&halie to impoll thom undertake tho adyonturo of
    a mititary oampaign in Tibet. Tho Lh&B& authoritios want€d
    him bock, but the Nepalese refused to surrender.
    Aooording to & Dharmapetra document preselved in the
    orohivog of the Foroign Minirtry of Nepal, fiftoeu inlluentbl
    mea of Tibot along with Sy&m&rpa Lama had plodged to follow
    Ioyally tho orders of the Maharoja of Nepal and declared
    reuurci&tion of their rol&tion with Lhasa and Chiaa. Tho
    Dharmapatra was signed on Samvat 1845 J geelha Slailt roj 2
    = lfionday, I June, 1788.
    Syauarpa antl his oonrado Lamas woro not completely
    edrift ou Nopalese eoil hC,virg abandoned citizeuship of Tibet.
    Tho Nopaleso goyorDmont had encouraged them to t6ke this
    step, oud Tibetans rosonted also this actiou as symptomutio of
    furthor hoetilo actioue ou iheir part.
    The Nepaloo support for tho Lama'8 case w&B based ou tho
    above oited sacred deed.
    It was eo suggosted thet the ia fibot had a
    Nepele8e army
    Eission t,o restore Syamarpa Lama's rights io Tashi Lhunpo.
    The Tibetan vorsion of tho etory ie that the Ioma was on
    pilgrimago in Kathmandu and was dotained as a hostage by
    the Nsp&leso authorities. The Lama wrote to Lhsss tha,t ho
    desired to bo ransomed off on tho terms demanded by Nepal

    18. ghaEsrpo is spelt ss Sysmllerpr iII Nopal guEhu! by EutoI,€oDB eEtl


    a,B g6a.ror,'e!h-pE in Chioeoe. thamalpa's &Dother broth€. Ohuagpc nra
    the Regent of T&shilu.Ello. Acootalillg to a ChiD€s€ soulce, gholtS rru-chi,
    6.84b, quotetl by g' Oaannann,
    ghstltrrPa wcs toluseil hi6 shar€ of the liches
    oI the lots ?sa6h6r1 Leas, ul,otl rihioh he Il€1 to Nspal iD shee! tesentt[etrt.
    AMul Eoilir ropo eil to the BlitiBh thst th€ Lsma h&d Siver to the Nopaleso
    leltioulaE of bo&lileil riches'
    AocoriliEg to Tibetan soutces Eyamarpa was c6ll€al
    ghama.r Tlulku. IIo
    wss tho Dinth iEcalaate Lattr& of the R€A Eat'ka! E4'pa sect.
    TEE flAST OON.rEA TIBET WAB 431

    tut the Koshyag (Tibetan cabinot) felt that ss Somaqn wrs


    in Nopal on hie owu, tbey ahould not ioterveao.
    Thoy however, abowod willingnes to moke slight reduo-
    tion i! the value of debased currency. In the m€an tino
    Nepal attacked SikLim but in the auangemont of peeoe
    .Tibetan
    presence was imposed though Sitkim's ruler did uot
    ssk for it. Actuelly two Tibetan officers Shalu Khenop and
    Depon Pedesal arrived at Wolung. Nepal rettled commeroial
    matters with Sikkim but was resotrtful of Tibot,B iotsrforenoe
    and leter avenged thio by an attaok oa Tibet iteelf.
    It was eaid th&t Bonsing the mood of tho Nepalose, tho
    Kaehyag passod orders to thc bordor -&uthortios to bo in &
    st&to of preparedness for defonce against attack by.Nepal.
    The Nepalese felt alarmed and thought that they ehould
    also proparo for a var with Tibet.
    The Kashyag took thie attitudo of Nepal s!, provooativo.
    This set the ball of cooflict rolling. Tho Gorkhalis had
    recently &nnexed Doti and Jumla on the Kali Rivsr aad wsre
    freo to embark on the expodition with full foroo. Thus tho
    War etarted. Oldfieltl is wrong in sayiag that th€ee princi-
    p&litee rf,ere independeat of Nepal in 1g06. X,rom Tashi
    Lama'e lotter it appeare that Jumla had yielded in l?g5.

    TEE WAR
    The Gorkhalis launched an offensivo againlt fibet h the
    aummer of 1788. A letter of Rana Bahadur receivod in
    Coloutta on Auguet 6, lZ88 informs the Goyornor_Gsneral tha,t
    l{epal had despatchod a body of troops to Tibet, aa the l&tter
    had 'infringrd tho tormr of tho treutiee and acting contrary
    to tbem'19. The Aashi Lama wrote that the Clorkhalis hatt
    itrvsded fibot in May ( 1788 ).2o Dsp66rr.pande and Ranjit
    Kuar rere placed at the head of tho erpeditionll. Tbors rrore

    r9. cPc, VIIL N.399


    20. cPC, VIII, N. 977
    111. The Iorce is estims,teal to Lag€ been ono oI 18,OOO c.f. M6joriDuDca,n,s
    report, Kitkpatriok,s Appotrilir A.
    432 MODERN NEPAL

    two wings of the army, one attackiog Kerong and B,yongshar'


    proceeding along tho river Trisuli aud another marching-
    through River Bhotia Kosi to Kuti and Sikarjongka. The first
    was led by Sardare Amarsinha Thapa, Bhotq Paudo and
    Kirtiman Sinha, and the second command consisted of Ranjit
    Pande, Kazi Sri Krishna Shah, Captain Ram Shah, Captain Sri
    Harka Pande and Sardar Partha Bhandari. Damodar Pande
    joined sometimo after, and he was leading tho erpedition to
    Djigarcho, which, howover, did not reach its deetination and
    came back ae the truee was signed. The Tibetan Government
    deputed two generals with troops from Tsang. A reinforce-
    ment joined them under a Cabinet Minister I(alon Yuthok.
    ft wag reportod to the Tibotan authorities that ae against.
    thoir own small combat troops the Gorkhalis had deployed 4
    generals, 5800 troope and 3000 portors.
    Moanwhile the Chinese Emperor was informed of the attack
    on Tibetan territory by Nepal.
    Sardar Ranjit I(uar and Kazi Abhiman took tho routo of
    Thuga for the Ba,me destination. Both these wero to converse
    in Djigarcho. It seems that the Tibetans could not offer any
    resistence worth tho name and they became panicky and
    capitulated when places adjacent to the border fell to the
    Gorkhalis. Kuti was conquered on.Asailha 10 of VS 1845,:20
    June, 1788 andKerong on Sraaana 9'a little later. Although
    the Gorkhalis met with a revergal in Sekar and Djongka
    on Sravana 23:3 August, 1788 they could capture Djiongke
    on Sravan 32. Penchin Lama fled from Djigarcho on the
    28th day of the 7th month of Earth-Ape year:1788 ( Mdzes-
    Rgyan ). This was accomplished, however, while further
    reinforcement with Balbhadra Shah, Jagejjit Pande, Dhaukal
    Simha and Ajaya Simha had reached' The enomy also engaged
    them in Kerong for the second time on Karti,ka 2:14
    October but the Clorkhalis routed them oapturing t,he fort
    as an additional gain. Meanwhile a military officer had been
    sent by the Chinese with a sizoable force. Obviously thie
    move rtr&s directed to expel the Gorkhalis. But before he.
    TEE ETSBT OOBEEA TIBET WAB 433

    re&Ghed Lhasa, tho truce was signed. The Tibetan sourco


    says that en &dvanco unit of 2000 troopa had reached Lhasa,
    and thie was marching to the battlo aroae with eomo Tibetane.
    including Kalon Terzin Paljor Doring. Shon T'ai was tho
    unit commandor'and all arrangements for advanco were mads'
    in Shigateo ( Djigarche ) The imperial units of troops oame
    ag far as Sikar. But they were afraid of contactiug the
    Nopalose' oontingents.
    Kalon Doring in hie memoir says that tho Chineee
    commander expressed his deeireto approach the Gorkhalis for
    a peacoful settlement despite his own abhorronce. In the
    moan time a truoe party had arrived at Sikar from Lhas&
    under Kalon Doring who had roached Tingri Lawriz8. Eo
    negotiated with the vietors through Shamarpa Lama. Their
    demands for a yearly tribute of Rs. 50 thoussnd ( Tibetan
    iugots of silvor ) was complied with23. All the provious
    privileges rogardiug soins and comrnoroe were restorod.
    In eddition to these, Nopal acquired a right of oxtre terri-
    toriality and accordingly, its Government set up their oourte
    ia Gyantse and t{ ( Shigatao ). Eenoeforth the
    Djigroho
    Tibotan authorities were to reooivo an Agent of the Nepal
    Governmeut at Lhoea to look afteg tho interests of their nation-
    als and to see that the treaty provieions wore not violated.r 6
    The armed forco of tho Nepalese roturned to Nepal on Marga
    2I, VS 1845 (first week of December, 1788). Tho agreement

    92. Aooortling to S. Cammaun ( P, 119 ) Kelon Donohin Banjur,


    *nt[ Depon of Yutog (a military offioer) uegotiateil the aettlement
    23. CPO, IX, P, 55 ( n.745 )
    24. The agent called Vrkil resided iu Lhass tiU 1955 to look alter the
    interest ol the Nepal Govornment. Ee held judicial power ia csse where
    extratertitoriality was involveil.
    26 trhe treaty was signetl somewhere near Kerong. The Lamag inparti-
    oular the Sakya Lama appeer to have applied their gootl offices for a pemelul
    settlement. Itappeers from the Memorial that after the treaty was eigneil
    Eari Yakil, Balbhatlra Khawas outl fl)-25 otherg were sent with presents
    to the Chinese Emperor antl they reaoheil Peking after eix monthg. Ihis
    account lsoks corroboration from other soutoes (Kirkpatrick, P, 348).
    434 MODEBI{ NEPAL

    waE Bigned in Korong ou Samvat lE46 Saka l?ll grqoaru


    oail,i 12 roj f;Sundey, 19 July, 1i89. Tbe payment of Be,
    50001/- for ths ourrent yoar vaB to be E&de in tiEe
    between tho frst of Solar Brooana and 6ret of Solar grrodra.
    'The witnosses mentioned rore
    Bamshab Earihar padhaya,
    Taksarri Syamlal Pandit, Doring Kazi Sonam Tonjen panjo
    Ocheering, treasurer Dibuk,* Damodar pando Tundup Sa&yq
    Sonrm Ise Dhowa and lastly Dune Dumdnb phenjo. The
    document was in the handwriting of Major Dhana Sankar.
    brother of Kharidar Viehnu Sankar. A Royal letter addrees€d
    io Ranavukhatri, Ambar Singh Thapa, yandira Thapra
    and othors who were ia tho roar stated tbst tbo two warriBg
    pertios had come to & settlement through th6 intelvontiou of
    tho Amba. Th: Gorkhalis. yoro left in oocupstion of half of
    Kuti as it wae deoided in tho time of Kazi Bhimamalla, and
    Tibot oonsented to pay annually Rs. 800{tI/- to Kathmandu.
    The Amba himself oame to meet the Nopaleeo. There was
    mutual coneultation a,nd in accordanoo with oommon agree-
    ment a Nopaloso delegation with prosonts to the Emporor
    wag ou the way to Poting. The royal lettor recalled all those
    who had been on the expodition to Kathmandu. Tho letter i8
    .dated Samvat 1816 Bhod,ra wdi 2 roj 6:t?89, August
    ?.
    These are the two documents which tell us a,bout tho
    ,coso&tion of hostilities aud terme of settlemout botween
    Nepol
    .and Tibet in 1889. Ercopt the tribute of R8. 500q0/- no other
    item of settlom€nt moation funde, f do not know why the
    Nepaleoe authoritiee failed to mention terms of agrooment
    a,boBt coins, exira tonitori&l righte oto.
    It seems th&t with all these advautages Becurod to them
    the Nepalese had agroed to &ccept a etipulation under whioh
    & tribute misson froo Nepal was to w&it on the Emporor of
    China overy five yoars. Kalon Doring ssid th&t both p&rtios
    wanted tho Chiaeso to be wittresa to tho agroemeDt. Thg
    Chinese ou thoir p&rt suggested that as p&ce waa egreed upon
    somo points of discord remainod. But it yaa agroerl that tho
    SysEarpa's treasurer
    TEE FIBST OOBKEA TIBEI WAE 4?5

    p&rtie8 Bhould sendtributaly envoys to Peking. The Gorkha


    leadere at 6rst h€sitated to accopt tho proposal but later
    conceded the point, and a miesion roached Kerong where a
    wing of tho Chineae force waa camping io tbe winter.
    It is cleimed on behslf of tho Tibetane that thero wag a
    freBh &ttack on Sikkim by the Gorkhalir but this vas drivon
    out with Tibstan holp, This incident wes roproEonted by the
    Tibotan tuthoritios ae proof of tho s&rliko mooil of tho
    Gorkhalir. So China was porsuaded to uso itE Btmng positioD.
    to beat dowo Nopal. But ae peace had returned tho Chineso
    &nthoritie8 dismis€od this suggeetion. It wae ssid that tbe
    Govornment of Nopal recoived in 1790 tho stipuLa,tod &Eouut of
    tcibuto from Tibet. Lste loxt year a Nepaleee mieson reaohed
    Pekiag. It presented to Chieu-luug Emperor 't&Ee el€phsnts,
    horses, and an Oroheatra'. We have this informatioa from Ching-
    shih lioh-chuan (27.20) and Kueug-hsu Eui-tien Shih-li (986.14)
    ea cited by S. Cammann iu his booL..26 But according to
    one souroo tho Emperor rofus€d to meet the mission. Tho fact
    of a Nepalese doputatiou to have left Nepal ie also confrmod
    by indigenous sourcos.
    Tho Tibotens promised to dovaluo the impure coine, as
    Nepal acoeptod the pure ooim &ud further prouised to mint
    tho puro oDes &t p&r. LhaEe also gu&r&nt€6d sole of puro eilver
    subjoct also to ofrcial iustrtection. The Nepaleee could enter
    Tibet for tredo but tho Tibeta,ns could not enter Nep&I. Rice
    .snd B&lt woro to bo oxchauged &t marLot r&te. Tho Nepalese
    trader algo enjoyod freo accomodatiou aud firewood while
    iuside tho Tibot&n Territory. But tho Nopalese psid l0 p. c.
    of their salo proooeds to the inukoepors. The tributo was paid
    to recover the .four districts capturod by the Gorkhali. In
    the nogotia,tion Nopal was repreeentod by Bhim Saheb with 4
    offioials and Tibet by Kalon Doring ond his subordinatos. The
    treoty wea signed in Kerong,
    Kalon Doriug from whoso momoir, we draw our informa-
    tion rccords rn addendum to tho sgrooment, which reads
    26 P, 130,
    436 IdODERN NEPIA.

    'Thmo huntlrod dotsed have to bo paid for the ffrst yeer, but
    if a senior and rssponsible Tibotan ofroial visits Nepal in tho
    lroxt yoar and roquests & reductiou in the amoutrt of Tribute
    tho Nepaloeo agrse to tako it ulder oonsideretion (Rdo-ring).'
    Accordiag to Tibetan aources, aa presented by Sbakobpa,*
    the war and trosty with Nepat had takon place at a time
    vhcn the Begent Ngawang Tsultroin was in Peking. When
    ho roturned ho chided the Tibtan cabinot (Kashyag) for
    accepting a humiliating treaty. In orpression of his angor ho
    dismiseod the fibetan Genoral in chargo of the wa,r. IIo thought
    ofopproching tho Nopalose to get th6 tribute reduced' &nd
    sont two ofrcors monk Khenche Thogmed and Tsopon Debugpi
    to Kath6endu.
    The Nopaleso did not rocognise the latter sB I competsnt
    porsons for the tslk. They wanted a man of minieterial
    rank in his plaoe. It paE Esid that he could oome just as far
    as Nyamang ou the bordor where ho would bs received by
    Bhim Saheb and Syamarpa Lams. But this proPosal though
    rccepted by the KeEhyag wae not liked by tho Rogent &nd
    negotintion could uot oontiuue.
    The Rogent, howover, disd of he&rt &ttsck in Lhssa oa tho
    27lh day oftho third motrth of the Iron-Eog year (April 29,
    l79l). Thereforc tho Kaahyag was loft to do things for & sottle-
    ment with tho Gorkh*e without hie wise guideuce. Thoy
    immediately despatohed to Nyamang the ministers, Doriug
    and Yuthok, with sevon araist&nte. As thoy had roached
    Shig&tse a lettor from Syamarpa had reached informing them
    that the NepaloEo party h*d reached the bordor at Littipakot
    but the Tibstan offoial accompanying had falleu ill, and was
    in need of a physioian who wse to bo sent from across the
    bordor. Tho sick Tibotan had, however, diod before any
    medioal help rtachsd him. Moanwhilo the governor of Nyamang
    had warnod Dorin oftho underhand doalings of the Gorkhalie.
    Bot ou advice from Lhass tho minirteriol rank holder
    K*zi Dorin prooeeded to meet' his counterperts. As the
    . A Eistory o{ Tib€t by gh&ksbP., PP 159 ff
    TEA TIR,ST GOB(EI. TIBA? WAE 437

    Kashyag bad asleil Dorin to march without aay militery


    oscort, he did ao, tho intention being to avoid suepicion in the
    minds of the Gorkha ofrcers. But this had oontrary €f€ct.
    Tho negotiatiou rres to t&ke plsce a,t Dum, whitber Tibe-
    ten officerE of leosor rsnk had pro@eded but in Nyameng
    tbo Gorthalis staged a Coup d'etat entering tho fort in disguise,
    as bearers and rice.sellere. Thoy froely distributed wine at
    tright end towards morning eeized tho fort from within. All
    the occupa,nts were taken pr.isoners, Kalong Doring, Kalon
    Yuthok included.
    It wae reported that 3 officcrs aod 35 men were. killed oq
    Tibotan side. Tho Gorkhalie lost moro thetr ono hundred mon"
    The same fato overtook those assembled in Dum. All the
    prisoaers woro aeut to Nepal. And again tho GorLhali troops
    sppearod to march througi Nyaaang and Keroog to Shokar-
    jong. Tashi Lhompo was thmstenod aod the Pancbon Lama
    rssa sent to Lhaea for protection. The Tibetan &ocounts,
    Yengs Kgyan, Mdzee-Reryan sta,te tbat Poo t,ai, the Chinoco
    Amha advised ths I,amas to go to Amdo. But meanvhile
    theCbineso Vioeroy, f,'u-K'ang-an had reached Tibct with
    12000 mon.

    The fact of a Nepaleee. doputation to have left Nepal ie


    also confirmed by an indigenoue source (See bolow). tror
    con0rmation of the agreement betwoen Tibet and Nepal
    S. Cammanu quotos two Chinme sources, Tuag.hua hsu-lu
    Ch'ien-lung (Chaptera 108-18) and Kao-trung Shun-huang-ti
    Shih lu.r? Cammann thitrk8 th&t throughout tho time the
    Nopoleao had iuvaded the border aroas of Tibot, the trfonchu
    Officials Pa-chung, O-hui oad Ch'eng-te had msiutained an
    sttitude of connivenco. Tbeee offoors wero Eout to Lhaso by
    the Emporor to aseiet the Tibotane to erpel the Nepalese.

    87 Ibiil, P. 113. The6€ aE ebbreviet€d ss TEIIL, CL on<t KTBL.


    114.99b.Eil 1391'8b roalnctively, .l,ocorilirg to CsEEdtr! th6& dlocunrsEas
    bols tLe dat€ eqoiyslotrt to 15tL Deo€rnb€t, t?91. Thoy r€f6t to the ereDt.
    ol the yesr berore lr8t,
    438 MODEB]{ I{NPAL

    But iustead of giving the invadere a ffght they wore satisEod


    rith tho attitude of the invedere whilo the latter withdrew
    egreeing to a etipulation to sond & ffvo yearly tribute mission
    to China.
    But why did tho Nopalose agree to ecoopt the position of
    o vassal in l,hoir hour of victory I If the prico of victory
    rae vaesalago, then certainly tho Noprlese had obtaiued a
    meaningleae victory. We search in vain for the cause that lod
    them to withdraw to their fronticr with the flush of victory
    that had laden thoir back with Chinese vasaalago a,t tha same
    time. But from Wei Yuau'e ehong-wu-chi it appoars that in
    reality the Nepaloee had only applied'to be appointed Princo-
    ( Kuawang ) of the country'oa suggoetion by Pa-chung who
    hnd falaoly let knowu the Emperor that the Nopalose had
    surrondered. ! 6

    But the provieious of the troaty were violated immediatoly


    after. It is not eractly kaown, who initiated the process. A
    lettor written by Taehi Lsma to the Governor Goneral of
    Bengal aocusod the Gorkhalis of 'plundering a placo Counca
    in the domaiu and ruiaing the ryots' ( Secret and Political
    Department Coneultotion, 26January, 1789). But this referred
    to the first inoident of tho first war. From tho ofrcial
    Momorial and chrouicleg of Nepal we get a difrerent rtory.
    Tibot iB chsrged with violating the treaty, particularly the
    clause r6l&ting to the admiseion of tho Nepaloee Agont and
    with refusing to p&y the enuual tribute ffxed by the
    tre&ty.! e Thie is aoafumod by Wei yuan'e account. IVei
    yuan wroto that a Nopslo8e envoy waited on the Amba about
    thie matter, but the l&tter look uo actioa on the matter. ft
    soems that tho Lamss were trot in favour of thie provision.
    Perhope, the Chineso Representatire at Lhasa backed them

    28. gee bslow, Appotrilix II.


    29. Eead the memorirls, 'Tho TibetaEs paitl 8s, 50,OOO fot the f!8t
    yosr'E tribut€, bot th6y !.ilod to E t6 ove! two ye&!6' tributo a,boot . Irkh
    ol rup€€s. ID.tesil ol orpl.i!.iDg the ooEs6 oI aohy, tb6y tlisil to ooptrr€
    gl'doo4Eo Iaaa in th6 Eost uudligEiied Ea,Dnor,
    TEE TIBAI GOBEEA TTBBT WAB 439

    up to doirouDco th6 trcaty. We ffnd, thereforo, tho Glorkhalis


    invadiog agaio. The iuyasion spreed over a loug stretoh of
    torritory from Kerong to Shig&t8o (Djigsrche) , about 400
    miloe further €a.et. It is said thct this time they pluottoretl
    onasteries in Djigarches 0 without regard to tbo religiold
    BentimeDts of the Tibetane and oaptured ar hoetages Dhurin
    Kozi, Aitu Kazi, Sardar Chyaglochan aad others. Tbo
    circumstances of the seize of the pereons of theeo Kazis have
    boon presentod ditrerently by Tibot and Nepal. The former
    said that ths wholo afirir wae unjustly msnoeuyrod end TibeG
    had offered least to deeerve that end. But Nepal triod to
    jurtify tho actioa on the ground thst the Lama's men wsnted
    to arrest Syamsrpe Lam& in Kuti, whore nogotiation wag in
    progress, and this provoked tho incident.! r Nopal lost abont
    2000 men vho perirhed due to heavy snow in Langur Eimal
    (the laet Iine of snowy range) ae well as from a severe ottaoh
    of amall-por.
    The chronioler etated "Kszi Damodar Pande, Krzi
    Dovadatta Thapa, Capt. Bam Shah. Sadar Prabal Rana, Sardar
    P!&timan Rana, Taksari NrraoiDhs &nd eovsral Omraoe were
    sont with their rogimonts to sttack Djig&rcbo by ray of Kuti.
    By way of Kherta, wa8 despatched anothor bstch con.istiog
    of Kazi Abhiaan Sinha, Brahman Captain Kolu Pa,nde, Serdar
    Jaswant Bhandari, Sardar Renjit Kuar with a big foroe. Thc
    fir8t o88&ult on Jhuugo failed. But tho eeoond succeeded and
    they oocupied Tiogri maidao. Thoroaftor thoy procreded
    to Djigeroho. Thie monastery town with fobulous riches wag
    plundored subsequoutly. Tho Nepaleee roturned to Chairpur
    to como to Katbmandu, crossing the bordor tbrough the
    Eatie pass oyer tbo L1000 ft. Poptila range.
    Kiog Rana Bahadur informed the British Governor-Geneal
    th&t tho TibotsDs had refueed to &ct in terms of tho treety

    90, Abdul l(adir rsportotl (Op, Oit.) th.t lqmo E6ri oI the Nepeleoa
    &tm, hail iavqiled Diigsrcho.
    31. Th6 Nol'sle8o Ofroial MeEorlrl .!d OhtoElclo.
    OPO, Da, N, 1562. I.tt.r 1lc6ivea lt Ootobor, 1?91.
    44r) XODCAN NTPAL

    and theroforo tho Nepaleso troops had msrched to Djigarche


    adiling tbat'should tho Lama approach tbe pritieh for holp
    itshould be rofus€d.tr2
    All over south Tib€t th€re v&s panio. The monks deaortod
    th6 Eonastories. The Psnchon Lama was k6pt in hiding snd
    theu removed to a diatant plaoo. Tbe Chinege Amban Peo-t'ai
    himself was seizeal eith torror, and under his instmction the
    Dalai Lama was also carried to a eafo place.l8
    The city of Tashilumpo was left t,o tho moroy oftho enemy
    aa the sovoral thous&ud iumate Lamae behavod in sheer
    cowardios. Chung-pa EutuLhtu r&u &rr&y with all his wealth
    and treasureg. The othor Lamas would not act in deff&[oo
    becauso they felt thst providonce wss sgoinst them. Not
    until the Emlnmr a.dministerqd romoDstr&loe, their spirit
    of rcsistanco rovived. By the winter of l?92 tho Chinoao
    forcos wero advanciug to mest tho Nepaleao entering ultorior
    Tibot 'by way of Kokonor stoppes to shorten tho jouruey by
    30 stsges in comparieon witb the advance via Ta-chion-lu in
    Ssoh'uan'.
    ft was said that the Empomr acted by ohanging the
    oommaod of tho forces. Tho old ofrosrs wero oithor reploood
    or tranaferred to lead smaller unite iD leso rtretegic areos.
    Y6t msny uroro woie subjected to humiliating trertment by
    tbe ordor of th6 Emporor. Pa-chuog who committed suicide by
    drowning himaelf into a dver on hea,riDg oews of the s€cond
    invaeioo of Tibet by Nepal 6sc&pod thc homiliation, but Pao-
    t'ai had to wear a 'canguosr in front of tho army'.
    While disouaaing the subjoct of tho two Britieh tr&do
    visitilg Tibet ia 1778 and 1783 reapoctively we had
    trfilsions
    occasion to meke e refarsnco to the Chineso donfuation over
    Tibetan rfairs.
    Eser ginoe 1722, Tibet w&8 boiug rogarded as e country
    undor Chiuese suzersinty, and sinci 1738, a wiag of tho Chineso

    32. cPc, v[r, N. 609,


    TEIIL, CI+ 114- 18ft; KISIJ 1388, 23fr, oitoil by CslnEsE!,
    ?, 1tl. l.U this is supportoil by ghoDg-reu'chi of WeiYtr&n,
    .34 A heavy square woolloo collar worD aB a, huEili^tiDg punishmgDt,
    ISE TIBST OOBTEI TIBAA WAB 44I

    army ws:r Btetionod in Lhasa, under a ropresentative of tho


    Empolor, orllod the Amba. Thie oftoar not only a,oted to
    to regulato Tibot'e rslation with the outeido world but also
    intorfored in its intorn&l afrairs to tho oxtout provided by a
    miaor Dalai Lama in tho Potala.
    China was thea being ruled by the Manohu dynaaCy (1644-
    lgll). Ono of the early rulorc of this dynasty, Eoperor
    K'ang IIsi (1663-l?22) oonsolidated tho Manchu dominanoe
    in China suMuing &ll rsmn&Bte of tho Ming BEpportors in the
    Yautee regiou and Formosa. Shce hi8 timo tho Manchua ako
    completly adoptod Chinese ougtoms and msnnors forgottiug
    ,all their own iuoluding the laDguego. Thoy wero aow a
    aational.ised dyaasty.
    Botweoa 1690 alrd L722 tho ompror fought msny wars on
    the border of the main China, ond subjugated many tribos.
    In tho erpaneionist war conductod in Central Aeia, the
    Manohus had beea ablo to possoss tho ooutrol of Tibet by
    taking &dyantage of the unroet following 6he Moagol invasiou
    of th&t country in 1722.r 5
    The next Manchu rulsr of oote ond importance was the
    Emperor C'hon Lung who rulod from u36 to 1796. Ee fought
    'tho Kalmuls end Turks in tho aroa th&t is known today es
    Turkestan and oooupiod Taskond, Kashgar and Khotan.
    Ii was in his time th&t Nopal csme into hostilo oonts,et
    with China. According to Wei Yuau, "Tho bogiuning of tbe
    .hoetilities botween them dated frou the rSth yea,r of the Ch'ou
    rlung r€igu, when Nepal invaded Tibot." (see appendir II
    below)
    Wei Yuan, s D&tivo of tho Eunon province. who died
    iD 1856 wroto thc Shen-wu-chi which is 'a dercriptive account
    of the milit&ry oprationo of the Menchu dynasty'. Giving
    the caueo for tho resumptioo of hogtilitim Wei Yuau wroto,
    thet the stipul8tion whioh enjoinod on tho Dolei Loma to

    86 WolllE Ehor]oil, I Hisaory of C]ina (Tranrlrteil by Diok6s,


    E. W. Ialilotr 1960). P. 294.
    442 UODEBN Nf,P.',L

    p&y &n annual tribute to Nepal waa resontod by tho former-


    But, Pa-ohurg, tho ofrcer of tho Guards, ,,Vertured to tho
    eliost that tho rebels had eurrendered. So far was thio
    much boing the cs8e thst he &otuslly porsuailed the Gorkha
    Chieftaio to pay tribute in ordor to be appointod hinoe of
    tho country (Kuowang). In thie war not o single man v&r
    killed, but a milliou apoat on eoldior's rations,'.
    It &ppe&rB thet actu{rlly tbe Nop&leso hsd seized the idos
    of &ccepting the Buggeetioa of Pa-ohung only to be able in
    return to or&ot the s0ipulatod tributo from Tibet.
    It elso appears thst the Emp€ror had no dosire to imposo
    his suzorainty ou Nepal ot the ffrst instauce.
    To resume our uarrative of the courso of the war, wo
    procoed now to tr&ck tho Chineso army in ita onward march
    to the frontier8 of Nepal.

    China Defeata Nepal


    Now the Gorkha army met a formidable foe ia the Chinoso
    who camo to tho aid ofTibet.sd Tu Thwang Chan Chwaags
    "
    (or Jung) w&s at the hoad of the command.rs Acoordiog to
    a Nepalose Bourcs m&teriol the Chinese sent su enyoy to.
    Kathm&ndu to Degotiste a setflement. But ho wag aroetod
    and coufinod. This caus€d concern in Chinose quortors and
    their anny marohed, with greater urgency. According to tho
    Nopal King'a letter, rhe Chinoee oommauder bad reacbed
    Lhosa on 8 lfarch 1792 (18 Phalgun, t8{8)r, Tho GorLhalie

    36. In Phagun accorililg to BaDs SahaAu!'s l6ttor (No. | 3-S Nepal Sans-
    ktitik Paishad Pari?ka\. Tb6 Ohires€ deElail€il frol! th6l[opal GovsrD-
    E6Dt tho su!!@ilo! oI Sycmrrpe I-sDs, anil two othetB, Dhudn Xczi snil,
    Ito Ilazi who \f,ole kspt itr trethDandu os bo6trg€8. Btrt this was retqseit.
    37. CPC, X. N, 848 (S* below) giveB th6 nam€ of th6 Chlnese GeaerEt ae
    Thuug Cbrn Chuu.
    98, Th6 A&ban Pa-ohuDg hld ooEEittad suicidle by ilownil8 hias€lt.
    Plobsbly Chstr ChvaDg was &lso to &ct es tbe nere ADba. But we he6!
    hi8 ,!sa6 only fro6 N€pe,l€so leooral..
    39. IJett6r ilat6d 11 Ootob€!, 1?9t (29 Sofar 1907 A.E.) to Gsjslsi Mi6rA
    N.855. CPC, X, P. 179.
    TEE AIBST OOEXEA IIB}A WAB 449

    were no matoh for the ionumerable foroes of tho Empemr.


    The Emoror hsd eoot 10,000 of thom undor a Ma,nchu ofrcor
    Tu Thwang (Fou-K'rng.au) end they wore olose to the
    bordor.r 0 tr'u-Ktang-an was &ssisted by Eai'lan'oh'4, The
    Monchu troops of Solon-tribes were mobilisoil. Supplios were
    procurod from Ssuch'uan and from all ovor Tibet, 99ei Yuon
    rcported thst tho provition consisted of 70,000 piouls of wheat
    anti 20,000 qowg aud ehoop. The Gorkhalis had to retiro
    from Tibeten soil without 6gbting. { 1
    Beforo the Chineso wero involved in the disPute, tho
    Tibetaus had ueed their name through forged letters to htimi-
    date the Corkhalis aud mako them quit their territory. At
    th&t timo Kuti wae under tbo Gotkha commandor' The
    forgery was dieoovered, and uo aotion wes taken on tho Poilrt8
    raiaod, But it wa8 r€qugstod that one of Lbase's Kazis, Syuto
    was in SeLarjong to tslk poace. Reproeontative Lamae of
    Potel& snd Saekyo monaetery and Djrgarche ministsra had
    also resohed Tirgri. All thig informatioa was aent to
    KatbxDaDdu in a lettar by Sri Krsno Shah who was askod by
    tho palace to diecover tho real intention of the Tibetans as
    to the conditiong of the treaty aod cessation of wsr.
    The dat€ liue of the lettor is miering. But feats such as
    doesrtion and thinning of ranks in Gorkha coruP os
    well as dortrxtch of 3 platoons of Srinath Company of sopoye
    undor Golaya and Eansman meutioned iu tbe letter ere
    peouliar only to & BituatioD at tho ond of 179I. Probably
    this was the timo of withdraval at the prospect of Chineso

    40. 8so Kilkpstriok, Op. Cit. APP. (A) 70,m0 t!oop., sccotiliDg to hi8
    itrforditioD sDil IibotED soo!o6€, KiDg EaDa Bshadu!'s lette! to GBi!&i
    llisr& pot the frgure st sixty to soyenty thouBrud (CPC, X, P 179). L€vi
    s&y5 tho itRt oncouDter tooL plscs i! Tilgti Meiden. (AocoriliaS to hiro
    the ooartaaabr pss 8ua-3o) i the Ghiaege aou.oolor tb6 ileEcliDtion oI thiB
    W&r iB 4th Chengou.ki, tlsarlstiotr by Imbs,ult Eautti Loo, Ionilon (8o
    below). Fou-K'sD8-arr I'ar sssist€al by Eci-lsa-Ch'4. llhe trooP welo
    DrShor ho!6droD, oavilry lroE trolo-lor sllal Tib€ts! inluutry. lfIIE,,,
    oL, 114'25 bfr.
    41. Ibid.
    444 ODEBN NEPAI]

    prss6noe. It rras report€d that Bhotu pande who was


    imprisoned in Dhumba wae reecuod by hie comprtriots.
    The retr€at ras ioevitable. Now after three yeare of
    ,strugglo BiDce the siegc.of Djigarcho they were compolled to
    rotrs&t, sDd paeees like Jhoonga and Somgomba had tobo
    abaadoned.. t (Bhailra 26, YS f8{8) 8 Septembor, l?91. The
    roinforcement reat uudor Abhiman Simtra, Jaswaut Bhanilori
    ond Ranjit Kuar could do little to turn the tide of tbe battle.
    At ebout thie timo ( Aeain -t8 ), Djigarche was surrenderod to
    the Chinese. &nd th€ commandors Bom Shab, Damoder
    Pando, Devadatta and Pratiu*n returaed to Nopal on 5
    Ma4lu, Tho chrooicle Bsys that the Gorkhalis eufered a series
    of dofeets, one &t KeroDg, anothor st Deorali and yot anothor

    Deorali surrondred to the Chinaso on 73 Braoana, whilo Gerkhu


    yss boing attaoked ( Bhadra 8). Thoy were now encamping
    ou a parallel lino ortending from Ckokdo ( defended by Damo-
    dar ) to Gerkhu ( by Kirtiman Sinha ) to Dudhyathunka.
    fn anothor Nepoleae chroniolo it is sta,tod tha.t four com-
    pauies of eepoys under Sardai Probal &ana, Ranakosar pando,
    Bha.skara Rana and Gejabir Shahi were defeated in Deorali.
    Kazi Damodar Pands also suffered def€st in Dhunchhe. All
    of th6m roro now assembled eithor in Botravati ot iu Kabhre.
    The above aocount is fully ooroborated by e passago in
    Kiug Rana Bahadur'e letter aent to Gajaraj Misra ot Bana,ras
    ( viile'above ). ?he King wrote, "......... thereupou the vazir
    marched rith hia army to Nopal, and ouddrnly entered Kemng
    .on l7 Aeedha 1849 (6 Joly, 1792). Tho quiladar (in.charge) of
    the fort was taken uaawarea. Ife, however, put up a, strong
    resistsnco but being wounded in the battle, had to leavo tho
    fort aud rotroat....,.tho en6my then advanced to Dhaibung
    whlcb is only three stsgos from Nepal, and enosmp€d in tho
    aurrounding hille. Another body of 16 or 16 thoussnd th6n
    entered Nopal by way of Kuti. Our foross arG Btationed at

    42. For tbe Ohiuese lire of rilvsno! seo below,


    TEE FIR,ST OOBKEI T'BET WAII, 446.

    Noakot ond othor import&nt places to cheok tho enemy,' (OB


    522, TR 32, PP 661-8, No. 4ill ; A8,8. P. 70).1!
    Earlier the Chiuese hsd iucited the Sikkimere and the
    Iopchos Limbua, pooplos e&Bt of Arun to rebel sgainst the
    ccD0ral power &t Kathmandu. The Chinese woro gaen in pomon.
    They had distributod Eoney. But Suba Pumananda fought
    ths eaemios bravely with a, cootiogeot of 7/8 Companies of
    aepoys in e two pronged attack. A lotter wdtten by Rano
    Bahadur to tho Rajn of Jajarkot cloims tilliog of 600 enemiee
    nsar Siddha pokhari in Chainpur io conneotion with the afore-
    ssid eyontr as rsinforcements reached from the cepitcl. But
    they had beoa compelled to oyaouat€ Sikkim... It appears,
    that the Raja of Jumla war algo askod to mobilino his
    country &geinst his sdversarioB, but ho was powerless to do
    &Dything offeotivo ia that eituation..6
    As tho Chinoao army camo closer to tho frontior of Nepal,
    the Nepoloso Govoramont triod hard for peaoo. As it apps&rg
    from the letler of the Chioese Commandor ( See botor they
    )
    eeot Kazie Bhotu Prode s,nd Narasitrha as their emissaries to
    Kerong to cootact Tu Thwaug Chang Jung. Thcy gave him
    pr€eonts from the King of Nepal, axd in rcturn receivod Cbineso
    premnts for their King. But the Commoder refusod to agreo
    to their roquest for o oeairo fue end poaco. Inrtead, thc
    Chiueee army mosed into points inside the Nopalere t6gitofy.
    The Chineae hod demaaded the rofund of the property
    whioh the Gorkhalie had pluadared, they elao wanted them
    to hand ovec the Taehi Lama's brotber to the Lhasa authori-
    ties..e But it w&s hurtiag th€ B€ntiment of the Gorkhrlis to

    43. CPC, X. Ibfil.


    'Tho lettor ie ilat€d YS 184A Chaitra .Sukla 2 tuj 7-Baturdon 24
    llorch 1?92
    _ 44._ Repolt ot th6 Colt€6to! of Purao., 1st Espteebd 129, ( puroe.,
    Recor& ).
    45. CPC, Y[r, N.911
    46, 'AcooriliEg to tho chrooology th6 Gorkbs tlooDs ulliler Ratriit
    f,aur rE8alo s ratrest to Eassu&Brlhi but were forc€d b4ok fir*her to occuirv
    DhaibuDg. Durisg ths wiDtgr of l?92 th6y foushr the Cbiaere itr this Dart:f
    tho lliEs!&rss sod ilefeatad theE. Dhaibirng ii somo sirteen miles Do;ih oI
    KathE&nilu. Tho chroDology ilo€. Dot ssy aDylhiug ebout th€ B!iti.h.
    u6 UODDB}{ NDPAL

    put forth sucb demonda. r? They could not promiso to'Pay


    such s vast amount. rE Long Wars had tired them. Four
    yeors in Tibet far ftom theit oouatry had made thom wony
    sbont homo aud rolstions, If it had beon an honourabls
    psaoo they routd have aooopted, but they could not submit to
    undigoified t6rms of aurronder' I o Tho Nopal ofrcial Momorial
    'sayr: Tho Chinoeo commandor Chan Chwaog would not
    list€D to our pleading, instead, he imprisoned Gorkha Maha-
    rsje'B ropresontetives, gouo to uoot him for talke and march€d
    into tho bordor froo Lhaea, thero was a 6ght &t Kuti, which
    the Gorkhalio had lost' Tho Chineeo had grown intransigent.
    They wouldnot accept anything but abeoluto aud complote
    surrender. The Nopalese reproseutive Raujit Pande roturned
    to Krthmaudu with s mossago th&t the Chino8o wauted Noakot
    for thom se a price. But Nopal could not, surrender such a
    Btr&togic outpost to the enomy.60 Thero wae [ow Do Possi-
    bility of a truce in face of tho hardenod &ttitudo of tho Chineeo
    (Kirkpatrick's transletion gives only a portion of the Memorial.
    Ivente after the 6rst troaty sro omitted thereio. But tbeee
    a,re elaboratoly dealt with io che original Memorial publishod in
    Negrul Saroskritik Pattika 3-l).
    Thore was only one course ol oction lefi to them. They
    .knew the Britigh and looked to them for h€lP et this hour'
    Indeed thero we8 no other querter to look for holp ercept
    tho Bfitish (cPc. x, N. 849). They knew that if the British
    ivore aeaured of their aseisteqce being repaid, they would
    oono to the aid of the Gorkhalie' To give the improssion of a
    sinoore offer, on thet part the Gorkbalis concluded a' trade p&ct
    vith the British 51 I{aviog dono so, they applieil for military
    holp on the plea of friendship. The Gorkhalis undemtood t'ho

    47. "cPa,x. Ibid,


    48, "Rs.52 croles socoriliDg to AMul Kadir (CPC' x' P, 156)'
    49. rolil6elil (Yol. I. PP. 282) esserts th.t the Golkhalis hasteBetl to
    This ii not corr€ct'
    moke s hasty atral aegradiDg tr€&ty
    60. "cPc, x,I'rd.
    51. Viilo 8boYe.
    TEE FIESA GORKEA AIBf,T WAR 447

    implicatiou of the British co-operation which might involve


    rome losg of independence.s8 Therefore in the beginniog
    :tho request was for refusing assigtance to their opponeDte.
    But uow the aituation had changed. Britieh military
    .aEsist&nce ia their behelf hsd booome absolutely nooossary.
    8o tbey were oarcful to apply only for a military contiogent
    'ond ammunitio[ &t the cost of the Nepal Goverament.
    They requested for l0 .guns and l0 Europeans,r I and later
    'for 'two battalions of Europoans and two of oepoys *ith
    muuitions,s. but theso wore to be under Gorlha command
    .and thoir orponeoB vorc to bq borne by tho Nopal erchequer.
    (Letter dated 22 Srrvan 1849 VS:31 July, 1792). A
    'lotter with & similal oo[teut wa8 also sont to J. Dunoan io
    Banaraeo 5 (N.725. CPC, X). ThiB request wae renewed
    aftor son€timo iu Augurt,6 5
    It appearB th&t Bomo Nopalese officorg had aleo approa-
    chod the Bohilla Chief (Nawab Faizullsh Khan) for eparing
    2000 aepoys to Eghi tho Chineee, but tbe la,tter deolined to
    'comply with the request without the authority of tho Britieh
    Oovornor-Genoral and the Nawab of Oudh saying that 'he ie
    forbidden to tsko psrt in any disputo of tho people residing
    beyond tho boundaries of hir country'.6 7 The Nawab in-
    formed thc Britieh accordingly (Mr. Stusrt)6 8 that'he would

    62. Although the British had Dot yet evolveil th€ ides of a sutrsjdia,ry
    allisDco ia telation to Nepsl, th€ suspicion ot the Gorkhalis vas not
    utrle&loneblo, Tho Briti6h elwa,y8 b68E! \yith a tEil6 psoi to attain the
    ultimst€ obiectivo of 6uch a treaiy.
    53. LBttor receiveil 2.lod Auguit, l?99. *a,lownal of the Bihar Research
    Socrerl xlx, Iv, P. 378.
    64. IJette! leoeived 5 geptoEbeE, 17C2, CPC,X,iz{ (OR,424; TR, 99
    PP. 430-31, No. 346; AB, I, P. 6?).
    55.IEQ, IX, No. 11, P. 379.
    56. CPC, X, N.682.
    57. CPC' X' N.473. L€tte! to AmatsinL' Thapr,, receiveal iE CaleLrtts.
    Jua€ 1r,1792.
    58. Iri4 N. 488, r€oeieoil June 16. 1?92.
    448 UODE B}T I[IP..I,

    not do &uything withort ffr8t ooNultiog the .English Clovem-


    ment'
    Errlier, Tibot also had approaohil the Britirh for help
    agaiast tho Oorlhalia (Cf. lotter from Tashi Laraa rcoaivod oa
    22od Januery. 1789).60 Tro Yakib from tho oourt of Taahi
    Lema had arrivod in Csloutta to plead for British assistsnce.sc
    But tho letter hed potitoly refusod to intorvono in the wa,r. t r
    They had said'tbey aro ever oareful trot to infringo tho rul6s
    of friendship by interferonoe in a hogtile marlnc! in tho
    disputss oI others. They rill not give help to tho Gorkhali
    R,&je, but it iB not vorthy of tho Company to attook tho
    Gorkhali Raja who hae givon thom n) ploroo&tion aud osusod
    them no lnjury'.6r Now therg wa8 oDo t[oro sttompt to drsY
    the notico of tho Britieh to Tib€tsa afoirs ia tho uame of
    the Lamae. Purangiri brought eeveral lstters with him.
    Ooe wag from the Vazir of the Chinese oommand.0s AII
    those, however, were beiag 8ent to the Briti8h to dissutde
    them to 6ght on bobalfof NoPal.
    f,'u-K'eng-an wroto thet it was tho bounden duty oftho
    English to holp the Chine8e to cruah ths Gorkhalis or &t
    leeBt not to go to the aid of Nopal iu tho war. E'e also
    advised thom to haud ovor any Gorkhali Chteftain if per
    shance he came to th&t territory. Tho lotter had informed
    that the Nepal army w&8 on retrelt snd were boing pursued

    59. llwo MshoaDtdB! Vokils wero r6nt to tho Blitish OovortrBlollt to


    plsad the os66, The€s seto Ushomod Raiob And Iu.holDeil lvolli' fhey
    tr8t ooat.oteal D. E. lfoDovoll, Coll6otot ot Eeaspur' Beil Krtp'tltok
    ApFDAil (B), Dislslkot i! IBQ, lX (1933) Pp' 36$t1 ;8' O' Bsllor ia
    Beigal Past and Pres€rtr, xLI (1931) Pp' 216-2t' CPC,YIII,N'9?7' 1068'
    60. gecrot Dcpsrtmont,l0 April' 1789'

    61, CorDwsllis' Iett€r to the ParoheD Loms, OEQ, IX' PP' 3tl-74,
    ggiiPP'
    No. 6). AIso CPC, X, N. ??1(Lettar, 25 SoPtember, 1?9S ; TR
    '92-I
    No. 269). P. 102'
    69. OPO, VIII, N. I068,lett6! Fobloaty 27' 1789'
    63, tEQ. IX, P. 395 ; CPC.x,N' 497'
    ISE rIBAT oOAKEA.TIBET WAB 449

    by the Chinem. r r From the Ohinoso eourco it &pposrs that


    ihe Chinom ofrcers in Tibet had a euepioion of British oon-
    plioity in the affair on the sido of Nopal.o ! They slco clsim-
    etl that Nepal was thoir depondonoy and no outsidor had tho
    right to como in b€tween them.
    Tho Dalai Lama's lottor also warned the British agsialt
    &Dy st€p leediug to thoir involvenent in the diepute, aod ae
    'the Eoporor wao only hostile to the Gorkhae' ths British
    rore told to help the latter to purish the offenders. c t

    Britieh Inkreot ht the War

    Tho British wero iuterested in the War booauso they wauted


    to me both rivala woakoned &ud re&dy to solicit British medis-
    tion. Wo know what iEter€st they had in the commeroe of
    Nopol and Tibot. 6? Thue far they were handicapped in their
    efforts to attain the objoctiyo becruee of Gorlha aud Tibetan
    euepicioa of forcignels aud lovo for iBoletion iu th&t contoxt.
    It was sdmitted th&t due to coustant jealousy of the chiofg
    of theae countriee towards the Englieh, the Eest lndia Com-
    pany's agents kuew littlo of tho interior parts of Nopal and
    adjoining oouDt ies.Now, of course, waE the opportunity to
    furthor thoir own interest and'no pails or etteution vaa to
    bo spsrod to avail tbemaelvee of eo favourable a,n opportunity
    to obtain good eutveys aud all kinds of iaformation.' 0.
    Booause both tbo comb&tants had come to thom for help,
    their pa,th vas v€ry smooth. Th6 urual British policy of

    64. tr'u K'aDg-an's letter rvas \yritten ia MaEohu Sclipt whioh es ComwaUis
    Epolts (to the Court of .Di!ector6) coulil aot be leaal ot the tiDe. The gist
    sras obtair€d from PaBchen LaEa'B lgttet (i]1 P€!5ien), IgQ, E Pp.
    392-95 : AIso TIIEL, CL 115.6{b, 9b; KT8L, 1598-1It. 1400.? quoted
    by S. ooEmaDE, P. 127,
    65. This iapression- waE gaiEed by }laosrtDey ; resd John Barrov,
    Some account ofthe Prlblic Lile.and a Selection from the unpublishcd
    writings of Earl oI Maca ney.lI, P. 267-68 ; 8. Cammann. P. 138.
    66. CPal, X. N.625_
    6?. ,,d, KirkpatricL's Appendix B.
    63. Politiool l€tter to th€ Oourt oI Diroctols, 14 Octob6r, 17gg.
    450 ODEBI{ NEPI,L

    pleriDg tho rolo of a pesoo-maker veo the bost to bo oppli€d


    on euoh oocosione, for thet was the way they oould
    bofriend the opposito pslties and oonviaoe them of
    Briti8h good intentious, thus paviog the way for clog€r
    understandiag in their own rrlotious with theee porers.'r
    Th6 Britieh were further Etrongthened in thoir beliof as to
    tho fruitfut ouieome of their polioy by cortaio dovelog
    ments of tbe wcr. The va,rritrg pertiee were erhaust€d aftor
    sir years of ceaseloss 6ght ood thoy dosired eD &mioa.ble settle-
    mont. Accordiug to th6 informstio! roaching the Britisb, the
    Chineso wer€ olso in no mood to coBtirue tho ffght owiDg to
    tho tronoadoua difroultios of transPort' 70 They wors muoh
    horassed by Gork-ha guerillae. In thie baokground in o:oelleut
    opportunity vae opon to tho BritiBh to push their propoeala
    iD furthorsnco of tho Saet India Company's tr&de iaterestE.
    Thoir oyes wore epecially tuned on Nopal, the ooult'ry
    whioh rosisted overy &ttoEpt Bt oommorcisl intercour8e Fith
    tho foreignere. The British woro yory eagor to r€sume thoir
    trade rolationg &ud to got tho Kathmaudu-Lhas& route openod
    for their trade.
    The Gorkhatis wero prsiog'through a cririe and the Raja's
    rfairs wero desperato, T l as vao evidetrt fron his eppoalst. Tbc
    Gorkhalis had olso ooucluded a tlsde paot, and woro likely to
    acquioeco iD &ny proposition that would ssd the Chinoso
    \{ar.72 A pmper and dhcot movo to dispol doubts sbout their
    intontious war necessary and tho Compauy's sSontB itr Iqdi&
    were up to such a task. Thoy proceeded in right oatneet but
    with *n air of disintorcstednosr.
    Io their subsoquoat dealiogs with both the Tibotsns &nd
    the Gorkhalie, the Compaoy adoptod o polioy of ertreme
    6J. Au iiteDtioal Esthoil wss applieil to wir ovot ,aipur ia 1806. Jeipff
    hrd l qusnel vith the Mshtatt s .!il th6 British t6rE suplrosoal to Eske up
    nith thea on the Erjr's boholl (JBOBS Muoh, 1943)
    ?0. Bongsl Politic.l OoDsultctioDs, 3!tl O6tobsr, 1?92,
    ?1. Boagal Politiorl OoB5ulrtio!8, 3!il Ootobo!. Ugr.
    12. lbitt.
    TEE TIR,sT GOBXEA TIBIT WAB 451

    cautioD.?r Thoy streeeed thoir friendly feoliDgs to both 8od


    assurod both ofthem oftheir friendly intentiona and regald
    for their aovoroignty, and did trot fsil to montion that they
    were uoablo to cone to their aid as sach was a friond of the
    British. The British s&w to it st tho some tim6 th&t o&oh
    w&8 BatiEfied thst tho enemy wrs not assistod. ?r To the
    'Nepal Rrjo,' particularly, they offered t,o come to his rescue
    aod uso tbeir good ofrceo to Bottle the disputoa by sending ,o
    gentlomau of rank and honour', ? ! to help him negotiate with
    the to their lino of genoral cooduot ,the
    Chineee &B cootrary
    Governor-General c&nrot send tho Englieh troops with hoBtile
    inteDtiors ?6 againet tho friendly Chineso ,bound by ties 9f
    frieodehip end trade poot'. In & priv&to adyico ,th€ Raja ras
    requet€d to gr&nt ploper honoure to tho gentloE&D snd to
    oomply roailily with phsteyor he proposee duriag negotia-
    tious'. ??

    The Britieh woro fuily con6deot ss to rosults of this diplo-


    E&tic g&mo. Aa wa,a oustomsry vith th6m thoy hed propared
    a eohemo of thorough inveatigations of tho r€sourc€B of the
    Kiagdom ofNepal. An expert st&ff ras to aoconpaoy Cap
    tai:r Kirkpatrick, ths hsad of rhe doputotior, to obtain good
    survoya aad to aoquiro informetion about population end
    netural wealth.? 8 Tho acceptBnc€ of & deputation on the

    73. L€tter to Ts.ht L@r 1?89, JBOBS Vot. lv, r$g r firt-
    Ibtriok, Aplr tix D. '718ebrurry,
    74. Gov€lDor4eDErl" trott r. KilLD.tliok, Apt'eDaix C.
    ?6. I6rir. DEtrc.!'. l6ttct, t4th gept€Ebor, Ugl, Also lead OpO. X.N, ?86,
    ?88t 789, PP. 164-65.
    ?6. B€n8.1 Pol. Consutatiols. 1? October, 1?gr.
    ?7. ,rid, DuncsD's lelt€r. Duncan wos th€ ncridoltt s$ooheil to the Etate
    ol BsDalB6. Ee rsB tak€D to b6 sn authority ou tho Oorupoay,a relstioDa sith
    tho PriDc6s, CPC, x N.768 (letter. g€pts,Dber 1?. 1?9r). N. ?69 ( ltr gep
    teDte!, 1792.
    78. Kirkpatriok's Plolsaa U) t}:6 ,Emfutsy to jv€p4r,, Iho ilErutstioD con-
    aisteil ol, bosid€s the leailer, Lt. Bamuol gcotF.rri.tiat. Lt. W. D. Ktror,
    {itr oordes l of tho Eilitory e€oo!t), I,t. J. Oor.td aEd AiLD Ftele the Isst
    qusliff€il to oxs,Eia6 tho Datulll ploiluctB of tbe oouEtly.
    452 MODTBN }IEPAL

    p&rb oftho Gorkhalis gave them furthot hopol' At ono time


    th"y uouo thought tboy had suoceedod ia their ultimato objoo-
    tivo. Eence Dunoau's iostructions to the B&js of Nopol were
    ooucbod in o laoguage that indicotsd a tone of confidenoe' "
    Apart from certain other ofroors acoompanying the misrion,
    tio compoaies of nativo sepoys and AMul Kadir Kha'n, 'an
    intolligotrt and zeolous native of tho Comptly who had bsen
    employed by Mr. Duooan in nogoti&ting the t'r€&ty of CoE-
    merce (l?g2.1, and rho hod b6on on thst occasioD soBetime
    8t
    Kathmandu' wote aont sloDg with thom' Kirtpatriok was 'to
    receire a salary of 1500 rupeos s month during tho time of
    his being employod on the Commission, and chargo his actual
    o
    expenges, uPon honour'.8
    &bout this tioe tho Dal&i Lama, Fu-K'ang-an and
    At
    P&nchen L,sme rere also informed th&t & British Mission
    would shortty leavo for Katbmandu to roetoro peaoo in th&t
    quorter.8l
    But tho season oaEro to foil thom' Kirkpatriok could
    not losvo tho plaina till the sprhg of the nort yoar' Tbe
    Gorkhalig oould not afrord to wait for him to oomo 8'nd
    Dogotiato. Moroover, he was going to Nelnl not to help them
    to 6ght but to medi&te. Tho offor of mediation could not
    certainly 56rve the purpoee Nopal had in viow' It had oaly
    added to their feoling of humiliation wbich thoy had suffered
    on account of tlefeat in the War' The No;nlose woro
    uaturally suspicious sB to the intoDtions behind t'his proposed
    adiualio&tion. They felt that tho British were out to elploit
    the situation for themselves. Thoy, iu the circumstanceg as
    it camo, had no reaeon to apply thomrelves to foil tbe Brit'ioh
    Eovo &nd manoeuYre a line of actiou to aPpro&oh tho victor
    snd pr€sent a foit oocompli bofors tbo British srived in
    ?9. CPO, XN. ?85 (r1 SepteEbcr, r?99) r!.o lette!, N' ?88 (90 geptsEb6!'
    1?99).
    80, Political letto!, ilst€il 14tb Octobon ]r1g2' Fott lry liamJndia Hoate
    C onetpond.nce, xn,l" P. fia.
    81. PntsDgtli boilg slok, tho l6tt6!. t.!o by DtljitBiri ; Kitt-
    "Eti€'[
    potliok PP. 8;, (IootEots), 859. 364. IEQ, IX.PP. 396'96 ; CPO' & N' 828:
    THB rlRST OONXEA-TIBX! WAB 453

    Kathmandu. Both the stepa wero fraught with dangerour


    coD8equences. But as if luck had favoured them, thinga rrere
    shaping with a difforont pattern. As it crme obout, the
    war no longor protractod. Accordiag to the chroniclo th6
    Cbinese wers dofestod in the 6ght on the bauk of the
    Betraveti; thereupon they sued for Face on .daarz 5 (YS
    1849). In th6 lettor of Raua Behadur to Bignunath
    Upadhaya il was said tbat the Chinese were defoated in
    oDg&g€mcrt oa 5 Aevin vadi (6 Ootober, 1792) and they
    were deputing two &gent8 to negotiato peoco.8t Kazi
    Devadatta was despatched to nogotiate ae le&der of thb
    doputrtion. Tu-Thwang ffnally left Dhaibuog on 24 A'llin,
    We do not knov how Euoh truth the accouat of tho
    obronicle contaiaod. But there v&8 tro doubt that the
    ver drow now to a olose. It was said that Nopal hastenod
    to sue for po&co os tho Chinem army hoil tbreatatred to
    adysnce to the capital city. But the Chinese slso wero
    hard prossod and roluotont to ffght.
    Some sre ofthe opiuion that the Nop&lese had forsstsll€d
    s situstion to fmstrate Britiah designs. But thi: might
    h&y€ boon only a Beaond thought. Iu a letter reooived by
    the Govsrnor-Gsnoral from the King of Nepal or Octobor
    24, USZ it is Btated that tho Nopale8o army had defeated
    the Chinosc wbo woro l€avirg Nop&loso territory within 4
    or 5 days, and thst the Diwau Devatlattc Thapa wae on
    hie way to Peking with presort8 to the Emperor (TB, 32,
    Pp. 5;3-6 No. 438).68 Yot &nother lettor datod ll October
    puts 20 Safar 12 Fasli (October 8, lZ92) for the doto ofan
    agreement tormin&ting hostilitieg between Cbiaa rnd Nopal.8.
    Details oftbo approach aro not knorn. It doos Dot s€om
    probable, howover, that the Gorkhalis w€ro at the frst ine-
    tance moved by the single coosideretion of romoving tLe

    8r. cPc. x. N. 835.


    s3. cPc, x, N.848, P, r78,
    84. Iatter, 25 Octobe!, 1792. N. 840. Cpo, x. p. 1?8 (oR 520, TB a2,
    PP. 556-s, No. r39 ; AR 8, P,7o),
    451 XODBBI IITPAI,

    thay Pstched up with the


    denger from tho British side, whon
    Chineeo. Quito likety, they had ia miad both the threota'
    ouo poseil by tho odvancing Ohinese army and onother
    ptod by ths British ettompt to goin control of Nepalese
    *fairs by teking advantage of the some. Iadireotly, of
    odurse. tho truo€ agroomont with tbe Chinese made tho
    presonoo of tl-re Britieh miesion unnocossary and they naturally
    did dso use the situatioa to diaoourrge theL arrival.
    Tle need not reproduoo here the whole of rhat Wei Yuan
    rrote about tho oourso ofthe war aE the s&me 6ods plaoe
    io ths &ppondix. It will sufrce to note hers thst whilo the
    Chinoeo approaohod the rivor BotreY&ti they sncountoted stiff
    opposioion and here was tho end of all their maroh. After
    a prolongetl Biege thoy were able to ocoupy the mountain
    otr the nbrthorn side of tho rivor, but tbey wore held baok
    ovor th€ point of tho crossing, which was a bridge. Wei
    Yuan further wrote :

    "Tho rebels, mrmbeting ton b&6talionB, were holding f,he


    mountein very etrongly. Hai-len-oh'a proposed to gu&rd tbo
    river and mako a camp thore, but Fu-k'ang'an did not consent
    to this pltn. Eo orossed ovor tho bridge and attached the
    ouemy; thon, in spite of rain, he olimbed the mountain to
    20 lidietsnce anil reschod & vory stssp place. The enemy,
    taking adesntage of hir poeition on the Bummit of the
    mount&in, poured down treeg and stones 'like rain', aud at
    the ssme timo thoso robelg who were separated by river and
    mountsin mado su att&ok from three directions'
    "Our troops somstimoB fought and romotimos
    rotreated'
    The aumber of killod and wounded w&a Yery great' Eai
    lan-oh'8, from aoross tho river, came thon to tho aesistance,
    antl Gloteng pao, holding tho:bridge, fought etubbornly; and
    suooeodod to repel the enemY."
    But the river oould not bo crossed.
    Wei Yusn ooncludod that the Engliah woro elso seorotly
    planning an attack on Nepol, from the south and thersfore
    ihe GurLhas' beiog foroed to withrtand two powerful enemier,
    IEA IIBAI O OBKEA.IIIOT WAR 466

    wcre sfr&id that thoy oould not Euoooed in it i Eoteovsr,


    they approhonded that thie newe would rouro our troops'
    cnergy. Therefore, they again sont envoys to ouE oemp to
    *k humbly for mercy.
    "At th&t momenb our troopa had just suffered a reveme'
    rhereas the eneoy'e couutry prosented more and. aore daogere
    to thee ; besides, after the 8th morth, the big anow in the
    mount&iDs would make the r€turn mo8t difricult. Therefore.
    the reblos' request for surroader wae grantod.,'
    Tho acoount of Wei Yuan explodes tho thoory tbot
    the Nepalese had susteined a humiliatiog defeat.
    It appesrs on their owa admissior that tho Chinoee bad
    also been oompolled as much tho Nepaleso to eoek compromiao
    ovor the conflict.
    Tho truoe was agreood whou tho Nepslo8e suthorities
    promised to haod over two hostages,SS and also tho seryaata
    and whatever proporty was left of the doooased Syamaryr*
    Lama. It was s&id of tho Syamarpa Lama that ho poiaoned
    himeolf at the pmspect of being nursndered elive to the
    Chinese.S6 Now his romains wero demanded oud thoy were
    eurrendered. Bhelbhadra Khawas wae doputed to o:eoute
    the sgreemont, rnd iu that courso &ll th&t vsB promissd wag
    foturDed inoluding bho Dhdm,aXnlro done by the Lama who
    hsd oarlier diod in Kathmandu.sz Of the property lootoat ir
    Tibetau oonastaries somc silver pieces wero rotumed. The
    hortages were aleo duly handed over to tho Chiaese commatrder.
    Nepal alao agreed to acoopt tho Chineeo Emperor'e suzoraiaty
    ovor its territory aad seud to Peking a five yearly tribute
    miesion in porpotuity.
    fn a letter to the BritiEh Goysroor-Genoral at Caloutta
    drtd,4 Sraoan 1207 A. E. (16 July, l7g2 ) tho Chinaae
    86. g, Oaratrtr!tr qootiag a Ohiaeoe souroe !lyr, oae oI tb6 hostagar Ess
    th6 tralo! D.lrohin 3.!jur, (P 131).
    86. TEEL, Ol, rr0. llb, KT8L, l4rr.Ub-ll guorail ny Or--..-.
    87. A oop, oI thi! stiU lies aith tL6 Foloigu DoportE.ut of th6 NeI6l
    GoveErn6nt.
    466 IIODEBI NEPIL

    oommaDdor oonffumod the signing of the *greement with tho


    abovo torme.88 The first iutimation of tho cessation of
    Lostilities va,s given to the British by the Nopalose &uthoriti€E
    through a letter of the King to the Govemor-Gouoral
    ( Roooivcd, 24 Oootobor, 1793 ).ee
    The tr.eaty or rgreoEent, wbsteYor it was called' was signed
    in late l?92 following the truce end the Nepaleee troops
    oelebratod. the occasiou with $ost pomp ae ifit wm & viotory
    celebration, a fact wbich confirms that tho incident did not
    involve any kind of major defest. But this celebretion was
    more of the noturo of thanks giviog and rojoiring for deliver-
    ance from a complicated situ&tion vhoro tho Nepaloso had
    landed themselvee in cour8e of the libetan expodition.
    According to Bahadur'e circular arkiog tho trooPB to return
    the egre€meat was referrod to u Dh'arnapolta gho bandei donc
    it1 the presenco of tho Amben who was thero by order of the
    Emperor.g0 Obviously Nepal and Tibet Yore signatories to
    the tr6ety, and not China to whom both the countries had
    loyalty in their owu w&y. [t wa!
    pledged allogiauce aud
    wrong to say that China ropreaontod the oppoaito party as
    signatoty.
    For tbe facts of truce and subsequent evsqtg we hlvo an
    autheutic source of iuformation in two oficial doounents, whioh
    a,re lottors addressod to the King of Nepal by Tu Thwang Ta
    Chyau Jung who oommanded the Chinese foroe invading Nopal.
    Those lotton are yet presorved with tho External Afsirs
    Ministry of tho Goyernmont of Nepal and oro unpublishod.
    Although thoss lottor€ talk of obsolute surmnder by Nepal
    and do appoar to havo exaggorated this part oftho story yot,
    on the whole, tho sccouut thoy givo in rogard to the torEs
    of truce &nd settlomont of boundary i8 f&irly cort€ot.
    Of tho two letters one was writton immodiatoly ( about a
    month ) after tho truce was agroed upon. Thir confirms
    88. OPO, X, N. 1471 (Or, 904-06 I AR, 9 P. ?0 N. 353 l6tto! lsooi"eal
    ,uD€ 28, 1793.
    89. CPO, X. N. 848.
    go. Unpublith€d,
    rEE TIBST OOBTEA.TIBET WAB 457

    That we 'have already writtoo about obligaiions futfilled by


    Nepal to implemont the condition8 oftho huce.
    It apposrE that the Chinese alwaya oommunio&t€d with tho
    .Nepaleso a,uthoritios in tho language of the l&tt€r.

    The letters begia with the eiprossion th&t Sri 3 Tu Thwang


    'f\r Chyam Juag tho incarnation
    of Bhim, tho vazir end Com-
    mandor of all forces, had bo€n ordored to address the King of
    Nepol by the Sri 6 Emperor who vas an iacarnatiou of
    Manjusri.
    Wo uow prooeed to quote i! the fret of theso lettors-
    fuU
    rrhiob is datsd Ch'ion Lung year 57 Kartiba uadd d ( October,
    1792 ) :-
    "X'our mou including Kszi Doodatta ThaBa whom you havo
    deputed have come to me with present8. Tbey told me that
    you seek tho Ealrror,s proteotion. I am extrenely ploosod
    th&t you end your uaclo have rrith oDe heart propo8ed to go to
    the Omporor's protootioa in all roapctful-ue8s. f have already iu-
    fornod Eia l[ajesty &bout sll thie. I am sufo that ho wiU forgive
    you fot your lnst miadosde and ooDdoscetrd to confor oa you
    high
    rcwarda and honours. Eonooforl,h with the Dmporor,e grace
    you cill look aftor youl subjocte, you will obey your trfiajesty,s
    command and all lawe end oonveotion!. you will not quarrol
    with your noighbous. you will remember that Eie Majeety
    tr€ats ovary one equally. I, Chyam Jung the great, ehall
    leturn after eecert&iniDg an auapicious day. f havo already
    orderod the foroee with Thin Taring in List.i and Lukaug to go
    back. The Dmperor has awarded you all your tetritories
    conquored by us,
    "fn respoct of Khaea, this orea was under Tibet from the
    time of Thamoho Khamba Ngava Tsombu Lamc. previously
    you had ecquircd it by virtue ofa Dkannapatra imposed by
    .yoursolf. It appouE tbst a custoDery tribute wa8 boing paid
    to tho fsthcr of the Djigarcha Lamo. Now you must trot
    ot8im sny rigbt of yours stipul&ted ia bhat Dharnmpatrq,
    Tho inoome from tho &rea is amall, and you should uot iosist
    in g€tting it. The area l,ill go to Lhare, with wD,ich you
    468 ![ODf,B]{ NBP.AI]

    aro sskod to live in friendship. You hsvo signed a ncw


    Dharnwpatro, alrd you muBt abide by it to tho lsst vord ia
    ite real apirit. You are also askod to continuo tbo tradiiioDelly
    oarrieil tranesctions of oommerco with Tibet. But you ril[
    not bo p€rmittod to sond your coina, because tho quortioo
    of ooins gave rise to ro meoy troublos. Now Tibet has issued
    ite own coias, which appoar to be quite good. ffyou een<l
    the now -Gorkhali moharg they will be currout at the usugl
    rate. You shsll uot say that they will each bo equal to two
    moharr. Ae for the horso8 and falcoug whioh you took from
    Kerong in liou of tar uptill now, you ore aekod to rolinquish-
    'Wo
    havo returned sll your aloas occupied by us during the
    War. Why do you ineist on gotting a, small thing liko th&t ?
    You are atrongly advisod not to olaim the old oxaotion of
    horses and faloous from Kerong. We have cvery oonfideuce
    that if you placo the command of tho Emporot on your hea,rt
    and act acoordingly, you will live happily and prospemualy
    for agos together.'
    It appe&rr tbst while tho truco was eigoed the qucstion of
    the surreader of Khesa and of the Keroog tribute w88 kopt
    pending. It eleo ee6ms that up till the date ofthe letter,
    the Emperor hsd not yet given hie consont to the tcrms oI
    truce. Yct &nother fector whioh oomes to light is that the
    Chineso commandor had not yet left Dh&ibuug'
    From the Bocond lottor, however, it is known th&t all
    pending quoatione wore settled within a month or so, tho
    Nopalese acting os the Chineso h&d viehed. It &pP€a,r8 thst
    the ooly tcnitory they had loet was Khasa, whicb was now
    ouuexed to Tibet. The new Eettlemont also deprived Nepal
    of tbo right to obtain tributse from Kerong.9t
    Thie letter addressed from Lhasa opens with liner saying
    that Bhotu Paude ond Naraeinha had waited on the addreesor
    in Kerong, eud 1,hcy were deepatcbod to Kathmaudu with
    preaents aDd lottero, whioh the addrossee muat ha.vo rocoived.

    91. As it tilt fotlow, Kolorg sont to K.thEstrilu soEo horre' slc


    lrloo$ ar ttlbut€ slaorllt
    TEE TIBST OOBXEI TIBET VAB 469

    It thon ssys "Tho pooploa of your courltry liks tho


    psoplos in oth6r partE of the l)mperor's dom&ins oro ths
    Empreror's subjoots eajoying hia protoction. Previously alao
    you had sought proteotion of the .Emperor. fou sent your
    neu with & potitiou &Ed prosants to int€rviow him. the
    Emporor rotumed thom with bir own prusento to you. The
    Emperor's favoure wore alwaye bestowod ou you. But later
    on iucitement by that low man, Eyamarpa, you sttsoked
    Tashi Limbu eud plundored ite monaaterier for ao othor foa,aon
    than & sottlomsnt of emell dobts.. You knsw that Taghi
    Limbu wee within IIis Mojoaty'e empiro but kaowiogly you
    haraesed tho many peolles of this plaoo. Thercupoa tho
    Emperor was highly diepleased with you. You committod
    grave nistakes. Under oommand of Eie Majesty I, Chyan.
    Jung tho grest, o&me to your oountry as fa,r &8 Botravati with
    a big army. Coneideriog wh&t you have done, I feel that
    your ooudtry snd your pooplo deeorve to be deatroyed. But
    BB you c&me to mo i[ ftight aoknowledging your mirtakos, aad
    craving for pardon and to bo takon under Eis Mgjesty'e
    protootiotr, and ae this seemed to bo siacerely doeirod
    and orpressod, I apared you from the consoquonc€s.
    It is good that you have returned all thac you
    took eway from Tashi Limbu. I noto tb&t you hove
    surrooderod the romains of
    tho low Syamarpa and all hig
    faoil.y ard bclougirge. You sont the high ofiicor, Kazi
    Deodatta Thapa, rith tho petition and preseDts to nogoti&to
    tho sobtlemont, Whilo our army was on their roturn maroh,
    you Bent with utmo3t rospoct and ho3pitality adequate ratioos
    to them. A little l&tor you doputed Subedar Bhairavasiaha
    Khawas upto Koroog as an ettondant to my potson. All these
    facte iu detail have beon already convoyed to his Majosty.
    Now you should continuo to feel that you &ro undor Eis
    Majeaty'r protootion. I hove atso roportod to the Emporor
    that you havo plodgsd [ot to do onythiag outeido the soope of
    th6 prtvious Dlnrmopatra, lot to a,ocept &ny tdbutos inclu-
    ding faloons and horsos from Keroag thot you had uptill now
    460 UODEB,N NrPAL

    obtsined, to surr€nder tho iurieiliotion over Khass to Bhot in


    *ooordanos rith the pcovisious of an olden aE&ngeEent
    and to sond prosont! to the Taehi Lama end Lhaea
    Lama. Eis Majosty eaid th&t you are ignor&nt snd Bot knorr-
    ,ing auything you aoted on tho iustigation of tho low Syamarpa,
    anil ditl what wae not desirable aud diil not act with kuow-
    ledge. Our army has killed some 3-4 thousand subjects and
    ,solr:liorg of your oountry. But, althougb your subjeots
    belong to the othor otrd, yot we regard them ae our own
    tubjeote. Eis Majesty hos proteoted tho peoplos all tho world
    'ovor, Thorcfore ts he tearnt that beiog frightenod by the
    a,ilvauoing Chineeo foroes you have begged pardon end sought
    his Protection, he haa forgiven you of all past guilts and mis-
    takos, and has taken you under his Protoction' Ee haa com-
    mandsd mo to appriso you accordingly'

    "Tho earlier lettcr w&8 ssnt to you bec&ure


    tho Emperor
    deeirod l,het you should bo soon told thst you were now under
    bis protaction. The Emporor has appreciated yoor sentiments
    anil sayg that all of you aro so good. He will surely condescend
    to rsword you smPly with a charter in Manohu oheraotor and
    'prssonts. You will understand the signiffcanoo of this and
    knowing thst Eis Majesty had beeu oxtremely pleased with
    you, you will all tho timo obey his oommand' In that case
    his meroy will bo extonded to you for ages a'nd ages'
    "As for tho quostion of the sottlemont of boundaries ;
    rie
    havo conquerod all the aroa betwoen Hisua bridge and the
    Betrav&li ; ortlinarily this rivor should havo beon the boundary
    line i but Eis Majesty 8&JrB that be will condescenil to settle
    the queetion ou iho basis of the agreoment roaohed eerlior
    your guilt' In
    -hoo yoo hsil sought his protootion ailmitting
    the Kuti rcctor, Tibet enjoyod jurisiliotion upto Khssa sinco
    beforo. Thorefore, we shall 8tiok to the old ]ioe' The other
    day I hail deputed Sartlar Amban Mantarin to ffx up
    the
    bounilary line. Ho visit€d tho area and plaoed a gtone south

    of Khasa to mako the iron bridllo as the bcundary


    line' I am
    .told thst you promieed to sgreo to vhet the Ambatr settled on
    TEE I'IB3T QOBr,SA-TIBET wr8^ 46T.

    this iseue. I trust you sro sincere onough in your profossion.


    You havo also told me by tho reply letter sent through Bhotu,
    Pande that you will not do anything except on my orders. Ae.
    you havo admitted your guilt with petition, f forgive you.
    . You hcvo surrondered Syamarpats
    renains, and havo assured
    mo that other Iow men after countrywide search will also be.
    handed over to the Chinose. I aceept all this as couceived in a
    apirit ofsinoerity. I, Chyan Juug the great, am highly pleased.
    with you. I am very soon returning to poking with all my
    forces ag tho Emperor has commanded. Ilenceforth if you have
    to petition the Emporor, ploose send tho letters through the-
    Amban. Now a new Amban with greater powerg is appointed.
    Eis namo is Kumpu Byang su X'ang. Eo means to do good to.
    Tibet. Anything tho Amban writes, please obey. If you aot
    in humility towarde the Emperor, ho will ever he merciful
    to you."
    Theletter concluded after giving en appreciation oftho
    sorvices reudorod by Bhotu Pando and Narasinha whoso inter-
    cession had led to the agreemont of the torms ofpoaoo by tho.
    Nopaleee. rt aleo informod thet tho tribute misson had just.
    loft Lhasa end was erpectod to reach poking by the end of
    MaChe or beginning of Pha,lgun.
    This lotter ie datod Ch'ien Lung year 57 (l7SZ-gS A. D.) It
    does not give the month undor date line. But ae the fact of
    the last paragraph indicatoe, it must hove been written not
    later thau oarly Deaember, l?g2.
    lu the absonce of the rettere sent by Nopar to the chineso
    Commander, it is not possible to say what actually was pro-
    posed by the r{opaleso ae tho terms for the eigning of
    trucs
    agreemcnt. o !
    fn both the lettere sent by tho Commaodor he hae time
    and often emphasised tho point that the Nopaloae had sought
    the Emperor's proteetion, and that it wae greDted. Tho second
    letter has talked the matter in the strain that we may be led

    98, Uulortunately ao oopies of the lett€rs gent to the Chiness aro


    tept io.
    Nepol arobivos,
    &2 IO'EBN XIPTL
    'to sooopt tho sot ol petitioning the Emperor by tbe Nepalese
    .sa o oa€c of cbjmt surrender.
    We rhould !ot, horrovor t&Le tho oommrnding toDe of the
    lottor st itE faoe value. IEespeotive of hor the other side
    rssst€d t,o thir Lind of totr6 othibitod in their correapondenco,
    the Chinese hral developd ovorbearing manner and they carried
    it ouch too far in their dosling with the foreignere. We ehould
    aot bo mislod to think by the form aad tono of the address of
    .tfio looter that oll that wae orpressed wae aleo intended, and
    lsast of all aooopted by tho Nepaloso.
    A fer words moro about the tono of tbo letter. Wo have
    had oocesion to go tbrough sono of tho lotters iu original odd-
    qeseed by tho King of Nopol to tho Ambaq. It appoara that
    those differed little iqohoracter ftom thoae add*escd by the
    Anbstr to tho King of Nepal. The form of addrera war tho
    same in both. Poseibfy the Amban was treatod by Nopal at
    the,eamo level with ito King 8nd vioo vetsa.
    ,A.ootber thing of Doto in this oonnootion is thst tbo Amb&n
    olwaya appriaed tho GoverDmotrt of Nepal about tbe maiu
    ooourrsnoos of tho timo rogardiag Tibotan affairs. A lottor to
    iho i-ban by Maharajo Glirvan Juddba Yikram, dotod Kanti-
    pur Sombat 1864 Olwi ta tnili 7roi, puPorts to show that
    thi6 wEE & r€ply to tho ono addroerod by tho Cbinoro roprason-
    tative inforning tho Nepaloco Ifiag abo'ut tho install&tion of
    the aew Datai Lama, ood arrival of now AEbans to rePloco tho
    iucumbonts. f,'rom thig lettsr it also &PPoars thet tbere ueed
    to bs two Ambane ia Lbasa to looL sfter Chineso intoreats in
    Tibot. e I
    \{o know that the essenco of the &greeme[t did not afreot
    tho case of Nepal's eovereignty and territorial iat€grity'
    Thorefore, wo baYe to dieregard the tone of the above letters
    in assossing Nopal's truo Position after the treety. But to
    this wo shall ooms & littlo lat€r.
    Accoriling to & l€tter rf, Rana Bahadhur Shoh, Damodar
    Pando wae asked to leavo for Ohina to wait on the Emperor

    99. LodEgr.il Public Lib!.ty, Es. hil, II, 148.


    TEE FTRAT COBrEA.IIBET gAB 403

    {n rosponae to Tu Thwang'r suggoEtiotr (Ban. Sanilceh I-5\.


    But it appoers thot this idea wae leter abandoned, sad otherg
    Tero sont for tbe purposo,
    It appoaro tha,t tho Chinese army began to pull out froln
    the middle or end of October. Abdul Kadir learnt in
    Banaros from letters of some Kaehmiri morchants in Nopel
    {Lotter to Duocan recoiyed &t Csloutte on l0 November,
    1792)er thot the Chineee ,had not marched out of thc
    oountry a,ltogether, aud some of thoir troopo are gtill itr the
    vicinity of Dhaibung'. Ar, any r&te thoy bad conpletoty with-
    drawn by tho boginuing of Deoember. Tho tro&ty ras sigued
    in Lhasa following the withdrawal. Abdul Kadir in tho same
    letter reported that he hae oortsoted a Pirjada (aon of a,
    Pir, a Muelim diviao) who wae shortly to leeve Benarar
    for Kathmandu and from there to Lhasa to seo ths Chinese
    army. This Pirjada had told him about 0116 Sul,sirran'a
    diaciplo ofhis, &trd& man of ranh of Kaehmir, wh<i knor
    Chiaese, Tibotan and Netrmleeo la,nguages ; it wae through
    him ths Chineee Vazir carried on hie politicd togotictioDg
    witb Nepal'. The Pirjada had advised Abdul Kodir to uso
    the eorvices of Sulaimau for auy nogotiation or tlanaaotioD
    of businoss in bohalf of ths 3ritish.0 6

    Cutru o! War with Chha in Nepolcae uorilc.


    An &uthentio Nepalese vergion of tho sccount of tho
    'Ohiaa-Nepal War hag iuBt como to light througb a lottcr of
    King Raua Bahadur Shah to some oficerg ffghting in Clarhwal
    (Kazi Jagatjit Pande, Sardar Amareirha Tbape, Captain
    Golain Khawae). The origina,l of thie lottq virh & rted EeaI,
    the usu&l mark of theking of Nopal, iein possession ofe
    Baua Goneral. Recently this has appoarod iu print in en
    iesue (3-3) of the Nepal Sanskritik Parishad. The letter gives
    & lesume of the incidonte involved ia the War, and traces the

    94. CPO, X N, 94!1.

    e5. Ibid,
    461 UODEBI{ NEPAL

    courso which led to the cessasion of hostilities. It ie dated


    VS l84g Kartik Taili 7 Sundagsc:August, 7,1792.
    "Vazir Iu Thwang the son-in-law of the Emperor advanoed
    further at the head 'of a hugo force. Our outpost in Kukurghat
    was captured on Aeadh Sudi 2 Monday. The Chineeo had written
    2,3 times for tho surrendor of Syamarpa Lama, Kazis fto and
    Dhurin. But we refused to surrender the fugitives. Enraged
    at this Tu Thwang advanced to fight. On gotting information
    reinforcement of 2 oompanies was sent from Kerong by Sardar
    Satrubhanjan Malla. But thoy were caught unawares by a
    detachmont of the Chinese Army, which lay in ambush, at
    Pangsinghar and Subedar Tularam with 20125 soldierg perished
    Tho unit thon rotired to Kerong. Satrubhanjan w&s wounded
    iu the arm while he was engaged in a fight in a place ne&r
    tho Kerong outpost.
    "It appoars, our strongth in the Kerong fort wae thinning
    out with tho result that when the enemy struck, it could
    not eustain as w&s expected, although for four consocutivo
    days it repelled several attaoks. The fort surrendered on tho
    6th day, with the death of Udhan Khawas but fight oontinued
    ineido and the enemy met with tough recistance by the
    r.omnants. Our caeualty was 200 killed. The fight raged inside
    and outsido tho fort. But the enomy lost four hundrod and as
    many wounded. The noxt engagement took place in Rassoa
    Pass. But our force could not withstand the proosure and
    rotired to Syapruk. The enemy w&s emc&mping on the other
    side of the river. F'or tho defence of Syapruk Prabal Rana.
    Bherat Khawae, Rarra Kesar Pande, aud tho whole of Srinath
    Company were ready. Tho enemy wanted to crose the river.
    but on seeing our force encamped he could not. Tho enemy,

    96, X'acts mentioned in this lett€r tally almost in toto with those brought
    out in the l\femorial. (See Nepal Sanskritik Parishad Patrika, 3-3). Date
    verifietl, October-Novsmber. 1892,
    The jourual publishetl the lettnr as copietl by the learneil historian
    Baburam Acharya, The letter is a regrly to the one seut by Nepalose offi-
    oerg, whioh hetl reacheil tho paloco after 6 months,
    TEE BIBST OOBrEA.IIBtrT YAB 465
    .howover, crossed tho riyor at another point, which was difr-
    cult for our men to nogotiato boing ot a higher altitudo and
    therefore our mon and officerg retreated to Dhunchay. Eere
    vaited Damodar Pande with a stroug contingent. An advonce
    party was stationed in Deorali, whieh was captured by tho
    onemy after sustaining a casualty of 200 killed. Later otr,
    wheu Dhunchay was also being preseed, Kazi Damodar tooh
    position in Dhaibung. Oqr force auccossfully beat down an
    attack noar I(amaryagarh, where about 250 Chineee were killed,
    50 by bullots and s$,ords and the rest purhed to die of a fall
    from the procipice. The enomy wes now euoamping at
    Ramchya.e?

    "Moanwhilo from Dhunohay tho eneny sont a letter with


    in0entions to nogotiato a truce. X'rom our side Chioia pands
    and Dhewa belongiog to Dhurin Kazi'g entourage and a prisouer
    Chinese carried the reply. They met Sardar Eaikun and Chu
    Tu. two subordinate. ofroors of Tu Thwang. and handed ovor
    tho lotter.

    "Tu Thwaug orally asked our oEcors to allow the


    Chinese to oooupy Dhaibung, as Ramchy& w&s too small
    a pla,ce to aocommodato thom. Then in response to their
    wishos both eidos displayed . flags of truco ; and our
    forces abandonod Dhaibuag to retire to this side of ths
    river Botravati. Oa their demand, Dhurin Kazi and Ito
    Kazi were eurrendered on Sravan Bl Saturday. Tho next
    day, the delegation oomposed of Ranjit pande, Bhotu pande
    and Narasinha Taksari met Tu Thwang, and to these persons
    tho Chinese reply to our lotjor was handed over. Tho Chineso
    now wantod to como to Noakot for talks as they folt
    Dhaibung to be too n&rrow to contain them. They aleo eaid
    that they would liko either the king or the kirg,s uncle to bc
    present in person during the negotiation. If this was not

    97' As661d1ag to Memorilr, tho tr{aharaja hail seat at this atage another
    reintorcement with Ohautara Krishna Shah, &m Shah, Kgzi Abhiuansinha,
    Kazi Dhokal Siuha and. Sartlar Satrumt.
    460 TODEBI NIPAL

    possible, .thiywroto, somo inPort&nt Bha,radar. rhonll bc


    doputed. The Chinese fsrthor eaid thlt thoy would fortibly
    ontor Noakot, if their request was refusod. Another lottar
    repeatiag the samo deuands was setrt. Onr rop\r ras ready.
    {Vo hc.l also aslod our motr to striko the Chireso if thoy tried
    t,o Gross the rivor in rpito of our dissussion. Oa Bhadra
    8 Mondoy,900-1000 men of tho enemy'c forco oroasod tho
    Botrrvaii aad one wing advtucod towards Chokday where
    Damodar Pando onoampod whilo snoth€r took tho dirootion
    of Gerkhu whioh was dofoated by Kirtimen aoil yot another
    4urnod towarde Dudhya Thumko. Our foroo pushod thom
    brck to tho Botreyeti, whoro in an &tteDpt to make r flight
    most of thom woro drownod' Tho tot&l oaeualty ou thsir side
    should not bo lege than 1000 to 1200. Tho Chtueee out oE
    ths uoies of the two of thoir owr offioorB, who had fled."
    Often roforrsd to in the footnoteg abovs we have t
    memorial propared by the Nopalose authoritios on tho oouduct
    of tho War, which throws a flood of light upon m&oy eYenta
    couuocted thereto. Although fects of doubtful voracity, orop
    up here aud thero, tbo Memorisl on th6 rrhote is so important
    sourco mstoriel on the sccount of the Sino-Nopalese Wor.
    Somo paasagos from thia Memorial ar! includod &s &pPondir
    to Kirkpatriok'r volume. But KtlpatrioL omits certsir
    importsnt psssagor. Bslow is a lssume of tboso pessages for
    tho bonefit of the readerr. Tho Momorial aays : The foroc
    of Gorkh& M&hBraj had oocupied o plaoo on a ridgo at t highor
    altitude, so thet whou they doscondod to oncounter a hand to
    hond fight, this gavo them 8o much advontege that tho
    Chineso wors forced to withdraw ( p' l? ) . . . . .The new
    bridge over tho Betraveti was a half measure, and therefore
    while tho l&tter p&ssod through the same it broko awey and
    many fell ioto the rivor. The Momorial givos a gist of the
    f&cts about fight io Kuti Soctor : The force in Lisli wanted
    to odvfnce to Kbasa frortr whero Kuti was at a distanoe of
    two ilays'journey' But heavy snov fall prevented tbem froE
    ombarking on tbo edvanoe. Ths Chineso Commaudor Char
    TEE FIBST GOBITEA.TIBET WAB 467

    Chwang, however, bad marcbed to Kbasa with 15-20 thou-


    rs&ndtroolls, and after tho snow had melted advauced furthor,
    whoreupon &n encounter took place. Its result sas to throw
    Kuti to the invador'g mercy. Tbe Nepalese Subedar and
    somo d€[eDdant8 were kitled in action. They fought with big
    guns ( todowala-chapwala ). Birt as tho gun posder storo
    was set ou fire, it forced tho dofentlers to retre&t to LiBti.
    After eometime the Cbineee tried to occupy Lieti and force
    tho defouders to retreat further. But boro Chan Chwang oot
    with a strong resistauce, and big advance wae cbecked for
    good. The above letter of Rana Bahador Etrtes that troop!
    on both sides wore kept in roadiness, elthough talkt for peace
    oontiaued. It is also reported that ono oEicor was sent to Tn
    I'hw8ng viih all what he wonted atout tbis tine.
    KirLpatrick nsrrates tho foltowing doeoription of the
    qualitior of enduranco snd oapsoity of suataining hertlrhip
    dieplayed by Nepaleae {igbterr ar were evident during tho
    Nepal.Tibet lYar in theatres which l&y in the auowy ronges of
    the border and beyond.98 "When, enoumbemd with the apoile
    of thst city, they wore induoed by vsriou3 conEidor&tioDs,
    though tho vintor res ooneiderably advancod, to trle the
    Khartah and Hutto& routo, instead of the ordinary one by
    Koote, at tho lstter of whioh pasaes, the oommrnd€rs, it
    r6am8. wero awaro they thould find it improoticable to cludo
    aho exarain&ti,on of tho offioors etationod therc, in ordor to
    'tako an aocount oftho booty they had acquired. The perila
    to whioh they were erpoaed on thb ocoasion were ofa kind
    shich it would be littlo imagined in Europe an Eaetern army
    was either c&pablo of supporting, or liablo to oncount€r o[ tho
    very broders, &B it vere, of Bengal. fn short, it is an unques-
    tionable fact, that ia crossing that ridge of mountaine whioh
    strctohes in a, south-e&8t diroction from tho viointy of Koote to
    the country of the Limbools and of thc Dewa Durmah, it vas
    vith tho utmost diffioulty and dong€r thqt they penotrated

    98. KirkpitrioL, Op Cit, Pp. ,16-16.


    408 UODEEN NXPAL

    through th6 snow, with which thsir traok was coveFeil to e-


    dopth thst provod fatal in several inetauces in tho alightest
    felee step. They wore in thia droadful situstion for fivo or si:
    days, during which thoy wero obligod to psss tho dght orr tho
    bare snow, aftor hardening it for thet pulpose, as woll as thoy
    could, though'their labour ras sometimee so-arcely over when
    r fresh fall would nearly bury theo, The loss of tho army
    in this r€troat, which rnas conducted by Damodor Panilo
    and Bam thah, is said to h&vo smoutrted to upwards of 2,00O
    mon, Srost numbers of whom aPPoer to have been frozon to
    doath ; the romedy 80 coruuon aud so efloctual in the lorthem
    parts of Europe and Amorica, in froct-bitton ca8e8, waa
    unfortunstoly ulknown to theto people, who, on our mention-
    ing it to them, lamonted bittorly that tboy hod oot beea
    &oqueinted vith it at thie perioJ, when many of thoir
    oompanions weru daily obliged to be abandoaed in this
    wrotchod condition, while others desmed themsolves happy
    to oso&pe with tho loss of their fingerd and toee.'
    Tho lottor of Suuday, 7 August, 1792 goss on to say thrt
    eyeu at tho hour of the flgbt in tho Betravati, Nep rlose
    delegetion remainoil with tho Chineso to continue poace talke.
    tsoth the partier had agreod to nogotisto inspite of tho strain
    oausod by tho now flaro up. Aa tho Bhotiya fogitives hrd
    tror demanding propertiea
    b€en surrandsrod, the Chiueee rvoro
    brought by the Nopaleso from Digarcha, aud olso tho ashes of
    Syamarpa Lama and all those who had ooms with him' It wag
    promisod that ovorything bolonging to hiu would bo kept in
    the Lama's Gumha (monaetery). Ae Vazir Tu-Thwang wrote
    2 or 3 times ebout theso mattors, flari Balabhadra Khawas
    who was also to eocompeny Tu Thwang to Peking carried
    with him all thst wos demanded. The Turbanod courtier
    c*riod pncsents and lettors to tho Emperor. ff ho could
    arrange for peaco with Pekirg it was well and good' Tho party
    oonsisted of tho treder Kazi Devailatta Thapa, Suba
    Pratiman llana, Jayanta Sahi and Balabbadra. They wers
    to accomp&ny Tu Thwang' They left Kathmandu on the
    TEB TTBST OOBKEA-NBTT V^B 469

    5th day of Asoj (-17 Septembor, 1792), aud on ths lOth th6y
    mst Tu Thwang in Dhaibung who was ploased to eee the depu-
    ties. Our delegation found th6m in o poor condition. fhey had
    aot onough to Gat, tbo number of Lillod wre also groat. Ihey
    vere gleo eufreriog from pain (doo to wounri). They vore aow
    paoking their luggage ond ttoiarting. Tu Thwang, left
    Dhribung on 2rt Anoj Samvara 0 Tithi (:Ssturday, 6 Octobar,
    t7s2).
    According to Tibetan sourco the Gorkhoe wero driven out of
    Tashi Lumpo by mid 1792. Tho Glorkhae wsro dofeading their
    position in Shskar and Dzonka with all thoir booties of tho
    mouasteriee. The Chineso and Tibetan forcos thon rdva.noiug
    compolled the Gorkha troops to foll back ou Nyanog and
    I(yrong.esA
    Euo K'ang had ordetod furthor advance, thoreupon tho
    iuv&der8 retresteal to their owu tenitoties. The Ohinese
    oomm&nder rras assietod by Kaloa (ministor) Earhhyang in
    ohargo of 10,000 troops.
    ft is said th&t inspito of the advioe of tho Ambsns ths
    Dalai and Panchon Lamas h&d not loft Lhas&. Tbo fibotona
    tad maintaiued thoir morale.
    The SikLimose rulor w6,s inetigated to invodo Noprl from
    his gide of the frontier.
    About the rainy roason thero was o ffght iqsido tho
    Nopalese territory. Erhaueted, tha Nopal rulor8 Eued for
    peaoe. The oonquorors, however, demanded tho prtrence of
    the King'r unclo on the nogoti&tiou sit6. But thie waa refused.
    OD ths defeat of tho Ciorkhalio tho fiyamarpa Lema
    'poisoned himeolf to death. This gavo tho Nepelero & pretert
    to throp the blame of caueing hostilitios on tho ooldierc of tbo
    loto Lama. Kalon Doring rho was kept as a hostage by
    Nopal was askod to &ccomp&ny the Nepalese DcgotiEtorr to
    Kyrong. The namo of the Nepalese offic€! iB Kazi Rattan
    Pando. There was onothor Nepalero delogatiou undot T&ks

    984, Tib€t, A iDlittcol Etrtory bt W.D. Shalrlipr, pP 168.08


    Yangr-Rg;ron i Mdrot-B6ren
    470 UODlB]I ITTPIIJ

    Nmyaua Simba oooompanied by Kalon Yuthok en0


    Teng.yeling Dzasa, rho had gono to Nyaarog' It is reid
    th&t thi!.perty met the Tibetan trooPs at Noakot whils thc
    former hrd oontaoted them at Theepung' First Kalon Doring
    m6t tho Tibotan Gleneral Phayo Lhakang' Tho lattor
    immediotely referrod to the oamp of tho Chinoso about o day'l
    distenoo to convey tho ierms eccoPtsblo to Nepol' Nepal hail
    &gr$6al to eurrsndor tho bodily remains of Syamarpa, his
    wifo
    rnd rotinuo as woll as proportios, inoluding those earned es
    booty, by tho Nopalese invaders. They hail al:o agreed
    to
    aend Ove-yoarly tributsry Dission to Peking' About that'
    tido, howevor EorLhaug hgd disd. Tho Tibetons st&to th8b-
    tho ClorkhsE ooming as fir ae Theopung were deteinetl e*
    hostage until truoo w&8 settlod. Loter Bhim Sahsb &nd KuD
    Bahaalur had arrived to sign Che poaoe.
    Tho Tibotsn acoount tallieg with our own account'

    Ertertt ol Chimse Aihanac'


    Tho extent of the Chinese ailvance ia a dobe-table point"
    Erom Dunoan'e lotter it &pposrs that they had come as far as
    tho uppor reoohos of tho Trieuli Gauclak. KirkpatricL rontious
    o'
    o battlo in Dhaibupg, a mountain overlooking the same rivor't
    The Nepal chronicle alludoe to a parallol fight ia Leurivina at
    Betravati Ko Pula (bridge ovor Botrovati) whiob ig not fsr
    from Dhaibung, and to hor a largo uumber of the Chineso got
    drowned whon the defonders pullod tbe bridge down in the
    midst of the fight.roo Tho Chinese haal croesed tho rivor antl
    woro oncamping et GorLhuter, while tho truoe egreoment wsr'
    rigned. The chroniclo added that Kazis Ranjeet Pando and
    99. geo elso th€ Mslooria.l Properod byth. Nopal Clovelnmont' KirL-
    prtriok I'
    gi"6s tIrDsl.tloD oI o poltioD lo Appenilit
    100, Aooolditrg to l6tte! tol€lrsil to il the aext Pego it olrp€'r6 thot
    .
    .bout locllro) rnsD ol tho Chloere ormy hait lElishei iB thi6 oEootrutd'
    This is ooafrEoil bt ! stBtoaent ia r lett€r to Raua Bob'dEr thoh etitt6D
    lubtgquoatly aft€! th6 oessstioB of holtilltioB by Tu Thvtug Uhyrn Juogi
    tho Co6ttrrnilor ol tho Chln€so Aloy'
    TEE rIBSI OOBXEA.TIBET WAB 1n
    Bhotu Pandol I
    were ront to negotiate oa beholf of tho Nepat
    o

    Governmont. Tho ortsut of advauco aa abovo givon ie


    confirmed by the letter of tho Amban to the King of Nepl
    (Seo below), in which ho cl&im8 to hovo ruoceeded iu croeeing
    ths river Betravati, upon whioh Nepl bad suod fot peaco.
    Ae all inforpations tally, we oan eafely infer that tho last
    battle was fought in or near Dhaibung, A small psrty of tho
    Chi.oese had, however, come as far as tho ridge in the north-east
    ofthe valley to interviow tho Rogont Bahador Shah. Thir
    ridgo ia oalled Panohmane a,nd hac five rtupaa built by tho
    Chineeer0l as msmorial to thoir coming into Nepal.
    It was said thst thero rers not maDy Chireso croseing the
    Botravati at Lauriviaa, ae a substantial number of them had
    periehed by drowaing et tho tiee of tho encounter with the
    defendere. fio Nepalese clsioed thet even the remu&nta
    cncsmped et Gerkhutar oould bo tbere at their eufferance.
    The other eide of the Betravati was malarious, and oo a request
    wae made by the Chineee to be allored to cross to GorLhutar
    which hsd a better climato. Ths Chineee had b€en permittod
    to oross the riyer oo tho assurance that they bad no design to
    advanco furthor. Wo hovs no means to cheok up the &courscy
    of the clsim mrdo by tho Nepalese.

    101, This hlormstlor la !r!oEg, Ths Dogotla,tioa we,s hsEilleil by trirl


    D€oil.tt& Thspr. Bhoto Palalo I,o. on6 ol th6 two ofiio€ls who hail met tu
    Thwatr8 itr K€IoBB vhilo tho Chi-ttes€ v.!s &bout to enter the Nepslese
    territo!Y.
    1Og. Patroh lfsEo, BeariDS live rtupra. Th€r6 i6 s legoEil about this lidge
    It sriil thrt wh6! the Chlnese aray looletl tlown frora the ridge, lt srw s.
    16

    huge sllrDolo of m6n antl woErotr ln arB6 ooalDg ttr theit illtection. Th6y
    thougbt thit tt6 Noprl RsjB wrs muoh Btrpe.iot to tt€@ .Dil they lleil. Th€
    Gortbalir o€lobrateil th6 yictory .t the toot ol tbo hilh eDd DcB€il thia plsco
    'Jilpurphedl'. S06 atso tbo iftoiiptioD ot Bsheilu! Shsh lllihasprukas, 2 2t,.
    Thls ts ilsteil Sste u14. B.bsAu! gh6h who wor rullng wlth hl6 nepb.s'
    Ling itr his lep oLrlE. to hayo routeil tho Chher€ AtDt.
    472 UODIEIV ]T'PI.L

    Eou llu Odtuae Wilhd,rao


    (r) lilepaloea verrgion :

    A parageph from o lettor (No. l, 3-3 Nepal Sana*r,itib


    Pariehad Patrika) supports th6 visw that tho Chinoso thom-
    aelves werc tirod of fighting in tho rugged areas of thc
    Eima,lsyoJr rogiotr.
    "On tho 5th dsy of Asrin, Kazi Deodette Thapa, Subba
    Protiman Rana, Jetha Budhs Norsinha Take&ri'e eon Jayanta
    Sahi and Khardar Visnugankar'g son Balabhadm wero B€Dt to
    woit ou tho Chineso Emporor. On the loth of Aarin they
    cont&otoal Yazir Tu Thwang in Dhoiburg, who was muoh
    pleaaed. The Chinoeo seemed very much hard pressed at tbe
    timo, and they ha.d aleo lost a good number of men of their
    forco in battles. Tho entiro army in oporatioa wae dieperaiog.
    Thoy woro ooly collooted whils our msn teachod thore on tho
    24th of Asvin Saturday. Vazir Tu-Thrang left Dhaibung for
    Chlna accompaniod by our mission" (VS 1849 Kartik vsdi 7
    Sunday).*
    Evidontly the porsons reforred to in tho beginning of thir
    lettor wero iocluded in tho firet Miseion rent to China after tbe
    War. It is gooil to read the contentE of tho lettor seot by
    Kiog Rana Bahadur to Kazi Damodar Pando for an ides ofthe
    Nepalese version of the aooount oi the war,
    "The Cbineoo Emperor is Eighty, but by God's grace wo
    oould woll meet his oholleogo, and drive his invading force out
    of our territory. Still, as Tu-Thw&ng wonta peaco and our
    polioy is not to &ntsgoqise the Emperor, we have decided to
    aue for cesEation of lVar, In reBponse to the demand of the
    Commander, wo havo doputod you tho aeniormost Kazi of the
    'couutry, to lead tho mission to va,it on tho Eoperor...'t 08
    Tbe Memorial reporteil that ths Chinose army sufferod
    terribly from malaria duo to tho rainy eeoaon, anC they also
    t ltihasprukata.,l, Pp. S4 (Th6 copy of the letto! lr ir ths poeaesrlon
    o, Brb[raE Achaqn).
    7O9, Sontk',t Sardcsh, l, 6. Bhoilra soili 18 roj 5 (Thursitst, Augu.t,
    8C. 1?9r.
    TEB rIBS,l GOBEEA.IIBIT WAB {73

    ran rhort bf rotion6-aD d s l8rgo nuEbor of mon diod of hutrgBr


    .and ravsgi[g disosse.
    All the sccouDts of W&r in Nepaleto reoord: aup;nrt tho
    version that China was defeated, aad tho Chineeo srtDy wero
    compellod to seok peaco and retroat beyond the Eimalayos.

    Chinese V eraion

    fn tbe appendig to tho ohaPt€r wo havo reProaluc€d two


    Chineso o6cial rocords about tho wa,r, (l) Tho Lhasa Pillat
    Inscription and (2) Woi Yuan's aocount of militsry opor&tions.
    Tho socouut of Wei Yuaa is suffciently disparegiog egainrt
    trhe Nep rloso. But it doeg not show that the Nepalose had
    boen routed.
    The Lhaea pillar gives o moro insulting colour to the
    desCiption of tho defeot and humiliation of tho Gorkhalis by
    the Chineso army (Seo below, Appendir I).
    Bqt wae it a humiliating snd diotated peace Nepal had
    obteinod frod tho Chinose I
    X'acts ehow otherwiBo. As we ehsll seo letor, neither Nepal'a
    aovereignty nor its territorial iotogrity was affected by tbo
    result of War. They had, howover, affected Nepal's position
    in Tibet in an adverso manner.
    If Nepal waa totally rnnihilated by the Chinese army, tho
    ,letter would not ha,ve coDeented to quietly lesve the bordor and
    become couteot only with theoretical acceptance by Nopal of
    the Emperor's suzeraioty.
    From the Nepales€ aource metorielE it iE gathered that aa
    &tteBpt to come to terBa with tho Chinego wog boing made
    dnco tho very firet contact with the Dmperor's ermy' But iu
    their an6ry mood, tho Chinese authoritieg ehowed littlo desire
    for coegatioa of hostilities. We have it from au offioial Nepaleso
    letter (See beloE), tbat when the Chineeo reaohed Dhaibung,
    they insolcntly demanded surrender of Noskot, ths Eummer
    capit*l of tho K.iogdom. They would not list€n to &ny propo-
    eol lor poaco unloss the King of Nopal or bis Regent himself
    171 TODNEN XXPAi

    r8m6 to theD ia o supplient mood. It was as if telling tho


    (stand
    Nepaleso before ue in sack cloth aud ashes or vo maroh
    onvsrds to your oepital to destroy you', Thic arrogaDt ettitude
    coDtinued as loIlg as the rainy seeeon had not 8ta,rtod.
    But raios B€em to boy€ had upset their echedule. Ihoy
    complotely balted their movemont. The rivers were swollon
    and tbe Chinero wers unablo to cross them. While waiting on
    tho bank oftho rivera, they were erpoaetlto the attock of
    mal8rie, dy8onkry and othor diseases. fn spito of thoir best
    €fforts tho advancing Chinege uuits wete not Bucceeding to
    ovorcomo the rigour of climate and geography. The Ntpalero
    guerillas had taken sdvantsgo of their plight. Thoy had
    made rurprise attacks on tbe Chineso camps And when taxed
    beyond limit, tho Chinese attempted for pitcheil battle, their
    strategy 80 fsilod tha,t instood of successfully fordiog the
    river they found a large number of their comb&t&ntg drowned
    in the ewollen torenta.
    Ae September camo the Chineso sere in a chaetened mood.
    Tboir experience of War was bitter enough to discourage them
    from further vontures. By non they had roalired that it was
    a rtiff problem to ffght these sturdy Nepalese mountaineers.
    Tbey did not wish to continue the fght. They wanted a
    suita,blo protext to disongage themielvee from ths conflict.
    All thie time tho emissoriee from the Nopal gide wero do-
    ing their job to ma,ke iho Chiness a,gree to poaco. They w€ro
    off and on yisiting the Chinese qommander with the King's
    message and ronowed offer of settlement of disputes. The
    Cbinose General had kopt the Emporor informed about tho
    fesce overtureB from the Nepaloso. ft is said tha,t tho leter
    despatches from tho army commaud in Dhaibung complained
    of adverse result of bostilitiea under an incleoent peather ond
    Eought for tho Emperor's permissiou to sgre{ to Nepal,s offor
    of s p€eco troaty.
    All Chineso deapatches sent to Emperor from ireide
    Nopal since the mid.rainy rearon betreyetl grave anxiety for
    aefoty and well being of tho army which w&8 opereting ir the.
    rEn rrtSlt. oorrEA{rrDlr wlB 47i
    unhealthy mountaitrous Egion in tho north of the }tepol volley
    Although eorlier ths romo coumsndorl s1rcko of havlng main'
    tainod tough attitude toworilg the Nepalese who l,ers solisit-
    ing a truco, now in Soptembor, hoving roalised the futility of
    prolooging the War they had begged to bo pormitt€d to con'
    promiso with the enemy.
    The Emporcr st long Iast eent & mossago giYing hi8 cono€nt
    to the proposod peace propoaale'
    As we heve ssen tho official ohronicler of tLo Chinere, Wei
    Yuan, is very frank iu hia admiseion that China veg ultimatolJr
    foroed to occept truco becauso of the revsrses on the Bot'tsYsti
    front, and duo to tho realisation that if they missed thic
    opportuDity 'the big Enow iu tho mouDtsin vould ma,L.e tho
    rrturn most diflioult.'
    Ilo have no idea of tho terms of trnco. The Nopalese
    ilocdments whicb claim victory for Nopal do not talk ofany
    torms of iruco. They 8&y thst tho Chiness wero conpelled to
    withdraw unconditionally. But oousialering tho oYorell effeot
    of War on Nepal, tho withdrawal of tho Chines€ w&8 not aa
    simple aa conoeived in that spirit. I have heard of the Chineso
    tlaterials on tho subject, which as my information goea talk
    of peaoe parleys and terms and truoe. But I have no accegs
    to them. But one thiog loohs very clear. It wa8 not a Peaoo
    dictated by tho Chineso. The Chinose did not inpoee on tho
    Nepalese such huniliatipg terms, which tho latter had spumed
    earlier. Thoy accopted in all good faith whet vas promisod
    liy the latter, a,nd oonsonted to go back. Tbo Nepaleso in
    thoir turn had pledgeil to accept tho Emporor's suzerainty
    ond renounco all privileges in Tibet.
    The last pLaso of tho negoti&tioD was very smooth. The
    Chinese Ceneral on previous occasions had asked for tho King'a
    or the Re:ont's presonce with him as a condition for negotie-
    ting the truce. But now this was waired snd ho &greed to'
    talk with anyono the' Nepaloso doputod. Tben & truco. v&B
    signed with Tibet in tho presonoe of the Chineso militory
    suthorities.
    t76 f,ODDBIT TEPAL

    Eamilton wrote that the Chinese wore so relieved to


    consent to move baok without any conditiong as soon as tho
    supply of grain was mado over to the army and E0 virgine to
    'the Emporor and, no stipulations were mado for the restoration
    of the plunder'. The British writer added that the Nepalesc
    claimed that the girls threw themselves from the precipices in
    order to save thomselvos from the imlure Chinese, but he
    understood that thoy were kept in a convent near the border.
    We do nqt know how far to roly on this statement. But the
    vholo looks a very odd piece of buginoss,'and it is difficult to
    'reconoilo tho two parts of tho etatemeot-uuconditional
    with-
    draral by the Chinese and sumeuder of fffty virgins by tho
    Nepalose to their Emperor. The ,latter story makes tho
    withdrawal worse than conditional. Auy surrendor of women
    to the victor would go against tho self-respect and diguity
    of Nepal which the Gorkhalis would not do at any uost.
    Wo come to know from tho following lines of Sylvain Levi
    how high bas the opinion.of the Emperor about the bravery
    of the Gorkhali patriots. Levi wrote :
    'The Chinese Emporor Iearnt through official reports the
    indomitable courage of the small tribe who had dared to
    oppose him ; the Ambassador Macartney sent by the British
    to the Court of Peking to carry tho tribute, in ITSE confirmed
    end completed these information ; Kieu-long held firmly to
    this belief and on the point of abdicating after a reign of sixty
    yeare (1736-1796) he recommended to his successor not to
    .interfero without absolute neccessity into tho Gorkhe afl:eirs,.1o r

    If a humiliating aet of tho typo as suggested by the


    Burrendor of virgins was done by the Nepalese, the Emperor
    would not hayo surely erpressed the above eentimeut.
    Now to Bum up the arguments about tho terme of the truco
    between Nepal aud China. We have to strike a balance

    104. 1, P. 181. Stannorr, G. Bart : An Authentic Acoount of the EerI


    of Macartney's Embassy to the Emperor of Chita, L:nilon 179? (the author
    hae, however, not read this book) quotetl by S. Cammann who 3ives a similar
    story'
    TEE fiAAT OOBtr,EA.IIBET W B 477-

    betweon tho two positions, that of a total dofoet and


    that of viotory for Nopal. ft vas too absurd to suggo6t
    th&t Nop&l had oomo opt viotorious in ths War. But
    shg was also aot totslly vonquiehed. Tho Chi]leso had
    foiled to eooure total victory over tho Nopalese. Although
    th6y h&d Buoceeded in achieving .succegs in tho initi&l Btago
    and could peaotr&te deop into tho intorior, tbey had
    beon evontually obliged to oveou&te, and loavs tho border,
    though thoy did it of thoir oyq eccord &fter a prelim!
    n&!y agreement on the terms of tho treaty, Nepal had not
    ootled any pa,rt of tho torritory eroept & littlo etreich in the
    Kerong-Kuti eoctor, (oven about tbis it ra,s raid that Nepal
    had wrested this portion and nore from Tibst siaco the early
    l6th century) ond no residout Amban wae &ttachod to tho
    Court at Kathmaudu to superyi8e its internal and ext€rDel
    afrairs. The Chiaeae woro oontont to securo for thoir Emperor
    Nopal'a aoknowlodgsmeDt of hi8 soveroignty, vhich wae only
    nominal. All this did not &t all afrect Nepal's eoveror'gn rights.
    to mansgo its own busiusss iu any Bphoro whatiosver. To this
    ext€nt tho likely adverse results of 6ho var sero ofrsot in
    Nepal's favour. But attho aamo timo Nopal wae deprived of
    all rights iu Tibet, whioh it could not havo willingly eurren-
    dorod. It was no moan losr to -tho Nopalese to havo gurmudered.
    tho priyileges they onjoyod for centurios. But thoy had to
    accopt it as a prioo for peaoo, Thie was cerbainly sometbing
    erpressive of dofost. So was the seoession of the small aree
    ou the border with Kerong aad Kuti strotch, if *6 sorutiniso
    tho fact moro olosely. the ouly redeoming feature oftho
    whole sffair was that ths Chiueso army had not cbosen to
    stay ia any plrt of Nepal. Evidontly, they had been forced to
    go back without loaving any trace urdef forco of circumg"
    tencoS.
    Ln tho ffnal analyais, it may be raid that whatever the.
    Nepoleso reoordg claim for ths reeult of the sar, tho fact can-
    not be deniod that Nepal wag defeated by the Chinere. Ilorever..
    we c&nnot forget that in this inetonce Nepel, a emall coutrtryr
    478 ODEBN XIPAI,

    rss pitohd agoinst & m[oh overwholming force of a vastly


    suporior onomy who was sovoral timos bigger in teaoutcos,
    territory aatl mrn-pgwor. This defoat war uoC so ignominous
    aa it vould hrve beon if Nopal had wagod a b&ttls with an
    oqual.

    Overall Dfiacte ol War or Netrnl


    It thet epart from geoeral s&orifoes of a protrsoteil
    seems
    wor it had to mako, Nopal ultimatoly lost uothing in t€rritoly
    or indepondoace by theso roversos' But on tho othsr batd
    sll oressin Kuii and Kerorg Bootor that lay on that sido of
    tho llirnalayas os woll ar a little portiou on thiB sido woro
    ffnally sottleil in favour of Tibet muoh to the opposition froui
    Nopal. Tibet wos. howevec, requirod to pay Rs. 10,000 yoarly
    cs s tlibuto to Nop&I. f,rou a oiroular letter of Bahadur
    Shah (YS l8L6 thadru oaili 2, roj 6) the boundary lino fired
    in 1789 to assign holfof Kuti to Nepal wos in pursuance of
    tho old agroement referred to horo that took pleco in
    Pratrpamalla-Bhimrmalla's timo. Bub the agrtement of
    l?93 did away with thil provision sltogether. Now tho
    frontier liue in this sector did not also follow the Eimalayon
    heighte and wator-shods to oonform to tho n&turel boundery,
    becauge Tibetan territory had here deeply penotrated far
    inside the Eimslayan hoights on Nopal'o side.
    This was, howevet, truo of only tho e&atern sector. fn
    the W€8t the old boundary of Nepal was regarded as to have
    held gooil. Its jurisdiction ovor Mustang and similar oNher
    juttingE w&s not questionod. In tho middte sector that had
    witnessod a sceno of Chino:e incursion the dem&rc&tion was
    otherrsiso not c rnforming to its original line.
    'fho Govornment of Nopal lost tho right of coinago. Ordi-
    narily in this matter Nopal rould qot havo been e total loser
    becauso of tho oconomic suprem&cy as its curronoy had the aomo
    negotiability io terms of orohangel o - But all import of Nopaleso
    5

    g'
    106. TEEI. OL.,116-12b-13, 2rb-15, l{1&9b'10 (Citeil by oeEm8!E)
    rEE OOBTEA.IIETT WAB 470
    'IBAT
    ioulfonoy rba pcohibited end similarly the ontry of Nopalce
    into Tibot wag baanedro6. Nopal'r oooaomio advaatagoe werc
    aor rondsrsd inefrootive by theso measures of the Chineo
    Goveromoot. For somotims et le&st Nop&l was praotioally out
    of from Tibot ond its trado in that srea, had oatirely osased to
    orist. By a spocinl olause of tho treaty signed botweon Nepal
    ond Tibet thst we8 to follow all theso settleoonte, Nopal wal
    *lso requirod to aoknowlodge th€ Euzereinty of tbo Eoperor of
    China aud it appmrs th&t tho KiDg did acknowlodge Chinese
    overlordahip eYen thougb nominally for a loog timo. Furthor
    while acknowledging Chineso suzerainty, Nepal renounced its
    oonquesi ofsikkim which now becamo a vassal of the EmPer'
    orl o ? . Of courro, these provisionr wore designod to work &g&ingt
    Nop&l'B iniorest both materially and psychologically end no
    doubt thoy succoodod. Ag a reeult of ths rovorses Nepal osmo
    to bo tot&tty etcrilised vis o vis ths norchorn ueighbour' Nor
    io thst relstionship Nepat'r lot wos o&8t for tho role of a vassstr
    of Chiua. Nopal olso undertook to senil a rogula'r 6ro yoarly
    tribute to China ooosistiog of elophants, horaes, peaoocks,
    0 8. Eamilton saya that
    rhinoceros horne, and posoock Plumosr
    with regord to tbis &spoot of Gorkha'Chineao rotationg tle feol-
    ing in Nopal bad been to t&ko it as a friondly allianceroe. Ir
    ocoordanco with tho 8t&t€ment of Chiooes souross the status of
    Nopol was to bo liko that of Chior'g many othor dopondonts
    liko Koreo, Aonam, Siom snd Burmalro' It woe undoretood

    lc6. TUEL, OL, 1l0 rrb-13, 37b KTSLi 1411'38b-15' I118'9b'10.


    ll7. THEL, CL., 1r8 98. 11 quoted by E' CsloE!trd' P' 131
    lJ8. I(uug-bsu IIui tie!' 67 I3b quot€il by 8. CaEt!3trD'
    lO9. Ibid. Kirtpotlick, h.wever, slys (Preiec6): It wss i4 othor rBs-

    ll€otB by Do ltosos honolrtsble to the lulsls of thst sotrntly, esPocislly il lt


    bo true, as $sB efitmeal6t the tiEo by roluo ilt€lli8e[t porsonsr that e littlo
    looro Aror,ess on tho P!.t of the BeSoncy would sp:eilily hav6 ooropollod th6
    Cbiaese (rybo hal eufisrod gtcstly from sickresr a,nal6catoity slril {€!6 aot
    le6s impationt to quit NePrI th:tn the NoPili*ns to 8ot tid ol thoE) to solioit
    tbe scooaoilstion \yhioh thby r!.ero P3rmiibsil to Er tii€ o aorit ol graBtiig'
    lll. IluBDg-hsu Ilui-tie!! 6?.13b T!iIIL CL, 110 lrb i KTSL 1111 l4b
    quoieil by d. CaEExtrE.
    480 UODf,BN NE?AL

    that Cbinoeo soveroignty ir thoso countriea saaso little oreF-


    cised tbst itB aocoptanco did not mesn cu silment of their owD.
    sovoreign rights to any dogr€e. Except five yearly tribute, no
    other obligations vsre to bs discbarged by these countries.
    Beyolrd thir the status involved only &n aoknowlodg€m€nt in
    perpetuity of tbo Euzorairty of tho Chinsse Emperrr. fn fact
    in that oontort Chinese suzerainty wos meaninglerir and Nepal
    wae as indepeudent ag everlrl. The evonts following provo
    that Nopal vas fieo to pursuo its own courso aud mogt of all it
    fought battles with oxtornal powors, whioh a vass&l ooulal not
    have foughtl r !,
    Ono could Dot Bey thet Nopal oomo out of the otdeel.
    uusoathoil. It had surely involved tromondous loes of valuable
    lives, years of ffghting labour aqd sbovo all a proud country's
    prostigo. But the end had left Nepel pr&ctioally wbero it hed
    beon beforo the war with the same torritorial poeseesiono and
    eovoreign powers, Ilowover, with tho Chinese Emperor accop-
    of th6 war oert&inly reflocted
    tecl as overlord tho 6.nal upshot
    uofavourably on the feir and proud nome snd credit of tho
    Nopaleso p&triots oyen if it b8d Dot afrected its total indep,on-
    dence and teuitorial integrity.
    Ae a result of the war, ths Tibet-Nopal boundary was
    also dofineil and uarked off here' and thors by piled atonee
    ("Obos").rlr But this kind of delimitatiou was doue only in
    Kuti agd Kerong aroas. Eleowhere the boundary was loft
    vaguo. A kind of rough dem&rcation, howover, fo[o\red iD 185?.

    lll. Tho NPI|aI GovornloeEt usetl to 6sEdl 8ve J'etrly iloputstioE with
    Dre6eDk to ths ChiEese Ccurt tiII 191,2, Iho 6rst !ois6io! led by Xqsi Devs-
    iatta l'hrp. sDd PratilrraD RaEs roacheal PctiDg ia I7l4 gake (1792 A.D.)
    1l?. Bsmflton, P. ,40. "Th6 tribute rgteetl upon has never evon troen
    ilsmaoiledl Euch l€ss 6rpecteil, sotl tho Clorkbslis sre iD th6 habit oI sryiag
    ihst should thoy hsyo any disputs with the English, thei, only folmidsblo
    neighbour, thoy will oI&iB the prot€otioE ot tb€ ChiBe€e, wilb $hose iDfluoDco
    over the Ooop&Dy tlrc, @6 to D6 tluch t€tter ecquaitrted thsi oD6 woula
    Usv6 sxl,cctca", From otr uDpublishod lette! wlitt€o to th6 Ri!8 oI Nel,al
    by chlsu Jung, dated Gh)tlung 67 (h th6 cugtod, of the Foreign A8airs
    fljnisrry of tbe Nepel GovellD€Dt) it sppeatr that the Chioese retumeil all
    tbe coDquereil territoriei \\'ithiD Nepa,l to the lnl,ter, asil this lettrr coDtliDeit
    & so!6 oI utralertahjDg to thot effect,
    3. TETEL CL, 116, 14bII. KISL, 1411. 24b. 1412. 95ff citedby S..
    CaEBer}&
    IE! rIBI!I OOBTEt-TrEtr W..'B 48I

    Ia Kerong aad Kuti the Tibotan territorill limit was purhcd


    to about teu milss rithin tho Ltngur Uplond. Bursoa wa,
    the hst Nsplldo outpost io the former, and Kodari in the
    lsttor. Both tbeso are rituated on thie eids of the Longur o
    bit ineide aa wo havo juat EhowD. It 8eoEs that before th6
    ,sr, tho trsditionel boundary of Nopl wss at Khasa in tho
    Kuti sootor and tho Nopal Govornmont obtaiaed tributog form
    tho Kemr$ traot. fD the rottlomont tbat followed Khasa wap
    codod to Tibst ond Nopal alao had to give up its rigbt to
    obtaio tributes from Korong. X'or about 16 miles iu eacb
    of these, thero ic the rivor ae the frontier lin€ &t the momsnt.
    In Korong tho Bhotia Kosi and Lindo Kbola form tho
    boundary aad in Kuti anothor river, by name Bhotia Koei
    runs to donsrcste tho bounilary. Al[ thie demarcation Ys&
    done io courao of ths now settlemont. Elsouhere tbe mountain
    was the ecknowledgoil barrier of domarcotion between Nepal
    and Tibot.
    I(uti and Keroog provided tho tr&ditional highways between
    Nepal and Tibot. By oontrolling thero, tho Chineso wero to
    rogullt€ tho flow of trade botseen tho two countriea. But all
    kindr of oommorcial trsni&otionr cemo to & rtop as tho Chinese
    ertonded thoir control over this or'€e.

    The Xirul Nepalzse Miasbn lo Pching

    Wo roed from the Nepaloso thet the miseiou had


    sourceE
    sterted from Dhaibung aa soon a8 the truco was aigaed, ond
    this was lod by Kazi Dooilatta Thapa' It sPpears thet the
    rame delogation which had uegotisted tho truce vas sent to
    Peking to wait ou the Eoperor of Chino. The instruction to
    tho delogetion given by tho Government was that they should
    erplain to the Empero! thet the Nep&lese had acted on thc
    instigotioa of tto Syamarpa Lama, ald they had no intsn-
    tiotr to di8ploase the Eoperor $'hom they respected so highly-
    Tho Nepalese did not wautto fight Tu-Thwang' The Kazi
    /{42 IODABIS ITBPIIJ

    rat leDtlowsit oathc Empomr bcoouso ths Chine Ocae-


    rel .ordersd ao. The King or his unole should havo. uder-
    traken the trip. .bnt tho King wis in inf&nt and tho onelc
    'could not Ieeve tbe country duo to prcocoul)Btion rith tho
    afaire of &dministrstion. Eenco tho delogotion led by tho
    :Kazi vse, in PoLiag to Book the Empsrror,s eheltor.
    If aeked, tho delegation wes to s&y that Nepal ras on friend-
    ly terms with the British and Nawab Aeafdoula. They weru
    also to 8ey that if at any timo tbere waa &n attsc& on Nepal,
    thoy looked to China for help. The .assuar&nce of s8listsnc6
    thould fiud a placo in tho Emperor'a lett€r to tho King, Tho
    ingtruotion is incorporatod in a letter datcd yS lg49 Awitu
    Buil,i 2 roj,3.: Tuesday, l8 Septembor, 1192.
    Thefollowing Ercorpt from s lottor Fritter by tho delega-
    tion from Djigarche to King R&na Ba,hadur gbah on .thoir
    retum jourBey gives further dotails about the 6rst MisEion
    -and the route trovolled by thom. The signetories to thig
    letter Bro Deodatta Thapa, PretiEsn Raaa, Jayanta Shabi
    -a,nd Balbhadra who composed th6 delog&tion. Thoy vdte
    ''Stsltiag on the l6th of Bhadra from Lhaee we resohed here
    on tho 26th Bhsdro. We shall meet the Lama. So fer no
    arrangonent bas beon made for horses. T[o shaH not be ebls
    to roach there before Dasahora. We might &rriyo E or 6 dtyg
    ther€&fter.
    "Your Majoety ahall rouembor th&t ws w6ro accompanied
    by two Keshmiri interpreter. on our wey to pekiog. Theso
    have aleo oome beck along with tho Misaion. Interpretsra of
    four Kazig of Lhasa and tbres Dhowoe of Lhasa altogottor
    aevoD poraorls shall como to seo ug off ae far as Kerong at tho
    instlnce of th€ Ambar. To tho Jamadars of tho attendant forcs
    vs recommend the asard of some prizee of swords and, Rhula:te
    as woll as of a winter coat (Bakkhu) of banat clotb. Tbo
    Dbowas also deserve rewards from your Majesty. Chintai is
    deputed to wait on you by tho Amban. your Majeety shall
    confer on hio prizes whon tho party roeohes tho oourt.'r t a
    114. Nepal Sal,sktitik Pa tad Patika,No. g,a.
    lBI FTSBT @BAA -IIEDT WTE rs3

    The lotter ,rras tritton undor ileto lir,la Blaiha fud; 3 toj 1:
    Surday, 8 Soptember, 170;].
    It appoora that tho total tine tskon by the minion to
    .reaoh Peking and bo back to Kothmartdu waa noarly a yeu.
    Ths ni:eion etayod in Poking for about flvo monthr' ftom
    {hinoao and Tibotan sourceB r:o know th&t. the title of W'ang
    end plumos for their crowns wero conforrod on Rana Bahadur
    ,ond his uncle.

    $ffeat of ,he War on Britiah Diplonacy

    .As soon ae the truce was agrood, the British wers told not
    .to ssnal tho modiator to such far off plaoo ginoo thero was no
    aoed for suoh occssion as the Chinsso haal vithdrawu.lr5 This
    was in Octobor, 1792. Theh ettitude rsmainod tho s*me up till
    January, l?$3. Io mset & roquert from Kirktrntriok tbat he
    bad come as far as Patna, aqd hs ha.d with him o lotter of tho
    Sritieh Govornor-General in furtherance of mutual friendahip'
    Bam Sb*h ond Diuanath Upadhayt woro seut thither but rt
    $nyrsto he was aot reedily aocepted.rli Not until certain
    prolimiTry objoctions were raised snd satisffed he wss allowod
    to prooeod. Wo ahall t&ko up the subjeot of KirlpatrioL'e
    mirsion in tho next chsPter.
    The British sttsmpt to penetroto into Tibot olm colLrped
    .as a rorult of tho wu. Tibst wrg now Yortuslly oloe€d. Tho
    Lrmas ver6 doprivetl of powerr to comnuuicato with the
    foreignen. Now th6 Chineso authoritiel Isore tho solo repository
    of theeo powors. But they woro loast sommunicativo. Even
    es a oorsequonco of this the Britieh mic:ion in Chilra led by
    Lord Maoortney aleo fail6d,
    The leader oI tho mission reported that on account of thcir
    non-oommittal attitude in the dispute the British woro regard-
    etl 'to have given essistanco to an enemy of tbo Chineso.'r I ?
    115. I/ott€! oI ths Baja oI Nepol to th6 GovorDor-C6Delsl CPC, 23, I.
    ;
    116. 8€or6t DopsrtEedt, 17 Joau.rr, 1?93 leth! oI tho RajE, receiv€il
    "ou ,ail Jqauary, 1?93.
    U?. S€.ret Ploce€ilings, 29 SepteDl.t, 179{.
    {8r IIODEBX }lfPAL

    Markham, the author of the Nanatiaes of Bogle's misstorr


    lamentod the Britigh failuro-'wo lost all good resultg of tho
    polioy of Warren Eaatinga and the friendship of the Lamas,
    oxcited joolous suspicion of the Chineso Governmeut, and tho
    scorn of the Nepalese'.

    Costly onil fruitless aenture

    We havo seen whatthe war cost to Nepal in terms of the


    loss of human matorial, suffering undergone and prestigo
    irpaired in the course. We have also seen what this country
    obtained in roturn. Tho balance weighed heavily againsb Nepal..
    Today after nearly 180 yesrs wo have a full pioturo of the
    wholo affair ond judging from a study of all aspecte of the
    ovent it has to bc admitted that the Tibetan war of ths
    Nepalese was o costly and fruitless venturo.
    There is one thing more. The Chinese Commander had
    ereoted a memorial pillar in Lhaea inscribing lines muoh dero-
    gatory to the fair namo, of the Gorkhalis. The inscription'
    abuses them, and oalls them n&Eles, barbarians, oheate otc.
    ft further sayo that the Gorkalis were let off only while they
    pledgod words to bscomo a vassal of the Emperor. WhateYer
    argumeut might be put forth to justify Nepal's stand in'
    acknowledging Chineae suzerainty, tho fact remains that Nepa}
    v&s nover a vassal stato of China oven though ite vassalago
    was just in theory. It was claimed later thst the Nepalese
    could use their dopoudonoo on China to demand protection if
    tbo British thought at any timo to invade Nepal. The Nepalese
    Bharadars and officials do not also seem to havo attached more
    than a parsing signifioanco to their relation with China. Nor
    any idea of ignominy associated with vassalage had over'
    woighed with them. This was so becouso in practice thero
    was no loes of independence. Bub who can deny that Nepal
    had to pay a heavy price for the war and it extricated itself
    out of the situation rviUh extreme difficulty and while the
    poaco returnod Nepal becamo a vassal stato of China ? No
    rEE rlB lt OOBE,EA-TIBET WAB 485

    iadependent country voluntarily sgrees to beoomo a yasacl


    ctate of another. howsoever great. It had obviou Iy afforded
    'no pleasure to Nepal to sigo a treaty acknowledging Chineso
    tuzerainty. Undoubtcdly Nepal hod acted in that connection
    under compulsion of particular circumetanoes. But nevertholess
    ,it was a price that Nepal paid for itg defeat in the war.
    Aec:rding to Chinese and Tibetan sourees Nepal hail
    consented to become a vassal of Tibet for a period of sirty
    Toare ia between C. 615 A. D. and C. 705 A. D. This ie wrong,
    but now Nepal had really became a vassal of China. A country
    from beyond the Eimalayas wag destined to play a dominaut
    rol; in the war and as a result Becure position of a suzerain
    pow6r in regard to Nepal. This time it was ,Manchu China
    which had imposed its vassalage cn this eountry. Eiatory had
    repeated itself after nearly elevon hundred yeare.

    It was seid byKirkpatrick that a Iittle moro patienco on


    the part of Nepal might have ssved them from a humiliating
    treaty ae the Chinese wero muoh too erhausted to be prepared
    f,or a protractod peaco parloy and in an endeavourto soe a quick
    'solution would ha,ve dropped the clauso requiring the Gorkhaila
    to acknowledge Chinese euzerainty. But even earlier while they
    wero having &n easy timo in Sbuth Tibet just at tho end of thc
    frst phase of the war, the Gorkhalis had not hesitated to aocept
    tbe suzerointy of tho Chinese Emperor. We eurmise that
    vhile the final agreement was concluded,the former draft had
    been pro lucod in toto and thus the plrticular clauso about
    China'e suzerainty came to bo adopted. Tho Nepalese negotia-
    ,tors could not have objected to that clause baving aecepted it
    ,alreadX three years back. But if there was no such presaure
    exerted on them for acceptance, thero must be some other
    reeson for it. It ie said that tho Nepalere plenipotentiaries
    had thought that unless China's euzerainty wae acknowledged,
    the benefrts of tho treaty ontered upon with Tibet could not
    be availod of. One may ask, why should they covet certaiu
    advantages in Tibet and accept a vassal's status to enjoy the
    $6 IODEB]$ T'P,rI,

    lano ? Wcf,e thoy ao invaluablo as to impGl one to go to the


    length of oompromiaing ono's intlcpendent etatus ! But tbio
    slao doog not seom t,o be a euficient gtourd to justify Nepal'b
    lirtc of aotion in that dirootion.
    A probeblo erplaaation for tho conduot of the Nepalese
    iri occopting a rubsidiary plaoo vis-e-vis China ie tbat on both
    oocasionr baving overron prts ofTibet they were afraid of
    repriaalr by the Chlneso and they thought tb&t in asmuch ae
    Chiuere suzomirrty was too vsguo and infectively ererciaed,
    they ooutd &y6rt tb6 risk by acceptiog to become China's
    vassal. But thon thoir Tibetan raide could bo branded as
    thoughtlessly utrdortakoa.
    Whatsvor the sxplana,tion Nepal ilid uot fare well by the
    wrr in Tibet.
    Th6 sftermath wa,a ovon moro complic&ted. The Nopalese
    immediately faced the British mission. This question tackled,
    thero ras intemol crieis born of disunity amongrt the nobility.
    This crisis further deopdnod and- it was to give rise to worct
    kiad of political instability. Nepl had now bocomo totally
    etetic. Its ueutl vitality ofa newly rieing etate vas gone.
    Its marob onward was holil up. We shall deal with thess
    ihilo proper oooasion comes. For twelvo years Nepal seeihed
    in .agony and trou.blos. its progresa arrested and all acti-
    vitie8 at st&ndstill and it was rescued as the etrong personali-
    ty of Bhimreu Thapa emorged in tho scene asserting vigorously
    to put down with iron hand all that t€Dded to reaken aod
    disorganiae tbo couDtry.
    This much for tbe 6nal coEment on the Tibetan War of
    the Nopaleso. Thore was one redeeming featuro. Tbanks to
    China's etupeudoua iguoranco of the rorld outBido and to tho
    geogrrrphical bsrrrier repmsent€d by tho high enowy peaks of
    tho Eimalayas, Nepal wrs not touched by the Chineso once
    they had croased over tho pesBes &fter the l,ruco wag concluded
    in the winter of 1793. The Nepalese bad also mainta,ined the
    oontinuity oftbo five-yoarly mission to imprcss tho Chinese
    that Nopal had not shaksn off itl ststus of the Emperor'e
    tsE rlBsr ooEEEl-TtElt wlB 87
    v&Essl. Ait6r &ll Chins hsd obtsinetl itg suzerainty ovor Nopa?
    not to €footivoly sroroiso it. The Chiaoso Lner! thot tho brovc
    Gorkhalis had tarod their patisnco iD tbo 6ght sDd giyon thoru
    eufrciont ombarsE8Eont. Thoy had no desiro to orastr)orsl e
    thom and drivs them ioto e doEperato litustion to rener ths
    grim Btruggle. Thoy varted to forgot Nepal for tho four'yeoro
    of the miseion's ffve years wanting to aoek reminder oaly in
    tho fffth at tho vory oud of the term.

    Ncpal eent last mission in f908. In l9t2 a gre.t reyolutioD


    uproot€d the Manchu dynasty, anil a ropublio. eev itl bLth,
    Sincs then there had beon no tributary miseiou from Nepat.
    Aftor somo time the vassalago of Nopal wae looked uponar o
    msttor of history. In the thiltios the Foreign Minietry of Chino
    had no knowlodgo of Nepal boing their tributary. In lgd0, the
    Pooples, Goverament of Chioa rocogniaed Nopal es e eoveroign
    and ildspondent country.
    AU this shows that Chineee
    .suzerainty wos restiDg on
    artifioial foundatioa and 'uot only nominally cloroised, it v&a
    alao incoosidteot with the inerorable roeda of geograpby,
    history and culturo as it was io tho oaso of Burma, Thailand
    and Indo-Chiaa.

    In 1908 Lord Curzon arked the then Prime Minieter


    Chaudra Shumghet &bout tho cher&cte. of the mission; to
    which the reply aont from Nopal was that this was not $
    tributory deputation and was chorged to only ccrry rome
    presertE (Bazrar) to tho Emporor iu Peking.* I think that
    tte lapse of time had eroded tho tributarJ ohBracter of tho
    miEBion.

    .A lottoriro tho 6erio. ol Utrpublisheil SocorAs ol l.il CutzoE kopt iD thB


    Publlc Librqry, Editrburgb ScodrnA
    APPENDIX I
    Appctdiz I,o tht Memo&
    AccorJing to or rsoordod in tho Aooount Bmk of inoous
    cnd erpenditurc et th6 timc of en sss&ult on Tibet.

    ![he Year 1815. (Vikram)


    ProsootG offored ou beholf
    ofthe niuo hundred subjecta of
    Kerorg through Kaji Jagatjoet Pende.
    on Bhadca Sudi 7. . . . . Rr. 254/8.
    Silver Tolae P,;s. tzLtl-

    tis. lool/-
    For l0 horges 2\llg
    For I toa coko
    tr'or I Cuchin Thaa . .

    ?hc 7ew 1846.


    Presont Betrt by tbe Vekil (ropreEeatstivo) of Sahye of Lhaeo
    on Moghe $udi ?.
    Silsor Tolae for 3 Dhoje . ., AgL|
    2l Khagam for two violet Kuohin Than
    12 Khrgam for one white Kuchin Than
    ll Khagam for ons brown Kuohin Than
    I I Khogam for one greon Kuo[in Thrn
    X'or ouo pair DosLalla Fresented by the Vakil come from
    Lhaso on M4ha Suilir4.

    ?he Year 18t7 . (Yahran)


    Token of preseuts offerod at difforent time! from Bhot on
    Chaitra Sudi lE totalled to lSllil4 tolar of gold smounting
    to l5l-8 Aserff (Gold Mohar) the value of l0 Dam et
    r5-8. Rs. 23a8lr4/8.
    Tho valuo of l0 Dam at l5-8 from Djigarcha Silver Tolns
    2086-8 and eoonomioal (choap) mint silver tolas, eilrer tolas
    I 16-8 totallirg to 2203 tolas at Ro. I por tola . , . . 210tl-
    TED rIB8T OOBIE -IIAET WAB 489

    Tlw ycar 1819. (Vikram\


    Presents takon from Tun Thuan Chinia through Kapardar
    .Bbotu Pcnde and Narsiugh.

    To Hia Majesty Sree Panch


    Dark Violet eoloured coat (Bakhu) . . l.
    {lhina Bubhal glass . 2-
    RedOuclrinThan . , .. o
    Flower spotted Cuchin Than 2.
    Block eoloured small Gaha Cuohin Than t.
    Saffron ooloured Cuchin Than 1.
    'Ilammak Khalada number 6.
    Red Violet and (black) coloured Cuchia Thon . .
    o
    e-
    Red Ghedwal Cuchin Than o

    -Ash coloured Gaha Cuchin Than small 3,


    'Violot coloured check designed Gaha Cuchin . . l.
    'Ting Shyan Than 4.

    To Bhree Mahila Baheb

    Derk violot coloured coat (Bakhu) . . l.


    Pink coloured Cuchin Than ,. l.
    Black coloured Cuchin Than I.
    Violet coloured Cuchin Than I.
    Saffron coloured Cuchin Than I.
    Ash coloured Cuchin Than l.
    Tammak Khalada number 4.
    'Greon coloured number , . l.
    Il,ed coloured number l.
    Violet coloured number small I.
    Ting Sbyan Than 4.
    Amount received through Siri Pande, Jasadhar Panta
    Sinha frcm Kuii as intalment due of tho year 48 ou Magha
    .Sndi 3-1038-8.
    490 UODf,BIT ITES.}I,

    (2)
    Reoorded in the Aooount Book of l8{5, the
    oxpansss incurrotl for differeat needs during the attacL
    of Bhot :
    Tho gift offored to the deitiss otr th6 conqnest of Jhurgs
    on Bbadra Vadi .. .. 0-3?.
    Doshallas givou to the hoadman of Jhunga Kerong
    togetLer with Gauga Dhar Padhya (for 2) amounted to 86/-
    Found in tho Aaoount Book of 1847
    Mbnthly ealary to the sereant of Ohinia come from

    The daily food expsnse to the Bhot of Lhass on Choitro


    Vadi 6 .. .. 30/-
    Ttaoed in ths Acconnt Book of 1849
    The rsward given to tho interprotor accompanying
    Chinia on Jestho Yadi 4 50^
    Prcsent offored to the Raja of Dharma through Dinanath
    Patlhya oa Jestha Vadi 4 . . 118/6/l
    For I Kia Khap Than 60/-
    For I Kin Khap Than . . 67i8
    For 2 Adhersa (whito cloth) napkins . .1412.
    Eor 2 oil cloth -1610-

    Tho o:pense incurred for twenty-one persons for


    carfying tho proseDt I coDsi8ting of wster melon to
    Tun Thuan on Asvrin Vedi 5 . , .. r0/-
    The erpenses incurrod f<-rr coolies for carrying Shyamarpa
    Lama's bolonging to Dhaibung on Aswin Vadi 6 5l-
    Tho prico oftbo goat required while seudiog friendly
    token toTuu Thuan on Aswin Vadi ll . .
    Tho red broad oloth as cover to Chegt to contain
    tho pearl neotlace to b6 presontod to the Emtrreror of
    Chiaa on Assin Vadi 12 i vd.
    Mahesudi oloth l' vd"
    TEE IITAI OOAESA.TIBXT WAB 4gI

    Corering of the lotter require<l to despatch to Tun


    Thua,n ou Aewin Vadi 12
    For I oil oloth piece
    For I Khaea oloth piece
    For I Account Book
    tr'or I Embroidory thtead

    Pregents sent to Uzir Tun Thuan to Dhaibum through


    Rajo Abhiman Sinha
    Bor purchase of articlos
    Ten Pathi of cumminEeode .. 201'
    Tea pathi or4 dharni of , .. . - l7l8l2.
    Ton pethi or 50 dhatni of ghee . 591412.
    Ton ps,thi or 60 dhami of sugar .. , . 661'
    Ten pathi or 5 dharni of bleck poppor . . - . 201'
    Ton pathi or 5 dharni Agafoteada . . 1il-
    Ten pathi or 7 dherni dos€rt nut . . l4l-
    Ton pathi or 6 dharni swests (B&tta,rD&) . . . . 7i8
    For Garlic .. ..218
    For 500 Ksb&taras of curd . . 6218
    ForSmuriof wine .. .. I20/-
    For 25 pigs . . 751'
    For l5 muri of pulse . . . . 80/-
    For 5 muri of smitten rioe . . l6/8i3
    For 100 coconut .: .. 18/12.
    tr'or 5 dhorni of slmonil .. ,.201'
    For 30 dharni ofsalt .. ..37/8.
    For 6 dhr\rai of white oardomom . . 721-
    tr'or 5 dharni of black cartlamom .. ..2118.
    For 2 dharni of oinamon . . f8/-
    For 6 dharni of Alaichidana
    (Blook cardamom coyered with sugar) . . . . 9l-
    For 56 buffaloee .. 44nl-
    Onion . . ll4
    Pumpkio, cucumbor, snakegourd and bean, otc. . . 16l.
    40 muri of rice . . 2781412.
    !',92 XODTBN ITDPTL

    . l0 Pathi of turmeric 31412.


    r' Goats 5tl8lt.

    The expensee of coolie for carrying presents to Dhaibum


    'on Aswin Vadi 13 3r8/-
    The dress aamied by the delegation of Ram Dayal's son
    ,going to China on Agwin Vadi 14
    X'or 2 Kaseiwal Than ,.
    'Bor I Kaaiwel violet coloured Dupatta
    For 2 Than of embroidorod turbans 471-
    tr'or lining of the Jama (frock) $ than of red cloth
    X'or I Than of red chibuli cloth (white and fine)
    X'or 2 red Malmal Than
    I'or I enbroidered Kasiwal Dupatta
    Bor 2 embroidered Jamowal Thon 4r!-
    iror I white Asavari Dupatta of Dhurakpur
    -tr'or I violet
    I'or 2 Agavori Jamewal Than
    Sor Chira Turban Than 4l-

    X'or I silver handled sword to be sent as present to Chanohun


    'on X'algun Vadi 5.1r I

    718. Nepal Sanskritik patrika l-8.


    Aleo roril tho king's ortler for the purchase of certaia artioleg to be presen-
    teil to the Chinese Emperorin YS. IB75 (Itihas Prakas. 1, P.144)
    APPENDIX II
    According to Sylvain Levi we havs from tho Chineso sourcee
    tho following account of Siuo-Nepalese War.r r e
    "The cup wae ovorflowing (Januery lI92). K,ieu-Long
    ordered the 5,000 eoldiers of tho principolitios and military
    colonies of lfin-Tchoau to rally to tho holp of the 8,000
    rogulars iu garrison ai Tibet ; and to cppose io the (teeted)
    tried valour of the Gorkhas, etrong adverseriee, ho raieed
    amoogst the f&ithful Menchuriaus, a forco of 2000 men recru!
    ted amonget the warliks tribos ofSolon, on tho bounilariee
    of Argoun ; timo hail to be geined i thoy werc taken through
    the path of Kou-Teieu-Lou, but briatliog with difficultics
    and impediments. Iu May 1792, the ooutiugents rrore united
    ulder tho leadership of tr'ou-Ifaug ; the Chinese army compris-
    ed only 10,000 men, to tho tsstiEoDy of tho Chineee historiau ;
    tho Tibetan relation (chroniclo) attributes it 70,000 men,
    divided into two divieions.
    'rA fust encounter took place at Tingri Maidao, betweoa
    Shikarjoung and Kuti ; the Clorkhas vauquished after a
    tonifio etrugglo, 1oll baok io rotreet. trou-K'ang occupied
    without a strugglq tho Kirong pass (July l?92) but tho
    mount&iu oost the invoders moro men th&n battles ; thc
    svelanche and tho prooipioo wore rtrore deadly than Gorkhae.
    Ono by one the Gorkha positions fell in tho hands of tho
    Chineso; Fou-K'ang had at his dbporal light artillery
    whioh workod wonilers, leather oannons which 6red ffvo cr sir
    bombs which burst aftorwords. Eitally the Chineeo army
    appoared on tho height of Dhebong about Noakot at a day,S
    journey from Kathmandu (30 kilometres) on the 4th September
    1792. The massed Clorkhae sttempted a supremo offort;
    but.Fou-I('ang rushod his troops on them helped and suppor-
    ted by his artillery rhich ho haC placed on tho rear,
    U9 Levi, U, P. 181,.
    494 UoDEBN NEPAr'

    the Chinose mothorl, against the enemies and


    .*ocoriling to
    the
    *gainst tho runaways'" . - . ;Lovi further writes aboub
    diplomatio migsione . (P. 184).
    t'o Poking an
    "Every ffvo years, Nopal was obliged to sond
    Embassy composod of several high dignitaries &ssisted by
    an
    seort. Tho Enbasey pays rospects to the Bodhisatwa
    ,Manjusri in the peraon of the Emperor and deposits between
    the "five olaws of tho Dragon" a petition writton on gold Ioeves
    togothor with different gifts. The uumber of persons composing
    tho embassade is fixed and oonstant ; it must not sin either
    through shortcoming or exooes. If by an unfortunate accidont
    ono of the members of the Misgion falls grievousl-v
    ill en routo'
    ho is not allowed to stop or abandon tho journey but is carried
    on a palanquin and if ono is not availablo, iir tied
    to the eaddle
    of hie borso. The journey muet be completed a givon time'
    in
    relays all
    by dotorminod stogo. The difrculty of organising
    eiong thia vast stretoh of ground explaius this intransigent
    Bosides the path ie mado ea'sy as far as possible'
    even
    "uo"iity. Dietractions are found of o most intimat'e order and
    agreeable.
    tie ef tho Mission do not disdain them' In t'welvo
    ^embors mission reaohes the frontier of Tibet at Kuti (or
    stages, tho
    A Chinese
    n"p"fj of which tho Gorkhae &ro meaters sinoe 1853'
    directs it in twonty-
    offi."r then takee care of the convoy and
    Thero is a
    'eight eteges to Lhasa through Tingri and Shigatze'
    The Imperial commis-
    nttt of one month and a half at Lhesa'
    they aro
    *ry pro."uds to tho inventory of ths gifts' ascert'ains carofully
    with the stipulations of 1792 and has them
    "o*iit"ot IIe thon instructs tho delegt" of tho rites to follow
    ,""n"a. "
    hands them their indem'uity of
    ,:" iO" pressnoo of the Emperor'
    and also littlo presents of a personal naturo
    (silk'
    ;;; j".;""r, give him; and
    ,-it", p"aa"d clothes)' The delegatcs-in-return
    T{epalese king. }'rom
    iou,ur", Lama tho persoaal gifts of the
    to Ta-Tsien'Lon' frontier of
    Lhasa the delegates &re directed
    China and Tibet, in 6i
    ;'l'g's withhaltsatDezong' Gya-h'
    chor-Kong la, Lhatse,
    rtvando Dozong, Artsa, Lha ri, Alamdo,
    Tag-yab' Nyeba' Batang and
    Maganda, Lagoog, Tcharndo'
    TEtr FIBST GONXEA-TIBEI WAB 495

    Litsng. The oscort ryhich come from Lhasa stops at Ta-Tsien-


    Ion, anil the mandarine of Seo-tchaou thon tako tho direction
    lnd tho rosponsibility of the Embassy. In sevonty-tpo Bt&ges,
    it reaches Peking through Hona, efter eight long months of
    journeying-

    "Tho Embasey sojourns forty-five days in the capital and


    its chiofg aro allowod to prostrate themselves once bofore tho
    Emperor in person, thon it
    turos by the Bamc lray. but it
    .crosasa oyor tho Ifimalayas by the
    Kirong pass. Tho barbarous
    eoil h8s soiled tho Gorkha euvoys, thoy aro obligcd to stop for
    three daya at Noakot to undergo the ritual of expiatione which
    will return them, together with tho Iegal purity, the lost oaste.
    As a public cousecration of their recovsred purity, tho king
    oferc thom water from hig own ower. A state procossion goes
    thon to roceive the Imperial misgive which tho Embassy has
    brougbt baok. The Ling leads tho way, accompanicd by 6fty
    nobles on boree-back ; tho coun8eUorr and the king are ritling
    on olophauts. Throo thousand soldiers surround tho cortege.
    At a loaguo from tho capital, the kiug eomes dorn f"o- hi"
    elephaut, he tekes the missive which tho envoy carries round
    his neck, hanging in a eheetb coverd with brocatlo, a c&nno-
    nsdo Balutes this rslemn moment. The king hange back
    tho
    lotter to tho neck of the envoy. The envoy thuo g"t.
    on oo
    clophant and taLea in his turn the lead; tilt tho
    ertry to the
    Pelaco".r t o

    lto. to ooDDectioD pith the ttis.ion st pskiEg. F€ril Csvstr gh,6g_66


    (sftet the Nepst€so ofrcorr) ; Ilodgsoa ; lllscelloneoui Xssays, 11, 16?-19C
    (Notrrsleseitir-,tul6d) ; Euoter, Lit€ of IIoikoE, .p.7g (Beoel,lion oI th6
    EDLass]l ot Xsthoauoiu) i I!dbsdt-Eea*,, o[ 6pisol6
    oi dtplouatio
    roletiorb betweoD ChiEA a[il Nep&l in 164!. iD ,B€viov oI tho
    Fer iasf l1t
    (188?)' 1-23 ; RooLhiU, 'Ih6 [.uil of ths Lrmrs'-Lorlou, fSSf (iltelricr
    lrlth the EEboerr),
    APPENDIX IIIr r l
    Two Roeords of the invaeion of Nopel by the Chinees in
    t792.
    I
    Writtoo by thc King, &nd ongreved upon & stono rlab belor'
    the Potala, Lhaaa :
    Nor that tho Clorkhas have Bubmittod to mo, the Iopeiirl
    aroy hes boon wiihilr*ra, &nd tho aomplotion of this brilliant
    teuth achiovement hag boen sot out ia tho lotter. Tbough. tho
    famo of this E&tte! was gro&t, i6 has not beon fully manifosted.
    Aherofore, tho proclamation has boen inecribed on this monu-
    mont, th&t tho mouurnent m&y seryo alr & moral for tho mindg.
    of meu.
    It comes to ury minil that my miod was formorly attacbed
    to the Yu.kur writiog. Aooording to tho writing ol Che-n-Lur
    tho aots of the respectful aad sympathetic Amban, and o[ tho
    ovnsr of tho oountry, able to porform all thioge, aro sot dowa
    hers. It is writton in s ch&pter of tho Lu A-u that, when tho
    mind ia in & gooal Etato tho mind and the deeds arejoiaed
    together. I{owever, ho who actg ia occordanco with tho sbovo
    procopts rill obt&in the approval of tho Ilelvenly Proteotorl I r
    and will gain reward. As my conduot ras on thoso liner, f
    gaiaed all tho merits neoesEary for carrying ouc tho toa war
    to a suoc€ssful cooclusiou. It is fitting thst thoy .hould
    bs corved otr this monumeDt.
    Tho merits of th6 ten times are as follows :
    Two victories over the Chung-kar.
    Ono victory over IIu-i Se.
    Two victories over Tea.'la and Chu-cheu.
    Oao victory over Ta-i Wan.
    Two victories over Mi-hantan ond An't&!

    12r. ApDendix X\I, Pp.272n. Vol. II by Lauilon. Camaanu holtls thrt


    tbis tmnslatioa is itrcorrect at maDy places.
    122. i e., Emper.! cf Cbids.
    lEE TIBIIT OOBtrEI.-TIBAT VAB {97
    Now I have fought twico with the Clorthas. I hrvc madc
    an end of thom, ead thcy havo tendorod thsir rubnilsion
    to m6
    This oorpletes tho ton tinos. Threo of tho intemsl victorios
    src of losser import&no€.
    Nov as regardr tho submierion of the Gor&has in the
    Eemale Earth-Bird year. Although they b,rought
    trootr)B for
    looting Urt! and Tsang (two provinoss of contral Tibot),
    tho
    A-u Eu-i. Dot da,ring, pa-chung tlid not go into tle
    nattor
    thorougbly, blt arranged it in a hurry. So the Gorkhas
    vero
    rot frightened.
    Again, haviug obtainod loot last yoar, thoy came back.
    Tho
    rioked miniator was degraded, and tho famoue Chang_chua
    was
    eont. Tho latto. arnngod on a large eoal6 for provisiine and
    wagee. u-kaug mou appreoiated my gifts highty, and did
    F
    oot
    oousidor fatigue or fear,
    During the wintor of lest yoar additional sold.iefl of golon
    and Szechuau oeme quiokly, batch by batob, olong
    the gintrg
    road, and arrived in thd oountry of tho thioves (i.e. Gorthasj
    during the 6fth month of this yoar. fmmediately on their
    arrival they retook tho couutry of U and Teang, and capturod
    the territory of tho thioves. Thoy travereed the mountjae,
    eo
    aliffioult to push thrcugh, ao though they were mooiog
    oo"" a
    Ievol plain. They croesed rivers;ith g*rt .aves
    na"ro*
    gorges a8 though they were smell etreamr. They "n-d
    climbod up
    the peake of mountaine and deecended again in tho pureuii.
    They captured tho importent ploces and at tho ssme
    time
    osptured the roads in the gorgos. Not oonsidoring
    iojurioe
    to hande or feet, they fought eeveu betdes and g.io"d
    victories. The thievos wore pauicstrickea. "uru,
    After th&t, when tho troops &rrived oloso to yam-by (i.e.
    Kathmaudu) the ohiof leaders of the thiovee ,re.u -Th.o
    *ot. .olll
    submitted respectfully and reproeontod that thoy
    ;;;;a
    duot thomeolyes according to our orders. eJtUough
    thuy;.;;
    out t[o ordors of the great Commaoder.in_ChU, tn"y
    ,"* ooi
    199. OhaBliriE i.0., ghig&ts€ i. itr Trong.
    498 XODEB}I NTPAL

    allorod to ent€r our encampment. The rearon for thir rsE thst
    tast yoar they aeized Ton-dzin Pal-jor and those with himrl' by
    mesns of a falsehootl i &nd Bo they wero not allowed to ontor.
    Owing to the gro&t heroiem of the miShty army the
    thieves we-re holpless. Ee coulcl have had them removod
    from hig preEonce, and could have made an end of thom,
    lotting not eveu ono of them escrpe. Eowevor, th&t w&s rot
    thc wish of tho Heavonly Protector (i.e, Chineso Emperor),
    Evon if all those torritories had been obtained, as thoy are
    moro thau a thousand distancog from the frontiors of U and
    Tssog, it would havo beeq difficult to cultivate them &nd to
    guard them. As for ordinary, simple people, oveu ifthcy
    .obtain o thing, the end will not bo gained. Therefore, ordere
    wero giveo, the rospectful submiBsion was uoted, snd tho
    srmy wac withdrswn. Thoreby the work was completed.
    Formerly, iD tho time of King Thang 1ha-i Tsung, thero yaa
    .* confereuoewith tLe Ohi-li (the Englich), As it wss ehowa
    that tboy (the Gorkh6s) were coaquered and powerless, ho (tha
    Chi-li) eoid tbat they would always remain on good torms
    iwith China). It is not fftting to tako tho ChiJi a8 an orrrnple.
    Tho frontisr of U and Teeng ere not ne&r to China. They tthe
    Gurkbas) fea,ring to loso their lives, wore oompelled to.ubmit
    reepootfully. A pcetended submfueion, made in order to
    obtain pesoe, vill not Euffice. A greet victdry hgr now boon
    obtainod. The thioveg havo ofrerod a hea,rt-felt 6hbmi.Bion.
    and thie is believed snd sccoptad. Afairs hrve boon enanged
    in accordance with the three points of King Tha-i Tsong of
    ltaog-gur,
    Necd I write the formor afr&iB of the Tor-go (another tribo)
    how they became afraid of us a;rrd followod ur. IIow thoy
    o.m6 to agroo reith us and to follor us, this ha€ ell been rritton
    already. Now the Gorkhas having admitted their faul t, rnd
    virhiug to savo their livee; fear us ond follow Ue, Thue ogree'
    iog with us and folloriug, tho trro quolitio8 are complote. Tho

    1r4. Theso v€!6 th6 oDvoys ol IiLet to talk trl€&o€


    qith N6pil.
    EEI rrBST OOBBf,A-flBIT VAB r199

    failing was theirs, aad they have edmitted their fault ; that ie
    how the mattor staads.
    If this mattor bo considered, it will bo seon that the poople
    of U, abandoning military pursuits, devote thomselves solely
    to literature. Thus they havo bocomo liko a body bereft of
    vigour. This is unfitting. If a people abandon military pur-
    euits aud make literature their chief objeet' they become unable
    to safeguard their formor position. This should be known.
    Tho manner of going and the m&nner of returning are clearly
    written in the book eatitled 'The planets and Stars'. Now
    undorstand this and do not forget it. ft is to be considered
    ogain and again at the timo of meking wa,r, tha,t it may bo
    of advantago.
    Owing to the knowlodgo gained duriag fifty-seven years of
    warfare these ten deeds havo been fully completed. This is
    tho gift of the Ileaveuly Protector. Thus the kindness of tho
    Eeavonly Protector is exceodingly deep. I also havo fsith in
    it. They (tho Gorkhas) thought thoy could achiovo a great
    deal by violonce, but the favour of the Eeavenly Protector
    remained. ft is hoped that this will tend to turn people into
    men of complete juatioo. Besides this, there is nothing to be
    said.
    This has been written by the King on &n upper date in the
    first month of winter in thd flfty-seventh year of the reign of
    the Eoavenly Protector, that ie to say in the Male Water Rat
    year.

    II
    A descriptive Acaount of the Military Operations of the
    Sacrod (Manchu) Dynasty (Sheng'wu-chi),12u com{iled by Wei
    Yuan, native of Shao-yang (Eunan kovince). the expedition
    against the Gorkhas (Nepal) in the Ch'ien-lung reign. Literally
    tranelated (1926) by Mr. H. S. Brunnert,.126
    Wei Yuan (T. Mo-Shen) died A.D. 1856. Hs served a! a

    125. Londou, PP. 275ff. Appendir. XXI (U).


    126. Chapter Y ol the Aocouut tranelctetl by C. Imbault Euert.
    500 f,OD'BX llEPII,

    magistrsto in the provincas. Eo rrote the "8hong-vu-chi," a


    doscriptiyo aooount of tho military oporstions oftho Manohu
    ilyaasty, ond also the "Esi.kuo t'u-ohih," a rocord of foloign
    aatione, fouuded on the notes of Lin Tse-ksu.
    To the west of the provinoe of Ssuch'uar and Yuunan lies
    Wu-Bsu Tstng-Tibot .1s7 to tho south-west of the latter Gorkha.
    (Nepal), and to the south-wost of Nepal-"The Eivo Indiee''
    India is the Anoiont Buddhist l$rgdom. lt lies to tho
    rrest of Onion RsngerlrS (Ts'ung-ling shan) sDd, on the south
    is bounded by a big sea and tho dietauco betweon India and
    Tibet ia fully oquat to 2,000 li. The opinion haz*rdod by somo
    porsons that Tibet ir tho Ancient Buddhist Kingdom is not
    truo.
    ff one joumeying from Ta'chiou-lu, in Seuch'uan weet-
    is
    vards, there art more th&n 20 etations to Auterior Tibet, l2
    atations more to Cetrtrel Tibot, another 12 stations to Ultoriol
    Tibet, Efter 20 statiou8 more is eituated tho iron Euspdnsio[
    bridge at Chi-lung,l29 rhich is the romotest froDtier plac€ in
    Ulterior Tibet ; to thc weet of thie bridge lios the land of
    Clorkhas (Nopal).
    The original name of Gorkha is Pale'pu country. In old
    times it wss divided into three partB or tribee : 'Yeh-leng-pu
    Pu-Yen-pu and K'u-mu-pu.130 In tho ninth year of Yeh-ohorg
    regin (f731) oaoh tribo presonted to the Throne memoriale
    rrrltten in golden characters, also DatiYo products, in tokeu of
    tributo, but afterwardg the threo tribes were amalgamated into
    ono,131 rnd this country thon become the uoighbour of Ulterior
    Tibot. Its dimeneions are : from ea,st to west-sever&l
    thoucaud li ; from south to north-more tban one thouE&trd li.
    The capital is called Yang-pu ; it lies approximately at ll-12

    1gI. Ootrtril !!ii6t.


    1r8. Th6 Bolurtogh MouBtsins in Tulkodtea'
    129. IhrtoEg.
    130. Pett!, Bhst8soE !,uil (.thmouaq'
    ghah'
    131. Unifloil by Plithvhrtrrl,tt
    rE! rrBsr coBrEA_lM! , ! 501

    doya' journey ftom tho froDtior. Thir oountry also ha.e aone
    Buddhirt rnoaumoDts; theroforo, the tangutslsl yearf oemc
    in pilgrimcge to porship &t tho pagodas and phitavash thom,
    tr'rom snoieut timoa Nopal had no relatione with Chila
    t
    the beginning of th€ hostiutios between them dated from tho
    65th yoar (l?90 A. D.) of the Ch,ienlung ruign, when Nepel
    iuvaded Tibet.
    In tho 4Cth ye&r (l?81 A. D.) of tho Ch,ion_lung roign th6
    Pauoh'oa Lama bf Ulterior Tibetlsg came to tho Capltal
    of
    China to congratulato tho Emporor on tho ooca,sion of his Z0th
    annivofs&ry i donatiom to the pontif camo from .,inglde
    and
    outsido,', (capital and provinoee) like soaa overflowiug end
    mountains "hoaping,. When the panch'en Lema parsod
    away
    in the Capital, hie remaiue were escortod baok to Tibet.
    AE to
    hie treasuree, they all beoamo the property of his
    older brother
    Chung-pa Eutukhtu. But th€ l&tt€r g&vo no donatioae
    oithel
    to the monastorios or to the Tangut soldiory bosidet, ho
    ;
    declined tho olaim of his younger brothor (She-ma_rh_p)
    have
    hisrsharo iu tho division of treasuree, on tbo
    lgrountt tl*t ho
    (Sho.ma-rh- pa) hatl ombracod ..Tho Rett Roligion,'.
    Angereil
    by this rofusal, (Sho-ma.rh-pa) brought his complainte ti
    the
    Gorkhas, and usod tho hoarded troasurss of Ulterior
    Tibot
    aod tho Chuug-pa,r &rrogsDc6 as iaoitpmente to thom to
    invadc this oountry,
    In th6 3rd month of the E6th year (1290 A. D.) of the
    Ch'ien{ung roigu, the Gorklae, using as the preto:t the
    increaro
    of tares on mercbaudiso ond tho admirture of duet
    in the
    table-ralt, 8ent troops end invadod the frontier aroa.
    The
    Tangut aoldiers voro not ablo to make rny resistaaco.
    As for
    tho offcorg whom ths Govornmo[t &ppoint€d, in ordoc
    to help
    in th6 oxtormin&tion of invadors o.g., ofroor of tho Guards pi
    ohung, Tartar Glcnorale Ao-Eui, Ch'ong-to sud othors_
    th6y triod to Bstflo ths msttd smicsbly sad to getposoo

    13S. Tib6th8,
    193. I.bzrn8PslA6a-Y.sh€r.
    fiz XODIBII IiIPAIJ

    bribery. So thoy scoretly rdrilod tho Tibotan Abbotc


    through
    uil other ooolaiastioa privetoly to Poy tbo Clorkhsa a
    yo*ly rubsidy of 16,000 in gotd iu ordcr to .toP the
    Eilit&ry oporstionr.
    At that tinia thc Del&i Lama oould not agrco to tho
    ![gg.rtion. Ncvortholoes, Pa.chung vontutsd to doosive tbo
    Empcror by pr€sonting a momorial to tho ofeot that tho rsbolr
    had runondoreil. So far vas tbig from boing tho osse that ha
    aotually persuaded tho Gorkhr ohioftsin to briDg tribute, i!
    ordor to be &Ppointed Priaco of tho country (Kuo-w&ng)'rr'
    In thie "War" not a ringle eoldior was lort, but a million wea
    epnt on soldiers' rations.
    In the 7th month tho Gorkhss sout an Envoy to Titret to
    bring the tribute and to Present a lottsr to the ImPorisl
    Rosident thoro, requesting that tho stipulstiotrs of tho Tro&ty
    (with Pa-ohung) bo oompliod with. But Gonoral Ao-Eui, fear-
    ing tho discloeure of tho above Eentionod feota, put thie letter
    asido and did not memorialize tho Throno.
    Noxt yoar (1791 A.D.) Tibot again did not ovserve tho
    Trcaty, as regartls ( in sPito of the r€ooipt of ) tho yoarly
    subsitly. Iu conaoquonco, the Gorkhae sgain rai8od troops
    and penetr&tod deeply into Tibet, uader tho protext of
    puuishing tho oountry'for ths broaoh of tho Tre&ty.
    To tho eouth-wosl, of Tashilumpo, in Ultorior Tibet, &ro
    situatod : Oh'u-to-chiang-kung-to the East, and & mountain
    rangg bearing tho namo of P'eng-ta'o'ling-to the Wo8t, both
    possessing importa,nt stratogical positions, conristing of sheer
    prooipioes, suoooeeive ridges and defilee. The rebel iufantry,
    to the number of sovoral thoueand, deboucheil from a place,
    namod Nieh-la-mu,l8 s At that time, tho GoYernment troops,
    both fibetan aud Chinoso, had only to tlivide themsolves
    into tro dotaohments, tho ono dofendiug Ch'u'to-chiang-kung,
    to prevont tho onomy from advancing; the other making a
    dotour to the P'ong-ts'o-ling mount&in range, iu order to cut
    194. Rulo!.
    -rgi-]siltrn
    IEE fiBaT OOBf,EA.IIBTa WAB 503

    ofr tte snemy'B retrest. In that iaoe, the Gorkhos, (who had
    invaded the country very dmply, but un&ble to get roirforce-
    ments, pould bs forcod to dispor8o vithout & comba,t.
    But P&o.t'si, the Imperial Residsat in Tibot, oD learning
    obout the rebels' ailvaace, in the first place had the Panch'en
    Lama removed to Antcrior Tibet ; then, panic-strickeu by
    the rebole' movemeuta, ho memoriolizod the Emporor,
    eupplicating to have both Poutiffs romoved out of Tibot I
    Dalai Laua-to Es-ining,r ! t and Panch'oa Lama-to
    T'ai-ning rospectivoly, being ready to abondon tho TibotsD
    tonitory to the rebels.
    Ar the city of Trshilumpo ie situated on a mount&in &nd
    hss a rivor in ftont of it, possessing & Btrong Btrstogicsl llosi-
    tion, the Lamas, to the numbor of eevoral thousands, had
    only to ocoupy the city walls and guard them, waitiug for the
    reiuforcomoute to aEive. But Chung-pa Eutukhtu had olready
    flod, tating with him all big treaeuree. Ae for Chi-lung
    Lamars? and other ooolesiaetioe, they all alleged th&t, &g
    thoir divinations had ahorod, tho Eeavoaly. Mother wag
    agaiast fighting. Iu consoquonce, tho populetion becamo quito
    downhearted, &nd tbe rebels succeedeil in plundering the city
    of Tashilumpo mercilosely, This oaussd groat constornation
    throughout the whole of Tibet, and both Pontife urgently
    memorializod tho Throno &bout the critieal stato of afairs.
    Tho Officer of ths Guards, Pa-chung, was just thoD
    acoompaayiog the Emperor to Yobol, aud hearing that the
    rebels had invaded Tibet, he committod suicide by t'hrowing
    himeelf into tho riyer. At th&t time Ao-Eui held the post of
    Governor-Goneral of the province of Ssuch'uan and Ch'eng-to
    that of Tartsr General thcre. Both ehifted all the guilt ou
    Pa'-chung, saying that, boing master of the Tengut languago,
    ho had oonductod privatoly all the negotietions, so that he
    alono wes roepousible, and that thoy had no knowledge of
    thom at all.
    190. In ltausu,
    137. CLioI Coun.ollor.
    504 IODf,B}t ITBPAI,

    Whon the Emperor ordered them to prooeod to Tibot to


    €xtormineto the invoder!, thoy advanced by oaay etagos antl
    verc in no hurry to otrtar tho tibeton territory. But Eie
    lfajesty knew thst both ver€ quit6 unroliablo. 8o hc
    oommanded Duke Fu-K'ang-an to &Bsutuo thc post ofTartar
    {loneral and Duks Eai-lan-ch'a to bo hie ldilitary Aesiatant ;
    also, to mobilizo tho Manohu troope of tho Solon tribor s r
    snd tho nediso drilled forcee for tho ort€rmination of robolg.
    Ag for the supplies of the army tbo Emperor ordercd
    thom to bo providod by Sun Shih-i, the Governor4onorsl
    of tho Ssuch'ustr provinco ; for the Esstora rogion of Tibot,
    by tho Imperiol Resident in Tibot, Eo-Lin, for tho Westorn
    rogion of Tibet, i.o., for the ares lyiag outside tho frontier
    placo of ChiJung, by the former Govornor-Genersl of the
    Ssuch'uon lroviuco, Eui-Ling. Pao-t'ai wae ordered to wea,r
    tho o&nguer.e in front of the srmy. Moreover, tho main
    forcoe wero to enter Tibet by way of Kokonor steppes, thur
    ehorteniug the joumey by 30 stoges, in ooupa,riaon with
    tbe advanoo via Ta-ohion-lu in Ssuoh'uan.
    Tho rebele, relying on the preoodont ol the leet, yoat'a war,
    rhon peaoe had been obtained through bribery, roturnod
    to their country, taking with them all booty &nd loaving oue
    thousauil men to guord the frontior.
    Aq-.Eui, Ch'€ng-te, and othore, though at the head of 1000
    aoldicrs ; neither attacLed tho enomy's forces l&den with booty,
    Bor routoil the robole left for thc d ofonce of ths frontier ; they
    only reiluced the small fortifietl placo of Nieh-la-mu, hold by
    sbout a hundrod robels, and then memorialized tho Throno to
    the effect that tho eDemy had retreated. They intendod that
    the matter should be rogarded as closed, and did not mention
    the prosonce of tho robel forcee at such two places as Chi-lung
    and Yung-hsia. Butthe Emperor rebuksd them aud refused
    to act upoD their suggostion.

    138. FroE th€ rsgiou ol Amut.


    139. A hoagy 6qurr€ wooilen coller wom ss a hudillstiEg PuDishmsnt.
    TS} trIBTIT OOBTEI-IIBTT Wl'B 605

    In the 2nd moath of tho r€rt year (1702 A. D.) tho Tartar
    Cloneral end his Military Assistant, advanoing through Kokouor
    ontorod ths torritory of Ultorior Tibet.
    In tho 4th ioterc&lary mbnth 2,000 Solon soldiors, aleo 5,000
    soldiera quartered ia Chiu-Ch'uan ( Ssuoh'uan )-all asremblsd
    oD Tibet&n torritory. To theso numbere aroto be added 3,000
    Govemmont troops from Tibot i trelf i 70,000 piculs of whoat,
    oad more than 20,000 cows ood sheep woro bought on tho spot
    to Eoouro, for ouo year, the provisioning necossary for 10,00G
    16,000 soldiers so a8 to &yoid euy uncorteilty ebout the trenr-
    portation of supplies from the intorior of China.
    Duriag tho 5th month tho rebols, who had beon left to
    guard tho froutier, were several times defeatod, and tho
    Clovernmont troope complotely recovored tho Tibetan torritory.
    Ia tbe beginning of the 6th month the m&in forces potretra.t€d
    deoply into tho etromy's territory.
    Out of foar that the robols might mske &n encircling
    movement and attack our troope in tho roar, tho Commotlauta
    of X'orcog Ch'eng-te and Tai-sen-pao and Brigadier-General
    Chu-shon-pao bogon to &dvance by the o&Btern a,Eil vostern
    roods respectively, in order to divide tho enomy's forcer i whilo
    tho mein army began its advence by the cenlrel roail. Hai-
    lan-chb formed the vanguard from 3 detachmonts of troops;
    Eu-K'ang-au followed him with 2 detachmonte.
    At the iron suspension bridge, 8:t Ii ,listrnco from Chi-
    luug,1{o they approached eaemy'B first mouutaiu pass. The
    tobols broLo the bridge and mado a resiBt&uce, using tho
    ratural &dyantrgos of the place. While Fu-k'ang-an, with tho
    maiu force, wcs standing iu froat of the eneary, Ilai-lau-ch'a.
    usiug bamboo rafto, crossod the river upotream &nd Eaking
    e detour through tho mouutains, appeared abovo tho rsbel's
    samp. Eu-k'&ug-an, on his aide, immodiately took adva,ntage
    of the situation thus oreated to construct a bridge. Then,
    having captured the enomy's post, they made o joint attack

    I40. N€roDg.
    500 f,ODEBIT NXPATJ

    on the rebel's oamp and purcued themfor a distance of 160 li


    to the plaoe named Esioh-pu-lu. Ae on tho road thero exigted
    no placo suitable for a camp, they did not meot a eingle
    onemy.
    After pursuing the rebele anothor stretch of 100 and a few
    scorp li they reaohed the mouutain-range Tung-Chuoh-ling.ral
    where two cliffs, "standing like walls," wero Bopar&ted by a
    river, with deep water and swift current. Our soldiere,
    climbed them by by-paths, braving dangers equal to those
    presented by the iron suspensin bridgo. Then, taking
    advantago of a dark and rainy night, they divided their forcos
    into two parts and both up down stream threw bridges &cross
    the river made out of dead trees, which enableil our troops to
    crose and capture an important etrategical position,
    On the gth day ofthe 6th month our troops roached the
    Yuug-ya mountain. The Gorkha barbarians, stricken with
    consternation, then despatched envoys to our eamp, offoring
    submission, but the Tartar General and hie Military Assistant
    stornly rejected this offer and for several days did not sond
    any anBwer.
    Afterwards our troops again attacked the rebels from three-
    directions, routing them in six engagoments, and then parsed
    over the big mountain. Succescively they killoil 4,000 rebels
    and invaded more than 700 li of their territory. Our troope
    were by thie timo neariug tho enemy'o capital city, Yang-pu
    ( Kathmandu ).
    Up to this moment they had the mountains on their eastern
    and western sides, theso mountains being separated by a river ;
    but after they had reached tho Yang-ya mountain, they had
    now mountains on their southern and northern sides, theso.
    mountains also beiug separated by a river. Tho rebels wero
    holding both mountains, and in the centre there was a bridge.
    In the beginning of the Sth month our troopa made an attaqk
    from throo direotions, took the mountain on tho northoru sid6

    I4I' Dhaibuug
    IE! GOBf,EA.IIBEA WI 507
    'IBST
    of tho river, .Dd routod the rebelr to tbc nortb of the bridge.
    The eneuy's copital was thon situatod beyond the big moun-
    taiu on the eouthsrn shoro of tho riv6r forty or fifty li away.
    Tho robela, numboring ton bsttslions, wore holiling tho
    mountsin very strougly. Eei-lgn-oh'a propooed to guard the
    rivet and make c cemp thero, but X'u-K'ang-an did not cousoat
    to thie plan. Eo cros8ed ovor tbe bridgo and attacled tho
    enemy; then, inspito of rain, ho climbed the mountaia to 20 li
    distsnco snd reachod a yory st€op pleoo. Tho enemy, tshiug
    &dy&ato,go of his poeition on tho eummit of the mountain, poured
    down trooo &nd stonos "liko rain," and et tho ssmo time
    thoee rebels who were soperated by rivcr and mountain mado
    an attack from tbree diroctioas.
    Our troope sometimes fought and sometimes rctreatod. Thc.
    numbor of killed and wounded traB yory great. EaiJen-oh'a
    from aoro$ tho rivor, csmo theD to the arsistance, aod Ole-
    teng-p&o, holding the bridgo, fought otubbornly ; BEd suooedod
    to r€pel the enemy.
    At tbat time the enemy'e country bordered, on thc gouthern
    eido, upon &n Itrdi&o laud named "P'i-long". rI r ; this land ha<i
    long ago becomo Britain's dependenoy and ropeatedly had
    quarrels with the Gorkhas. Whon X'u.K'ang.an, at tho hoad'
    of his troops, had euteroil tho onomy'E territory, ho sont, to atl
    the countriog bordering upon the Glorkhaa, i.e., Cho-mong-
    heiung (Sikkim) and TEung-mu-pu-lo-k'e-oa tho eouth€ast,
    Po-tso-mu-lang-on the west, China.ke-rh and P' i-leng-ou
    the eouth-tho intimation to attack tho Gorklae simu.lts-
    neourly promising to divido 6otwoon them tho Gorkhas' lande.
    &fter peaco hed beei restorod.
    About thie timo the Gorkhag aleo had addreseed themeelves
    to P'i-leng asking to help thom in their oitiosl situation. But
    P'i-long, pretending thst they would come to ths &Bsiatanco with
    thair solalierg, in rcolity invadod secretly tho Gorklrs' frontier.
    The Gorkha barbarians, being fotood to yithstsnd two"
    poworful onemios, rsro afraid th&t thoy could not suoocod in

    142. Firiog.
    608 TODXB]I ]{DP..'L.

    It; l{|.oroover, they approhended thet this news would rousc


    oErtroolx' onergy. Th6r6for€, thoy agein eGnt onvoy to our
    oamp to &sk humbly for moroy.
    At thrt moment our troops had just suforod a rcverae,
    \rh€rosa tho onomy'e oountry pr68ented moro and. moro dangerr
    to them ; bmidos, ofter the 8th mouth, tho big suoy in thc
    mouDtainr would,make tho returD moet difficult. Thoreforo,
    tho rebels' roquest for surrender was granted.
    They gave back tbe former tre*ty i rortorod &ll the
    trealures, plundered ia Tibet; the golden epires of pagotlaa
    end tho golden tablets, soale. etc.; released Tan chin, pan-chu_
    rh, aud otherr, formorly held by thom; gavo back tho corpse
    of the.ma-rh-pe aud promired to prosent, as tribut6, t&Es
    ol€phsntl, horees, and musioians aeking the eternal observonoo
    of tho stipulstions ond tho withdrawal of our troops.
    Origirally our Emporor bad intondad to divido ths Gorkha
    country botweeu the chioftains of various native tribos aad to
    b€stov the title of Priace of tho 2nd dogroe on Ea-k,sng-aD,
    but on bearing that tho rebele'request for surmnder hod beon
    glant€d he gavo his sonction to this sottlement (and withCrew
    hia army), Ieaving 'behind 3,000 Tibotan soldiers and one
    thousand Chiness and Mongol roldiers to guard the Tibetsn
    frontier. X'rom that time bogan tho gsrrisoniDg of fibot by
    tLo Governmont troopa.
    Thore is a big road loadiog from Ultorior Tibet to Gorkha,
    via Ting-chiehr r 8, but persons using this road must ma,ko a
    detour through Pu-lu-k'e-pa ond other tribes, &nd it takor
    moro thaD a month's time. Thoreforo our troops, advanciag
    from Chilung, took tbe noarer road, along which thoro woro
    preoipicos on tbs Ioft and torronts on the righti it was im-
    poBsiblo, €von for a single porson to ride; tho Tartsr Glenoral
    himself and his Military AssiBtart aleo wero walking on foot
    oll the tins, As th6 t&ms olephants whioh had b€ou sent sr

    143. Tiqgli MoiilaE.


    TEI TIBSI OOBTEI'-TIBET WAB 509

    tributs uacd the big road, thoy atrivod iu Ulterior fibst in tho
    rpring ouly of tho nort yo8,r.
    Ae for tho Wu{a.ling mount*in.range, one must spond r
    wholo doy'a timo to oover tho distanco of 120 li in ordsr to
    ascend rnd dosc.ad it ; aa aoou as it is getting Blightly dark,
    instcntly it is impoaeiblo to 6nd the right road ; norcover, the
    acoumul&ted gnow forms walls, "like the covored way through
    a city gate", to tho depth of sovoral tens of chaog.rr. Mon
    going to and fro do not dero to utter a word, otherwire ln
    avolanohe "as big ar a houso" would orurh them to death.
    When tho Gorkhao, after having plundered Tibot, vero
    returning to thoir country, neorly all 2,000 persons, who had
    parsod ovor this mountsitr.lange worc frozen to death, iutteed,
    to the eouth of the Onion Rengo., Meroiful Eeaven hae prt
    a bouadary betwcon the oontro &nd the we8t. The deagcu
    are doublod aa oomparod with those of Chin-ch,uan, and
    aurpass by f&r the d&ng€r8 proeouted by Turtcstan._ fhe
    military forcer of thc IIan and T'&ng dyn&stie8 hsd not roechod
    thie rogion. tr'ortunatoly thoir (Gorkhs) oEcers and men werc
    going baro.footed, they had tho hqbit previously to agloo upon
    e dato &ud thcn to rotroat aft€r a elight engagemont, whercas
    our troopo, rogtrdlese of this uosge, wero ffrtt in maling
    surprieo attacks on the ouemy and, in tho loag run, oamo
    out victorioue in several ongagemeats.
    Boginning from th&t big punitivo orpedition and till now
    tho Gorkhas havo been bringing us tribute uninterruptedly.
    Their (Gorkhas) country borderu; on tho vest_upon
    Caehmere (Kaehmir) of Northoa India and to tho Eouth_upon
    Chia-ka-rh of the Dastern fndia, named in the Annale of the
    Ming Dyaasty "Pang-ka-la,' alias,,Mong-chia-1o,,-an old
    dependency of Englaud, rrith a cspitel oity nsmed ,.p',i_long,
    (author's note : alias Ka-li.ks-ta, Bengal).
    In the 60th yoar (1795 A.D.) of tho Ch,ien.lung reiga, tie
    English Ambassador (Earl Macartney), who wes bringing
    tributo, himeslf made thc followiug doclaration I ..Tro yoera
    144. A !ce!su!o of tou ChlDoso f6et.
    610 IODIBX T$IPAL

    sgo, rrh€nyou Tortss Clororal, losdhg the troops, bad roachod


    ths land to Timi tribo, situst€d to tho louth-wolt of Tibet, our
    oountry's sdldiors elso r€trdorod s8si8ta,noe. If, in future. you
    sgein stand in noed of employing foroigu troops, To sro willilg
    to 6rort our Etrougth'. Thon for the fust tima did our Govern-
    ment lo&rn thet, duritrg th6 previous punitivo oxlnditioa
    sgiinet tho Gorkhas, they also had houblos from foreigners
    on their Bouthorn froDtier,
    'When, in the 20th year (I84O A.D.) of the Tao-kuaog
    reiga,
    the English barbariaus had invaded tbe provincos ofKuang-
    tung &nd Chokiang, the Glorkhas, on thoir side, also sent Etryoyg
    to tho Ioporial Resident in libet, to make tho following
    dsclaration : "Our country borderE upon tbo land of P'i-lcng,
    which ia a dopendenoy of Li-ti, and at the h&ndo of which it
    repeat€dly Buffered insults. Now, upon lerming that hoatilitieg
    havo oommencod botroerr Li-ti and the tr[etropolitan Dopetr-
    dency, and th&t tho latter has gaiued soveral victorios, vo aro
    willing to load our troops to ma,ke an attsck on the Dopondoacy
    of Li-ti, in order to rcader &ssist&nco in tho punitiyo oxpendition
    utdertaken by your Emperor'. At th&t time ths Imporial
    Rosident in Tibet did not know that 'Li-ti" meaut ''England";
    or tbat "tho Motropolitan Depeadency" moaat "tho KuaDg-
    tung province of Chiua" ; or thst, il consoquenco, "A Depcn-
    doncy of Liti" Eeant "B6Dgal (Meng-ohi,a-La) of Eaatern
    .Indie". Thereforo, ho rejeotod thoir offor, &n8woriDg th&t'the
    barbariang vore attaoking ono another, &nd that the Eeavonly
    Dyn&Bty nover interferod iu such a matter".
    The capital city of England is situatod beyond s groat
    rf,estern ocean, but Eugland'e Dopendency-India-bordors
    upou tho land of Gorkhas. As there was a hereditary enmity
    botwen these two countries, and tbo Eaglish barbariane did not
    fail to seizo their opportuoity whon China attacked the Gorkhas
    Gorkhas, on their sido alao, wero willing to eseist Chiua
    -the
    whon this country attaoked the English barbsriana,
    APPENDIX IV
    Text of tho Dhmmqtalro signod by the King of Nopal and
    tho Dalai Lama in N.S. 896 Bhadra pada aukla (:1775,
    AuguaQ :145

    W'e,tho Lama and king Simhopratap executo the deed to


    maintain and continuo ebiding friendship betweon Tibot and
    Nopal, tho samo friendship of which tho foundatior was laid at
    Khasa by an agrobment entered into by Ramashah'and then
    Lama Thancho Khembo'
    The vakils of bcth sides (horo aro enum€rated names)
    concluded talks ou Wodnesday 13 Sravana suklo' Ths main
    points of agrooment are tho following : (l) that all merchan-
    .diso betweon Nepal and Tibet should pass through specified
    ,routos of Ktiti and Korong, 12) that gold and silver bullion
    was subject to oonfiscation by appropriato authorities in caso
    of oontravention, (3) that all countorfeit coins imported into
    Lhasa was to bo mado over to Nepal authorities, (a) the
    Nepal Governmeut unilertook the responsibility of minting
    ooins with, minimum alloy content commonly agreed by the
    two parties, and (5) The samplo of silver usod in minting.
    Tibetan coins was to be showu in advance to Tibetan autho-
    rities for their aPProval.
    Tho penalty for breach of this deod to whogoover wae
    responsible is 50 dharni of gold.
    The following is the original in the Newari Languago'

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    lsr a'tume)til R lbft qCo $ai+ rrif-sft efvaar916*
    g sfl ifl gg.r sld ilwf iqmqr lrtnefo'u fliflssclktur
    foww-qrclqq,orfr icr<rs ciGq +E-sl umrr qi€,
    o-*wrl rl Hil qdrqfH, ErsrTrt srqr, iqqrs sqtqr uefl-
    qnrqq gqreqr, qff<r trE, aE€lfftt, erc'lEr sqrcql, teq-
    silsoJdlar cErua uu 6no dlr16<da emgt+ea1fr6,
    ungta u'lt errcflqt rcml€'alfq q{gqrsis6u( flqqqr
    ;qrs udcz slq{irilar srea eq{ frdl srqq TF tt gffirr
    dfl sl silFE iqgi| tlg( teTflstg rll rqm a'tq]fi
    v)&irmgn s6}a s qh.qf ?emu a5mv fl 8il fr q6rrq
    sauf*E qlr€rsEr(t srfrr GrRsq a+'loe {lsqqis iloq-
    uO qaaaa alsQae eag qaat qeiiqrocqrg'ql6 iqra
    flst iqtcql (NIr {IEIITIT TflMIEI ?flq uetg d6'tt urar-
    sfiqt d;s iuroa e5rma quq( qm{Ti6'KsqArd q'rs'il-
    qe]{A qlils rq;r o.Iq 6o riltoi firq+ql{lq olaq
    -s'latq6rq u)il,;i mnaaq qEqrqrq f,oq qtu qsilqs
    ivrou {aefd oogeeigaoriegs orsicfl filE'lw uH
    q{rd?rqfiqr tistsmenft EqE q-lc iilsts8s-
    rtstTirT
    qpririr (cru qts{ qFliqr ere'lo Hcal qnls q)E(
    Etrrs lqr.is tsc u'lt q'lE{il qwf{ qicsls seuq qrq
    qq amil lild fr qmsr elrEroq Eqiq Bf,{ frfr;q$ ai1tr
    qfra fa-e6vr uolr g<e eqasqt qqtGr irirsilcr oelir'erql
    fafqer( so'sfrd qdqalq rrTq6 ?6qr softc ESq
    Etois qaiAut eryonil Ertstsut rt'ltflqtqt clq qc
    wg{gqrc sq aq (qsn dilsqots qiqtq qto saet
    qd quru uq m<faa fr qaR6au Gtw s6tta iks
    qr+is rilrliqtqi qrqqrq rilcq wa qo{ sE} Sqifc
    TEE T'IEST OOBKEA.TIBET WAB 6ls.

    gfl E{q-q]a um<l$ uq


    qrqdilg
    zll qErtr{
    s;srrtrs;I
    qq lrq qfrqrrrq HIq frfrTqr s'n q,qFu qrq' S{qE-{q
    c0tt q-.ia aig< watfr qfarm q6rtrqqFrf6fd ( As')
    erlf{ gfe5{ ilaffiWq qqFIIqTq qE Ost iqmqr
    Ss-dq olwt iqucia qqrq FErqEfl gi{frs FEr$q
    A6firm ?Erst fufia sgq sts € s']e tqlr qErsa
    dqroqrF-oqi iqtou qcrla s) Acldul ;Tntfi qrq
    ;.6rqm BFr qutd{tr{sq-qlel eH'leda fr Gaislq ss
    rflqNlqrlii-r ql'rrgs sTrd tcrsf aqql =6crql (Ivl(Ivl
    vresguHa'lo)srulssratltaTlUfafr fe+slqqlslsr+T
    H(Eqrq qg aii (qt flsI s(lsersrEeqq'le dlrE
    eart-g{flfr {o q'mu-oru srEd qqg fcft ctscs
    qpqqe'o'

    APPENDIX V
    Two letters of the Chinese Commauder to the King of Nepal
    sent immediately after tho truce agroomant'.

    gil t
    sK{r€
    rsfrd er'l dt sil fr sil d-qfi ercatt f,fqfl qr<{lE 6l
    ggr ivram sE'lsr qqTt ea slqfl sek flqr+dt(
    dlritfr neqq'qavei ;oig1 +e taram ou uaq..-
    i
    fit rqsag( cnE qa q-6rg f(qlol cr$c w ... ssFa
    fflfr i A Erd qd0qi orfs ) Q+<t flqlqfr 8 rret qti r
    st ehrd s+r cil Ersr Eqtqr en* ErO fqar c-i qrqi
    Ger 1o16au qfr fiifd tttu r
    iil tr<l R{t q o.ol q o)
    {qrq6te trjfisi...6r EEqt re'l q.rEt qn drl t
    lcil qrut+lu egi r$t ;r4.-. 4-fl tgqf frrffi.Afr
    l+qfiacaqaEqoursl a fr "'sle qfi sq qAqhft
    6sq[ qgt qd qft fsttqrc'l v< qts. qR erq {sJ flc
    146. Tho toxt ir takotr froD o ohtoqicb.
    6t4 IIODEEN NEPAI,

    Ecfrq 6;ar E I €flir sxrc sfr... fr] ESq -qr i?.T$


    wFr dl.... d qrilq guq cdg qlit €frr,Jr er*s-dir
    eiJ eflFrr rsmi srHR qR g€ Et qlfi nE I iaa)
    yqr-rsrfse qfi filo 16g sqgr crr{ ,ft...A rs)
    teafqfi ir60rr EqT cKfr sA aE s0rr qit a-*rg rrur+)
    1y sqfs srd sci=H a aigqa-e qfc cEm frc AO
    lqR qisilr stfr Emfto) qtg l6tro r e+i 1 o) qfi:.+l
    -Aqr
    +1q qfc se' q6lsq{l caqo} a srf6 dua qln
    ftqm1 qrsq vla uqorc srgro'l Br-silos er+sr q{qm
    qt i|Ift lqffi tr;ut erls qrrct 0111 wer tiq onrR
    cril tlk $a6l A fs{lesfr erfu omgr m)aA sdce
    Af.€ srrfi {f{ ldqr+l A tcrgr rr;u Gqstor mqr6.l
    crqrc€ Rqro) Gu flqEdt tr;at ftbfqq qltd Eld qli
    eu't tFiqail dsarol sf-E q{ frc r fAsil mma &sr qft
    uf cao'l$QratulcHdl lcur qturo.lqr eu) iErqr
    srdrq o€ R:qI E't lsil qfu 1adl0 qofav frat qO fqar
    ctmoJ r ftoc qiff fcwqla ( ... ) gsd E'lqr Ersr
    qlqil qnl toom) qqo si fqrta Rq r fa fol?<
    EFEwt sqrc{ qqrE qiq qEi Es} gq} rite ElEq r le
    o6mertelfcQ1....nw ci or errffi q'te sq or
    sir.rs ql qfa qrqu ol fts dq eq qlfil cqlt siq fgqnl
    qr-l rfi qtlo f6il eo) qf qa sllqer eq't qrgm) ( . ...
    )
    l?qral <il tr;ar Rfrts-0 erci uFit qrql uJ .... ril .... mr
    qwr qI fEat qlt qf( eeur qfu le qdqzqlo'l gil qva
    vtr vtga HFq ;fi{ ( {q$ ilfr $e ) fsd clc aTfiror
    fte Sr sqqiqlr $Et e)Er r{ eifh d€or sq mtagrqr
    qnom) dEr vlr lgr cfts+ a1 sifo' rr"lcfor qqr Etrr
    r o'l q)€t FErsrfl ) gdTul q;ziT €flrtl Ra aqr qzl6]
    ae)fua aoqll qo a)6r +l gg cl6t rttf uear vrera
    gqqrr qEq q-d cldq q;qr eql qqgffi'l Bifrsr qqJ
    i $r t ) d olfrr iqre sl€ q'lir slq R crrqrol $ile,€
    eilq qlq q€ frs'q fou- ue fsil e[F{s ttr rit tori fa
    TET flBSI GOBtrEA.TIBNT VAB 515

    1tqt6'l srra eqr frtrds ltst sf ( €rrqrfl fqtd ) FFtts


    Eqr+lsaseisascrfrslrt fiq dqn, qil
    qa qtsa
    isdft{'terera elBlt lsws 0tu q-srao} u leq 8st
    s .... qcql6'l qr I sEq qlq src lsr q-flt eE qlfi itl
    sel qilto erqot frsot qFi sqgt cq{ asd fi.'.. ml
    ESq ;ot qr.il {EqI qq ? sEs mq< \N{ $st 3€6lt
    c-6lfl+'l El aR aaig' to $a olfem aE t tu gue^ 1

    fr { snarE
    *qRa fr rits'lailgil r-qEl €flsilt f,a <t<rn6ot gpa rl-
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    i
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    q-aq.... sqttc' {l {
    {q qElgq {rEts S9..., s$ra fr
    ;arqq q-qil otu dsvl emc {set'dti'q'lgslUlfkot€
    e6i oroerg lt<r qrl iio, aqmv fq-dl qa tr{
    s'lqld sla scfi qdlqrfl ffF3lElilfl glo'l tlotsito
    Ffrtro] srET6 qRoJ qq qw cloil ... 6'l ef(q cui
    uoo) E), orE vfa fo{1540 ... or scqff fqat wutol
    UJ , fqul sft qsif qa wslqa qft qfTs cs€ <ia qd
    q-orqml El sll6 €m$en qfa as:f,t alolsnfr sel qrc-
    fu< aedl qoglml E'l ..'. +) qlq leri'lEr qt ogi <ci
    r+qr6} fQrqt qf& liqfl sEw rutam} g<t Rlu otttct, f+1-
    fqqldER1 S{tqr ardl ftrg €flE-Ea s' wta1 cc=E
    r
    snilfrrg tr;qlo'l sil .... o) ora-o 61 $ sr{lw-{} qfr
    r
    cstmui eE gs ftql a1 isl qel .. ile Rs;c'l cur6'l
    r
    el foilEai ql? qd f{ilulfil fl arar t livm
    6I
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    q
    ilars-{l srq qlTrfl E} ffrqlEsa nut o) twot a g6o
    qri sq q'lsa cn) €'flt q;at alru El et le{lEtr&
    6rfrd ratruril E'l qlc qHl eEfr qEsa efa gre t qo i:
    fsr rr0 Erfl Egrqt icfl cf rmt6 ril+ stlslergI
    gfaqr6\ s;I qrq qH q?lql e1 t
    ers sfeql qFd
    516 ODXBN ]TEPAL

    FqIqrsJ 6s rrR Su ffim il+t u-{ qrd qlc TfrE


    colql 81, qn'm Ofl ltur vrur fr1 Aq) rrfq fift rnqr
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    ctqr6''l €rif,f qa rns'lqre s'l qalvc qaE fefl a1, Eift
    slq lwrf frr6 qrcfq RflErt se) qrq dri esfirdE
    tsqrfr r*Fqr iils qoual qlb Afl qtacsErr ul€ qi<tc
    qrqfti sqs sr€ frrq srq qdrE kaT a'l r fi se f{sar
    riiurglaerfr....argqaf fEfoq€t s{q: A u sifo.
    faftrA sqq lqnr qslol ul qfr q{} cEE eif+. srftrs}
    qfc{it stl FU tfri ilBo Br.r gcFET rr=st st{ qa-}-fitlfl
    rrqml {ifi A6-ssle ils dsr <vgro-l war*1 eu} vfr
    oFr BrrF-f, ft;il ulq H{l G[o qqq+l slfb $sro] oiss
    qfiril {qlff,q *3or s'lug qF faft nfurc} sllo
    FEr$$r orqrc{ u,616i1rgo) Errnicq qrE sr slqia q1'r
    ffiq sorgor qft Glii qtqol f( sq...si EquTr
    GRqft serao)B ssr;d .. ate lelE6a*lQ lorur
    rqrqruc sf-eqr Fqlsrirr lrrt qfu dFrET q EE], rt-jqr,
    rfrru,Gqfird, rr<O, qrlc qrqro] elsq Eif.q rql
    ri6 fflq) cvr fqcrA cfi EqR at8 €rfl mlqa stf( crfr
    tncrr qrq laqr orrra qR {i cw noi}, ctq qa' qsr
    ris6r, qFA 81, qqla qlc ... ol gw effirl r{r;cl o}
    E-{ cq{ sfi ...qrqr, s+rr notsr$, (fl sarr ci, rluro)
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    rrqu rsri fr ss tt' m ri].... se qlq eGqi e*q fr nfrl
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    .... rra qfi E frdr€ EF q0u eia 666roE kil qa
    TBI FIBII OOBITEA-IIB'T W.l.R 517

    c6N qE EFq fls<r qrsl qft frAEGRr€ r{i} Ye


    qorqral E) f<fler qlq etro gq ufi gga ear+) u eifo
    d{t qKI +,nfl qF dfarw gw qfb ffioB q"q effi(
    est fiq csrq qf( a6e eqsls 6ur u1flor frfril qE...
    sre sEl sqr+) crq qAu lrfl sril ffifl
    $61 sfl...ol
    ASq qr'il Wi Ad T(.rr qr BEq Sq t{ft A ..,. o'l ocqr
    Td <qr E:qr Elsfl;ii eiq fqrtarol grlsr€q;qTftqsr
    etq ragr tfw Taqftsrq qr qrutlt [is qr{s sq ErEr
    s1qfi fud-) Eqrqrd A aEr rrall iaisftm'] stq u;ql E)
    m....dgf'qqqrm)faqlntfr qE erdlt fuuqrel t)
    q* vt{} qp lq"{ qfr Rsr qef erls lte iiq $ts frfiqr
    qltq+-sE raml 5) aifo fle o) cf, sis stm erc qfs
    tfr+ iles\ 6I eruei af-e a) fra iq qli ol siq €rris
    qrter eifr fifta i
    =q1;gq rsrA sqfr f,arftlsr€
    qis
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    sitr rft g'ql mAl fsqrfl murol d sm< frfl6ei vfa
    H1illt{ srFEr ds fiFo ltaq eu srE.fl A qqrd Erdl
    Heqnal Hfi fifrd rRB fi trs-dl li$ent sis) rR frEr-
    c{lo'1 E) qfq a;ad q ssFa q nutqi a-srfr rflq
    mo€a 6e c6rE ftqr6) siNt qrrrr vH vr urw gu uR
    F EaF\A aud gga slts ems'f TiE rFqf qtc q*
    BIld rrft ttdla'l ailo ralcrd mqlm) ?rc-fl qrql ffi
    erfscqr *f,rctqrcJ elcuI^sc arf! utrur qpfr ffi
    rgml ru sq"; elqc aE qrcqrs) E qtqr afH ai€ q'fr
    r
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    uH}
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    fifu rr-4ra) tdt
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    emq ed e)q fiIrsHt qs fqr-flt aq'l s[cJ Te qr trfq
    &c"qfsiewrqaaFrql(qgrolrq ff eg€ eg€ qft
    rrEI I gsE<I q tuErf{ *et qfi flmq rrr} iie oF{-t
    qlsd orsr tfs qrcoi .... s] f$q sqltnr .!._ qtslqR
    qn6r srF.J laliaao't qla erdf*iGfE Tafqaqr*e
    6t8 UODER}I NIPAL

    e:{I €[tr6) fldflqR qaE qorssif6 wu q:qr.... isr


    55al or rgto't tia6r flrr rrlsr u;ul F'g€uraqs)
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    cfa sq csr glrorou sar rTfs Eg Rensfl qfa €mqr61
    A €lcql cetfr qfr lia'l dsr qr{} rt6qr faife rl;at siFat
    qfr fl;urfr) u asri erfEqlirol qril orq rrat *c+r
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    6)u te) rqar erp
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    "6tg
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    far gE dis oio^qis't feeiq{J wmm} 6}, e6iBa, feilH..
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    iri 911il, gr vaiort rl;ur orfq t?-q, +e) qn &a
    fs0ms qasr, qln ilrrr ul, slf+, f(fi {ilrf llaql HTrrsIc
    o-omrm ett faq, q aao dql F <Eil slsl r"aB eCr
    Rol 6ar ss Brotr fi-olrrfr f?ft qEt ... d fqarqlc c(
    srq gqrrft, mJor qfa fifq qef. sr s;q qts, sis, tlsc
    qrq orif,l Qeqr qlqi Esqfr F-Aqt enE s[ltr rJqm)u
    ilil {tarril crq sr6c ilqa a€ qfa fio on< tR qv
    lsr rlaml u, q-cIqro'l a, qr;q qqlo) 0smef fcrro<lms
    o'u<l wg<m Qfttw gwaul ...o) <ar gwF, aifl+qr
    yrq) +) a srfo. Gfq i r Bq qld otuil ?sss rrm aE.
    q6rqrf), lql6 q olq) o'l sr fio'l cf, r st Qfs-{ qos
    orfr+1 Ern qlq is r{ft qorg Rqm} o, scFd drEl
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    TEXi FIBST GOBX,EA-TIBET WAB 619

    fffi qa qJEqtol uq qft qgrqrcI s,


    qfq fflfq frE,
    qIfr qgqflr ftfi qE qa fffE lga att. silEcTIE
    a'lfrq ct,11 m'r6l dlEclE, 1 qQ{B qri qll
    dfqa
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    qed enf tB orq +lu u{6'tol eqd frra v.otuto) 0,
    At'g, HEKI aufqv sd, {s trm r
    CEAPTER XtV
    Angla-N epalese Bda,ians (1771 -17 89)

    tr'rom our owtt oyos

    Tho disputo with the Britigh oyor oortain aroas on the


    bord6r continued for eomo timo &ftor hthviriaroyana' death.
    It &pposrs that Rajeudralakrmi and Bahadur Shah had tried
    to mako a eottloment with tho British on euch issues. Subt
    Diuanath was asked to t&lk to the Britigh officor on tho
    border. According to a document dealing with the Nopal-
    British disputes oyor tho border arerg formerly under
    Mackwanpur, which for our reforenoe wo might call Mackwan-
    pur Bordor Paper and in short MBP, Dinanath sought the
    holp of Mr. Poacock who w&8 theu m&htoining bie hoed-
    qu&rtor in Rampur, aad ho roached Ca,lcutta through tho
    lattor'e help irr VS early 1834:mid 1777 A.D. At that time
    Ka.rnason's miuister h&ppened to be weiting in Calcutta.
    But it Bo occurrod. that the former died of small por just a
    few days after Dinanath roachod thero. Tho causs of ths
    Maokwani dynasty we8 thus doomed and their ministor
    waited in vein. But Dinauath could see in person the
    Governor4eneral Mr. Warren Eastings, through efforts of
    Mr. Poacook. Ee remained in Calcutta for 6 months. Lq the
    meautime Ka,thmandu favourably reeponded to tho oall of
    the British iu togard to the SannyaBi and Fakir menaoe. Thoy
    forthwith acted to provent thoir inffltration into Nepal and
    hido in tho Tarai Jungles.
    U&king tho Nopalese Terai a bsso of operations against
    the British, the Saunyasi marauderg wero &otiy6 throughout
    the bordor from Eardwar to Dinajpur. They harassod
    British subjecte on the border. Nepal's action in helping the
    Britieh was acknovledged with gratitude. Their income from
    tho ares wsg enhanced. Tho MBP's short a,ccount oovers tho
    TNOLO. NEPALNAB BBIJAIIOI{S 521

    story ofa poriod of thhty y6&rs, and it isalso piecemeel. So


    aothiig of concreto information cau bo obtained from thia
    small record. 3ut this gives us somo idea 6f Arrglq-Nepaleso
    rolatioqs. in the tim€ of Prthvinarayane's imEodiete suocessore.
    The MBP throlys light on other aspeots of the Anglo-
    Nepaloee relations in sbout 1783 A.D. Diuanath at Bnothor
    time wee iu Caloutta to telk with tho Briti8h euthorities
    about Rautahat which had been foroefully kept in occupotion
    by Abdulla Beg. Thb eubject was again raisod in tho Council.
    But tho Goyoraor-Gonoral was departing from Calcutta. 8o
    Dinanath also was asked to accoupany him for further talks.
    The Upadhya wss doleyed on the wey and ho roached Patna
    in duo cou.rse. But Warreu Eastiogs had left for Banarar
    whore ho had to fight tho Raja's forcos, but in .tho eneuing
    oEgagement he was forced to Ilee to Chunar. From hero ho
    organised a task forob to inyade Vijaypur, the Rajo,e reeidonco.
    Som6timo later tho Banaras forco cspitulated, the Raja war
    arrested and the rebellion was annihileted. Alt this took
    sovoral daye. Some of the Britiah officere stationed in P&tne
    askod Dinanath to w&it for tho return of Warren Eactings.
    In particular the Prsgident of tho Patna Couucial was oagor
    to utilise t[o occasion of hie presence to cemsnt friondship
    with Nepal. Tho Nepalose Vakil in his roport Etates that ho
    wae asked by Warren Eastings'e wife (Bibbi) to persuade Nopal
    to come to the eid of tho British aud eend troope in Banarag.
    Diueaath wrote to his govolumont commending thia step and
    adding that the Notrreloso force ahould not proceod farther than
    Mackwanpur aad wait for information from Pataa. Diuaneth
    had r.eseonod th&t dosp&tohing of troops to the Briti8h
    torritories might not ariso ae tho British wero likoly to wia
    out of th6 con8iot. If they wero defeated, their influonco ia
    Sihar might bo liquidated, and Nop&l could advance upto the
    Gangea storming Eaiipur. Tho Nepaleso suthorities at the
    centre fully sppreciated tho Upadhya's reasouing. Tho Nepalese
    troops roached Mackranpor in respoDfo to Dinanath's rscou-
    mendation. Ths Bibi war duly informed of thoir arrival but
    522 MODEEN NEPAL

    ahe instruoted Dinanath to inform his government to keep


    the foroe roady until further orders. But by this time Warren
    Eastings returned to Eetna in triumph. Dinanath reportod
    thot the enemies of the Nepal palaco were poisoning the ears
    of the Governor-Genoral, and Nepalese troop movement waE
    interpretod as a step taken to interforo in tho internal sfrairs
    of the Englieh if they had beeu defeatod at Banarae. But the
    Bibi reprosented the matter in favour of the Nepalese ruler,
    which calmed Warrou llastings' feeling. Dinanath further
    roportod that the Governor-General had promieed to look into
    tho matter in Calcutta. Thie could not happen as he Ieft for
    England immodiately. Mackpherson acted for him as he
    departod. Now there was Lord Cornwallis, as Governor-Goneral
    but the British attention was being diverted by tho Nepal-
    Tibet war. Ambar Singha Thapa was to be replaced by Bahel
    Rana, who will aleo beaoua the Suba. The roport onded with
    a atatement : "fle will bo in charge of Bhavgnibox compeny.
    The ncw ofricers will depart ou 8 Chaitre. Ilordworking'
    eoldiers who guarded the forts but have been found out of
    employment duo to the recent pjoni wsre to bc reemployed,
    their cases to be reviewed in consultation with the new
    Chautara."
    CEAPTER XV
    TWO BRITISH MISSIONS

    Kirlcpatriclc' s M,t saiorl

    The motive of tho mission was selfish, it was desigued to


    influenco Nepal to put itself undor British protcction but those
    who were responsible had thought that they would be able to
    achievo their objeotive by giving a different colour to the wholo
    issuo aud held out a prospeot to savo Nepal from total
    deetruction. fn tho evont of ths British mission gucceeding
    in its desigus what would havo been the fate of Nepal uobody
    kuows, but the cessation of hostilities turued the channel
    of Nopaleso history into a different cours6. The Nepaleso
    authoritiee wero as much opposed to the British at this
    juncturo &s on previous oocasions. At this stage thoy had
    f'urther reasoffr to reject tho British as tho help thoy domanded
    from the latter wero not needed. They could not allow thom
    to probe into the unknowu. Therefore at the first inttancs
    the invitation was withdrawn.
    The first letter which tho British rocoived from Nepal
    intimating them about the truco with the chineso oontained
    also a requost aoking not to doputo the mission in the altered
    ciroumgtances.r The Nepalese wero not propa,red to recoivo
    captaiu Kirkpatrick. and were reruotant to ailow him to vieit
    Nopal. Ee was, therefore, told not .to put himeelf to the
    inconvonionce of the journey,.
    fn accordanco with the wishos of tho Nepal Govornment
    ths British Govornor-General readily withdew the miesion and
    an intimabion wa,s oonveyod to the Nopaleao authorities ir
    that light.z Captain Kirkpatrick was asked to return to
    Caloutta.

    1. CPO, X, N. 849 to 852.


    2. Ibid,N, 873.
    624 UODTB!{ NXP.TI]

    But the British had not givon up the idea of a mission to


    Nepal, for so soon aftel the accoptanco of Nepaloso wishes,
    snothor lotter was seut to the King of Nepal by Duncan saying
    'os e ms,rk of friendship, tbe Raja ehould havo received the
    mission in a befittiag manner. Eie lordship had taken the
    atop (of deputing tho miesion) at a considorablo orpense for
    the benefft of Nopal. . . . . . But the prooent behavior of tho
    Raja will mako it difrcult for the writer to comply with &ny
    request for help, rhould tho Raja roquiro in iuture which God
    forbid'. t Meauvhile Gajoraj Misra w&s approaohed to write
    to Kothmandu to persuado them to invito the Britieh mission..
    IIe wrote a. Btro[g note to th6 King ropoeting oll that hed
    been said in Duucan'g eommunication and adding thst 'it wa8
    necoss&ry in tho interost of the Raja himself to ksop tha
    Britieh satisffed.'6 (Noyembor 7, I792).
    While putting all kinds of preesure t'o hoyo the mission
    seut to Nepal, tho Britieh wero also tryrng by overy word aud
    deod to aegure the Kathmondu authoriti€s 'of the Company's
    adhsrence to all their engagements'.6 It a,ppears that ths
    er-Raja of Mookw&npur w&B ocoaeionally raiding certain bortler
    aroas iu Nap&l and tho King of Nepal wrote to the Gcvortror-
    Gen€rel oomplaining of all this aud 'asking tho British to
    punish him.'? This complaint, was tontained in a letter which
    Gajaraj Misra received sometimo in the middle of December,
    while on hia w&y to Kathma,ndu. The very letter had also
    oompl&ined that 'the Company's ofrcors did uot allow tho
    transportation to Nepal of the muskets which wero purchased
    in the Britieb territories by Bishon Nath Upadhya'.8 The
    above asaur&nce waa couveyed to the King in response to this
    lottcr and it seems that tbo grieyano€s were immodiatoly
    redressod.

    3. O?C N. 8a4 (1) Lett€r NovoDter 7, I?92.


    4. tbid, N. au ol
    5. ,D'd, N. 881 (6).
    E. CPO, X. N. 10)3 (IbrahiE Kh.o,s lottet to the Goverllor-Gerelsl, 19
    Doo€Eber, t?92).
    7 - Ibid.
    8. rbid.
    rvo BBIIrcg rssroNa 62A

    We ffnd that the British harl vitel stakee in rospeot of tho


    mieeion as tho asmo waa expeotod to straight€n out mqttoru
    betwoen ths tvo Govornmente conoerning sovoral aubjeots
    including the trado treety. Gajaraj Miera was told that 'hie
    good namo, &nd ropltation woro involved'. IIe wag alsq to
    oonvoy to the King of Nepal 'nothing contr&ry to the articlos
    of treaty takes plaoo so for as trado from any part of Bongal,
    Bihar or Ba,narss is conoorned. Should tho Nepol Government
    nogloct thi8 point it would not be in thoir interest. Tho
    Engliah alwaye stick to their treatiee aud eDgagomotE and
    they c&nnot seo any breach of their tr€&ti6s by others, nor can
    they bear suoh couduot of the Nepal Govornment petiontly' s
    Such was tho attitude of the British autloritiee. Thor
    Nopalese on the othor hand were not anrious to entertain tho
    nission. In their eyes the treety had also lapsed. It was
    reportrd that tho usuel high duty on importod goods, 'tho
    Sair and raLedori' continued to be lovied by tho looel customs
    of Nopal ou the Purqea-Moraug borderr 0 .in spite of the
    provieion of th6 trosty for its roduction. ThiB instsuco of the
    noncomplianoe of the treaty provision oamo to ligbt yhen one
    Mr, Pagan'& morohoat &nd cultiyetor' wantod to send some
    meroh*udiso for Tibet. tr'rom o letter of Giajraj Misra it ir
    known that he promised 'to spo&k of this ircident to the R&j&,
    sud get th6 trersons responoible for tbis incident severoly
    puaished.'r r Gajraj Misrr hoped at tho same time's€vor&l
    rofractory dopondente of irlepal had takon to plundering during
    tho retreat of th6 &rmy of Chine, but row as tho army of China
    had left the oountty such people will be brought to book and
    Eith them the dieorderly people of Morang rill also bo
    punished.r I Wo do not kuow how his Govornment reacted tc
    all this, Bot it will appoar lator that dispito hie initial succose
    ir being able to tako,Ebkpatrick to Kathmardu, Gejraj Misra
    9. Ird, N. 897, 19'D.c'eEbo!, l?92,
    to. lbid
    11. IDi.d, N.993
    L2, lbid
    526 XODEETC llXPrIJ

    oventually failed to givo life to tho tro&ty, Throats and por-


    suetions could not c&rry the mettor fu*her thrD what wBs
    achieved in obtaining ae occels to Kathmandu for an intetvior
    rrith tbe King.
    Ihe mimion ras alreatly in Paina whilo the messago of the
    Governm€nt of Nepal was convoyetl. Kirkpatrick informod the
    authorities in Nepal that he was going back '&lthough it
    proventod him from fulfflling his oheriehed doslro of eeoing tho
    .Raje, eDjoying tho Bc€nerio8 of the country aud becomirg an
    instrumont of oomonting foundatione of tho bond of friondship
    whioh havo beon happily laid betwoon the two countrios'l8
    (Letter November 13, 1792).
    It is obvious that tho British hod reluctantly given up tho
    idea of sendiog Kirkpatrick to Nepal.
    But the lottots of Duncan and Gajaraj Misra wers eurs to
    lxoiluoo their doeireil efrect. Ilowever, not cont€ut with sending
    a letter Gajaraj Miera uudortook a journey to Kathmandu
    vhoro ho arrivod on the l3th of Januory.l4 After a good doal
    of persuasion, tbo authoritioe in Ka,thmandu woro agreoablo to
    roooiving Kirkpatriok.ls The letter of accoptanoo was rocoivod
    in the middlo ofJanuory, and Kirkpatrick began his prepara-
    tions of the journoy immodiately aftor (Also ai,ila antc). EptlJl
    the Eret wesk of January they wore ovadiug tho iesue. A letter
    of Bdua Bahadur datod 12 Pauss 1849 VB (Decomber 27,1152)
    stated that 'Kirkpatrick may not proceed to Nepal in view of
    the ho&t and troubles of journey.' Tbe Kirg of Nopal ropeated
    'by tbo grace of Ood and your Lordship's auspioes a ffrm
    aocommodation Las takcn place between the Chinese and me'
    and heuco thqre was no need of a persou €ont 'to undortake an
    aocommod&tion bstween ug,'tr'rom l,ho Bamo lett€r, it a,ppoa,rs
    that Diuauath Upadhaya and Brm Shah wers sent 'for ex-

    13. cPc. x. N. 898


    I4. cPc. x. trt. roo3. 11?6
    $. Sso. Dopt. Oonsult, 25 FebrEoly, 1793. Iatt€t oI tho Eeja ol N6D.l
    toG. K. Ohouyr AGtLEg Beridelt, BraaEs.
    TItrO BBITIAB ]{IssIONS 527

    chsngo of yiows snd Bo[inonts betvmn tho two Governmots', ro

    Dinaoath informed Kirkpatriok ( l7 December, l?92 ) that


    he ras coming to seo him in Potna.l T Probably they Eet
    .ubsequently iu the lest week of December. Aftor this
    Eo€tiag it psE said that 'the Maharaja has sinco changed hir
    mind and Dow deeir€s Captaiu Kirklutrick to procood to
    Nepal. They found the C&pteiu to be a vory wim and good
    maa'rE (Ls0tet to the Govornor-Gsnoral recsived on Jauuary
    lf, 1793). Subroquetly a request war made to the GoyernoF
    Genersl to r€soitrd tho sarlier ordor withdreving Kirkpatrich'e
    mission.l e
    Captain Kirkpataiok obtsinad frosh betruotion from hig
    GovertrBout. Apart from Etrcssing tho need of frioadly ties
    betweou Nopal and East India Company, Kirkpatrick was asked
    to persuado tho Nopal Cloyommeat'to give ofrect to the troaty
    of 1792 and roport ebout ths possibility o{ further trado and
    &bout the 8tBt6 of oommunicotion, topogaphy and panners
    &nd customs of the peoploJ with these he wac algo to onligbton
    his Govermont &bout the oaueea of the fibet-Nopel diapute,
    so thst 'thc Company might in any futuro oaossion in ctss of a
    royival, Dight &odas a mediator'.,o Kirkpotrick was to refer
    anything to Calcutta by a codo meaeago if Eocrot con8ultation
    wae deeired,
    KirLpteick left Bankipur on tho Zth of Februa,ry, and
    reoohed Barogarhi on tho lSth &ft6r about a week,s tr€k.
    Kirkpatriok oarriod vith him articloe to pr€seut to tho
    impodsut porsoas in Nepal, the valuo of which had erooeded
    Ra. 6,000/-. Therc was a BtandiDg ord€r, which rostrict€al the
    limit of prosontr to Rs. 5,C00/-. Ee had beggod tho Govornor_
    Goueral to acquit him 'iD iho event of hir boiag foduoed to the
    noceaaity of contravouiag ordor iu tbe E&ttcr of}rcsonts,.ql

    16. CPC. X. N. 1051. l.lso Nelal King's Lottq lD B.olot D€B.ltE.nt


    17 JaEurry,1973.
    I?. ,6ir'. N. rJog, roto.
    I8. Ird, N. r.t9.
    19. Politicsl CoDsult. Js![rry 1{, 1193,
    r.Duary 14, 17!e.
    3?: id.)..*..
    528 UODEB]$ I(XPAI,

    Ou tho bordm Kirkatriok wae well receivod by tho o6oor.in-


    chargo of tbo district, whoso nsmo appoars in records as Boosr
    Khawas gnd by Builravir Shah at the hoad of two or throe
    hundrecl sopoys. The latter togother with hig mon wae.
    dospatched fron Nepal 'for the oxprosr purpoeo of waitiag
    my arrival hero, and of oacorting me to the court of his
    maater.'22 Kirkpatriok wae highly improssed with tho roception
    aocordod to him, and he roported 'it wae i.ucumbent on mo to
    say tbat I have observod from tho moment of my oroesing tho
    Bagmutty the most earnost and uuiform solicitude itr my
    conductors to atbrd mo in all rospects tho comPlotost
    sstisfaotion,.2S Earlisr whilo he was to leavo Potqa, iwo seEior
    members of the royal family, Bam Shah and Baiu Shor mJt
    him os they were roturning home from Gaya. Kirkpotriok
    roportod that they woro muoh imprersed with what thoy sar
    in Danapur of tho Bdti.h ortitlory ostablishment.,4 It var
    his hope that lam Sbh in particuler was much improssed
    'with the alaarity snit uarogorvodtross of the ofroors who took
    thom round tho establishment, and this wae bound to 'create
    oonesponding spirit of oonffdenoo in hin, and porbatrn, through
    his influenoo i-o tho rost of his ooultrJmon"g5
    Ordinarily tho pcrmiasion grantod to tho British mission to
    entor tho country might hate been withdrawn fol good. But
    tbe Bogent Bahadur Shoh thougbt it impolito to refueo a.dnit-
    teoce at thst stago. It seoms that Gajaraj Mirsra had to mako
    frosh offorts to porsuado hie Goverumont to acc€do to Britieh
    pmposal. At long l&si the Nolnleso authorities rrero agloesblo
    to tho proepect of C&ptain Kirkp&triok viaiting Nopal'in ordor
    to strenghthon tbe tioe of friendship betwoon tho tvo Bt&tos'
    (Lotter recoived,24 February, liom the Rajl of Nepal to Dun-
    can).26 Kirkpatrick, thereforo, could go to NePal but not

    92. Irrd, Sec. Dept., 25 Februtry, 1?93, No' 40'


    ,3. Ibid.
    24, Seo. D6pt., 25 FebftsrY' 1t93, No' 40.
    ,5; tbid.
    26. OPO, XN. 1181, P. $5 (TR' 39' Pp' 16&8'N.103 ; AB.q P'ag) r$0'
    IWO BBITISE UIIAIOXS 529

    without vigilonoa by tho Gorkhalis.t? Obviously, tho Nopelore


    ruthoriti66 woro tror pursuilg s polioy desigtrod to keop thc
    Britieh in humouf,, but all tho same thoy wero d.otormined to
    yicld ao ground to thom o! any iBeue whatovor. Ltl tr'rem and,
    hi8 r8sooisto ofr.cors att&shod as Eurvoyors rrore not &llowod to
    iocomprtry hin, tho id6o beitrg to discourago tho missiou from
    und6rt$Li"g tho oxplorstion of that kind.ee Iadirectly there
    ros oyery impodimont put ir th€ way. Kirlpatrick himself
    v.a not takeD to Kathaaudu &t tho first Btago. Eo Bsw tho
    rulcn et Noakot lomo 6ightoon milos aorth-wost of tho Valloy29'
    bcing crcortod through a cirouitous routo through Chitlong-
    Tlrtutrg-Dhunibori. Noakot wor thon tho rumnor rosideace of
    the rulor of Nopol and it we8 tho 7th day of the nonth of
    Mrrch vheu he meohed thsrc. Aocording to ohronicle he
    roaohod Nosbot on 2{th Chsitra 1860 YS. The r<i"g war alrerdy
    thoro having goqo to c6lobrtt6 the holi. But Bahadur Sha,b
    alono war left to coaaluot thg trogotiation with him, 9[6 r(ing
    hrying lcft for trsthmanilu 'undor aeoeeaity of returing to hir
    ocpitsl'. trirkpatriok bad audionco of tho king only onco.
    Oojraj Mirre ras pr€lont [t th6 tim€ of iotorvior, and he
    iutroduod Ceptein Kir&pattiok to tho KiD8.30 Ercept exohange
    of formsl oourtmios, no soriou! tdtr followod. Abdul Ksdir
    ..r thc King for tho BGoond tiDo on tho l6th of Mrroh. Withb

    ,?. For. iLtditoilr .oooE ot th. iourn6y E,d'hrs lccourr, ol tl,€ Xint-
    .brn d Nepdl r ?olitlo lcttor to th. Coult oI DinotoE , 18tL
    urY' us3'
    ,8. Pol. Ootr!.1JEurrt, 1793.
    t9. No.Lol ll lltu.fod ou r !tdg. oratlooklDg tho liv6t friruli. f,.irl-
    I.trill r.. ooliluctql b, r il€putrtto ot the N.IElero Ntbotities 'ooDrir.
    tiDg ot BsE th.h (r E Eb6r ol tbs OotorBltr6[i' his bloth.r Eodsr Bo{,
    aoraroaitrr oI th. n j.'s guAtils) .!d Dilrn.th Ulnttt.r., the Nogrl
    V.Lil, Eru.u, rsiilsEt .t Odoutt.. Thi. it€!'ut tion trB l[rtLot leinlolod
    rhtlo tn N.!.1 bt B.ioo S..r, hdl brcth6! ot ths E i. .qil. rort Dlomidlg
    toqth, to!.thc with ola o! teo olL.t rclr$our of the Xojr, who Lril t .o
    oL 6 pltCE{e to G.yr. trirh.tdot'r Prt6rcs to the 'Embrr6, to trrth-
    !rrldn'. AIro OFo, x' N. 1190, P. 158'
    80, OPC, X, N. l!95.
    530 ODERN ]I EP.AL

    I fo!, days Kirkpatriok also wss brought to Katbmanilu pro-


    aumably 'for tolks on the subjeot of oeuenting friendrhip
    botween the two Government.' s8 tho KiDg rsfote to Ipd
    Corawallis.9l But this never materialired. It &ppeara that tho
    obioot of tho Nopal Clovernmsnt in permittiag tbs Britieh
    Bisrion to go to Kathmandu wrs to oblige them to that extent,
    aud tho Nopaloeo never intended to opon up trade talke vith
    thon. As a laet measurs I(irlpatrick discuesed with the Regent
    'adjuotmont of ell qrrestions relating to boundariee and comEer-
    ciol intercourgs between the two countries,' but those werg
    never oonclusive. Kirkpetick etayed. in K&thma,udu for a woek,
    and hs wae provided rosidenco close to the eastem spur of the
    Swayambhu hillock.
    The Regent wae woll-disposed towarilg him,32 but tho v&st
    majority of the Gorktra nobility vero anti-British. The day
    Kirlpatrick erivod in the espital, ho had loornt from Guru
    Gajraj llisra thst hi8'contiouing in Nepal beyoud tho end of
    March was g mattof not wished for by the Darbar'. 93
    Kirkpatriok ia his memorandum epeake of their hostile
    o,ttitudo which wps uncompromising. There wae aogoti&tion
    on I pacl of politicol n&ture. lfis bst &tt6mpt for tho imple-
    montatio[ of the trado p&ct entered into in l?92 was made
    without sucooss, Io the atmosphero obtaining then nobody
    would doal with the British:S4 For days togethor Captain
    Kirkpatrick tried in vain to h&vo opportunity to show them
    the dr&ft of the trectlr, but he was kept ai bay. Tho Rogent
    was rebukerl for giviog him oucouragement and asked to Eend
    tho Missiou back. IIe rvould havo continued. tho aegotiation

    31. Ssoret Deprltbont, 1 M.t, 1?93 N. 14.


    32. Kllkpatliok, Op. Cit., Pp. 119-23.
    93, Abotrt.Bahailur thah it isssiil that he hoil liyoil with theDirsto-
    ,:iad€6 iD Bettia iluling his €rile. tr'or that !€ssou f,6 waa
    lnolingd to treat
    tLe loreigners kiailty. Ee hoii i,tvileil ChdstisB lf,o[Lr et Eatht!.tralo irio.
    iu 1793 rEil l79j eysE 60 ab6 iliE[6.6u!e ol6o|De of his oen. (Corholiclt,
    ltsr6h suil April, 19121 Ptta. Mi.sioa L€ttor).
    34. Politic&t lsttor, lSth M.y U93. Fotl Villiarr,-ldio Holtc Con t-
    pondcne, \L P.268.
    TWO BRITISE IIISSIONS 531

    ot a great risk to himself and provoked hir nephew to take the


    Government into his own handsgs and, theroby mar his future.
    Beyond'acknorledging the friendly advice of the Compaay's
    Government', and etpressing 'sonse of obligation for our wiehes
    to bring about an accommodation with the Chinese'nothing
    was offered.sG It was gathered that there was a feoling of dis-
    appointment at not having reeeived tho assistauce requested
    from tho British Government.g7 Kirkpatrick emphasised that
    his Governmont's policy was to keep neutrality in all disputes
    betwseu their neighbours.SS But all this was of no avail to
    induce the Nepalese authorities to chaoge their mind.
    . The attitude of the Nepalese outhoribies towards tho
    mission w&s expressed in tho king's Ietter to G. T. Cherry and
    in Abdul Kadir'e paper transmitted through Kirkpatriek. Thig
    attitude was outlined in the pessege that the l(ing wrote, that
    'Ihe small obstacle was romoved. This obstacle was his
    ( IGrkpatrick) seeing the places aud roads of my country and.
    thoso urgod by the cordiality o[ our mutua.l regard I did not
    refuse to show him, becauso f considered the English as noted
    for their adberence to their word, and tho sincerity of their
    friendship' but 'because of the hot soason and unwholesomo
    winds, he ( tho Raja ) would not givo Kirkpatrick further
    trouble of detaining in l{opal,' and thab ho ,would wait for
    ancther occasion, should both parties a,gree, and provideuco
    did not opposo a meeting, it might take place at another
    time.39
    fn his substance of a, conyorsatioa between the King aud
    irimself on tho l5th of March AbdulKadir had reported that
    'bocause of the hot, season and unwholesome winde, Ifirkpa_
    trick would not bo given the further trouble of being detained
    in Nepal.ao This made it clear that as soon I(irkpatrick

    35. Ibid.
    36. Ibid.
    37. Ibid.
    38. Ibid.
    39. Seo. Consult, No. 1{, 1 llav, 1793.
    40. Secrot Department, No. 14, 1 I\Iay, 1793.
    53? MOD&81{.I{trPAL

    roacheal N€pal, the authoritieB were &nxiouB to send him baok


    to Patna. Tbere wae not tho loa,st desiro to nogotiate with
    him on any subject whatsoever. Kirkpatrick's proposal for
    negotiation ou the subjoct of trade was turnod dovu on tho
    ground that'for eomotimo the road to Bboot, owing to the
    diaputes with tho ChinoBe, had boen totally shut up and tho
    trade with that country, in ooneequeace, shut up.'41
    Furthdr Captain Klrkpatrick 'avoilod himself of the
    unwholesome ao&Borr &a & pretext for solioiting pormission to
    dopart'.4z IIe thought "it muet bo suitable to tho dignity of
    his Govsrnment' to uudertako himself to leave ir this
    tr&nner:43 Probably his etay for aDy time longor would har-e
    cneateil troublos. X'or tho last tino on tho 24th March he
    interviowod the Regont. This intorvier took place in
    Kathuandu. According to the deBp&tch l'ron C&lcutta ( lSth
    May, 1793 ) 'in the intorview Bahadur Shah ronewed his
    former profosrioas of friondship and attachmont aud expressed
    some eolicitude lest a futurs English Goveroment ehould not
    ersrt thomselves equally with tho present in m&intaining the
    friendship'aa formed vith the Govornment of Nepal to which
    he reoeived for angwor thlt ar the maintenance o[ the
    Company'e truo interests must &lweys be tho object of overy
    Eugliah Covornmeut, aad as the cultivation of a friondly
    intercoume with Nopot wag blonded in an intimate degroo with
    that objoot he might be assured that th.ore nevo could be o-
    Briti8b &dDiDistration in lndia who would 8o f forget their
    duty ro to act upon different princiPles.a5
    Kirkpstriok left Noakot on tho vory day ho had an audi-
    cnco of tho Rogont. Ee was grantoil all facilities lbr comfor-
    tablo and safe journoy back to ths bordor' Othorwise, ho

    4L. lbid.
    41. Pol, Lotter Is I\Iay, UgJ, Fotl Willion Inlia Hout. Cones'
    potd.nce, YI, P. 268,
    1 . Ibid
    44. Ibi.l.
    45. Political lettor, ISth ilry, 171'i.
    r\TO BBITTSE MISAIONS 533

    return€d ernpty-handeil. Not ono pupose y&E fulfilled, not


    oue objective yas attsined.
    ft appeers thst British sttitudo towards the Nepeleso
    corrflict was eo dubious thst while it bofrisndod ao psdy it
    rrent ultimatoly to, augur ill for the eucoees oftho objoctiyo
    they had ia viow. The propoeal of mediation by the Britiah
    was not liked by both parties. This had only sugaontod
    euspicion of British interests. Eyea tho sympathotio Rogont
    of Tashi Lhunpo erpressed hie disapprovel of the British
    mi:sion going to Nopal.a0 The outoome of tb,o war on Tibet
    was to place Tibot undor aomplete aubjugation of China.
    In &ll m&tterg of adminietr&tion tbe Amban had como to be
    the final authority in tho State. Tho vaguo kind of suzerainty
    rca uow turned into the most absoluto ovorlordahip that the
    Dmperor ororcised.4T Tho Chiueso had muoh itisliked British
    attempts to penotrets into Tibet. Now they could effeotivoly
    sPurn thom from any kild of vsatures. Tibet w&s finally
    clos€d to British trsilers.
    However, it was claimed thet 'Kirlpotrick'E visit to thc
    Court of Nepal hag oonducted oxtremely to remove the shyness
    rrhich till lately morled tho departmont of tho Nepal Govorn-
    meot iu its ocoasional commuuications vith ours' (Lotter of
    Sir John Shore to the Court of Directors, I0th November,
    1793). Thie w.is one point of g&ia. It &ppesrd that the
    Britieh authorities vero no less satilEed with the prospect
    thoy hail obt&ined to exami.uo tho ma,ny pa s of tho country
    os they paseod through. Tbeir desp&toh s&id : "It is of [o
    tmall importanco to us to hsve oomnenced an immediato
    i:rtercourse with that Government, end to have had an opF)r-
    tunity of making observations on tho manuore oftho peoplo
    &Dd tbo red Bituation of that country by tbo mesns of our
    gorvants" (Politioal lett€r, l8 Moy, 1793).18 Iudeod, bis

    a6. IEQ, Op. Cir, No, 18, I?.89i.98


    4?- TIIELT CL. 116. 14.I4b; KTSL. 1alt, 2.1-24b oitod by ooEEEntr
    ( P' 133.)
    48. Fort Wi iqrn-Ildio Eouse Corrcspondence, Xy ,P.269
    531 MODEBI{ NTP L

    'Account of Nopel' is tho ffrst doaumont providing iaforma-


    tion in detail about trodo and commerce ofths country as
    woll as itB geography, history, politics and military atrairs.
    Above oll, his report had gono a ooasiderable way to remoyo
    misunilerstanding Ebout the stato of trado ia Nepal that it
    was importing bullion from Tibet.
    Although the sontimetrt €xpresssd above does rot indicato
    aDything of au achiovement it nevertheless proves the tcnacity
    aud doggedness of Britirh policy in Iudio. But having nothing
    immediate in hand, the British authoritios tlow ouwards 'were
    watchiug to improye an opportunity thot may offer for
    confirming this fovourable dirpositiou, and for opening by
    that means new channele for tbo British st&ples to the
    Grteneive rogioos of Tibet' (Politicat lottor, 2l AuguBt, 1794).{e
    lfieanwhile Cornwallis had retired and Sir Johu Shore
    stepped ioto tho mtcenud in t\e British domain of India. Ths
    East India Company's agents in India had not forsaken tho
    idea of 'ertension of commorco and sale of manufacture in
    Nopal'. The treaty of oommerc€ entered into with Nepal had
    lot lapseil. Thoy thought th&t with this treaty in the back-
    grouail tbo way to further their tratle iuterests was etill open.
    They had felt that tho ignorance of Nepalese authorities about
    actual trade beuefits to Nepal throueh thi deiri as envislged
    hadstooal in tho way of the apreenrent being impleurented.
    The only thiog neoded, therefore- was to render 'the
    advantages and practicobility of the commerco apparent, Bo
    that the Eerclrants would bo 'induced to &va,il th€mselves of
    the trade ficilitieer. In this direction Goveruor-General uade
    a movo 'io order to set on foot tho trade' and after propor
    enquiries decidod to eend Abdul Kadir Khau, the person wbo
    v&B twico earlier employeils 0 in ncgotiatiug tho treaty'to
    49. rbiit, xvrr, P. 83,
    50, Pol. Conr. 10th NovoEber, fi94. Fott ,yillian.I ditllouse Cotrcr
    pordence, \cl. )illl, P. 993-94, Politioal letter to tho Couit of Diteotots,
    asted. 30tb Decembor, U04. gs6 elso Si! John tho!e'6 tuiEute on thc subjecb
    dsteil lotlr November, I?96 in ilocumeEt No. 5l itr'Srrec, Docufiehls of the
    British Pe od in the Coll.ctiot of Calcutto Victoia Memorial, \y D.C.
    Gsngulii 19i8, Pp. 134't6.
    lFO BBTIISE ITISSTONS 635

    Nepal nowin tho capacity ofa mercbaat with tho ortiolos


    vhich he has pointed out, giving him {JBo recommeDdatoty
    lgtters to that Government'. The propositioa of a miesion to
    Nopal wos so import&nt to th6 British tha,t thoy were ovoa
    preparod to face the riek of failuro provided it was undertaken.
    Sir John Shore had observed in thte connection : "We doubt
    not...the magDitudo of the obj€ot furniehos a sufrcient,
    authority for the orpoase of uadertaking which, even, if it.
    eventually fails oannot occ&sion any considerable loss.,,
    Abdul Kadir'e appointment for the job was dictated by
    two consideratioos, (l) tliat ie had experienco of negotiating
    a troaty with tha,t country a.nd thet (2) ho was &n Itrdian of
    a high family. Sir John Shore had a notiou thet the Nepalose
    with their deop distrust of Englirmeu would bo influenced by
    tho choico to eroludo a Europeon.
    Abdul Kadir'g journey was delayed for about a year as
    th6 Government of Nepal iaitially was dieinclinod to accopt
    him51 for reasons of their orn.6r Perhaps they were averro
    to the very idoa of * mission from tho Bdtish Bo Boon after
    Kirkpatriok took one thoro. At sbout this time the King had
    assumed powort of etato in his oyn bands having dispenred
    with the regency of his uncle. King Rana Bahadur was adrired
    not to entert&iu the Britieh migsion. Tho roply to the requ€st
    of tho British Government though not in the form ofa flat
    denial waa onough to discouraging them from the venturc.
    It war euggestod that the War with Chins ha.d laid woste i
    great portiotl of Tibet and tho entiro country pas not opeD
    for trado activitios. ',There waa no ono thero to be desirous
    of purchasing import€d goodE. Tho loss upon the goods and
    tho elponsos of carriago on the road rill bo ercossive,.E r Tho
    Kiag wroto 'I am, thorofore, induoed by the Uaion and attooh_
    mcEt 8[bEisting botweeo the tso statis to vrit6 to you that

    51. Pol. OorrElt. N, t9 (!) ttuIoh 20, y95.


    52. Politto.l OoDrqLrtion. t t[.,, 1i95, No. S. dgt!.UI L. lEopcd to
    oort Alt, ElL rith hlta.
    68. Ibtd.
    536 MODEBN NDP...L

    you by no moe,rlr wh&tover bring morohanilisa to this quarter


    asit will hurC my reputstion and occaeion loas iu the articlo
    and e horry erponsc for carriage.s a But leter on by Guru
    (lajoraj Misr*'t efforte, the proper 'invitation from the
    Nopll Roja to Abilul Khautlor was procured'. (Political lotter
    of 12 tr[on 1795 to tho Court of Directors).5 6
    Tbe Resident
    at Banor*s 'who hod beon iu correspondence with tbe Nopal
    Raja for several yosrs' BeBt Guru Glojaraj Misra 'to remove
    the scruplos or appreheneions' obtaining ilr the minds of tho
    authoritier in Nepal and this had succeodoil.6
    6 Tho Guru got
    o[t from Celcutta with a letter of J. Dunean, the Residont
    in Benaras to the Maharaja (f May, f?95) whioh eaid'acting
    contra,ry to ong&gemont among rulers high in place was
    dirgraceful.' The letter fu*her etatoil that there ehould have
    boon uo objection ae M. Abdul Kadir was going to NoPal
    primarily with Khillatg from tho Governor'General aad Nawab
    Vizier and to pey respects to you (the Iling)' and to discus8
    'bounilary dieputos in Morang aDd Pume& antl adjustment of
    Nepal's claim ovor Cossipur and Rudrapur" Tho Agont
    Getrersl msde it clesr that 'concern of trade interest' was
    socondary and Abilul Kadir I(han ras carryiug tho goods with
    him 'on his own accouot'.5 7
    It appeara that the British euthoritios had felt th&t the
    Nopalese wero now witling to &ccept the mission &s they sensed
    that questionB other tbau thoeo of commorcial interost were
    not eovered in its obiectivel. Duncan'g letter and Guru
    Gajaraj's porsuasion pt'oduced thoir effect as normolly the
    Nepalese leaders {elt that nothing harmful wag dono by tbis step'
    The request for the derpatch of tho miseiou was grantod
    roatlily aftir tho receipt of this letter.58 Tho British &ttribut-
    tUJ i";n'" earlier apparent disiucliDation to deal with the
    Britieh o&rtlv'to the intrigues ond ip8ucncc of Durmanant
    "J
    epp*airi (Diranath Upadhiya)' 6e the Nepalese rePresentatiYe
    s4. Ibtd.
    -iiii
    sl. wittia'x'naa House cofterpondet'cd' xvrr' P' 415
    l-0. pofitiorr Oo"suftstioE, 10 Noroabot, ugl, No' 29'
    57- Pol- CoEBult. 10 Nov' 1794'
    ie, Foiiti".t cor"ott tioD, I Msr, l?95, No ?'
    5s- Ibtd. td.o.7.
    TwO BBTTIAE UISSTONS

    &t Celoutt&, 'rho vas joalous of any iDtelcourse betweon


    us through other chenDels thcn hie own &Dd p&rtly to e
    gonoral feeling of distrust ontertained in the high circlos at
    Ksthmandu.'60 Dinanath Upadhaya, according to the British
    information was acting also in furtherance of the intereate of
    the many merchants who bad a monopoly over Indo-Nepaloee
    commorcial busineas. Of course, the attitude of the Nopalese
    authorities in accepting the mission after the initial rcfusal
    betroyod thoir vaccilation, and stato of copflicting minds in the
    innor circle as ono Nopalese writer put it. Their repl.y had
    argued to juetify their previoua etand that'they had a,ppro-
    hended nothiog but loss upon the enterprise and no motive
    but that of ettsohment aud purity of intontion, had &ctusted
    them and thie the British could verify from merchants of both
    countries, while egreeing that 'whatever two Sircars wieh shall
    bo done' and 'tho l[aulavi ehould bo now deepatohod'.0r
    This was not a tough line to be adopf.ed in dealing with the
    throwd diplomacy of the Britieh in Iudia. Another thing, the
    eame also showi what a treneDdous influence J. Dancan and
    Gojaraj Mima wiolded at the Court in Kathmandu.
    In his minute Sir John Shore bad said ibat Dinanath
    Upotlhaya was also interegted in preserving tho monopoly of
    trads in his own hands anil thercfore no efectua,l a$istanso
    cculd bo expected from him. Bahadur Shah, the uncle of thc
    Reja, 'who is 8t6ted to have had more liberal and exteneive
    viev8 of the advantages of commerce than &Dy other Pemon
    of ths court had resigned his regency eomo months ago.'
    Thereforo, 'th€ only chaunel through which tho British
    Coveruor-Genoral hoped to make euy favourable impreselon
    on tho li,aj& ofNepel was a Brahman of the name of Gujraie'
    Mirser living thon iu Bonarae, vho had boen alweye dieposed
    t,o promote our views and whom Captain Kirkpatrick found
    posreased of gtoat influenco vith the court of Nepal'.6!

    C0. ,brd. No. ?,


    61. PoI. CoDsElt. No. ,4. I I trtay. 1195.
    6r. /6id, No. 2s.
    538 MODEBN NEPIL

    Now that tho Nepal Govarnment were prepared to accopt


    Abdul Kadir, ,it atrordod &n encouragemeDt to hopo
    that
    the objocta of the expedition may bo ultimately
    fulfillcd'.o t
    Tho objeot wos now moro clearly deffaed. .Thie communica_
    tion spplie! to the subject iDto two pointE of view,
    The
    me&surea to bo adoptod for aacortainiug tho
    valuo of trade
    with Nepal sseisted by sn &ctual erperiment ou a very
    mode-
    rato ecale and the modo of giving a permanent ostablishment
    to it by the reeidenco of an agent on tho psrt of his Govorn_
    ment at Nepal if the commeroo should bs found on eaquiry
    of eufficient importance toloudor it erpedient,.6.
    The Goyernor-Goneral &now th&t ovor sinco tho .uufor-
    tunato expodition of Kinloch, tho Nefal Government wae
    jealous of the movements of the Britisb. IIo,
    of course, felt
    that eiuco thon tho British had aflorded no grounda .to
    perpetuete or renow-that distruet,, but it was there and,until
    htely oll access to the territorios of Nopal was debarred even
    to tho natives of these prorincoe, and an &ttempt to op6n it
    under tho atlministratioq of trfr. Ifaetioge wae ine0.ectually
    made.'.5 So when tbo Nepal Governuent erpresseil ite
    willingnees to receive the proposed miseion, the news had
    oome as I bappy augury of a better future to the British.
    The British were also prepared to coneider the quostion
    of Parganae Rudrapur and Kasipur (Coshapur) .without oEer-
    ing a,ny doterminaiion on the proposition it may becomo the
    subject of further onquiry, and I propose writiog to tho Resi_
    dont at Lucknor to procuro information on tho dieporition of
    the Vizier to oblige tho Nopal Raja, or the annual equivelent
    which he would expect for tho Parganas eupponirg them to be
    held at ront b.y tho Nepl Raja and whsthor tbo
    lnssoseion of
    them by the latCor would bo productive of dauger or inconvoni-
    enco to tho Vizior.'o o

    63. Fo Williarn-Irdia Eowe Carrcspoadance. Op, Cil., p- 42s.


    U. Selgct Docurnen*, otc. Doc. No. 5i S!ror6.s oI th6 lobh Nov, l?94.
    85. Selecl Documentt, etc, Doc. No. il ;:, l.:il.
    06. ghor6, Op. Crr,
    TWO BBITTSE UIESIONS 539

    Earlier Kirkpatriok had beon requested by the 'Nepaleso


    Vakil in Calcutta to obtain tho possession of these' areas to
    Nepal, and thero was oasually a talk about the problem.
    botween the Govornor-General and tho Vazier's ropreseptative.0 ?'
    But it was thought imprudegt 'to urgo tho point with tho
    Vizier, immediately on accession' and somo apprehension'from
    admitting so aloso a vicinity on the Rajas of Nepal to the
    Vizier's territory'.0 a
    Now Abdul Kadir was instructed to negotiato about t!i*.
    iesue (Political Consultation, May l, 1795, N. 12) and aleo that
    of the adjustment of tho diaputed areas on the Purnea-Morang
    border (Political Consultation, March l. f795).

    Abd,ul, Radir's M i esion

    The published matorials about this Mission incorporated


    in works cited above take us only thus far. Now we have to
    look into unpublished records for the account of the Mission's
    activities and experiencp in Kathmandu and of subsequent
    events related to the same. Fortunately, sorllo documente of
    our concern are preservecl under separate olassification in th6
    collection of thc U.P. Government Recordr OfEce ab
    Allahabad. Our perusal of these papers has certainly helped
    us to add to what we have already writ"ten atrout Abdul
    Kad'r's m.ission in Kathmandu, which follows hereafter. But
    for these the account would have remained incomplete.
    X'rom a letter in the Volumo of oorrespondence for 1795
    from Edmonstono, Fort William. dated the 27th May, 1795, to
    tho Resident at Benaras, it appears that Maulavi Abdul Kadir
    Khan was given :-
    l. f Ten bales broad cloth, arore )
    2. ) Four bales broad olothr red L TotaI
    3, ) five bales broad cloth, ordinary blue ( Rs. 9,807/l/-
    4. LTwo bales broad cloth, green )
    67. lbid.
    66. Ibid.
    640 MODEBN NEPAL

    5. One four barelled gun Rs. ?00/-


    6, Two pieces of gold muelin
    7. tr'our piecee of florver muslin
    8. Ton yarde double coloured cloth, scarlet and blus
    9. Thirtoen strings of coral containing 520 beads Rs. 432/8/-
    10. Ono silver pocket compase Rs. 32/-
    ll. One spying glasg Rs. 36/-
    12. Ono packet ot pistol Rs. 325/-
    13. One pieco of green broad oloth
    14. One pieco of ecarlet brord oloth
    15. One bundle of coral -576 beads Rs. 466/-
    16. (o) One bundle of 612 beadg Ra.7r)lll4l?
    (b) One buudle of 294 beads Rs. 155/13/6 l Rs. r,5a6l2/0
    (c) Ono buadle of 688 beads Rs. 688/6/8 I
    In the minute of Sir John Shoro wo havo the following
    eetim&te of the articlee and oash that Abdul Kadir 1ras to
    take vith him.€ s
    Broa.d Cloth red 86. 6,000
    ,. ,, blue Rs.5,000
    Large Coral .. R8.2,000
    Kaehmira broad (white) cloth Re. I,000
    Mirzepur Cbintz anil Guzzies . . Rs. 2,000
    Eard Cash . . Rs. 10,000
    Poreonal Adyance. . Rs. 5,000
    Maulci Abdul Kadir's journey rvas carofully watched.
    J. Duucan in a lottor datod tho 2lst June 1705 iaformod that
    Abdul Keilir Khan had safely arrivod at I(athmandu. Pro-
    bably ho reached in June. Immediately after hie arrival he
    interviewed the King and dolivored tho pres€nte.? 0 This the
    Maharaja acknowlodgod in a letter to tho Goyoruor-General
    which assured best consideratiou to anything said by Abdul
    Ka.dir in the lattor'e behalf. T I Abdul Kadir Khan reas given
    for hia protection e properly eqipped posse of mon onlisted

    69, 24 Novsbb€r, 1794. S€L Doc. Vio. ltromo. No. 51, P. 136.
    70, Pol. Oolsult. 2{ gepteDbor, 1?95 No,20.
    7t, Ibid
    TWO BBrI SE XrS8rOli8 641

    from ths 2lst Battslion of the 4th Brigade (stationed rt


    Choonar).
    Aa suggested ia the abovo pges Abdul Kadir Khan's
    mis8ion vss uodertakon vith e viow to proDote tra,de rel&tion
    of tho East India Company with Nepal, and through the latter
    with countries beyond thc Eimalayae. The Btitisl autbori-
    ties tf,ere vory caroful to clear any suspicion on that account.
    Lest it may be treated as s diplomatic drive iu disguiso,
    Abdul Kodir was Btrictly eDjoiDed to avoid doiug anytbing
    likely to caueo doubts about the purposo of his visit. Es
    wes to reg&rd himsolf just 'esE€nti&lly ae a traveller and a
    trader'end no more and no less than that. It was made clear
    to hiB thot he was uevor to bohave as an accredited ropro-
    Eent&tive ofa Government, His conduct vas regulat€d by
    Epecfic instructions and he bad no authority to oom.miL
    himself itr eny isBue whltgoever.?2 Sir John Shore hsd iadi-
    catod the lino in hig piaute drafted by him on the proposod
    deput&tion of Abdul Ikdir to Nopal for the purposo of carry-
    iugona oommercial trado.T E Abdul K&di! was tobo given
    & rooommondatory lotter'for the Nepal Government and hir
    inatructions il gonoral for hia guidance' and notbing moro.
    than that. He was, howevor, to report about the attitudo
    of influonoiol poople iD Nepel towards tho British. Obviously,
    this expresser thoir intention to 6nd out whioh of the Nepolore
    persouelities wor6 friondly to them rnd which of thom woro
    hogtilo. This Abdul Kadir was to achicve 'at atry cost ovo!
    by giving vslueblo end rich presort to the Rejs, and hia..
    minist€rs. ? I
    In ths Ceutral Rocortls Ofrco ot Altahcbed thero is a docu-
    m6nt (No.50), whioh is tho tranel&tion of tho roport propa,rcd
    by Maulvi Abdul Kadir Khen on his rotum. This rclnrt
    bears the dsteline the 6th of Jaouuy, 1796.7 5
    7r. Iatt€I froD J. Lu!$d6D" A,G.G. B.Ealis dat€d 22Ed J.rusw Ug.e
    to 8L Joh! thore (AllehsbEd B€coEds Oltice No, 48).
    73, gelac, Dochnents, 6tc. P. 136.
    71. Pol. CoDsult. ? March, 1796, 40!,
    t5. Al.o !o.d Politicrl Coqsultatio! ldelch 7, 1796 (N. Jr r),
    542 ODEB]T ]{EP L

    In this roport Kailer Khsn suggosted that broad e,loth and


    othor artioles, produos snd manufacture of Eurotrn, wbioh wero
    iinpoltad from them on aocoutrt of tho CompanJ and were iu
    dcmand. in Tibet ehould bo lodged at the undormontioned
    places:-
    (l) Near the borders of tho Buxailuar distriot of Koooh
    Bihor.
    (2) In Sarkar Chsmpar&n.'
    (3) In the Nawab Vizior'e dominion adjoiniag Bhootawal.
    (1) Noar Kummaoen in the Nawab Yizier's dominian.
    (5) On the most wosterly bouudary of tho Nawob Vizior's
    dominiou towards Sbrineggar.
    Kadir Khan's idea was that thsso ffvo factories should
    routrol ths entire trade to Tibet and Nepal by their own
    chonnel with regard to trade to Tibet, he thought that tho
    Btatioos indicotod would &ttmoi tho Tibetang in winter snd.
    thu8 comBerci&l transactiona would be coudu-cted 'without the
    itrtervention of others'. Kadir hed in miDd tho Nepalese
    middlomeu who uado an onormouB profit out of tho ontre pot
    trado possing through Nopal. IIq suggestod th8t tho Nopalese
    merchants ehould be left only vith their own trade. The
    factories would acoouat for tho. purchase and sale in each
    month and accounta would bo e'oot to Tibet aud China
    regularly. Ee suggestetl lbat \o Perunnoh rhould bo iesued
    for such articles ae woulal bo dealt with by tho faotorioa with-
    out tho eoal end signature of lho Gun&fltaE of the ffve facto-
    rioi. Ho mentions "but this plan can ouly bo oxpootod to
    como gradually into effect from the result of my enquiry, I
    have found thot tho exports to Nepal from tho dominion of
    the Coupauy and of the Nawab Vjzier at pros€nt amoutrt -to
    about four or five lakh rupeee pet annum..'...'
    As the places abovo noticcd are lot distant from Eindustan
    and the produco of th6 country in ooneequence of its boing
    iu tbo Company's possession could be transported eithsr with-
    out any trollble or vexotiotr, th6 merohaut8 are 'roll placed,
    Broad cloth may also be transported to Saling (1) through
    Two BBrTrsE urssrqNs 643

    China but the oxpenoes of couveyanco through that routoare


    much greater. Goods of thic doscription may also be sent to
    Ya,rkqnd from the westward through Bokhara but from tho
    "oxpense of transportation and apprehensien of attacks from
    tho Turoomauns and Calmacs tbis does not ansrf,er. tr'or
    these rossons f havo found that it would be much preferablo
    that the artioles could be introduced into those countries by
    merchanta from the Company's end the Vizier'e dominions
    with the conc[moncs of the neighbouring hill Rajas and if it
    shall pleaso God after sonetimo theso Rajas will not have in
    their powor to throw any obstacle in tho flow of their trade
    which may be carried on by the merchauts of tho Company'e
    Provincee end thoso of China, Tibot, etc, without a,ny interven-
    -tion on their part."

    Speaifi,cation of artdclee oJ tnerahaniliae gtroper tor erpoilation


    from Hdnil,ustan to N epal,
    Broad cloth... . . . . All colour oxcept yellow which is ir
    demand throughout Tibet and particularly black-after deduc-
    ting all coets and chorges, if it ie eold in Nepal tho profit will be
    4 ans. in tho rupee aad ifat Lhaga l0 ane. in the rupee.
    Coral-Reguired by the Army and Sardars of China. The
    charges of tronsportation of those a,rticlee aro trifling and
    one lakh rupoos worth may be disposed of
    annually. The
    profft was 37 P.C. if gold in Nepal, but in Lhose it amounted
    'to 75 P.C.
    Poarls, not round and of different oolours.......like coral,
    wero also much in demand, and profit earnod wa,s &s largo as iu
    tho case of coral.
    Cotton aloth, the manufacturo of Mow......Tho profit if
    told in Nopal is 4 as. in the rupoo, and l0 as. in the rupee if
    eold at Lhasa efter doducting all costs and aharges.
    gtnlr, Conoh shelle for ornaments......profit if sold in Nepal
    rill be 4 as. in the rupee and if sold at Lhasa hundrod per
    cent.
    544 UODEBI{ ]{EPAI

    Beagal raw silk."tho profit exactly the gsme ol in cottoD


    oloth.
    Woollen carpots, cazz,'o looking glaases, knives eod
    BcissorE-the produco of Europo, tho Profit in Nepal will be
    4 os. in tbe rupee anil 100 pr cent st Lha8a.
    Brass scaloe and woights, nut-mog, cardamom, mace, sandal
    wood, Googool, alum chhohara, Banaras Kumkqm, silk piece
    7
    goods, cotton, Banar&s Bu8sr, tobaoco, karua? cloth profit on
    thosa i8 4 as. in tho rupee in Nepal and l0 as. in Lbasa.
    Indigo-tho profit ia Nepal may bo 4 as. sDd I00 Por ceut
    ot Lhasa.
    Cuff of Diamond? ltho profit st8nds e8 in the case of Indigo.
    Artialet o! ,ncralwtdise tor dmporlatdan fiorn fibet into
    Hitduatm: Gold, ailver, eohaga, cow tail, chow-rie, murk,
    ooerso saJ, Cbina silk, sal blankot.
    Articlu of Nepal lor irnrya,;on to Hittiluctm: Muuzoet'
    war, wooil fit for mast of ship, terpeutilo. SilYer and lead
    minog ars found in Nepat but tho nativos do not undoretand
    working thom although they do work eome of thoir coppor and
    iron mines,
    Abilul Kadir's early improssions havo boeu giveu iu his
    letter which he wrote from Kathmondu as Eoon s! ho r€sched
    there. AmoEgBt othor things he Yroto to 8sy that ho hosrd of
    complaints by the Nopoleso authorities about Kaaipur aud
    R.udrapur. At tbe initial st&go he soemB to h&Yo beon quits
    moying. But the a.dvent of tho winter causod him physioal
    ailmont, and hie m.ovements slaokened. Since the for &bout
    two months till he left for Banaral he had various troublss on
    account of staff. AU of thom were suffednB
    himeelf and his
    from chronic malaria. Although, bo reoeived atteotion snd
    cars of bis host, thoro was uothing that !e could do to froo
    himaolf oud his men from the malarial fevor. AB I col6equonco
    threo porsons of his ontourage had tliod, and ho himcelf rau a

    76. To .it on while P!sYin3'


    7i. Kols (uublecched)
    78, flits Kashi (fercus sulPh.t6)'
    two sf,ntraE rtlslorE 6'16

    rial of thot frlo. At long lest he sss oonpolled to quit


    Latf,mandu. 7 t
    Abdul Kadh reported that tho King F88 indiEPosod duo to
    :omo eilmot, and he could havo littlo lnreonal contact rith
    him savo tho rudionoo which he was givon on arrival.E 0 Tho
    obroniclo rhioh, hovcvot, doo8 [ot ssy sDythirg about Abdr
    Kadfu notos thst King Rano Bahadur ruffered for oighteen
    monthe sinoo immotliatoly sftor ho took over tho reins of
    Govornmont on Jyostha 27,1841 VS (midillc of Juoe, l?94).
    It s6oms thst while Abdul Krdir r€aohod K8thm8trdu, tho King
    was ailing.

    Kailir Relurw
    Abdnl Kadir $tumed to Banaraa bofore the end of
    Scptonber or oarly October eftor a fairly long atoy ia
    Ksthnandu.l I Of oourse, ss wsr inh€rent in tho naturo of
    the missioo, orcopt tho fa,otu&l rcport tboy obtainod of tho
    oondition of the oourt in Nepal nothirg was aohieved by the
    Britiah authoritios beyond whst was dosimble within lirnits
    of their instructionc to Kadir Khan.
    Aocordirig to tho lettor of J. Lumsden above quoted "of the
    revsral articles oxport€d through Abdul Kador, tho broad
    oloth vss the ouly ono which had boen sold.s t Tbe coral wae
    unesleablo io oonsoquonoe of the high prico aad bad aolection
    of beads. No articles from tho produco of Nepal and Tibct
    bad boon purohased as the Maulvi wae advised by lbo Agont 8t
    Pstna thst Et ptosent thay would bo sold at a loea in tto
    Company'a provinoos.'8 !

    ?9. Polttiosl Oo!!ultrtion,'21 gepteuhor' 1795' No. g0


    80. rbiil.
    81. Birtrupads Oh.krsvsrti h Calcutta Reeiew,86, JftDuary 19{9 (pP.
    4&49) wrttos tlit ho returnod iD th€ lsst w€€k oI D€crDbet or lat€6t fltt
    rr6€t ol ,taurry-
    gr. OostiD! Bs. 980?-1{ $as.6oltl ot N€I616!6 Rr. 14065. Ihe 6tio
    gloos r'a6 looto 115' ThuE tho
    betweel tbe Bolaaraa Sioc. sDil Nrpol€€€
    r"iuaf orioe totoheil rEs Bs. 11955'4'0 Bsnstas ruP€€s, proat b€ing Rs.
    2i48.3-{i fPol ooEEult, Uotoh 7, 1796 (No' 1)'
    89. P. C. Boyohrudhuri'B Dot6. Politioal Oo!6nltstior! tr[irch 7, 1796,
    No. 1.
    646 UODEEN NBP.AI

    ft not appoar rhother ithe bouudary diaputes in rcs-


    does
    poct of Momng enil Purnoa, was settled, although we find thot
    tho Nepel Goverumont was let to klov of tho instruotionl tho
    Britigh authorities 6ont to the Collector of Puraeo for efeotiag
    suoh adjuetment ae wae sought by tho Nepaloee Govemmsnt.
    -We
    also do not loe in tho documetrts relatin3 the mission of
    Abdul Kodir anything to show that the disputo regarding
    Cossipur and &udrapur vas eettled. Of course, tbis qucstion
    Eoonr to havo boon raised iu the interviow wtrich Abdul Kadir
    Iad with tho Kingr!, in Kathmanilu.
    Abdul Koilir ou his way bock to India for tho olpresa
    purpose of nogotioting with tho A. G. G. in Banarae iu regard
    to th6 possessioo of theso torritorios.s 6 Itr o lotter which
    Rana Bahadur ssat to J. Lumsden through]Abdul Kadir it rar
    sritl thst the Migsion had made a commitment on that iesue'E'
    But Abdul Katlir doaied to hsYs done Bnylhing in tbo matt€r,
    strd this !ts8 supported by Gejarej Mirra rho eaid 'if thcre ras
    ony misappreheneion it \r&s due to the EisroprosantatioD of
    Dsonanath Upedhaya whose objmt was to intoruPt harmony
    botvson the two Sirkore''8 ? The Britirh Govsrnor-Genortl
    ffuolly clarifioil thoir attitude ssyiug th&t tho m&ttst did not at
    .all fall within tbo soopo of thoir authority. It &lro sPpoart
    th&t the Nppaleso a,ttomptod to msko e ditooc spPro&ch to thc
    Newab Nazir for eecuring the two trlukae.8 r
    So oq all accounts eron the minimum erpeototion about
    the mission's urefulnees had not been fulfilled.
    Yet, the British outhorities thought tbrlt ae ono moro lilt
    in the chain which thay w&uted to eot up in thair relation with
    Nepol, it bad served its own purPole. lt hrd gono st least to

    84. ?olitiosl CoDrultetior, SEtebbe! ql. 1795 (No. 9C)

    8t. Nos. Si'36 of tho AUstBbsil Becods OSos'


    86. Its ocpt &ttBcboit to tho l4it€t Nr, 69oIJ. LulriilsE to glt John
    Shore
    8?. Docuuent No.5?. Ltt€t il,rteil4th Jsuusly 1?96'
    88. Pol' ColBult, tiirch 7, 1?96 (15)
    r TO BBITISE [IA8IOI8 64!t

    pres6rvo'& fscado of oordisl relation botwoou tho tro GoYora-


    monts. Gajraj Migra bed aleo writtense to thsm that Kadir
    Khan's migsiou had worked to dispel aay doubts in tho miads
    oftho Sardars, ond tho Maharaja was oonyinood about the
    oxpediency of the stroDgest cordiality and ftiendrhip. rubsistirg
    botween the two Sirkars'. Although, with thia aesurtnoo, tho
    ohapter of friendly intoroourse was oloeed. at leaet for a period
    of another fivo yonrs, tbis w&s somothing whioh sustained tho
    East foelia Company'e Goyornmont in thoir endeevour to
    promote their iltorest in Ncpal.
    Sir John Shore's observatiou shows that tho British did lrot
    rogard tho result of tho miseion aa somothing of a total failure
    and thcy still hoped for a bottor futuro.

    "Of the reeults of tho moroanlilo tlanBaotions eatruotod to


    tho conduot of M. Kadir, wo aro l1ot yot qualified to form e
    iudgomont...but considoring tho oommercial as well as politioal
    information dorived from hia doputation it csnnot bo d€omed
    uroless s[d uDimporto,ut, This commuuioatioa hor onabled us
    t,o opon somo judgomont of ths charaotere of the Raja aud his
    priucipal oflicors and to &Bcertsin their diEpoBitiou tora,rde this
    Govornmout*,.the political impdimonts lesulting from the
    charaoter antl conduct of the Iiaje are of moro conbequeuoo and
    whilat those erist, th6 commerce mEst r6m&iD iD a feeblo 8tato.
    'Wo ought tr,r look forward to a poriod of bettsr admiuistration

    in Nopal and iatermediately to promoto our counootion with


    e o.
    tho B,aja'.
    We intond to conolutlo thig soction with tho political report
    of Abdul Kadt, wbich ho propared about tho condition of tho
    Court ol Kothmaadu, Eveu if this nay &ppeat a bit out of
    ploce, it ia hoped that the following quot&tion will eupplement
    the uarrative ou the subjoot we havo provided in tho n€xt
    chripter. The roport is expected to sheil muab light on tho
    curreut politic&l situation iu Nopal.

    89. Ibid, Gajroj MiEtB'8 to lurn8alotr.


    90. Politjca,i 0oosult&tio!, ? Mrlob,1796, No. 29-
    548 UODEBI{ N&PII

    Pditical sitttalion in Nepal aa Kdir Eouttil

    Molvi Abtlul Kadir in dooument No. 56 in the volumo of


    Pranulirg Reaorih (Lottere isrued by tho Agent to tho Clover-
    aor-General, Banaros. October, 1795 to Dooombor, 1795)er haa
    liveu his ideas regarding the Rajo of Nepal aod tho st&ts of
    afiairs in that oountry. Eo montions that from tho time of
    his aocession lo lhe wefiqd, the Raja hod listcned to the advico
    of ths lowest olocs of pooplc anil omployed his time in attonding
    to Bingers and io dissipation. 'At tho advice of his low-minded
    fri€rils tho Raja's uacle, Bahadur Shah had been disgraced and
    Bahadur Shah was now entirely devoted to roligion. On this
    acoount Bahadur ShaL, Abhiman Sirgb, Damodar Paro and
    Gujeraj Misir wers much dietressed. Glujeraj l\Iiair htd somo
    influence on tho Raja but the Raja did not alw&ys follow his
    advice.' Tho Rtio entertaiuod a great oatipathy to his uncle and
    suspecteil him of hia boing in concert of tho Sardars of aeigh-
    bouring couotries for diepossossing him of tho Raujo' The
    rulors of China were wsll pleasod with tho Raja's uaclo, Baha-
    dur Shah, and had recommended to the Raja that Bahadut
    Shah should be appointed ss tho Naik. The Raja in reply
    wroto th&t he hed diemiesed his utrcle ag be had commenced
    hostility yith th6 peoplo of Tibet without his cons'ent. Tho
    rtply from.China to this messegd bad not yot oomo. The'
    -bf
    Emporor China elso wrote to tho Raja to rocommond &ttoa-
    tion to merchents trading to Nopal, s reyision of revenue from
    tho r&iyets of Newar caste and to propose the iBtroduotioD of
    tho Chinoso coins into Nepel. The Rajr had obi6oted but
    Abdul Kadot was convinced thst his objeotion would not bo
    rllowod. "Tho Raja hae reteined in his aerioo lbre,e Vir$qczt
    iD tho oha,rye of his artilleriee. One of thom, o Etonchman, vas
    very akilful in his proforsion ond was ontertsinod in the Raja'e
    servicet;z Deensnath Updhya's brother in Caloutta. While
    Bahadur Shah vss in oftco thir man recsivod 690 rupeos per
    month snd was omployed in casting cenon. 200 canons had

    91. P. O. Royohruilburr'. ooth8.


    TWO BBITISE UISSIONS 649

    teeu o&Bt strd soyoral Nepsloso lesExt tho &rt &nd the Fronoh-
    man's salary hed been st6pp€d. The Xtonchman wantod to
    escspo but he wes aprehoniled and res put in oonfinomcnt. E6
    again escapod and was seiz€d end put in igrn and was troatod
    so harshly that he (Abdul Kadir) thought he was dead. Tho
    Bhootawal Reia ras io t€Ims of friendship with the Nswsb
    Vizier and woe e brothor-in-lew of tho Raja,e uaole, Bohadur
    Shah. The Raja wontod to oonfne hie son and many of tho
    old Ssrdsrs. Tho eon had osoaped and maay ofthe Sarilars
    were undor perpotual apprehension.', Abdul kadir Khan founil
    Nopal iu a sort of fcraont. Many of the big mon and raiyate
    of Nepal were friendly to Bahadur Shah who vss in good term,
    with Gujeraj MisL end ths other Esn of understandiag ia tho
    country. Bahadur Shah was anrious to cultiv*to the friond-
    sbip of the Company. Abdul Kadir Khan hinted that if
    Bahadur Shah bc restored to powor the friendly intercou$a
    botweon tho two ststss would inoroaro. ,.Even Abhiman Singh,
    the Dewan Eantcd to quit Nepal aud roside in the Company,s
    territoriee if he be given seme malgoozrree lauds,', ho
    rcported.
    Tho roport further !-,,Thc Enperor of Chiaa
    meations
    has dietributed his foroes from thohil Ghate to tho southw&rd
    of Tibet, to the wsstrrard as far as his bounilary of Kashmir
    and to tho eastvard as far as the country of Debraja and has
    establiehed l&rgo dopot of grain at all the Ghats. A greator
    portiou of armymea srd also of grains wero 8t&tioncd at tho
    Glhats bordoriag on Nepal than elsewhere aud wbai bappened
    will be eoon hereafter. The aon ofths Raja of Joomla bill
    adjoining to tho eastern bounda"ry of Kashmir whose country
    hag eomotimss beeu anaetsd to Nepal vent to Cbina to com-
    plain of the Raja of Nepal. Ee roturned from thenco with a
    confrmstion of his Raj and r.esidod at th6 fort of Kotteo.
    'But th6 Raja of Nepal hae not mado oy6r to him the possession
    of Joomla. It will, horeeftor bo se€n vhst oralors th6 oountry
    of Chine will eend ia consequenoo or wbothor the Chineso troopg
    will put the Joomla Baj into possssEioD. Thero is no anlty
    660 ITODEBN NEP{,

    betwosn tho Raja of Nopal and the Sovoroign of China.ot


    Under these oircu4starooe it i8 Dy advice that in the firBt
    placo frioudly lotten E&y bo written from the Euzoor to
    Glujoraj Misir and Abhimaa Singh rrho iE s voll wiahor for tho
    Ssrka,ra anal wishes"'."--to get Bahad'.r Shah and Damqdar
    Paro stoa<ty in the goorl ofims' It is olso proper that lettere
    rhould be r ritts! to Tribhuwan Singh and to tho li'aja in
    terms of gooilwill oud if 'the Nawob. Vizier rill bo brought
    to cons€nt to tbcir wishos raPocting Roodrapur aud Cossipur,
    it will be e4redient that they ahould be gretiGod in ordor to
    sotisfy tho Raja anit his ministors of the eincerity of tho Englirh
    Glovernmoot. It will bs also right that lettere shoulil l;o written
    to tho Subedar of Lheea and to the Dalai Lems by ![ir Baha-
    ud-ileen who last year brought letters &nd prcsonts ftom the
    Dalai Lama st Lh&B& to ths Glovernor-General and to Mr.
    Duaoau. A lstter shoulil also bo Eont to Mr. Cherry from
    Caloutte to pty &tteutioD to the Vizier to tho R,eja of Bboota-
    wsl whenover he &ttonds to p&y his comPlimont to him the
    regard, vhich tho English gentlemeu etrtertaiE for Gujeroj
    Mieir and for Bahedur Sheh, bie msster's rslatiou. All thig is
    orpedieut and propor."

    It that Guru Cajaraj Misra pinned a hope on tho


    waB st&tad
    possibility of Bahsdur Shah'a restoration to the helrn of afairs
    :o that in tho doys to come the British obiootiYo of consolida-
    ting friendsnip with Nopal euoooedeil.0 I

    t'rom l?96 to 1799 the British had oominal contn'ct with


    Nopsl. They rero oaroful not to offend tho Gorkhabs at a

    91. Abdul troili!itr atrothol !6tt6! erite to€sy th.t tbo ItrDD€ror raotoil
    to rciDst to tho Boir ot ,u!oL i! his Poirdrlon aEil i.D
    tho Eejs ot Nopal
    crlo of Eon-coEplisrloo hsit thr6.tdeil to lnvrile Nsprl Ttth 80,000
    tJoops. fho' Rai. of JnmL h.il his ot! to&o oI 10,0C0 'r!6Eblod i! Kuti
    (J. LuEsde!. Ltte!,No. 116 ot thE All&h.brA Booorils Of,co)
    93, Polltiosl Oo[sultotlolr, Mtroh ?, 1796 (N. 9 N' 13)
    fWO BBITISE UI88ION8 55[
    timewheu w&rsworo raging in the Southand intheWegt.e.
    They quietly allowed the trado pact with Nepal to lapee aud
    made no attcmpt whatever to reintroduce the subjeot. But
    they did not cease to work for an opportunity. In lg00 they
    agaia offered a treaty, which wag liko a troaty of subsidiary
    allianoo.
    Tho trap thoy laid down was, however, smashed hardly was
    ;
    tho ink of the treaty dry that tle Government of Nepal repu_
    diated their commitments. The Britieh cane &way, agoin
    disappointed.
    fn this and other instances the Gorkhalis acted with the
    utn?ostwisdom. Any other oourse involviug concessions to
    the British, oveu though they bo in respect of oaatters
    commercial, would havo brought in its s6ft6 flsmination of
    the Compaay's Govornment. It certainly reflects creflit on
    the sagacity and far-sightedness of the Gorkbali rulers to have
    set aside the advanoes made by tho British.
    The credit of hotding high the banner of freedom goes to a
    host of young mon at Kathmandu. Theso mon in spite of
    thoir youthful lovo for adventure uere nevertheless remarkably
    sagaoious in coaducting their relations with the British. They
    wero imbued with the highest ideal of patriotism and were
    brave and strong men. They woro abovo all perfectly honest
    and would not stoop to,greed or tomptation.06 Aslongas
    the trrclicy remained in their hands, Nepal waB very far from
    the disaster which at Iast betook hor in lgl4.
    94. They were engagetl in fights against Tippu Sultan in Bouth India.
    The Mahrattag were elso opposing them as f*r ag the Jumna River. From a
    letteroI Bana Bahailur shah to Dinanath ulndhya(traced from one of the
    latter'e tlesoeltlantr) it appears that a vakil-repreaentiug Nepal was stationed
    in caloutta, antl border tlisputes aad extrailition of oriminal cases wero
    'negotiated through him'. This letter'publieheil in Etihasik pata sangraho
    speaks of certaio inoitlents of robbery'in Dinajpur distriot where Nepolese
    citizene fron the hills were invorvetl. The company's Government has been
    asketl to repatriato all porrons of the type mentioued to avoid further troubles
    on their account. rt conveys also promise and aggurance of frioudship anit
    ol proper aotions agaiast tbe iniscreents (pp. S0-gB).
    96. Old6eld, I. Pp. Z86.eB.
    652 !trODtrBIT T{IPAI,

    A survoy of ovonts in Netrul during that period will ahow


    that they had to work against heavy odds. Becauso a minor
    wss otr tho throns, fotoos woro lot looso, whioh fostorcd
    intrigues and, very ofton, womorl Gamo to oontrol ths afailg.
    Stability of admininstration Pas the excoption rathot than
    the rulo. It is said that Bahadur Shab himself wes subjectetl
    to untold barossmont as & result of Court intriguos and ho
    had to leevo his country twice on that account.
    $imilar was the fate meted out t,o msDy othors. The
    wom&r, R€gont Quoen Rajenitro Lu-kemi, seorls to have
    aotod iniliscreoily rrorso than othsrs and indulged in itrtrigues
    a,round her eud encouraged tho malioe aud iealouay amonget
    tho uobility, and she was not at all fair to hor brother-ialaw,
    Bahadur Shah, wbich oaused a jolt to Nepal's progrees.
    Other womon, dow[ to tbe queen of King Rajendra who
    foolishly wrecked tho structure of the Shah power, have boen
    rocponsible for weakoning tho Gorkha Kiagdom. But ovon ia
    tho8o circumstauces those valiant aons of Nepal acted in tho
    best interest of the country abovo jealousy &nd rancour, ofton,
    isolating the palaoe for that purposo. To their crodit they
    annered in this period Tanhu, Palpa and the forty-six hill
    principalities botwesn the Iiivers Mahakali aud Krishna
    Gandaki (Gandak). Sometino aftor, the Gorkhalis marched
    upto river Gangea occupying Kumaon and Garbwal. A eet back
    camo orly aftor tho Tibot war, and more when Rana Bahadur
    bogen to rule directly without hie unolo. Rana Bahadur
    acted much unwisely whilo he ruled, aud at last ho abdicatod
    his throue, and wont to live in Banaras. But eveu there in
    his exile he aoted so indisorootly that tho British had almost
    aucceeded in imposing a Resident in his otherwise freo country.

    Angla-Nepal,eae nela'tiofle, U96-1800 -,4. D.

    Tke account of Abdul Kadir'g miosion eorried tho thead of


    th6 genersl aarrative of Anglo-Nopalose relation to 1796. In
    tho present eectioo rPo proposs to continuo ths narrativo to
    TWO BBIIISE ITTSSIONA 653

    includo ovents up to 1800. Here wo stsrt with tho doeoription


    of tho working of tho Nopralose foroiga mission, which ofton
    csme ir tho pioturo.
    Ihe Nopal Governmont bad a repres€nt&tivo ia Calsutta.
    Ee porformed eovoral. funotions. IIe watched the British.
    Eo watohod the Indiane. He gave all gorts of information
    to his msster. fn his correspondonce ho touched all aryrocts
    of lifo from personal disposition and oharaotor of the
    Govornor-Gsnoral doyn to th6 doteils of intriguos in the
    British camp oud in Iudian Cou{ts, about Assam, Kabul,
    Poona and Lucknow.96 Ee woe asLed to b6 polite, and avoid
    enything li&oly to through him
    c&uso misundorstanding.s?
    Kathmandu ooutscted fndiau princos: cont&ctr with the
    Marrthas end S&hc beoamo rogular as the timo approached
    ths Aytglo-Nepeloeo War. ,S€cr6t sgents wors stationed iu
    Gwalior and Lahoro with aumerouo other Bubordinste agon€ios
    in goyoral mors statos, Padma Pani reptessnted his country
    in Sindhia's Capitel, antl it was a full-fletlgeil embassy funo.
    tioning oponly whioh hs managed. We have tbo following
    lines in a letter to tho Goyoruor-Goaeral by the3esittent at
    tho Gwalior Court about the Nepaloso miseion.
    "Padma Peuio, tho Gorkha agent to thil
    aourt, i8
    roprosented to have requested for his dismissa,l and the motivo
    escigrod for tihie iB Eie llighness,s neglect to porform his
    promiso in rogard to tho obtaiuing of the miseion of a man of
    rauk from Nepal to bo present at th6 ceremoDy of hir daughter,s
    Euptials.9s

    96. L€tto! No. 16 -Eirihorik Patra Saryraha sbout IJord Wetlesly.


    97. Instt[Eonr of iu6tlDctioD io Kheride! plithvivilai by AEsr SiDha
    d&tBitV. g. 18?1 MsgLavadi 19 loj g (6rst pubtisheil by Chittaronjatr Nopali)
    I€tts! No. 294 troD th6 r€.ld€nt to J. lilam. No. g19 of th€ saDo. I4tt€!
    ol P&illr! Poni to Geuerol BhiEgdE Tlal,s ond trazi Rrndhrraj Thelle ilat€il
    Y, B. 18?1 glsvans va,ili I loi 2 &ddresB greallo! (reproiluced) in .Bhioren
    Thepa aail Eis Tiraee' by Chitta6nj&D Nelsli, (FoteigE ofio6 srchlves)
    98. 'Pliti P&ul, though Bome o&ll hllr pdti Ealo B€€lrs' No, 266, from
    Reslil@t -ith eiAdhi. to l. Adafr. (poona Residetcy Correspondence,aol
    xrv,8109.18).
    554 MODEBN NSPAL

    "Ee to the court whilo the war continued


    was disposed
    A person about the Darbar is employod to roceive the Gorkha'e
    oovnmunication and to convey to Eis Highness." But the
    Ietter belongs to tho post Anglo-Nepal war period.
    Frum a letter (No. f 7)se i6 is olear that tho Gloveramert of
    Nopal used to appriso itself of all the events occuring in India
    and uear about. In this letter Rana Bahadur refem to afrairs
    n Eyilerabad and issuos instructions to his Vakil. The letter
    was in reply to the latter's eubmisgion about international
    afraire. The Vakil had etated that the Freuch had invaded
    E5rpt but were defoated by tho British and itheir outposts
    were soized by the latter. Rada Bahadur in his letter h&d
    asked Dinanath to congratulato the British on their success
    in defeating the X'reuoh. The lotter is dat€d VS 1855 Margasudi
    16, roj l:Suiday,2J. December, 1798.
    Baua Bahadur wrote another letter to Dinanath to say
    that Kirkpatrick rag pursuing his intention to see Nepal. 'But
    this will not be good in the interest of our country. Even if
    Nopal woro to gain l0 times additional territories Kirkpatrick
    should bo pereuaded not to rittempt the venture'. . But Dina-
    nath was to appoar modei,t all the timo whenevor the gueation
    was raised.
    Thero is a passage in this letter about Ugrasimha a cloimant
    to Assam's throno intimating to the Vakil that the timo fol
    oontaoting tho Assameso rulor had gone. The information is
    doscribed in full in the next section dealiug with Assam.
    In 1798 Dinanath informed the King through a'letter that
    dacoits from the Nepalese torritory operated in Dinajpur. Tho
    King in reply etated that the authorities here had issued no
    iastructions to thoir Subas and Amlis to aommit ravages in
    the company's territories. Ee could not think that the Subas
    did so.' Probably the unomployed hill-men must have taken
    to plundering fcr their livelihood. They must have meutionod
    the Suba's name to savo their ekin ; Dasaratba Khatri had
    99, Eitihasik Patra Sangraha. (In the Possasglon of Baburam Aoharya).
    All letters fuom 16-20 were copied by the Aoharya aad they are lying in. hia
    possession.
    rWO BBITTSE UISSIONS ooa

    boen orderod todeal with the dacoits aocording to tho names of


    the list suppliod. Dinanath wae to provido informs0ion as to
    the families of the men involvod and tho placo where thoy
    lived. Ife was also to let the Govornment know if such aots
    wore committed under somebody's instructione. Any body
    endangering the frioudship between Nepal and East India.
    oompany would be puaished. The Brltish could send euch
    nen back home, wheroupon proper action could be taken. Even
    good men should bo persuaded to return.
    Letter No. 20 gives a resume of what Dinanath, tho Nopaleso
    vakil in Calcutta,wroto to his Clovenlment about the victory
    of the companyts G$ovornment over Tipu Snltan. "Sriranga-
    patam wae uuder seizo because Tipu wou ld not listen to the
    Britieh who had repeatedly dissuaded him from aligning with
    tho French. Tipu appeared in a mood to fight the Britieh.
    Thorofore, Cleroral George Earris and others were sent to meot
    the ohallengo. Thore were two engagements. The seoond took
    placo on Vaisakh Vadi $0 Saturday at 2-30 a.m. For five
    houra they fought aud Tipu was vanquished and killod. Tho
    The entire family and their treaeury fell into tho enemy,s
    hands.t'1@
    The Nepalese wero keen to maintain friendly relation with
    the British and took meticulous care to avoid any oocasion
    likoly to rouse misundorstandiug about thoir intention. In the
    same lotter Rana Blhadur expreseoil himself to say : "Tho
    victory of our friend hag mado us happy. Tle aro happier that
    after Tiputs defeat the prestige of the British has goue
    high."101 This no doubt, shows the desire on the part of the
    Nepalese authorities to impress on the Britieh vith the feelinge
    of friondship and amity, os oould exist betweon two noighboure.

    100. Datetl V. g. 1856 Jristha Suili 18 daturtlay = 15 June, 1?99. Also s6e
    his lettcr to Dinanath Upadhya ilsteil V.g. 1855 Phelgun Yadi 14 roj 3.
    ihas ik Pat ra S agr alu,
    -Eit
    101. AIso hig letter to tbeGovernorGener4l,JuIy18, 1792(TB31,pp.
    No. 218) antl to'Mr. Bturrt tOB 388, AB I, P. 120. No, 208). CPO, X,
    X91-4.
    No. 569. 678, Pp. 114-15.
    666 UODEB]T Xf,PAI,

    of Nepal also 8€ems to havo pronisod


    Tbo Governmert
    help to tho British in preventing Clhoolam Mobummad, the
    Rohilla Ohiot from gotting sn asylum10, irr Almora (30
    Deoembor, 1794, Political lottor to tho Court of Direotors) in
    rcspon8o to tho roquest m&do by the Britieh Rosident in
    Lucknow (Correspondence, lTth October, Nos, 17-32). This
    should go to disprovo tho chrgo of complioity of Nopal in anti
    British aoGivities. Ths Kothmandu authorities rrere over alort
    to avoid giving romotest cauae of suspicion to tho British or
    thot aooount.
    A lottor of Rana Bahadur Sh&h to Dbanath Upadhya
    informed him that the Govornmetrt had inatructed all its ofrcors
    in the P8lpa-Butwal area not to'givo Bholter to Wazir Ali
    Shah of Oudh ( Letter No, 18, Eitilneib Patra Bangraln'
    agha auil,i 4 rol: Saturday I X'obrua,ry' 1799). Wazir Ali's
    aceeesion to tho tbrono wss coDtriyed by hia supportors againat
    th€ widheE of tho Britieb whoeo preferenco for Sadat Ali had
    becomo knowa at tho time. This man, Wazir Ali, eon of
    Arafrutldaula, waa depored ou tho first of January in 1798 aftor
    somo months of rostleso rulo, (Mirze Sadat Ali, hie unole was
    put on th€ throno of Oudh) and thoreafter rras kept in Banaras
    under eurveillanco, from whero ho escaped to tho bord€r of
    l.Tepal. It appears from tho letter that Wazir Ali escoped after
    killing {our Europoan officere including tho Residont, G' T.
    Cherry aud whils on tho border aroas was engeged ia collecting
    forces and arms to use against the Britiah.l03 Wazir Ali had
    conspired and when this was dieolosed and tho Sritish wanted
    to remoyo him to Calcutta he had robellod. Ee had murdered
    G. T. Cherry in the latter's ap&rtment when ho was boing
    received. This was on tho l4th January,2 days provious to
    the dsto ffxod for his removal to Calcutta. The letter furthor
    inshuoted "even if the British did taks no notico of tho affairs,

    f(}). Fort William-Indla House Oorrespetdence, Vol. XY[. P,e82, Ibld,


    P. 104 ; ?oliticsl letto! A.hil4 Fob!uny,1795,
    1OS. G. B, Gutba8, Ar AcooEDt ot the Aco€srioD ol Erilst AlI' PlooooiltllB
    'ol the IE. B.C. XYII.
    Two BBJIISg UlsAIOXd 667

    it
    is our duty to ohock ell inoidento in pmsuaaco of our usuel
    polioy of maintoining fricndrhip &t sDy cost. TaLo caro to
    impress them boldly that wo moan nothing but friontlship, you
    will also counteract ony miechief our adversa,ries might ereoto.
    We have alro directly vritton to tho Governot.Goneral.,
    Tho Govemor-Genoral communicstod thoir concenr abdut
    Wazir Ali in thsir oommunioation in roply to the King's lettor
    &nd r€quosted tho Nepaleso authorities to help thom to routd
    up the fugitive.l o. Inyot anothor letter to Dirensth Upadhya
    (No. 19, dated YS 1856 Vsirokh sudi 14 roi:S&turd&y, 18
    llsy
    1799) Rana Bahadur assures the Britieh of tho aupport ia tho
    campaign egainrt Wozir Ali. It BBomE rhet sll outposts on the
    border ae far ee Kumaon had boon alertod. Thero wore also a
    fow cngagomente.
    Tho lotter elso reports Wazir Ali,e attompts to force unity
    yith looel landlorde. r o I
    Ths Nawab Wazir had sssurod tho Govornmont of Nop&l to
    gront the Jagir of Cossipur and Rudrapur plm bO thousatrd
    rupeos in lieu of the support in hie oaee (lettor No. 20, Raaa
    Bahadur Shah to DinaEa,th datsd vS lg50 JyoEthE Suili g
    roj
    7:Saturday l5 Jone 1799 ). In anothor lettar ( Vg f85i
    Phagua) Iryazir Ali hae boeu rbported to ha.vo entor€d the
    juugles of Gorakhpur. But all this proved inofroctive
    to tempt
    the Nopaleeo officers who had csreal littto for roword
    of th&t
    nature. They alw&ye stood by what they ha.d promised to th6
    British oarlier. They had sont their men to approhond
    Wazir
    Ali irrospectivo of what tho Narrab lgazir had otrorod thom
    or tho English had orpeoted of them.
    It appears that WszA AI
    vas takiug refugo ia Ajamgarh
    and Gorkhapur forest eraaa, ao no trace of him ras found
    rithin Neprl. Thie information had also reached Rana

    1O4. Politioql Consultatiou, Aptil 12. 1799, No.9.


    105, Also soo Bsns Brhralu!,s lettor, poiitioot CoErEltotiorx, Msroh 1,
    1799, No. 7. Tho ti!8 o, N€prI s6Dt 6 yrrlstie oI lics to B.!o!as in !espoD.6,
    to Blitish !€que8t (9 trun6 1?98).
    Algo eaoloEgro, reoelveil lg.l&t?gg. IloBaj&oI p&lpr xli r&o,sh6d.
    b68 UODEBN I{EPAI,

    Bahailur who montions it in hig lettcr of Tu€sd&y, 5 Maroh,


    l?99. Eo also cone incognito to Lucknow to Eeek hclP' but
    no ono w&a prop&red to Bide with him. For eomotimo theroaftor
    he lived in Rajputena. Later in Septomber 1799 he fell into
    tho hands of the Sritish who dotaiaed him in tr'ort William
    Calsutts till Juns 1816, vhen ho broathed hie last.106
    Eyen when thero rses a movemeut of troops, for instanoe,
    of the romoval of 6 companies from Morang to tho border of
    Purnea, intimation.was given to the authoritieg across the
    bordor, eo that they might como to know tho roal purpoeo of
    the Bteps taken by the Nopaleeo Govornment.
    Tho Nopalose authoritiee did not seeo to deeire to givo the
    Bligbtoet grountl of suspioion to the British on any ground
    whateoevor.

    nurtker Aaaount of Bord,er DisputcE uitk th' Bdl,;sh

    Although &n acoount of ths border dieputos on th€ south


    had founcl place in the narrative dooling with tho oYentg
    lesding to tho Anglo-Nopaless trade p&ct, yet this wss rot
    oomploto. Now wo intond to olose this chspte! with &n
    aattlitional aocount of ths bordsr disputes botween Nepal and
    tihe Britieh in tho last decailo of the oightoelth oentury'
    In l79I Dinanath Upadhya compl&ined to the Goveraor-
    General tb&t one Abtlulla 3og had unlawfully occupiod
    Rautahat (,Rotihutt ). The Govemor-Cloneral referrod tho
    m&tter to Maxwoll, tho Chief of Patna Revenuo Departmont'
    Abtlulla Beg who resided in Patna was eummoned and tbo
    c&Bo w&a thoroughly examinoil' Eo produced a Sanad
    from
    the late Raja Kaur Kunau Singh (Kanak Sinha) .of Mackwan-
    pur. IIo ssid th&t hs was in possossion of the area for tho
    l'aet 30 years. Earlier Abtlnlla;Beg was &lmoet dispcsaessed'
    but Rumbolt'e intorcession had saved him ( ilIarwell to
    Davitl Anilerson, Presidont and mombere of tho R'ovenuo
    Board, Bort Williom, l0 July, I?81, Shahbad Recortls)' Abdulla
    ia
    106, Lifs soa Coroet ol Wszi! Ali Eh8tr by A'u huEa! Mokhotii
    JBRS XITIU, PtB. III& IVt PP' S2S'28'
    rWO BEIIIISE UISSIONA 659

    Beg'e oontontion, howevor, was oot acgopted and the possoesion


    ofB&utab&t vr8 the Nopalese. About o ye&r lator
    givcn to
    the disputo iu regard to' Rautahat was agaia rovived, But
    this timo tho collootor of Champaran neutralised the area, and
    Provetrteil cither perty from taking possession.loT B,&utahat
    was restored to Nepal aftor sometios on reprosont&tion to th6
    Goyeraor- Gonoral.loS
    In l&11 troubles about certain border areas led to wa.r
    between Nopal a,nd the British. But these troubl€s 6xist6al in
    one form or another sinco the esrly so\ronties of the eightoouth
    contury. Thoy wero oftwo Linds. One involved Cisputes ia
    rogsrd to celt&in &rea8 over whioh the British laid claim for
    possossion. The seoond relatod to insta,nces ofraids carrietl by
    the inhabitante of one country oD the trorritories of the other
    ss it was alleged. The diaputed areas all lay insido what was
    oalled the torritory iu the possession of the Gorkhali ruler.
    These ertended ftom tho Gaudak to ths Tista. At one time
    ths rholo of tho Torai from west to oast betwoen the8o two
    rivors were claimed by tho British bn tho ground that they
    formod pa,rts of tho Bongal-Bihar Diwaui. Later, howover, good
    sonso provailoil ou tho British authorities and they gavo up
    proaring their claim. By 1785 the eituation had eo changod
    that nobody on eithor side talkeil of a &sputo regarding
    tsritorial claims.
    n'rom.District B,€cordc of tho Bihsr flontior vo know that
    tho Sanyasi robbors ofton raidod villages on the Britiah side,
    &nd deca,mpeil rith the booty to the neighbouring placea
    insido tho Nopal bordor aud madc themsolyeg safe thero.
    The Sanyasis had bsoome a problom for the British. Thie
    problem was raieed by tho Governor iu his correspondenco
    with Kiag Prithviuarayan Shah (vido ante\. Letnt whilo they
    were vanquished, tbers were other factors that contiaued
    to keep tho troublir very much aliyo. Both tho parties, tho
    British and Nepaleso, each complained of raids on one's
    10?. OPO ii No. 7.
    108, K. P. Mit!., Op cit,P. L61,
    660 MODEBN I{XPAI

    torritories' oithor by Zemindars or by Amolis of tho other.


    Botween 1787 and 1792 there woro sover&I complaints of thig
    t5rye on Champaran, Tirhut and Purnoa borders. The
    Nopalese alleged that certain Zemindars from acrose the British
    terribories had been actively ongaged in dacoity. In 1792 they
    hsd also approacLod tho British ofrcers to provent the fleeing
    Limbus from being engagod in activities against Nepallos.
    In roply, the British eont thoir own complaint alleging that,
    Nepaleso Amalis had violated tho aroas in their jurisdiction.
    In 1793 the Bakira croated troublos in Darbhanga district.
    Their loader Kurram Shah, used to operate from a junglo at
    the Kosi wasto land. The British had alleged that the X'akirs
    wero instigated by the Nepaleso officers of Morang, who
    wanted to bully thom into accepting certain points of their
    seeking in tho boundary disput'o. In April 1794 the Darbhanga
    treasury was looted, and a year aftor the Collector of Purnoa
    had a n&rrow escape from the marauding stroke of the
    assailants. Tho British had by that time stationed 32
    battalions of sopoys under a, Britieh Captain all over tho
    Purnea border in order to prevent operations of the anti-sooial
    olemonts operating from the other side. But the preseuce of
    troops on tho bord.er had not boon conducivo to the restoration
    of normal relation botween the two t':ountries. Two notorious
    robbers by name Ajodhyaram and Mirzapat Sarda were acting
    in Morang and the Nepalese Vakil in oady 1792 had represenl,-
    ed to the Govornor-General the urgency of taking action against
    them. It was said that after some delay theso bad charaoters
    who wore previously in the service of the Raja of Sikkim woro
    arrested by the Collector of Purnea (Letter, 20 July, 1792).
    Ouly aftor 1795, troublel on account of raiders had come to an
    ond.l1o
    Boundary disputes in regard to Morang and Purnea havo
    been referred to in. several commuuications sent to British

    109. Letter of Dinanath to lt[r' Pegan, rsoeivetl on l\[ay, 14, L792'


    lI0. K. P. l\[itra' OP.Oit' PP, 168ff.
    TWO BR,ITTSE MISSIONS 56I
    Ofrcere by the Kilg of Nopal.l r r (Letter of July
    18, l7g2 to
    tho etc.) The Britieh pmpoaed a boundary
    Governor-Genoral,
    CommimioD through o letter of one Mr. Stuort to tho Nepal
    Governmoat (May 8, ?92)rrs, which hail oarlier reproaentod
    it8 caso through its Yakil Bisuunath Upadhya- A lotter in the
    aame of Rana Bahadur Shah to the Governor-General complaios
    of hostilo &ctivities of the oxiled Raja of Maokwanpur, who had
    carried raids into the Nepalese torritory acljoiaing Champaran
    and reoommonds drastic action by tho Collootor of the di8trict
    of Purnoa to ohastiso the raidors (dated 20 Agahan, lg49:4
    Decembor, 1792),trs Ia Novembor of lZgZ the British maito
    a complaint th&t tho Nopatose oustoms o6ce at Moreug had
    tried to levy thg ugual high rates of duty on goods oDtoriDg
    Nopal from Britieh arsas ia Iadia (the goode wero sent by one
    merch&nt Mr. Pagan) rotwithstanding the provision of tbo
    Trado Pact of l79l-rr.

    In another letter to Raua Bahadur the Britiah reque8ted


    him to ilstruot his officors iu Morang eDd Goores diltricts
    'not to aford eholter to the bodiss of tr'akirs, who ffnd eafo
    retreat theto.' These tr'akirs oftsn raidod the outlying Britisb
    areae ia Saran aod Purnoa and harasaed tho pooplo,r r E

    Lator in 1795 whon Abdul Kadir was Bo[t on doputstion to


    Nepal,ho was agked to appriBo the Govoranont at Kath-
    mandu about tho concern of the Britiah in rogard to tho tr'akir
    mouaoe ia the bordsr districts.rr0 Tho Nopal Goyornmont,
    was roqueatod to tske prompt and drastic ectiou to meot this

    u1. CPC, x. No.569, 5?2 (IR 3r, PP.291-4, No. 218), pp. 114-15 r No.
    569, P. I15.
    lIS. OPC, X, No. 391, P. ?1 (OI, 24-5, PP, 239-4S, No, 1S8 t rI, 38, pp.53-
    ?I No. I49.
    113. OPC, X, No.9?9, pp. 218-14.
    114. I€tter, November t5, 1?9e. CPO, X, No. g3B, No. 892 (Lott6r of
    Dutrcan to Nswab -Ali Ibrahim Khan, 19 NovoEobe!, 1?92).
    1I5.Secret D6partD6nt, JuIy, 1794 No. 28 lJ6ttor, 27 June, 1791,
    Ako iE i{Bp publishoil as eppeailix.
    roBdl Nel,alsso soulcos
    116, Politicel CoDsultotions, March 80, 1795.
    562 XODNBIY Nf,P.rI,

    motrroo &nd punish th6 ofonditrS'gang of Kurroom thoh anil


    Sobhau Ali Shah.'lr7 It Bas eaid in behalf of tho NoPsloso
    suthorities that they hail sont troops to tho aroas infeltod by
    tho raldsrs and killcd many of them,lrE but they wore unable
    to doal rith thoso who operated from the basos on the Britieh
    sido of the bordor in Purnes.

    King Rana Bshedur writ€s a lettorr r e to Dinauath Upadhya


    on Thursdoy 9 August 1798 askiog him to vrito to tho Suba
    of Yijayapur (Dasarath Khatri) to arange for tho ofricsrs of
    the Company to moet tbe Nepeleso ofrcers 8omewhero on tho
    border eo that the ecoused arresteal on chargee of dacoity on
    tho oiher side might bo properly checkod and stolou proportioa
    discovored on their confession. Iho king w&nts Diuonath
    t,o impre$ tho compsuy'8 authoritios that surrender of tho
    priaoners wpuld aot be effected by mothoils whiph were
    tlot regulor anil which would looL undignified. What wes
    promised wae tho gurreqder of eto'len proporties whatevet
    could be discoverd. Tho men arrostetl woro mendioants eual
    hillmen.
    In Guru Gairaj Misra'a lettor to tho British RoEid6nt in
    Banarae (document 72 of Allahabad office in the Bonarag
    Recorde) tho s&me. readinese to oblige the Britieh by going to
    the ertent porsible is exprorsod. The letter mentious the Fakirs
    and Darvishes molesting the inhabitants in the Company's
    tonitorioE from their basos ineido Nepal, whomtho Nopaleso
    suthorities h&tl deoid€d to exPol, slthough thoir religion forba'do
    actions in this rogard'
    Atanother io8tetrco, tho Nepalese did not hositats to
    interprot an aot of espionago by a Bdtish agent (W. Moorcroft)
    in a difreront m&nner aa if it was just an unintontional walk-
    ovor. This, thoy did in spite of the faot that the eaid agent

    11?. Politiosl Cotrsoltetigas lis!oh'2o' 1795'


    118. Ibi.l.
    119. D.ba V.B. 1855 graysnt' Itlhasowakotq, L lg4,
    TWO BBITISE UISSIO]YS 563

    tss ceptured by a Gorkha outpost in Garhwal while tryiug to


    oBoape.l I o

    Obviously, the Nepaleso in thoir eforts to maintain friendly


    relation with the Britieh would not bo provoked by covort
    actions, oven if those wero designed to iujuro them.
    Disputes over areas ou the border wero settled by a Commi-
    ssion as \ras proposed to be dono in the case of tho two Parganas
    of Juvijam and Koilia along the Darbhanga frontier. The
    method. of settlemeut was au examination of the question
    through public enquiries by the Nepalese offip.er in cha,rge of
    tho settlement divieion and by one Mr. Smith, Earicharan
    Kanungo and Rajendra Ra! Amin in behalf of the British
    aatl the iesuance of the decres thoreafter followed an
    agreemont on oath (Earibans and Saligram, per Charter to Kazi
    Abhiman Basnait, ; Itiha"sq, Prahasa I, P. l5). This is confirmed
    by materials belonging to British sources. Yet another dispute
    was settled with the samo methotl in regard to the adjustment
    of bounilary between 'Tera Cordeh and Moraug' on ZB
    Soptember, 1789 (A letter to Kirkpatrick by the Collectqr of
    Purnea).r 21 Earlier in August of the same year it was alleged
    that 600 Gorkha soldiers with Bhutia irregulars had attackod
    Tera Cordeh and caused panio by pluudering orops and uovablo
    proporties of the peasants.

    120. I-etter ot Chautara Daa Shah to Vakil Mchila Guruji in Calcuttr


    YB. 1869.
    121. I(, P, Mitrb's Artiele on Anglo.Nepaless Relations ia the Last
    Deoatle of the Eighteenth Contu'y in Proceedlngs of the Indian Historical
    Records Commission, Yol, 18 (1942), p. 161,
    CEAPTER XVI
    SIX YEARS OF R,ANA BAIIADUR AS R,ULING KING
    End,-ot Regcncy

    As Rana Bahadur approaohed hia twenty-first year of birth,


    he declared himself a ruling King. fn consoquonce the regency
    of Bahadur d.hah eniled.
    Bahadur Shah was the central figuro of the drama during
    all the fatefui years between 1786 and 1794. fn the final phase
    of hie careor Bahadur Shah guided the dostiny of the country-
    this time uniuterruptetlly for sevon yoars. But on all occasions
    he assumed powers of Begeat. Eis powers were not as absolute
    as thoso of a dictator, and thoy wero not ag much adequate to
    ofrectively promulgate and implement schomes of social and
    oconomic reforms. Thoro wero checks on his powers even
    otherwiso; during his rogoncy on both tho occasions ho had
    the misfortune of being checkmated by personalities beyond
    hie control, who wero moved solely with a motive to
    thwdrt him.
    On the first occasion Quoen Rajendralakshmi wag a drag
    and sho played her partto:that end, Iater Behadur oxperienc-
    edlthat for tLd duration of tho second torm his opponente
    would give him little quiot all but in the beginning and this
    developed to aotive anC constant interference in administration
    towarde the snd as tho King grew youthful in age, which
    evontually led to tho Regent's downfall. Bahadur's regimo
    consequently s,aw litlle of achiovoments by wiry of reforms, all
    his energios lieip.'diverted to maintaining his position through
    superior intrigues.
    Ifowovern in his time Nepal absorbed various digtricts
    comprising ths states of the Baisis and Chaubisis antl Kumaon
    and Clarhwal in the west and Sikkim in the east. AII these
    were conquered and a greater portiou of Tibetan Kachhar also
    fell to tho arme of the Nepalese.
    BANA BAE^DIIB ooa

    The account of the expedition has boen already providod in


    the provious pa,ges. Bahadur Shah with all his' statesmanship
    and adminietrative ability could steor cloor of difficulties, and
    stressos of circumstancoe.

    About tho alleged illicit conne0tion betweon Bahodur Shah


    and Rajendralakshmi as mentioned by Ilamilton (R 247), there
    is no tangible proof to establiah any fact of euch a relationship.
    Rather the truth was that with the queen mother he was at
    cro8s purposes; he did not cortainly owe his ascendancy to her
    favour aud oforts. Each timo he obtaiued hold of the Glovern-
    ment, it wae becauso others hed regarded him indispensible.
    Ilamilton disbelieves the story, but he eays that it might havo
    originated from thoee who wanted to vilify Bahadur S'hah in
    tho oyo of his nephew. In ths story Eamilton heard about
    this affair, it wae snid that 'actually in times of reconciliation
    the t*o rogents woro thinkiug of a protrnsol of marriage., But
    this wes absolutely uutruo. Such a marriage was prohibited
    by scriptures and unthinkable. Similarly it would be wrong to
    ray that Bahadur Shah was intend.ing to koep his nophow evou
    under his personal surveillance and invited the consequoncea.

    Oldfield wrote (I. P. 284) that Bahadur had kept his nephew
    purposely 'in a state ofprofligaoy aud ignoranco, and the latter
    had suspected a dosign on the partof his unclo to.keep him
    in perpetual pupilage if not actually to usurp the throne.,
    Kirkpatrick had observed in lTgB that Sher Bahadur, Rana
    Bahadur's hatf-illogitimate brother, 'had exhibited such superior
    symptoms of geniut as to have influonced the Regent to pay
    particular attention to tho cultivation of hie-mind, ( p. Z7Z
    ).
    Kirkpatriok'e obsorvation implies that Qahadur had boen par-
    tial to Sher Bahadur to tho noglect of Rana Bahadur. But all
    this opinion is based on bonjectur". fhu faot that Bahadur Shoh
    was suddeoly dismissed iu mid l7g4 (VS t85l Jyestha) is no
    ground suffciont to help anybody to build such pr6mises, rather
    ono could say without fear of aoutradiotion that Bahadur,e
    dismiesal wa,s a natural sequol to Ranars attaining majority.
    Bahadur Shah had no intention of usurping tho throne, nor
    666 MODEBT{ I{TP,I.L

    to Leop his nephew in'perpetual oonfine'ae it was


    ho tleaired
    dlegbd, Ee could hevo ururped ths throno, vhil6 the King
    was in his'infanoy. All theso days Babadur acteil liko & trust€e.
    Eo bad to give up powere while the Kiag atteined majority.
    And this perfectly normal. No ruler tolerates a regsnt in
    wd,s
    his menhood &ud least of all ono, Iike Rana Bahadur who wae
    aspiring to onjoy au abaoluto &nd eutooratic rogiJo.But moro
    thsn thet Rana Bahadur had boen inrtigated by Bahadu's
    opponents to dispenso with the uncle. The prospect of wiol-
    tling absolute ruliug powore temptoat him to Iiston to thie
    odvico.
    Bahadur Shah was not only dismissoil but as it is said he
    was conffneil and died after four months as a prisoner. Tho
    imprisonment oamo a little later.
    B,ana Bahailur wae a latl of twonty while he assumed
    powers. Knowing his tempers Bahadur Shah thought to yield
    to hie desires.
    After his exit R&na s,ppointed Tribhuvana. Khawae, Kirti
    man Basnet, Damodar Pando and Naraeimha Qurung as
    Kazis or miuistors. Jahar-singh Basnet came nert in rauk
    but he aleo enjoyed the king's favours.l
    On suggostions from quartors hostile to Bahailur, tho
    nophow instituted enquiries into the tloiags of the lato Naib
    who was allegod to have depleted tho ttea,sury to squander
    money for himself. He preforred more chargos such as ombezz-
    lemont aod couspiracy to nurdor his father anil himself'
    Bahedur vory much dosirod to olear the charges, but 'to Bo
    ofrect'. Before, howeYcr truth could be established in regard
    to theso ohargos, Bahadur breathetl his last in prison.
    Imytrkonmed anil Death of Bahail,ur thah
    fn a noting of chronicle Rana Bahadur is shown as having
    aesumod powors on Jyeetha 27 X'riday of VS 185I:6 Juner 1?94.

    1.Au lettorr s€rlt by Rsr& B.hailur lE tLis trerioil a,re eEilolsetl by the
    kazis who€€ asmes we bEvc giv€n ( IPES, Pp 405-06 ).
    ,IISA BAEIDI]B 667

    He appointed Vidur Shah and Sher Bahadur Shah in tle poste


    of Chautara. Balbhadra Shah snd Bam Sbah alco boca,me
    Chautaras, Narasimha Gurung and Tribhuvsna Kliaves
    rporo nominatoC as Kazie, whilo Damodar psnde and Tri-
    bhuvana Simha were allowed to contiuuo aB K&zie in thcir old
    position. At the time Abdul Kadir visited Nepal, Bahadur Shah
    wae living iu retirement solely devoted to roligiou8 practicc8.
    But subsequently after, towards 19 of February, l?97 (phagun
    Il, VS 1853) ho was suddenly srlested et uight uuder mysto-
    rious oircumatances. Eo lapguiehed in coafnoment for four
    monthe. In a letter he wrote to Raue Bahadur Shah from tho
    prieon ho w&rns the latter but does not pload for hie releans.t
    Tho wording of the lettor shows th&t Bshadur Shah h_sd
    replied to his nephow's gostures in & mannor befftting Bahadur,s
    high sonee of dignity. It ia suggosted that Rana was seoking
    reconciliation with his uncle and had called him to his ride-
    Thie doos not appe&r, however, to bs truo.
    Bahadur Shah died in Aryaghat still a detainee on Asaalha
    14 Saturday of YS 185{ (2I of June, l?97),s B,ana Bahadur
    informed the British Governor-General of his uocle,e deaih i!
    a letter which reachcd Calcutta on t4th Auguet 1797 (politicat
    Consultations, August 1797).
    Kirkpatrick wrote about Bahadur Shah ( P.2ZB ,,Ee
    ):
    w&a a m&n of exooptional quality-a man of enlighteaod viewe
    and possessod of administrative skill, and yhatever he learnt
    out of his a:sociation with the Britieh, whilo in Betiah, ho
    wanted to oxort bis yievc on the various problems of Nepal
    in their line like tbo much wanted roforms on judicia,ry aud
    army. That opportunity, howevor, would aot come, reeista;te
    being the lees onlightonotl colleaguee who not only distrustod
    the Englirh but also conceived of tboir politic&l Bystoms in Bot
    loes hostilo terms", Eamiltou called him a prince of great

    2. Eirihqsikpata Sa gruha. 1, I€tts! No.15


    3, It ers viil6ly sp€oulateil about thst time tLat Brhsilur wcs hrDgEil
    oD a tloo oa th€ lreDt oI the river VirEumati bolorr the t6ple ot BhiErEeDa.
    508 MODERl' NEPAL

    yigour but €xtroEoly Buperstitiou!. All. the samo ho wae


    frienilly to the British (P. 250).
    The Patna Miseion lotter calls Bahadur as friendly to tho
    Uissiouarioa, "friend enough to vieit thom in Pstns, ofrer them
    tbroe Nepiloso to bocome gooil Christiane, olso oalling thom to
    come ogain to Nepirl. The British Missiouary wae oalled to
    a-
    Kathmandu bocauee of hie ronown ae a physicion......tho
    ldiseion obtainod &Dnual prese[ts of olophante, silk and
    pouies" (Roprint, Oalkol,iat;,e, M&rcb, 1942). Copious refer-
    onoos to Bahadur Shah's solicitude for the migBiongries ha,yo
    been algo maalo by one Psdre Juvenal who was iu Nepal for
    aomo timo in 1974. (This man had prepared a diotionary of
    Nepali language vhioh is lost.)
    With theso two obsorvations Bahadur Sha,h's end ie aecribed
    to the machinationc inspirod by anti-Britieh sentiment of tho
    nophew. But thero ie nothing on record to indicate th&t the
    action tskoE by tho King agaiost hia uncle had a,nything to do
    with the latter'B attituds towards tho British. Most of all,
    there is littlo tluth in the allegation that Bahadur Shah wae
    pro-Britieh to tho extent of beooming their tool to further
    thoir imperialist intoreat in Nepal.
    It wa,B also said that Bahadur Sbah wae much dislikcd by
    his own poople bocause he had forced to submit to the indigtri-
    tios of dsfeat at the hrnds of tho Chioeso (Eamilton, P. 249).
    According to tho chroaicle Baha.dur Shah had ordered a
    fresh survey of cultiysted latrd in the couDtry, aDd thue had
    provoked the goddess Errth.

    Amitlet this tangle of conllicting viowe on tho downfall of


    Bahadur Shah it is difrcult to s&y as to which factor was
    solcly responsibio for the situation, But one question comee
    to our mind. Did Rana Bahadur noed any sogent proof of
    guilt to oust his uucle 7 Tho fact that tro charges were pre-
    ferred, and Bahadur languished in prison to dio s cold dea,th
    shovs thst his adversaries had acted without Bny thought of
    ovidence agair:st him.
    BANA BAEADUR 609

    As wehave olready obsorved, thor6 w&s nothlng .to cauee


    aurpriso in the fact of Bahadur's romoval fiom tho soeao of
    power. Bahadur's rsmoval oame on Rana's attaidng m&iority.
    As eoon as thc Kiug assumod powers to rulo by himeelf, thc
    regoncy sutoma,tically onded. Up to thi6, ever5rthing procoo-
    ded normelly. But Rana's action in impriaoning his uncle and
    allowhg him to die in deterltion does not normally'fit in vith
    tb€ procoss. Tbero must be somo erplanation for this actioa
    of Rana Bahadur. What led him to mot€ out this Eort of
    tre&tmont to his unclo z Bahadur Shah w&8 s6nt to prieon not
    immediatoly altor his rsmovel from regenoy but aftor two
    yoars of rotiromoft. Obviously the ohsrge of misappropria-
    tion was an a,ftor-thought concoctod by his enemies of th€
    Court. Tho real oauso of his imprisonment must bo sonething
    else. It ia euggeeted that as Bahadur's imprisonment coiaoi-
    ded with the pregD&ncy of tbe illegitimate queen of Bana
    Bahadur, it had something to do rith the quostiou of eucces-
    eion.. At the time of his detontion Bahadur was the eole
    legitimate eurvivor of Prithvineraya[ Sbah's euocessors besialee
    the reigning Kiog. As wo ahall fnd later Kuldip Shah,
    another legitimate scion of the family, was debarrod from tho
    euccession as ho had become deformed having lost oue of his
    eyes, and it was widoly suspocted that Rana, Bahadur had
    manoouyred to cauee this ond. Wo shall eoo how determiaed
    ho wae to euthrono bis son by the Brahmen lady. So King
    Rana Bahadur might have got anuoyed with tho idea o{ seeing
    Bahadur Shah &B a legitimote auccesnor to the throne and
    contrivetl to briDg r.bout bis death. But this argument though
    conviuoing to Bomo oxtent seems a littlo far stretched, Rana's
    action in imprisoning his unclo looks well calculated, and did
    not coms all on a sudden in 1797. A year earlier to tbis Abdul
    Kadir had reported thet Bahadur Shah was living completely
    estranged from his nophew. Abdul Kadir had also noted
    vhile in lGthmandu tbat Bahadur Shah was popular reith tho
    rosponsible elemeuts of ths Court, and somo ofthem would

    4. Ihe aEEotato!, -Eitlhasik Patra SarngruhaNo. 15.


    670 UODEBT NEPII,

    wotcome 1o eoe him back to power. ftis not impoesible that


    Rena Bchadur a,ctod ia concert with hia uncle'e adversaries to
    m6ot tho cballengo of the opposito group. Tlo bavo no doubt
    th&t B&hadur met his end in priaou for political reasone.
    King Raua Bahailur was workod up to feel that Bahadur Shah
    left free would ultimately becomo the rallying poiut of all the
    forces hostilo to his erstwhile eupportere. Ifo muet havo been
    givon to uhderstand that if Bahadur Shah obtained back hie
    powors, the King would bo reduoed to e puppet. fu the circums-
    tonoes tho King would deal leuiently with his uncle only at a
    groat peril to bLiuself, ff his eupportors woro dicplaced, he
    would also ceaes to becomo a ruling Kiug. All this considera-
    tion led him to imprison his unclo.
    Brom two letters of the Cbinege Ambac in Tibot
    writt€n to Raaa Bahadur it appoars th&t on t\po differont
    oocasions Bahadur Shah deaired to go to Peking. The letterg
    now presorvoil in the Archives of tlto Nepaleso tr'oroign Offfce are
    dateil Marga sutli 5 roj 4:23 Novomber, l?97 (Chhyabine, 60
    yoar 1l month) and Magha eudi (Chyaohhing Wyarcang, lst
    year, firat month). They wero sent aloDg with presents. There is
    & roferone to letters of the Amb& Bent to the king's uncle. The
    first letter asks the king to bs recoociled to his unele who had
    roporteal to the Amba bis removal from duty and his subee-
    quent retirement from admiuistrative rork. Tbe eecond
    rspe&ts tho seme, but says that they were prepared to nelcomo
    ttre King'e uncle provideil be wao to roturn home after somo-
    timo. The king was asked to let tho Ambas knov if the uncle
    was going to Lhasa. If he had no intention to allow him to
    undert&ke tho trip, tho matt€r ended. The Chinese had only
    atlvieed Nepal. They had no intentioD of forcirg Bahadur's
    departuro out of the country.
    Rana Bahadur counteracted th6 Euggcstion of Bahailur's
    going to Pekirg by his own erplana,tion of the fact that bad
    leal tohis uncle'e dieoissal aud consequent watch on tbe
    latter's activities. A lottor carried by Deodatta Thapa to
    Lhaea contained the expl&Dation of charges lovelled against
    BAIIA B EADUB 671

    Bahadur Shah by his nephew. Wo hcvo more dotaile in the


    eaual (instruction) issuod to the doputstion. Thie is c*lled a
    comment ou Bahodur Shah's orimeg. Thit was issued on
    Semvat 1864, Vaisakho vadi 13 roj 2:Monday, 24 April, 1797
    with 12 clausos. Tbs aawal vaa ir tho nsme of Sarvajit
    Paude, son of Renasimha Pande, Chamu Bhandari, brother of'
    Jasyauta Bhantlari and Ajit Khodka who wero to ropresent
    the case in a suitablo menner to tho two Cbitrese Ambar in
    Lhasa. The instruotio$ deal vith tho subjoct of Bahadur's.
    crime poiDt to poiat.
    (1) A conspiracy was afoot to kill King Pratopasinha,
    Kazi Svarupa Siuha and the Aohare aud this was sohsnetl aso
    result of aa ogreoment betwesn Dolamardaa Shah aud Bahadur
    Shah. But Satrusal came to know of it and stationed sipahis
    (guardsmen) oach with two ewords st the g&te, on the 'eteire.
    snd the kirg'B sleeping room. The king himself used to bo
    onbed with two swords by his side. -Eearing this Bahadur
    Shah took refuge in Chautara Dalamardana Shah's house.
    But by orderol Pratapesimha tho houso was sorounded by.
    soldiere of the Sabuj company and old Srinatha company. Both
    Bahadur Shr,h aud Dalamardana offsrod reeistance- Me&n-
    while Jethi Maiyau aud Thulokanchhi Maiyaa interceded on
    thoir bebrlf for their rolea:o. They saicl if within tho royal
    family mon started fightiDg the womeu might bo victimisod.
    So eayirg they and Vievanatba Misra, Baburaj Mirra and
    Ssrdar Ramakrishna Kuar of Sabuj company, Jogamalla and
    other ofrcers arranged to sond thom aomsa the frontior at
    Chepo and the t$o could crose the river.
    (2) Baliadur Shah charged tho quo6n mothor Rajend;a
    Laksmi with tho crime of unchaste conduct md imprisoued
    ber. IIo &lso.tilled Sarvajit Rane. Ee wanted to dospatoh
    her to Bhot rind also attenptod to kill hor throwing the body
    into tbe doep well of Dakhawa. But tbir sas the time while
    Pancb (?) camo to Vienu temple anil refueed to oboy him until
    th6y s&rv Rraa Bchadur who w&s plaood on tho Goldon
    window abovo Eanuman Dhoka for their view. The queen
    67'2 I'ODEF.N ]{EPAL

    mothor also cried for juetice. This frightened Bahadur Shah


    who oonfesaed his intontion and ho wag imprisonetl.
    (3) A room on tho grouDd fl.oor of tho Kot was oocupied
    by a fomalo sorvatrt by nomo Mathura who camo from Tanbou.
    One day Bahadur Shsh ontored her room 8nd told hor that
    she ehould bo his kept and sho rould be treated liko a queou.
    Sho was only to poisou tho quoon mother. 'Iho promiso wes
    givon itr writing. Mathura on bor psrt wantod to c&Ey it
    out and octually Bho had mired poieon into the drinkiag wator
    Doant for Rajeudra 'Laksmi. tr'ortunately tho latter eoDeed
    foul gamo and questioned tho msid aervent, thereafter sho
    oonfessed tbgt Sahedur had instruoted her to poiron tho
    qu6on mother ; later Mathura wae banished to Bhot.

    (a) Whilo Bahsdur Shah w&s going to Palpa for his


    child king, he stoppod for the
    marriage accompanied by tho
    uight for reet &t Borlaog ghat. Eo thought that & son would
    be born to him who would claim tho tbroao. Thereforo ho
    conspired riih Sibya Khatri tb throw tho baby king ioto the
    river Gandi (the Budhi Gandak). But Jothimaiyao came to
    Lnow about his design aud rho forcibly carried tho baby into
    her room wh6ro he alopt the wholo night. Tho child otherwiro
    always alept outdoor. But to koep him in that siruation was
    full of riaugor. So be had boen removed.
    (5) Bahadur Shah aboliehed lho Patka company organised
    to provide for the child king's entertainment. Jethi Maiyan
    was eriled, Innoce[t Indu Dvare and Jaskarna Khawae had
    their eyeballs taken out. Bhaktavira and Jorabare, adjutante,
    were boheaded. Rana Bahadur was confiued in a room. Tho
    unclo had ordoretl thst the boy should not be allowed to go out.
    fn the morning ho wanted to movo out of the room. But he
    found that hi6 moyoloetrts wore regtricted. Still Rana wantod
    to leave tho room for tho plsy-ground. But he thought that
    Bahadur Shah would come to seo him. The lsttor delayod to
    appear. Raaa Bahadur however escapod to the stablo ot Aghor
    II,AITA B^I{ANUB 573

    one called him to Manesaphal where it was eaid Bahadur Shah


    would seo him. The child was ofrered two Mohars. Bahadui
    Shah, howovor, rebuked tho Rana for having allowed the chilil
    king to movo outeide. This was tho day-tho sarno day while
    Sikarjung was being attacked.
    (6) Rana Bahadur had goare to pay rospects to Taleju.
    That tims Bahadur was employiug a person iu hie behalf to.
    perform a ritual ryith a view to bring about bis (uephew'e)
    death. Duo to this porformance Rana Bahadur had au attack
    of diarroeha at once and ho passed stoole and vomitted aeveral
    times and also fainted. But ho wae gavod. by ono barber physi-
    cian by namo Masta,ram. Eo sprinkled water chanting nwntram
    (littanies) v-ilh Kuaa grass, brush aad peacock'splumo and tho.
    child kingrecoverod in four hours' time and rooognised pooplo.
    (7) While in the buildiog Basantapur the child king had
    just entored his eleeping room at Sghati night. Bahadur Shah
    c&mo &ccompauied by a male Bervant, but a dog of the king
    jumpetl at him and made othore alert and nothing hoppenod.S
    Most of the charges about tho allegod ottompts-made by
    Bahadur ShaL ou the life of Rana Bahadur seom irnoonvincing.
    Thero wero also chargos of creating enmity between Bhot aad,
    Nopal and of deetroying Gombas in Tibet ag woll as of co-opera-
    ting with the British ignoriug tho Chineae omperor'who had
    savod Nepal from their clutchee.
    All these are frivolous. These vore framed to evoke s;m-
    pathy of the Chineso upon Rana Bahadur and win their favour
    against hie unele. The allegation of oonspiracy against the
    mother and child has been proved basolegs by circumstantial
    evidence. Bahadur Shah's exit occurred whenevor the queen
    mother had thought it necess&ry; Bhe had always acted on
    suspicion and her judgement was always proved wrong. If
    Bahadur Shah had really conspired, hia incoming would not
    have been possible. But it happonod as often as he hatl to

    5. The copy of the sawal lies in the Arohives ol the Foreign Ministry
    But we tlo not kuow what elfect this proilucetl in the minils of the 0hinese.
    d71 UODBBN ICIPAL

    quit. Ee wag exiled by his brother, but his presonco in Kath-


    mandu was found quite essontial as soou as tho latter was
    dead. Similarly before ehe died Ranr's mother had invited
    him. those must prove that Bahadur Sbah was innocent.
    AII
    Ee had devoted his whole attention to the boy king's caro. Ee
    had fulfilleil all the obligatione of an unclo towarde his nephew.
    Eo had uurs€d him in his lap with,all love he could give him.
    After all, if Bahadur had wauted Rana's life it was in his hand
    and he might not have spared him. But Bahadur could uot do
    such an immoral act. His martiage had provided Rana with a
    protext to doubt his iutention. But could ho be condemned
    for mamying 7 After all, this is done in fulfilment of a man's
    .natural urge at his youth. By rnatrying a wife Bahadur Shah
    had only done a thing whibh ccncerred only himself and
    nono other.

    Bahail,ur' s g ener ql contr ib uti,ons to N epal' s deaelo pmen t

    Whatover Rana Bahadnr's allegations might ouggest, the


    fact remains that his uncle t'ho was a, rnan of talents and
    modest tomperament had built a militariiy strong Nepa}
    addiug to the glory Gorkha had earned duriug the time of hie
    father.
    fu his time Nepal bad expanded from Sikkim to the river
    Alakhananda in Garhwal, which had again as a state acknow-
    ledgetl Nopal's suzerainty.
    Although Bahadur had to conduct his campaigu for long
    with qld hauds and weapons.newly introduced by his father,
    he concurreutly started to train his men in the art of using
    field guns and bombs through a European military officer. The
    officer bore the name of Musoeoil Paissi (in Nepali). Elo was
    giveu tho rark of Sardar and awarded a monthly salary of
    Rs. 500/- starting from Marga sucl,t 3:Etiday out of the rovenuo
    of Bara district, According to tho royal' order of VS 1850
    Marga suiti 3 roi 6 be was declarod in sole charge of tho
    Eanumatdhvaj.company, which wes to receive training in all
    BANA BAE.ADI'B 575

    €spoot6 milita,ry 6!eroir6a. Ec rag to ostsblish a aoy


    of
    ordnance factory producing magazioos.
    Undor tho Europoen officer sovorsl native 6rtiss,n6, both
    Pa,rbates and Narare workGd ia the factory. A royal order
    iesued ou .tho ramo day os wa6 done rogarding the o:rport's
    appointmont doolaretl the. numbor of holidays for tho
    .employees 6

    It appears that tho new militery olport hail begun hir


    troini:rg towardr the oad of 1793. But unfortunately Bahadur
    Shah wos lemoved fiom powor &fter 6 moDths.
    To the IiegoDt is also aecribod the effbrts m&do iD tho
    direotion of trying to facilit&te the mutual ttsalo botwien Tibet
    and Nep'al. But th€ w&r mBrrod tho prospocts of tr&do for a
    loug time to coEo.
    Batradur Shah aleo introduced laad reform by way of grant-
    ing more right to tenants. But hardly tho me&suremeDt of
    land ia eomo districte hod ended, BahadL r Shah was dismiss€al
    from office.
    It is unfortun&te that all of his rsforme hsd begun about
    the snd of his career,

    After thc remaol oJ Bahoil,ut Slmh Band aa$urnc.s

    I,ouerE ol sta,,e

    With aU hir good qualities Raua Bahadur was a msn of


    tempor. Ee was uicknamod a mad Ling by hie adver-
    .unetable
    sa,rioe- Eo dispWed ofton t€&knesB of mind ond ungovornablo
    temper although st times he wae judicioue aad loviog. Ee vas
    aurrouadetl by a coterie of young anil irresponsible oloments of
    tho aristooracy, who oncouragod his harmful disposition. But
    all ho hail -imbibed iu hia charactor and habitg woro due to
    oithor lack of educatiou or faulty training ho received. Eis
    basic gooilness was not aUowetl to develop. 3or this tho rogent
    of tho Kingdom, partioularly, Bahadur Shah himeolf was
    roeponsiblo. Rena Bahadur was 12 yea,re of age, wheu hie

    6, ForeiSu trfilirtry Alohive6' Alro reproiluceil by OhittslaEirn


    NErli in hls 'Lilo ot Boaa Bahsilqr'.
    576 ODEEN NEPAL

    uaolo ha.d become regont oft€r tho doath of ths quoo!. mothor-
    But he had neglected the eduo&tion aud trainiag of his nephow,
    alloring him to tlrift in tho luxuries of a palade habitat.
    It so happened thatRona Bahadur commonoed hia roign
    with no awkward or unhoppy incidont but ontlod with all tho
    violence and acts of indieoretion not oxpocted ofs sovoreign
    ruler. AB he wae youog end indiscreet he porpotratod ects
    which oould uot bo char&ctorisod as not harmful to tho larger
    intorost of tho country. tlis conduct beoa,mo moro rsprohensi-
    ble in subsequont da7s. Evcutually this led to hie abdication
    &nd oons€quent oxiloto R&n&reE. Again, wbile in Banaras ho
    would aot eit quiot, but indulgo itr sotiyitios &g&itrst hie
    advereariee in Nepal, aud this gave an opportunity to tha
    Sritish to play up their gamo ia Nopalero politioe, whioh had
    gre*tly eadangorod tho country'a indopondence.
    The power of the etate w&s row coutosted by the two
    famillies of nobility-the Pandos and the Baauote. Tho Tbapae
    had onterod tho arena rrery leto with the first queen of tho
    Rana Bahadur, tho princoss of Gulmi?. Tho Pandee end Basuete
    ofbou warring betwoen themselves wero earlier reconcilod on
    the interventlon of Kiug PriChvinarayaaa who had erargod a
    merlisgo betweou a son of tbe Kazi BaenetS and s d&ughter
    of the Pende nobloman. But the animosity was only subdued
    sud not entirely oxtinguiehod. Evon l,hon, theto wero the
    Thapas who had thoir own are to griud both againet tho Paado
    family and Bagnet courtiers. The collateral Chautaras wors
    &leo contestants for powere. They banked on thoir being
    blood relations of the king. But they also add€d their sharo
    of deopening the intrigue, aud coufusiag tho Bitu&tion. Although
    overything was suppressed at tho surfeco, tho undornoath
    was a smouldering firo. ft
    would flore up on dighteat provo-
    cation, whenever oocasions arose. The contoet botweon
    differont groups of courtiers was very much undesir&ble st tho

    ?, OIdieId, I. 156, Hnmllt6q, Iit6pa1, pp, 250.51,


    3. ltihos Prakasa I. Pp. 18fi,
    BAXA BAEAD{'B 677

    time, beoauso sano and wise o ounsels could least aseert in thc
    situation end tho romoval of Bahadur Shah withheld a so-
    boring influonoe from Rana Bahadur who would have been
    rcstrainod and diverted from a line of irresponriiblo conduat. As
    a rosult the gonoral tone of adminiltration and pace of military
    oonquest did suffer and camc to a halt; Rana Bahaclur's
    handlia! of tho affairs of etote aud his bad temper brought in
    eonseqluencos which but for the wieo statesmanship exercised
    by the gouius of our patriots would havo beon dieastrous for
    lhe indopondonco and advancomont of the country. Ae it
    rppoars from ae intimato study of tho court intriguos which
    rrero now lct loore in tho absouce of a atrong royal power, thc
    stato of affairs in tho Govornment at Kathmandu wae
    aoauming a eorious and uglY turn.
    The king nogloctod his first wifc, who wae legally married
    to bim and entered into cohabitation with two oonoubinee,
    Suvarnaprabha and Kantivatidovi. Tho firat was a daughtel
    ofa Basnot Sarder whilo the eecond happened to bo a daughter
    of a Maithiti Brahmant. Banr Bhadur had mado {,[6 [1s[mm
    lady hir wifo against the orthobor and conventional notion of
    propriety. She was the youngest of his- wivoe. Tho Brahman
    girl was eaid to be a widow who hld oome to attsnd a festival
    in Kathmandu along with her fathor. Sho belongod to the
    modern town of Jauakpur. Tho first sight of hor on an
    occasiou from a distsnco turued Rana'g head who deeply fol!
    io lovo with her. There ie a story that for somo montha she'
    did not accept Raua'g proporals for a marital alliance but.
    ultimately ,egreed to becoms his wife if her malo issue wae
    allowed to beoome king. This watr'of coutso, no legal marriago
    but none could object to it. X'rom 'Suvarnaprabha Rana
    Bahadur hrd already a son whogo neme weB Rauodyot Shah.
    Three lotters, two eent by lring Girvan Juddha and ono by
    Rejesvaridovi to pandit Ieveridatta addressing tho latter as
    matornal unolo and brother respectively aro just published by
    M. Naraharinatha.
    g. I, Pp. 284-85
    578 xoDlBx tsxPAIr

    Iro lotter€ of qi.rvan Juildha aru drted VS 186l Ohaiba


    Vaili 7 roj 6 and Sraanna Yd,i 6 roj 6:Fridoy, 22 March, 1805
    .ond Friday,27 July, 1805 rospootively. Rajeava,ri dovi's lettor
    is dated 186l Jgeatha ' r:a,ili 30 roj 1,:8 Mry f80i ( tho
    veekday is 5).
    The rocipient of the letters was an inhabitrnt of Mohottori
    ..distrioi aud belongotl to tho Brahman caste.
    So there cau bo no question of tekiag Kantivoti sB othor-
    *iB6 than a gipl of Maithili family. Thsro is e differenoe of
    opinion ar to th6 st&tus of tho Basoot girl. The Basnet bolouged
    -to o olan of Parbati& Chhetd, and thereforo, Dr. Oldfield, an
    English historian, rogards hor as tho king's logitimote wifero.
    Accordiog to him her son Raaodyot Shah vas a rightfut hoir
    to tho throno. But tho previL'ng notion sbout logitipaoy was
    {ontmry to acc€pting the Parbatia lady as the rightful quoen
    aad naturally, thorefore, her son's olaim to tho Nopaleso
    tbrone was not held valid. But tho male issuo born of tho
    Brahman wife wa8 in a worso poeition. This morriago had
    mado Rana a sinnor. But uobody had dared question him,
    Although in the prime of hie life King Bana Bahadur wag
    muoh agiteted oyer the que8tion of sucooseion, hc wauted e
    son of his ,own to gucceed him, and & legitim&te eon had not
    €sen ths Ught ofday as yet.

    Sana'e hoe oJJoreignbreil, harsu, ilage, butrl,s


    and domeslic birds

    Rana Bahadur was ordering for one thing ot another in


    Indio from his agont who wa8 et&tionod in Caloutta. At one
    time ho asked for 208 tolas r-,rdinary pearls for the preporation
    of medioinal ashos (b[asmc).
    Iu a lottor addreesod ou Soturdoy, I January, l79E (Poun
    oaili 15 roj 7 pf YS l8;3) he complaioed that as roquirod tho
    dogs and bulls had not re&chod Kathmandur o.

    10. Ihc oopy ol the letter is ir posssssion ol Babuem Achar Ptrbllsh.il


    nn Eitthdsikopstnsamgtaha,I.I. P. 91.
    BI]IA BIE.TDI'B 679

    Eo was glad thot tho oocks of Eyderabrd hrd roaohod


    Cddutta. Eo hail ho&rd of a poir of lerge brtll. iD Vijsyanogar'
    So ho waated it for himrelf. Itl owuer' ths Bsra, had di€'l'
    If this wro not possiblo a broed ha,<I to bo oreetod by m&intsi!
    ing a cow. Ailoquato arrangemont v.8 to bo made for t&c
    aafety of tbe animal to bo sont !ero. If the bulls were ilead,
    Dinanoth was to eenal his meu in search of a eimila'r broed in
    Mesulipatanam. At eny r&to a lerge bull, largsst oftho
    available propeily measured had to bo purohasod' Togot'hor,
    a milch cow with the heifor was aleo to bo oolloctod'
    A letter written eerlior to Bohadur thah eeys about hb
    dqsile to procure sora,so and othor birde'
    Amount of monoy r78a aot to bo grudged' The animah
    woro to be brought, along a route which waa free from di-gesas'
    The letter also rofere to pigoons anil geose' Also domaniled
    was 1050 dharnier t ol 9al,illr,qt, a kind of inoonso' '
    Tho lettor takes noto of tho informstion that Nanesahob
    Phatlnie and Daulat Rao Siuclhia woro quarrelling and they
    iight now seek peace. Rana Sahadur wa,lrted to Lnow why
    General Clark was boing trausferrod. Dinanatb hsd vrittgn
    to him about AMali, but inrpito of the rumours thst tho
    Phiringis wore advancing to the w68t nothiag more was heard
    of.
    It appears from tho lotter that Dinanatb w&a on tour
    ond ho ryas reportiag to hie mostot irr Kathmaadu.
    Dinanath Erote tho letter of Katliba Sttili 15 ii Poreian'
    Rana Bahadur complains that thc Suba should write in Nagari
    script, boing a Hindu.
    King Rana Bhadur had aleo ealior in a letter of VS 1865
    dkiko Srwana, Vaili 12 roj 6:Thursdayr 9 Augnst, l8i5 asked
    Dtuaneth to send him Gui&rati-breil ilogr anil Tajik horses'

    11. l dhqlni=12 p6.


    1 poo=aerrly l| lb.
    580 UODtrBI{ IITPAL

    Garhwal'e Yaki,l Yieite Kathmanil,u


    In tho letter of 1862 Phnlguna auili 5 roj l:Monday,
    14 Merch, 1796, Garhwal ie montioned in partioular. This
    vre tho reply to tho correspoudence sent by Bhakti Thape
    oarlior, whiah gavo dotails of the situatiou following thoir
    rttack ou Kilpur. They wero ot tho date guarding thok
    headquater and other outposts. Thoy had repbrta that in
    the midet of the campaign a party,. was sont to watch
    Gsrhwal where things had ruu emoothly. The Iiaja. had
    plcdged allegiance to Nepal, The reply in the name of king
    tiana Bahadur oxpressod satisfaction ovor their condqct and
    seid that Garhwai's Vakil in Kathmandu, one T(hadahri,
    elso omphasised the need for friendly rolation betwaon the
    tvo countries, ond rould on no account allow Nepal'e
    enemies to bring about ite downfall. Gsrhwal wag not
    orpected to betray the Nepalese. King Rana Bahadur informed
    thst the Vakil of Garhwal would get a heorty send ofr-
    Thc leitor warned Bhakti Thapa that the Nawab w&s pro-
    vokod ovor a petty affair and thie vss lnot worthwhilo.
    This was not tho timo to mako the Nawab quarrcl with
    Nopal. Poaco must be rostorod. Ons should setr, displeaso
    a great man over petty affairs. Nepal had to benefit out ef
    itr friendehip with the Nawab.
    Dd*iorating heal,th
    Bana Rahadur was uever quito hoalthy in physiquo and
    sinao ho assumed powere, hie health further deteriorated.
    Eo was slmost confiued to bed for about a, ye&r and haif
    aincc early 1796. Tho ailment was not so serious, but he
    vas growing physically weak day by day. Ifo could not walk
    but wag carriod on men's back. About thic timo Rana Baha.dur
    contractod habita, which ultimately made him indifferent
    to tho affairs of state. Wo have already reproduced wbet
    Abdul Kadir Khan had to say about bis palace. To amuse
    himsolf on his siok bed ho oollocted q group of comodians,
    BIIIA B^ElhIIIt, 68t
    danesrt and musicianc rouud himsolf, and not all of them
    rcre good aharactere. o took ploasure in witnessing bull
    ffghh. Ths bulls were to come from Vijopur. Ee importod
    bulls from fndia at a heary price. In a lotter addressed to
    Dinanath Upadhya on VS LSSB Paupa oad,i 15 roj Z-(tho date
    eor.rcsponding to 9 January, Saturday 1796-14 tithi, this dey
    8 ghatt) ho coroploins that dogtand bulle eont for did not reach
    him. Eis youngost wife, whgm he loved to distrabtion w&a
    already olaiming muoh of his attentiou and time. Nov
    with the spare hours spont in tho company of entertairers,
    Rana Bahadur had already no time left to rua his Goyern-
    ,ment. But nothiag w&s so serioue as all this tolling on hie
    mind. A delioatc life of eago and oomfort awoy irom
    purauitt rcquiring physioal aad mental efrorts always tends to
    meke a persdn abnormal, and Rana Bahadur beoemo extre,mely
    superstitious aad fiokle and loet all vigours ofhis youth.

    Ee was hardly twenty-two, but ho developed an obses-


    rion that ho was destined to dio at an early age. It was
    aaid that this feeling seized lim following a prophecy made by
    an astrologer. The idea quickly acted on hie weak mind, rnd
    it grew into an obsessiou. Evor aince the feoling of death
    came to his mind ho got .auxiouq about his d;
    "o"""".ror.
    absenco of a legitimato gon was i sourco of oonstant anxioty
    to him. But tho possibillty of having a legitimato son was
    dictant becauee he was not Iivirg with hie married wife.
    Secrotly he deaire! .his youngost wife to bear him a sotr,
    .
    co that he could bequeath the throno to him and be relieved
    of the foar of dying without an heir. In early I7g7 Kantidevi
    ras pregnant and tho King thought that his droam wy
    goirg to. be roalised.
    But he knew that the issuo born to him by Kantidevi
    would not bo aeccptod as legitidrate, and. it would requirc
    supor-human eforts to make him aocepteblo to the Court as
    his heir-apparent. But ho. was not eo essurod ae yet if t[e
    iesue would be a male oue to raiso all the problorJs.
    682 UODEBN ]IEPI,L

    Novertholoss, whatovor happonod, he was dotormind to oloar


    tbo path for the eventuality.
    X'iret ofall, hehadtoeeo thst there was no logitim&t*
    rival to the th4ono,

    Rana Bahailur Abilialea


    Esmilton roported that tho KiDg oaused his couain Kuldip
    to beoomo blind of ths l6ft oye, lest tho throno might rovert
    tothim in the eyeDt of his not ha.ving & legitim&to eon. Wo
    oould uot Bey with cortsinty whothor it was tho King himself
    *ho wa,s responsible for the loss of the Prince's oye-eight, but
    it was gonerally Buapocted that Kuldip had loet it bocaueo
    Raaa Bahadur des ed it ao. The thtone could not devolve
    on & pcrson vho wae roudored physioally incepacitatod. It Pas
    eeid of Rsna Bahadur thst he vantsd to got rid of all the
    riv&l cla,imants to the throns, and he took reoourso to &ny
    moans to att&in this objoct. Beaides the King himselt Kuldip
    was the only legitinate romnant of the deBcendants of
    Prithvinamyan Sf,ah. With liis disinherita,nce, tho problem wos
    golvod for Rana Bahadur. Guarded on this account Rana
    B&hadur wsited for ovonts to tako tbeir owir sbepe. As
    ho wished, Kantidovi boro him a son. Ordiuarily, tho birth of
    anothor illogitimate baby had no meaniug. But it was
    othorwieo in this instaoce. To Rsno Bahotlur thiq ofepring
    r&a more then an illegitimats ieeue, The son, later Lnown
    or Girvon Juddha Vikram, was born -on Aevin 19 sukla 12
    of 1854 (October, l?97). Rana Bahadur publicly favoured the
    inf&nt to bocomo hig hoir apparoat as it was a whh cheriehed
    by him einco long. and for sometime this question waa serioualy
    being considored at tho higost level. Ulitmatoly the propo-
    sition was accoptod by. tho nobility and men placed in
    position of respoDsibility. But w,hile the infant'e coron&tion
    ae Yuvaraj was beiDg celebrated the mother got an attaek
    of tuboroulosis. er condition beoamo worao in a fow da5re,
    and it was auggestod tbat the King waa to bo propared for
    the ffnal soparation with his belovod. Thir wae too much
    R.I.NA BAEIDI'B 683

    for [im to rtond. Ee grew impetiont. A grsy6 sa[Eo of griof


    overp,orcrod him, and he thought of requnci&tion and sanyar.
    Ia thir mood Rana Bahadur got his infant-orown-priuoe
    morned a King for sll oyentuolities ot . Plnl4un 28 ruj 6 of
    1855 7S-Eridan 8 of Merch 1799). In a letter addreesod to
    Suba Dinanath Upodtrya, datad YS l85E Phalgun vadi 14 roi
    3, Rana Bahadur informe him to be loyel to hig gon who wag
    to be eorneil ling on X'riday, . pbelgun 28 of 1866 VS
    rs he had dooided to renouuoe the throne and livo in
    rotiremeDt. Es had also aamed Ramaudit Shah ae tho first
    Chautaria end Bidur Sbah and Sher Shah se Chauta,rias anal
    had appointed Kttiman Siuhe ae the MuBozi in plaoo of
    Abhinan Siuhe.
    OldEeld (I, pp. 295-80) gives a diferent etory. Eo vritea
    thot Rana Bahadur had to abdicate becauae of hh peoplo
    growing hodtilo on scoouDt of hie having cohabitod with a
    Brahman girl and 'in coneequence of various outragos perpotr&ted
    rgainst, their sacrod body aud roligion. on tbo occaeion of
    hie Srahman paramour having posioned horeel! after reoovoring
    from an ettack of emall-por, whea ehe fouDd thet 8hs h8d
    loat her boauty and with it hor influencc tith th6 Khg-
    Old6old suggeste that tho Kiog,e a,bdiaation wae mainly duo to
    Damodsr Pands .baoked b.y ths nobility, and oamo rbout
    'whilo ho was dooidedly ingauo after ruling for some years with
    tyranny and being guilty of most violent and atrocioug acts,'
    A cument note from Nepal inftrrms tbe British Goveroor-
    Gonoral that Qirbou Juddha Vikram was croptred, a,ud
    demauded that henceforth tbe Britirh BhoDltt ert€nal thoir
    frioudshp to his Goyemm6nt ('pol. Cons. 3 feptembcr. li99
    N. 7 aud 8). The Goveraor-Goueral leciprocoted iho feeling
    and aseured tho resigning KiDg that his Governuent would
    bavo the moet friendly dealing with his son's Govemmsnt-
    Tho youngert queen (Kanchhirani) died of tuboroulo8is sono
    oight Eonths aftcr plungiog her hueband in gtiof and derpair.
    Raoa bahadur duly informed the British in India anil
    and Chinoso authorities ( in Lhasa ) obout hie ronounolng
    581 IODEB' lYAI-lI

    the thronc in favour of hir mu. Anotbcr tcttot on behrlf


    .of the aer King writton on YS 1866 Phalguna sudi 6
    llonday, ll ![arch, 1799 waa scnt to both ths &forossid
    outhoritios plodging enternal friondship. Kazi Sarvejit
    Psndd in oharge of Tibotan eEaim wrote soperstoly to th.
    Amban, to whioL an acknowlodgenent lios Bent on Chyaoh.
    Li.n yoar I mouth 4 &in Weekdey ?.
    A ooppet pl8te in the collootionof Pasupati with dato V!
    186.6 o4bt tttdilS rqj 4:Weilnesday, 20 Fobruary. lZ99 refon
    to the arrangomeut under ths rod seal. This is.long documonl
    anal oont&ins inetructioue to hie ofricera, mon end tho peoplo
    in goneral to be followed by them ar he abdicated. IE thc
    proamblo tho document has 'Now I watrt to renounoo this world
    of my own acoord, in order to improvc my lot i[ th6 ne!t.
    I waut to devoto myeolf to the eervico of Gods. For tho
    caro of tho kingtlom I give my throno and monarchy to Glirrsn
    Judilhr Vikram SLah, son of the Kanohhtani (youngest queea)
    aad till ho comoe of ago tho Jetharani, eldo! queen, i8 to act
    oo Nayab (regont) Eeeping him in hcr lap. As the mothor
    of the two infant Chrutorae the Second queor w&a to live in
    tho palaco enjoying tho title of lfsh&raai.

    King Rana Bahedur erecuted ehothor copp6r plst6 i! th.


    aqme of Sardar Angod Khawae o,od others oE the Eamo dsl,
    and plolged his worde to &bido by the deolaration ho mado
    whilo obdicating. The writ ran, "ff over I acted or orhibited
    o tondoncy to act in disregard of tho &rraDgomout.I made in
    oocortlano with tho copper plate eroouted to onthrono !(&haraje
    Girvan Jrrddha Vikram, moy mt family deities, also Lord
    Paaupatinath &nd Guhyesyari curse rno, and all my ancestorr
    mysoU and my desoend&ats, m&y thoy Iive ia holl like insoctr
    for millions of livoe to come !"
    Thorc were 96 eiguatoriee to the paper of oonformont of
    croriD on Giryau Juddha, they iucludo ell offiosrs and
    mon iuoludiog those of the ranke of Dvaro, Daroga, Subodar.
    ard Ditha.
    B.rl{l. B^EaDgt 685

    Brja Prthvipal Sea of Palpa put tho vcmillion Eatk on thG


    ocw King'e fomhead,
    In tho lsmo coppr plate Sardar Angail Khowas allo
    :pledged, "I shall ovoq be faithful to tho sn:angomont you
    havs made in haudiag ovor tbe throne to Maharaja Oirva'n
    Juddhe Yikram. Ite violatioa by me in any form or degrcc
    rill invits malediction on no aatl my dosoendant!. This YilI
    atsnd until the Maharaja comos of age."
    Other offcors of Bteto hsdt aleo plodgetl to bonour t'hc
    a,rrsgomoEt orooutod by Rtns Bab&dur Shah.
    Whrtovcr might havo beon his inteation lator, Rtna
    Bahadur abdioatod of his own eccotd. About this, thers 8o€mG
    little doubt.
    Aftor abdiortion Rana Bohadur booams a nonk. Ho ako
    inltataal Keutidovi into his order. Both lived tog€thor btrt
    rcnunciation was tho watchword.
    But he hsd not ceaeed to rulo. Ee had appoiutod a Rogont
    ond Chautaras and Kazis. But ia praotico ho was rtill a ruling
    king aud ororoiaod his powers with tho eamo zoal. Nothing
    rhowod that hia interest in tho afairs of state bad deolined.
    Though his attentiou wss ofton distrscted by hia wifet illneer,
    hc hrd not abandonsd handling of rtate affoirs as they oamo
    to him automatically in the absoncs of o successor of agc in
    ruthority.
    Iu tho l€ttor writton to Suta Dinarnath Upadhyay by B,a,aa
    Bahadur early 1800 ho writos with keon iutorest also on tho
    rfrain of East India Company's Glovomnetrt. Es asks ahout
    tho rsagon of the transfor of thc Governor-Gensral. e took
    int€roet in tho Mehratha affaire aud wss happy to know ihat
    Naur Phadnavis had patohed up with Daulat Bao Soiadia.
    Rana Bahadur wat also euquiring whether the roport about
    {avaeion of Tipu Sulten's domain by the British vith a foroe of
    10,000 men was oorrcct.
    Although he had declar€d himeelf out of the world, yot
    'iavardly ho was deoply afrootod by worldly iateresta.
    586 MODtrBIg I{XPAIJ

    About tho timo Clirvan vos declared Kiug. Srikrishno Shab


    the younger son of Dalamardana who was a Chautare through-
    out tho rogeDcy escapod beyond tho frontier on Kartikq 4 oF
    1865 - Wodneeday, l7 Ootobor, 1790.
    In a lottsr writton to Dinanatb on Saturdey, 16 Juna,
    1799 ltane Bahadur agks hi.m to koep vigilonoo ovor the
    eotivity o[ Krishnr Shoh. In particular ho was to watoh ths
    Een he conta,ot€d.
    Ee might meet eomo Sritish ofrcere but Diuanathe yrr
    to countoract any iqflnenco Srikrehna Shah was likely to create.
    In tho elme lotter Rana Bahadur wanted to kno\r how tho
    Peshwa had resctod to the British occupatio! of Eriranga-
    patoam, and [ow tbo Marhata.British rolaiioa had developed,
    in the mean tifoo.
    Nothing is known about Srikriehra Shah'r anti-Rana Bbhadur
    aotivitios in Britieh Indio. But Rana Bohedur exploited $ri-
    hiena Shah's presonco to creato a frighteoiDg Bituetion
    rupposeil to endangor tho tbrono itself. But Srikrlgng Shab
    died in 1860 in Eariharpur near Patna.
    But in visw of Kantidevi's illness it was beooming
    impossi[e for Rana Sohadur to carry on as ueual with her
    faat doteriorating 'coodition. Rana Bahadur needed to,bostow
    all carag aDd a,tt€ntion on her. Ee could ill-aford sven
    & minuto for othor works. Thue a Bituation was gradually
    appearing whero Bana Sohadur was goiDg to be forced to
    appoint a Regent end uew council of minietors. But ho
    delayed as tbis ilvolred transfer of powor to sore €rtaut,
    for whioh he was not preparod unless he was absolutoly
    oomp6lled. As Kantivati'e. illne-qs grew serious, ho.shifted
    from place to place. fo the beginniog he took her to
    Pulchok, rhich situat€d on the uplaud noar the dity of Patan
    roross ths BagEsti, was fre€ fmm the damp of tho lowland
    of Kathma.ndu. Thero ho availed of Dow method of tre&t-
    Eort !t the handa of tho well knowu aetrologer phyeician
    Gluvajus. But K&ntivsti showod littlo improvement. So
    aho had to bo removod to Deopatan pberr tho couplo livod
    BANI' BAEADUE 687

    for rometirne. Rano Bahedur did not gpar€ any effort foi.
    hor treatment. All available medioinoa fror va,rioug souro66
    wom administored to hor. fn addition to medical troatmcnt
    Rans Bahadur invokoil the blessing of doitieg to her recovory..
    Yodic hymne ond Tantrio littsnios were chanted praying for
    hor laating cure, Dvery tomple received worship and promiso
    of moro alaborate worship in the cass of recovery. But or
    mon had failed him gods and godileeses &lBo f&iled him. ,It.
    appoared that Kantivati's life wns drawing ti ite close.
    Aceording to the chronicle tho ox-kiDg wa,s liviug
    a life of reounciation in neaby Patan (Pulchok) becoming a.
    Sazgoari (Mentlicant)r I after handiug the administr&tion over
    to a councill r of adminietration whioh included Rauadyota.
    Sheh (first Chautara), his own balf brothers, Vidor Shah and.
    Shor Bahadur Shab, and aleo Shamsher Shah and Balbhadra
    Shah as Chautaras end Renjit Pande, Damodar Pande,
    Narasimha Gurung, Kirtiman Bs8lot aud Tribhuvana Simha
    I(hawas-all of then a,s Kazis (minieters). Kirtimsn B&snot
    war appointod to tbo post of Chief Kazi.
    As has' beou already eaid tho older Maharani wae.
    eppointed aE RogoBt efter Rana Bahadur's abdication. Suvarne-
    prabha aleo was ollowed to enjoy somo iufluenco ag she took
    ohargo of tho baby kiog to nurse him, Eor four-year son.
    Ranadyot Shah was the chief Chautara. fn cn inscription of
    ths Mulchok Patau dated VS 1866 Asttine ealcla, S ad,itgavata
    (:Surday 6 Octobor, l?99) tho chautarag were callsd
    nanti tmyaka, i.e. those vho led the miaistors. With tho8o.
    ffvo Chautarae msationod in tho precodiog paragr&ph tho
    ffvo ministers wero oach ea,lled. Sqr,hioo in tho inscriptiono.
    Tbose wero Ranajit Pande, Damodar Pando, Tribhuvane,
    Narasimho, and Kirtiman Simha.
    12. Ee hod. assum6a th6 DeE6. Nilv&asDdr gllsaiji lor hirrBell anil
    oalleil his viIo. KsEtliloyl, ss Svaaini. IB aoEo othet record! ho ia aLo
    .oilleil NirguDsDanila.
    13. geo s l€tto! (IrFoiluced) to DiEEEstbo Upsilbyr coDt6yiDS th..
    coEposil,ion of th6 oorDcil (1855 PhalguDr vsdi 14, roi 3) Eltihasik f.trr
    arm8raha, I, flotE Biburaro .l'oheryo's collsctiotr.
    688 IODEBN ]CTP.AI

    Thc eane inroription ltat€s thrt Bhotu Ponds booamc tho


    thlef trssluror, oad ho vaa auieted by Shyana Lala Upadhya
    Aoootding to tho inforoation provid€d by tha samo insorip-
    tion Bhimason war givon tho port of tho meltor of mint,
    But he is not tho samo ar Bhima Son Tbapa The following
    p€raona vero to bs the vitDe88e8 &t Che timo of the depar-
    oation of tho boundrrios: Earea Pontha, Ifari Aryat, Bhana
    Khanal Upadhya, Jagajjit Pande, Earivamsa Bhora and
    YemsaYir RaDa,
    Probably tho arrangemont wgs msdo in a lighter voi.n.
    Becauso of this fector tho ministerg wore not in a positior
    to offectivoly exorcise thsir pow6r8. Inspite of tho Chartor
    appointing Chautarar and ministors, Rano Babadur hed
    rontinued to s:ersiso tho suthority of the king.
    But the insoription doer not roprosent tho Ch&lte5
    'oppoitrtirg tho digaita,rios, Porhaps tho date comos two or
    throo moaths lstor.
    The appointment of thoge oficerg does not however,
    mo&u that Rana had renounced powers. As tho ohautarae
    and ministers woro his creation, thoro was nothing to proyont
    Lim from orercieing Bt&to powors and ho did ororcise them
    inspite of hie wifs'e dolioato hoalth and later, her doath.

    Kantioati Dict
    Inrpito of his bert ettontion and medical caro Kanti-
    v&ti'E condition gror worro. Rana Bahadur had gone to
    Pulohok on th€ outskirts of the city of Patan. Thereafter
    shc va. takou to Doopstan near the B&notu&ry of Paeu-
    potinath. Sho war kopt, nndor the trestmont of emincut
    physicia.ns. But she was not Bhowing signs of improvoment.
    ln ono of tho lettoB to DirBnetha Upadhya Rana BaLadur
    e:pressed deaire to got a Europoen physioian or a Eahim
    or Yaidya from India, But Kautivati erpirod bofom any
    sotion could be taken ou the lottor, She died in Aryaghat
    on gartibn Sukla 4 X'ridy of NS 020= f Novomber, l?90.
    B ttt BlElDlrB 580

    Tho doath oamo as a gr6at Bhook to the or-kiug. For


    r whilo hc logt his montal balanoo, aud wailed sdd oried to be
    hinsolf takon away by the cruol death. The bereavomeat ho
    look aB a regult of a conspiraoy botwoou gode, dovile and
    DeD, rho oould not look with lympathy on the couplo living
    togsther. At ono timo h6 thought hs oould dostroy ell
    those rho had oouepirod to kill hie wife,
    It ir aaid thst R&na Bahadur avonged the doath of
    hir Bramau wifo by oonsficating proportios of the priostlt
    Brehmanr and desecrating raored imagos, whooo interyention
    ho had earler invoked for tho ouro of hig wife'r illnegs.
    Iu this act of dsEloment evon tho shrine of pasupati-
    rath and Ewayambhu Stupa did not €soepo unhurt, But
    lhe Raja's fury ilid trot ab&to and ho oxhibitod eigns of
    crco'ses likely to iajure the royal tr&ditior of pioty anil
    rompassion. Tbe miaiaters and admiaistration, thereforc.
    had to erert prorsure otr him to mond his woys *hiob
    ho rosisted for o long time &groeing ultimately to rsp&ir to
    Banaras aa a mocllue of ponitauoo. Yet anothor report har
    it th&t undor preesuro he had abdioated in favour of hid son
    who euoceedod him as the lowful sovoroiga of the oountry.
    But ho had ebdicatod boforo tho doath of Kaatidovi.
    In tho ohrooicle hig intoation to ebdioate is voluntary,
    and ho had done eo for tvo roasons, (I) ho bads prlomo-
    nition that ho would die eoon ( tho astrologors had
    prodict€d that he would meet with e crieis, .K/radgo. in hil
    treenty-fourth year) and : (2) he w&nt€d to keep hia woril
    pledgod to Ksntidevi who had dsmgndod the orowring
    of her eou. Kantidovi was ill for rometimo past and 8ho vaa
    herdf facing s, crisis of a severe malady. By abdicatiag Rr4a
    Bahsdur wantedrto dovote himself he&rt and roul to the oaro
    of bia wifo and at tho ramo time reliovo hor of tlo anriety
    on hor son's future-
    Rana Bahadur loved powor eg ho loved Kantidovi- If
    mybody hatl thought thst by more sct of sbdicstion
    he (Raoa Bahadur) hail comod to goyorn, otro ys! ia
    590 XODEB]I NAPA.L

    illuoion. Eo now began to rulo by virtue of his former


    lnrition of o mona,roh and rs tho father of the Child,
    to whom ho hrd bsstowed tho throne. Of couteo nons
    oould qsk him obout the souroe of powers. The Regent
    was hia wifo, a,ad oftor all she wae his nominee. How
    oould che disoboy him und prevent him from ororcisnig
    powor ? While Kantidovi was alivg he was devoting his
    timc to nursing her s[d foutrd littlo tim€ to itrtorfere iD Btato
    po[tios. But ar sho had dep&rted aud his lury on thoso
    tfoating hor had subsided, he turned to the aff&irs of Btato.
    Gradually ho devolope&obsossion to-neddle in tho govornance
    of tbe oountry. Ahe eldost .&&ni wss no mrtch for his
    p,oworful porsouality. I{o lived in ono of tho wiugs of
    tho pabcS and. was looked upon by.all as tho eovoroign. Evon
    though out of throne he behavod in tho situatiou as tho
    do juro as well as do facto eovereign of the couutry.
    Thea the inf&Dt KiDg wos ehifted to No&kot. It wa,s
    Eprilg time, and the ofrcers and men of tho army BtatioDod
    in Kcthmandu playod their colour (holi fastival) in Noakot.
    All important peoplo rent thore. Tirie time tbo kiug was
    taken oarlier to Noohot as the astrologer bad maile a forecast
    that there woro eyil eigns in appearanqe on the occasion
    of aomo festivals in Kathmandu. lThile the King was i[
    Noakot tho Court also sat there aud eo mot the ministorial
    council. ?ho queon with her two EonE ltayed with tho
    infaut King lookiug after bim. liana Bahadur also visited
    Noakot frequently. But eaoh time he went thero [o insulted
    ono or tho otber officer for their small faults. One dav bo
    beat some ol them and Bubject€d thom to al bad trontuent.
    Evon the Chiof }linieter aud his maternal uncle, tho powerful
    Damador Pando, woro uot spared.
    Others of courso bad to put up with worst indignities. One
    day tho Swami hung ma,ny ofrcors on the ceiling of a temple,
    with hslds tied ond.latar released them.
    Amar simha Thapa and Ranabam Pande were also hung
    upsido dova with logs tietl. Prabal Rana wea dragged tbrough
    RANA BAIIADUB 69I

    lho msin bszer of tho towolot seated on a ekiu pioce. All


    0hese aotione embittered the ofrcore. No one felt aafo from
    the yrath of th6 Swami who was bocoming a problem for those
    in povor. Eis cruel bohavior could not be brooked. Uptill
    rrov no on€ had becomo a dead victim of hie frolicle.
    But beoauso of tbat no on€ mustored coura,go to dofy him.
    In ths situetion, tho eonior section of tho nobility thought to
    oontrol him by othor Boa,n8.
    Aftor a for days of his wifo's death ; Rana Bahadur
    vith his inn&te loyo for powors of Btate aqd anrious to
    raaumo glaBours of lifo of & ruler tried to reassert his
    position &sking for de faoto rulorsbipl{. Ho abandonod hie
    intontioo to go to B&naras.
    Ilamilton narrateg &n iacident of a conflict between tho
    King end the able commandor Damodar pande and hie
    colloagues tho Basnot Kazie.
    It was, howover, when tho oonflict turned towarde the
    worst Rana Bhadur decided to Bta,ge a revolt, end. furction
    ae B,ogont from Patan but ho did :o without the physical
    presonce of his, the Kiug, b.y his side.
    Becsuse of the person of the King with them his oppo-
    aouts qoro. advantageously placed. They rere also endowed
    wiCh legal a,uthority because of the baby king at Noakot.
    Rana Bahadur's efforts to aasert hir authority in the roalm
    were foiled by the oonsieteDt opposition of Damodar's group
    bacted by many others including tho new Chief Miristor,
    Kirtiman BBsnot whoee popul&rity then wa.s at its height, IIo
    dircouraged ll,ana Bahadur to pursue his inteution. While the
    oonflict with ths lqinisters started, Rajarajosvari joiuod he
    husband. But Surarnaprabha had accompanied the child King
    to Nookot and as qrrerrel developed sh€ acted &8 the Regent.
    According to materi&ls at our disposel Rana Bahadul
    tried to inqito rebellion, end functioaed for Eometimo &B tho
    aovereign from Patan. Rana Bahadnr issusd coinB to celebrato

    14. Socrct OoDsultatioEs, n. 42 13, 90 JuDo. 1802,


    552 IODIB]g I(BPI',

    thc oooasion of hie tahing powerr15. A deoreo ie€uod h hi!


    namo by eome ofrcors datod VS 1857 Vaieaklw rudi Thureday
    2{ April, 1800 oallod upon tho ontim iqhibit&ntB of Aiirgarh
    (neer Gorkha) to como to Patan with all availablo arms for hi*
    hclp. The sigxstories wero Chautara Balbhadra Shah, Chautora
    SiJu, SU"U, Chautara Gyan $hab, Kazi Pratipan Rana. Kazi
    Bena Keear Pendo (son of Damodar Pande), Kazi Jahar Simha'
    Eardar Kalu Pontlo, Sardar Amar Simho Thapa (Bhimsen'a
    fathor) aud Bhairava Sinhal'. This was foUowed by a morr
    eomprohousivo' docree requiring tho ofEcers of Bbairavr
    .ompany to oomo to Paten immedi&toly' Tho address ir
    itatotl 1857 roj 2 euiti 11 Yaieabho - Sunday 5 May, 1800'
    By this tioe Rans Bahadur had 8ot uP e nsw council
    of Ch*ut*ae auil Kazir, shoso ndmos ffnd montion in thc
    rbovo docum€nt' Balabhadra Sbah wss declared Chisf
    Chautrre and Pratiman Rana as fusi Kazi' If tho
    qhrotriolor'

    vere to bs bolievotl Raua Bahadur'e reYolt st&rted from tho


    undorstanding that hc wos to bo takon prisoner by his'
    gon'c Govornment ancl thero was a oonspiraoy afoot deaigned
    to this efoct, which faot was m&de known io him by
    Balbhatlra Shah ( oa Chaitra 20 ) who said that ho had
    porsonclly voriffed ths report. But all R'ana Bahadu/s'
    dcoreer woro countoraot€d by those iseuod from Noakot in
    the'namo of Girvan Jutlilha Yikram, who hail boen earlier
    removod to that stetion ae tho Chariot of Matsyeadranath
    had broken to causo foreboiling of evil days to como'16'
    Moro lettors in tho name of Girvan Juddho Vikramr
    boaring ths samo date sero dospatched to the Buba and
    othor ofrc€rs iu chargo of 8ara, Palsa, Rautahat, Mohottari'
    Spatari aud Morang, os woll as to the comp&ny Ilead-
    quarters within the valleY.

    $. 8, M' trorbi, oP. cit P. 118'


    10. Eitthasitlotls giEgtrh!' I, P' 100 '
    loi. Lott6! itrtoit Yg 1811 toi 1-P&'6rv'il lD Gort Atohit6''
    'dtl
    B..'XA BAEADI'R 693

    The royal oall from Noskot to Srinctha Company to act


    dirorootly aocording to the statoment bf tho Trmropatra
    it dutad Yahalcha odi 13 toj 3:Auo8dsy, 2l May, 1800. Juat
    e day earlier a lottsr ou thc liao of the one addresoetl to
    Bhotgaon was E6nt to Patan. On Yaicabho eu,ili 15 roj 5-
    Ihursday,, 8 May, l80O the pooplo of Lubhu woro caJlod
    to Noakot.
    It is . suggost6d that tho ohild KiDg Girvsn Juddho
    Vi&rrm wes removed to Noakot as Rans Bahadur oxpreseed
    bis deeao to ke6p his lon rrith Dimself &nd rule in bie nama
    in tho sams olil way. Aftor sll ho wss to bo brought back
    to Kathmandu. In his lotter to the Jamadars and Sepoyr
    of old $rinatha. Company dsted YS 1857 Yaiaabha uili 11
    rqj 7:Saturtlay, l9 May, 1800 Rana Bahodur aeks them
    not to romovo tho child King excopt on Yahabha 20,
    whioh dey aooording to astrologor was auepicious for depar-
    tur6. Eo eildod that Kirtiman ( Basnot ) aleo had writton
    to him 2 or 3 tineg sbout thi8 date. But ho and other
    Bha,radars might romovo ths ohild on auy doy prior to thc
    20th, Tho Srineth Compaay is told to beware of the machiu-
    etions of tbo Bharadors and not to loave their King
    unguardod.
    Porbaps tho child King w*s going to be brought back
    to Kathmaudu aud this Raua Bahadur did not like for
    obvious roasone. IIo had inciteil the junior ofricors snd
    eoldiers ovor the herd of their ofiioers, &s sll his lettem aro
    directly addrossod to them. The lettor to Brinath Compaoy
    says thot becaufo he kaow the Junior Officore end eoldiers
    would be faithful to tho King ho did not appoint a Subedar
    oyer thsm. Eo proto to the Gurubar Company to ignore the
    oommand of tho Subedar ( Yaiaakha vadi 13 roj 3:Tuesday,
    2r May, r80O).
    All his lettert aro oelled Ajnapaha, a,nd not rut&o which
    ie tho oame appliod to royal oorreepondnonce. Ra,na Bahadur's
    roal wae of yellow colour unli[o the red royel eeal.
    In sll cssos whon the fathor hail to function with tho son
    594 XODIB]I }ITP.IL

    or kiug ho urod the yellow eeal (Kerariapanja). Thia happned


    dgo af0er 1846. Jang Bahadur ollowod -Rajendra to ue. thc
    yollor eeal in neoeseary papora, although the l*ttor tr.r
    being treatod as no lesg tha! e pcisoner.
    Rojeevaridevi, th6 oldost queen of Rona Bahadur, doea
    oot se6m to havo rua a government of her own oE is tri€d to
    meke out by somo Tbo documente &ttributod to h6r,
    writers.
    which is a docree ierued to a regiment Smdul Juog Compeny
    ( dttod Yaisakh aaili 13 roj 2 oJ 1857 7817:Monday, 2l
    Uay, 1800 ) does not usurp th€ authority of the Swami Mrhal.
    raja. tho soems to havo iseued another decroe celling upon
    Purauo Srinath regimeat to take care of tho porson of tho
    Ling at Noakot. Both theee decreea wero *orded to eay, 'If
    you ocknowledgo Swamiji's suthority and havo in your heart
    tho welfare ofour eon Girvsa Jrrddha Vikram Sheb aad oure,
    then you disown tboee v'ho bad rebelled agaiust Sramiji.r8
    Obviourl-v 3ajeevatidevi wos acting in coucort with her
    hueband and &s a,n abettor.
    Io the uame of Girgan Yikrama was also iesued a deoree
    iotbo people of Bhatgaon saying thst his father who wes
    defiling images aud harassing the Brahmanas and wbo wag
    persu,rded to abaudon his bod conduct but hq did not liston
    ond was ou the contrary preparing to fight agoinst him and
    therfore he should not find any eupport wherever he goos,
    Ihis deoreo is dated VS 1857 Vaisabhq oad.i I roj 6:Fridey,
    16 May, 1800.
    It was ssid that Srvaoi Maharaja's eupporters rrero det6r-
    minod to fight ar,dthey fortiffed their poeition in Pulohok
    having as their first line of defence the uorth wostcrn outckirt
    of tho city of KBthmendu at Patanajol. the nowly habited
    Euburb of tho toEn.
    It eppoors thst oertein Companios of'aoldior had taken
    the eido of Rana Bahadur. Theso woro Taradal, Raqemohr

    17. For6lgu l[iaistry Archiro..


    18. 3or6lgtr l[iEirtry llchir.l.
    R ]l..' t.rElDuq 596

    lnd Dcvidatta . Therc is e lotter of King Cirvoa BddrGlr.d to


    thoir Jamadarr, Majon, Kotes, Ajitan (Adjutant) rnd Solnyr
    whioh erid 'Balabhodrc Sahi totd a falrc story to our fother,
    rud you roro olso subjooted to one aidod vereion of tbo
    mattor. But you did not come hsre to get erplanatioa, Why
    you ero fortifying your lnsition and &g&i!st vhom ! you
    ors reminded of tho selt you havo takon. Despito what ycm
    hsvo dono alreedy you must aot honceforth, to bring au cnd
    to our quarrol. Remeober the coppor-plate, you arc aekod to
    itr virtues. Date TS I8i7 Vaisa vadi 14 roj B. Addrocs,
    upbold
    No8kot.' (l'he d&to corrcBpoDds to Tuosday, 2l Moy, 1800.)
    All thie time however, Rana Babadur wae cauaing annoy-
    aooe to tho loiuisters and their rupportorr.
    Aocordhg to e chroniole a company of eoldiers called Betuk-
    dal had rlroady beoo drawn to Mrckwanpur. There ie a
    lottcr addrossed to Sardsr Chamu Bhandari ond Subodar
    Karirath which euggorts that e fight.was imminent. This ie
    dated Y,S 1867. The ofEcers wero ordered to ahift to Sindhuli.
    It rsad'the strife wae liLely to flare up, but it is not good to
    pick up quarrel, we h&vo to bring about a settle4ent. your
    camp should be in Pauwagarhi until {urthor orders. you &re
    furthor ordered to BtreDgthen the lortreos, keep alrort of events
    oocurring at home and obroad, and mind your duty by consul_
    ting the tbllowing persons. If you do othersi8e aud abandon
    Sindholi, you will be untrue to sslt'.
    According to old cuetoms a red-soal pormit enablod ono to
    pess through tho Garhi on aacertainiug the identity of tho
    pes8etrg6r. The Omraos in charge of Sindhuli nero consultcd
    in any sctiou concerniug the area.
    If curiers oflettera ood proeonts to tho palacs came that
    way, they woie to bo esoorted to Noakot.
    Any one cmrying claadostina letters from KatbmaDdu
    phould bs forthwith an€stod &nd ssnt to Noakot.
    trorco8 stationod in tho ea8tern eeqtor havo boeu orftrcil
    to rosoh Noskot, Thoy rn;ght bo iutorfored rith or oatitleil
    506 UODEB}I I{rP^AI]

    by Krthmandu's mon but tho instruotion was 'you dircet theo


    to ur to Noskot'.
    Tho 200 ma,tchlooks bolongirg to Majb (midrtle) Kirat
    Command wem to be kept in Sindhuli. The iostruction r&n
    'you are arkod to:koop 100 mstchlooks in Peuwagarhi. All
    ruoh ooming'from PalloLirat (farthor) ehould not roach Ncpal.
    Thoy should roaoh ue at Noekot. Do anything which will
    ErL6 your oountry proeporoue and freo from etaint.'
    It appo&r8 th&t Rana Bahadur could not rocoive ride
    luPport for his oause.
    X'rom Noakot emiesaries wero sont to Pulchok erplainiag
    their positioa. As a procautionrry meaeure armod pickots
    roro ported in Jitpur to provont thc Swami from reaching
    Nookot. Should he a,ttempt to tako posBos8ion of tho perron
    of his son, forco was to be uaed. All Companies ported in
    Kathmandu wero already withdrawn to Noakot. IIere is a
    rpooincn of lottor sent in the namo of Girvan, Thir rao
    rddrorsod to the people of Kathmandu. Said-'A disloyal
    informer who was carelosg of the rtatemont made iD tho copper-
    plato .oom8 to havo for eolfirh purpose iustigated my fether
    rgainct uyself. You are my subjocts, Swamiji ie my fathor.
    I oclnot comphrohond how you are led to fight &Dd ag&in8t
    rhom. I aak you to bewars of the disloyal inetigators. Aleo
    50 porcent ofthe tsx gro rsduced. Date VS 1867. Vaieakha
    vadi 2 roj 0r D, Addross, Noakot.)

    Rana Lcales for Banaraa


    X'or tomotime more till he realised tho futility of ouoh
    st6p8 tho Swami Maharaja was 6yon aotivo in prepariug for
    largo ocalo hostilities with the Clovernmont of hir ron, but ho
    loft ruddonly &louo at aight (Jyeetha, 8, 1857) for Banaras
    rceohing thoro ton dey8 after (Jyestha l7, f857 VS).
    Aooordiug to the chroniclo ar the Sabuj Company was
    &alv&noing Rauo loft Pulchok suddenly at night on VS 185?

    19. Moailay, 19 May, 1800


    BAI.I' BAEADUE 657

    Vris&Lha eudi l0 roj 6. [Tho dotm oonlosponds to B May, fg00.


    fhir ir Saturday. Thorefom tho ohronioler,s day of thi weok
    ir irregular.] Ife passod through Tokar and oroseed tho frontior.
    But thiE da,to iB too oarly.
    Tho notiug in the book of Chandrgman Joehi for Rana,g
    doparturo io JgeAln 8, Krtmo aditga lara rcltri ghrtt;6
    (:Juno. 1800, but tho pafticular is irregular). Ee had loft
    elono with his maida and aeryants. -Ee crossed- the frontier
    ot Jgutha 11 Jgeatho Kreru 1l Sonwnsora tatri S?,saghati bldl
    (-Juue, 1800, but the partioular is irregular). porhagx the
    dates are not correot. Acoordirg to British sourco ho rcaohod
    Banaras on May, 27, 1800t0. Ho was acoompanied [,y
    Balbhadra Shah (Bulbudder Shah), Kuldip Kaur (Kuldirp) .a
    pcreon of rark, four equipage of femalee rnd 50 men.tr
    Thc
    d&to a8 givon by tho Britirh Boruce is abeolutcly correct. So
    othor dates can be dismiered as untruo.
    Eyon R&j&r&Jeavari wos not itrforned ofhis intentioa to
    quit. From tho Nepdoco gouroo it apposr8 thst with him
    rorohing Banrros wero 3 coacubines, aad eomc Eerrzanta.
    Bhimeen Thapa had joiued later. Earlier in li99 bo obtained
    ths raok of the Sardar ae an aid of ths Kirg. Also, tho elder
    Mohsrani and Bglbhadra Shah reachcd BaDsraB sonetime l&ter.
    Tbo Swamiji's paasing through the frontior to Banuae camo
    to be kuown in Ramnagar acrose tho bordor by farakumaro
    Datta, tho former Raja of Tauhouh, who wrote a lotte! to
    Parasuram Thapa in Banarae. From Ifarakuosra Datts,s
    anothor letter to Parasuram lthapa tho faot of Rajarajesvari
    and Brlbhadro Shah followiug Rana Bahadur comee to notioo.
    Ifarakumara Datta Bays that on both oooagiors ho hail sont
    bis mcn to coDt&ct tho real fugitivos but waa iliesappointed
    to 6ud them gone out of hig area. Rana Bahadur reached
    I(.aai on Jgeetha 16 Anilha Buil,i B, Somaoara pratah gbati
    Sthapana oelo. 'lhil d&to ir aleo irregular.

    30. 8o. Ooltultatlolr, 26 Jq!o, 1800 tNo. ?e?1)


    3r, rbtit.
    598 IOEEII' NITAL

    that Bena Bahtdur


    From the aborort uoting.it spposts
    end nights to reach the frontier. Ee wrg
    had trrvsllcd doye
    slso not r$ting tilt he roaohod Brnarag at runrisa in tho
    morniug.
    W.hat wca tho rcaaon for tbjs hasty departuro tnd running
    trip to Kaei I
    Rana Babadur wae afroiil of being pumued by hir opponents
    and henoe hie h&sty movements, He, howevor did aot realieo
    th8t this rrss fer from their minds,
    The ohrgnicle statea that tho Swami Maharaja dreadod
    thst ell th&t Fse to rosult efter c'hat was boing dono on both
    ridcs would oause oivil war and bloodehod. AE eoon as hc
    Legrd the Sabuj Company wae being eent to
    toko. posseaeion
    tho
    of Kantipur, the awaronegs of impeuding dissEter bocsmo
    clearor to him. Theu he folt that he wac playing into
    the hands of wrong advisore. Damoalar Pando had doscended
    from Kakani and pauing through Mudikhu he wag throate'
    ning the nortborn outakirt of the city of Kathmandu. Thc
    Rogent Maharani had arrivid in Patau about tbie timo. It
    might bo romembored that the Booond R&ni uov shiftod to
    Noakot rsr looking after tho baby king and in the &bsonoc
    of tho oldor quoen she wag also functiouing &8 the Regent.
    Rana Bahrdur gave up tho idea of 6ght, and ead in heort
    left for Banarae. It is eaid that tbe 6ocond queen's Persua-
    BioD h&d its own ofoot and civil wsr was avortod. As tbo er'
    ting auddonly eccaped to tho frontier of India, irll hostile
    activitiba agaiost the Govornment ouded, and tho baby king
    wes brought back to Kathmandu the nort doy.
    Thoro is r roport Ebout oll thoso events by tho Dhami of
    Noakot submittod R&jondre Vikram Sheh in 1832. Thc
    to
    Dhrmi eoys thst beca,uee Rans Bahadur had behaved like a
    mtd man haraseing his ministore whils ho wus in Noakot, a

    ,g OhsEillrItrstr Jorhl ia hi. lat€ .6v6Btlod i! & r€4Bctea olalilrsB ol thc


    towdot ot IhtDi, rho heg ln hta Poalalsioa! Yrlurbl6 Eit. ala oa tha
    hl.toi, .!il culttrt. ot N.!el.
    BA]SA BAEADUB 699

    rnovc ,8! afoot to imprison him snd trest hirn for hir
    mental illnoes. But ono of tho Chautares oamo to Kethmandu
    md gave him an olarming report. Tho Swami ilr an attompt
    to reriet oolleotod forcer to 6ght but fled whilo Damodar Pande
    mrrohed to the valloy from Noakot with mon of the
    Weetern Command. IIe was acoompauied by aevoa of
    Putuwar oaete as clrriors, 2 Jamadarr and 3 boyr to
    work aa poreonal gervants. Eo paeeed through Thiogan.
    reached Mackwanpur and thou orossod tho border. Tho
    eldest Maharani and Balbhadra Shah passod through
    Chimpanigarh sfter 2 or 4 dsys. As the King ond Bharodars
    toturnod from Noakot thoy roceivod big ovation from thc
    pooplo of tho capital. fn Kathoandu l,he treasury of tho
    prlace waa opeued aud distributed to tho EoD of tho army
    sfter coniultetiou with tho Bharadarg (noblemen). Thilr
    socount of Bnna Bahadur'e exit epposrs to bo correct. W'e
    shall have to 8ry morc about tho roport as we oom6 to thG
    incident of Rsua Bohadur'c death.
    The Dbami's repott i8 conoct. Bana Bahadur left homc
    alone, but mugt have been ioined by hie rife end others oD
    the border or beyondjt gomewhere before ho roached Bauaral-
    Ifo bad however, iuformed Raja Earakumarddatto Sen in
    Ramnager, who in e lettor datod Asadha sudi 12 roj 7 (:
    Saturday, 6 July 18C0 )rt to Paroeuram Thapa eays that ho
    had sont men to roceive tho Ling in Garhparsa, but latter hsd
    already loft ond ao thoy had roturned without eeoing tho
    royal peraonego. Tho queen elso had loft uunotioed,
    Ilerakumerrdatta writes that in moBents of anrioty Pandit
    Rrngsneth had been deepatched to Bauaras to treco the
    wheresboute of tho Ssami.
    X'rom Knor'a roport vo learn that Ranganath and his
    fathor wsro in tho Borrico of tho Roia of Ramoagar, from
    rh{ao thoy brd shiftcd to be rith Rana Bohadur io Bansrar.
    It rvs! a&id that Ran6, Bahadur wanteil to vost all povore

    tt, IULr.rFsLsro I. P.9?-


    ({0 xoD!3lt Nr?^!

    of strt6 itr his hradr, ead attemped to rulnraede thc aduiris-


    trttion he had orlier oonstitut€d. But booeuac of hiE aotlonr
    in doiling and drrieorating tho i6tg6. aod torturing thc
    Bnhmrna, ho had grorn im,ncnsely uapopuler, and hir
    opponouts uged this situetion to diesuade him froo a.dopting
    'tho htended ooursc of actioD. Ar I oonscquotlco ho rae die-
    owDd by his army and for foar of lifo he fled to Bensraa.ll
    I6t it
    bo said that from tbe point of view of progreas, Rrna
    Bahadur'a aooesaion to porer Plos€nted a period rlieh waa
    practically rithout big eventa in favour of tho Nepaleso.
    Ncpal, ou tho other haud, got iteolf inmorgod in internocino
    strife and tbo court wallowoil io miserablo porformoncea of
    ths worlt type of court intriguor. As wo will oome to know
    from the following discourse, even Nopel'a independenco was
    thre&t€ned oo aooount of the degredation tho politicr of tho
    day uadorwont in th&t &tmosphorg. Bahodur'o romoval from
    tho flold t€Ddod to movo Nopal to undosirabls channele
    from whioh it was roecued by Bhimaon Eome too years after.
    From a letter sont by tho Chineao Amba to Kazis Damodar
    Pauile, Tribhuvau, Noraeimha and Kirtimau Simhr it appeere
    that the Ncpaloae minilters had told tho Chinegs of Rana
    Bohedur'e esoapo to Banarar ar an act dona under infuenco of
    vrong mcD. Tbey had further reported that his preeence in
    Banaras might be used by the British to aot Bg&inot Napalese
    intoroets [Chhyasing (Chia Ch'ing) 5 ye&r intorcalory 4 month
    2l daye = 1800 A. D. July-August]r !
    The intolligence roport from Banaras (28 May, 1800) reacbing
    th6 British Govornor-General at Calcutta seid that Rans
    Sa,hadur bad left &s the Goy6rnment of his sou w&nted to
    &rrest aDd imprieou him.
    "Ee wanted to resuno hie seat on tbo Muenad of Nipaul
    but tho ministere, tho Cauzeo, the Reun and Ca obeerved to
    him that he voluntarily abdioated the Goyernmont in favour
    of &nother and his resumption of it wcs inlilmissiblo, Tbis
    24. S€c. cofuult&tlon, N. 4r,43.
    ,15, P!4ervoil iE tho Alchives of tho Fo!61gtr )lini.trt
    EAIA BAEADI'B 601

    inonacd tho Roja gtostly rgaiast tho oftocrg of Govsnmut


    rnd ho gave orilors for bootiag rome antl puttitrg otho[ to
    death. They and tho body of tte people hrve, in oonrequoncc
    of all thir, denouncod him as r mad maa, and doola,red thrt
    tc ought to bo confnod; tho Rajc hoaring of thir, quitted
    Nipaul and repaired to Baaarar."r.
    Another informltioa one Thakur Yaidyanath tmasmittcd
    through tbe Collector of Baroily stated "his (Bona Bahadur'r)
    conduot had booa -markod with violonce and cruelty and thot
    they (the poople) would aot aolnowledge his authority.Dr ?
    It apporre th&t Dows of his doiaga had paerod boyond the
    f,orntiorr of Nepal. A Christi&n Missionsry wrote from
    Bettia :
    ''Nopal ie on the vorgo of conversion. Reccntly tho Kiug. of
    Nepal has entierly forsaken the faleo G<,d. The assoltioD i!
    at lealt unoxpected ; but proof follows. In 1898, his vifo whom
    he tendorly loved wae seized with the small-por. She got
    cured fortun&tely but her face bore indeliblo tr&c€E of that
    awful diseass, Yain ae aho w&8, tho queon oould Dot resign
    horsolf to thie dis6gurement and iu a momeut of dopair killed
    hors€lf. Tho king was very deeply moved ; his anger at fust
    swept fiercoly oyer tho docto.B. This did not satisfy him. In
    his fury, he orderod the removal of all the idolr from the
    tompleB into the opea and orposod air. Thcn he brought loaded
    oannon and courmaudetl to open fire on these faleo gods, The
    gunnors became pale with &lu&zemerrt in hoariog this crimin&l
    ordor. They refused to oboy. The king thsn oondomued sevoral
    of them to death and had them executed on tbe rpot. The
    reristance of tLo (rthers woe broken. A torriblo report wos
    heald. The idole flow to atomo aad fell back pulyerised to
    the grouod, This ovent is perhapa the first Etop in Nepol of
    her couvorgiou to Christianity,"
    Jurt as the East lndia Company'r politioal sgonts E6ro
    oonsideriag to tako advautago of tho situ&tion in thet ovn
    ,8. 8.o. CoBs. JoE6, No, ?0-?1.
    ,7. rblil.
    602 NODEIiN NEP.II,

    ( r€o b6low
    ), thoir sl8o wantoit to erploit ths slrrc
    psdros
    'ry
    lo rosumo th6ir &ctivities. The latter, howover, had wirhcd
    tod muoh in trkiug the incideni ae eomething to signeli.o
    Esturing of oonditions in Kathurandu for the reccptioa of
    Chriotienity by tbo Nepalese. fn fact tbore was absolutoly ao
    ground for such a presumption. Rsna Bahadur,s act of de o-
    ment of imagos oforthodox roligion rer Eotiyated not by r
    oonscioue deriro of a would-be convort but by a rensc of
    pereonal vengeauco. Any idea of religious conversion vrr
    totally ebsent from his mind.
    fn Banaras, of oourse, Rana Bahrdur wae not keeping
    quiat. Ee was intriguiDg mo8tlv sith the Britigh euthoritiot
    who had tept him undor aurveillance. All this gave his oountry-
    men rufriciont porriog, But to this we ehall come later in tho
    loxt volumo.
    APPENDIX

    GENEALOGY OE' PRTTHVINARAYANA SHAE

    Yasobam Sahi
    I
    I I

    Ncrahari Shoh (Lamjung) Dravya i'ihah (Gorkhe


    i
    Purna Shah
    I

    t
    Chhetra Shsh (*-u'ao"o
    I
    Dambar Shah

    Krirnr Shah Pitambar


    Irl
    Shah Shonkar Shah Balabhadra Shsh
    I
    Rudra Shah

    PrithviPati Shsh Madhukare Shah


    I
    Yirobha&a Shah (died as Yuveraj)

    N Shah

    PrithvinaraYana Mahoddam Dalamardan Dalejit Srrrapratap


    Shah Kirti Shah Shah Shah Shah
    I
    Kulchendra Sheh

    Balabhodra Shah Krisua Shoh


    804 UODARN NNPAL

    Prithvinareyan Shah
    I

    Pratapsimha Bebadur Shah Ranasiugh Sahi


    lt
    I Satrubhanjan Shah

    Rana Bahodur Sher Bahadur Vidur Shah


    Shah Sheh (illegitimate) (illegitimate)
    I

    Ranadyot Shah Girvan Juddha Vikrama Shah


    'l
    lillcgitimato)
    Rajendrr Vikrama Shs-h

    Surondra Vikrlma Shah

    Sona of Prithvipati Shah


    I

    ll
    Udyot Chandrarupa Ranbirmau Santarupa
    I

    Shah Shah Shah Shah Shah


    I I Surtan
    Narabhupala I Shah
    I
    Nara Shah
    Prithvinarayana
    I
    Pratapaeimha
    I
    Rona Bahadur
    I
    Girvan Juddho Vikram
    APPIKDIX 605

    Chantlrarupa Shah

    I
    Visnurupa thoh Birbahadur Shah
    I I
    Uiva Shah
    I

    Praaa Sheh Shomaher Shah puskar Shah


    I
    I I I I I
    I Dilip thrh rBam theh Eestadal Rudmvir
    I Shah Sbah
    I

    I
    trstya Jong . Ouruprasad Birbghu Rsnosher Shah
    thrh Shah Shah

    l. P&sasti F,lrtDsvoli
    2. FOA ljst (Forelgu Ol6oo Alchtros)
    606 IIODABN NBPAL

    TEE PANDE FAMILY

    Al' B** C
    Sitarom Paodo Genera Paude Bhimraj Pande
    lt
    Mani Pande Yisnu Pande
    Kalu Paade
    I

    KaluPande I Demodsr Pande Bamsraj Chitradevi


    (Strdar) Viru Paade | (daughter)
    I RsoDbsm Paude
    Yali Pandc
    I
    Tularam Ponde
    I

    li I
    -l
    Jegajjit Ranajit Pando Vrajavasi Pende Bhotu Pande
    Pande
    I
    Dalabhonjan Pande
    t-
    Balabhanjan Paude Gajadal Garudadhvaje
    I

    All tho three to the common ancestor


    branahes bolong
    Gaaesa Pande who was a Brahman. But Tularam Pando
    wae a'Khatri and so was Kalu Pando (C). It is difrcult to
    ffnd which issue was from a non-Brahman wife of the Pando
    ond tho line of Pande Khatris followed except iu the liet (A).

    ' Kalu Pantle actetl as astrologer anil commantler in the army ol


    Pri6hvinarayana Shah. Ife was a Brahman par ercellenco aatl
    reoms to be relatetl to Damotlar not tlistantly.
    rf ItlhssoPralsol, 132. This lirt gives Yisuudme ar thetathcr ol
    Tulrreno but tLk ir wrong ln vier ol FOA litt.
    APPf,NDIX 607

    TIIE BASNET FAMILY


    Ihe inscriptions of Keltole and Naryanahiti, Kathmandu
    oalls tho Baenotc to havo bolonged to Spripati femily and
    traoee tho faurily to one Sripati. lVe, however, reproduco tho
    tho gonealogy sinco Sivarom Basnet an early contomporary of
    Prithvina,rayono Shah.
    Jai Iiam
    I
    Sivaram Basnot

    Naharsingh Keharsiugh Abhimansingh Dhaukalsingh


    I
    I I

    Indrasingh Indravir Singh Ranadhir Singh

    I
    Jahar Singh
    -l
    Kritiman
    I
    Bakhtavar Singh
    Singh

    Sundhara Inscription of Bhimsen Thapa* givos the


    following gcnoalogy of his family.

    Vikrama Thepa
    I
    Virabhadra Thapa
    I
    Ama4singh Thapa (Sardar) t
    I
    Bhimsen Nayana Singh Bakhatsimhe Amrit Ranavir
    Thapa Singh Singh
    I
    Uiir Thapa Mathavar Singh Thapa

    ' The frst 3 name ats lountl elso in FOA Ligt.


    I ftlhara pralera I, for tbe cons ol ADsr Eiagh Th*pr.
    608 XOI'IBT TIP.AIJ

    Ahiram Kuu
    I

    I
    Rsms,kriebna Kuar Chondravir Kusr
    I I
    Suba Renajit Kuar Balabhoilra Kuar
    I

    BaLckrirna Kurr Rovaat Kusr Balarama Kuar'


    I
    Jang Bahadur oud his 0 brothere (by one mother)
    Ee had an oldor brothor.

    The Genoalogy of Amar Simha Thrpa @udha)


    Banjo Thapa
    I
    Bhim Thrpr
    I
    Amar Singh Thapa (Sarder in YS 1869)*
    tllll
    Raneilhoj Ranajoro Bhaktarir Rama Dass Ronaeur

    I I I
    Bsnavir Ariun Nare eing Bhuprla Singh

    . Itihe6a Prskara I, P. 146 fo! tho !o!! ol AlcEr 8t!8h fhaPt.


    I'OA Liit tor bir arc€6trY.
    VOLUME II
    EXPANSION: CLIMAX AND FALL
    CONTENTS
    Pagc
    Clwpt.r I
    Exit of Rana Babadur Shah I

    Choplcr lI
    Thc Second Brittsh Mission to Ncpal 63

    Chaptcr III
    The British Missioa in Kathmandu 101

    ctapti IY
    British Mission Rcturns ll5

    Chaplct Y
    Rana Bahadur Returns to NcPal 159

    Chapt€t YI
    Advance to Satlaj and BcYood tE2

    Chaprcr l4I
    Ncpal and thc Sikhs 205

    ChaP,CI YITI
    Anglo-Ncpalcsc Confl icts, I El2-14 233

    Indcr to Yol. I 305

    Indcx to Vol. II 313


    Chapret I
    EXIT OF RANA BAHADUR SHAH

    Whcn Damodar Pande and his ncphcw Kirtiman


    Basnct controllcd the rcigDs of govcrnment, the Thapas,
    mcmbcrs of anothcr dynasty of barons and a scction of
    thc Pandcs and somc Brahmans sided with thc ex-king'
    Thcse iocludcd Bhimscn Thapa' Dalabhanjan Pandc
    and Ekdco Upadhyay wbo had takcn up appointment
    undcr Rana Bahadur at Banaras. It appcars that among
    thc appointccs of lt56 some had abandoned their
    assignmcot and lcft Nepal. Such mcn werc Balabhadra Shah
    and Dalabhanjan Pande. It is rcmarkable that Bhimscn
    Thapa who aftcrwards rulcd Ncpal as a dictator for about
    30 ycars was active collaborator of the cx'king' But hc
    had reachcd Banaras long after Rana Bahadur' He was
    onc of thc advcnturist politicianr wbo had flocked round
    thc pcrsonality of thc ex'king in crile'1
    Rana Bahadur Shah whilc in Banaras led a very
    scandalous lifc gathcring round him - prostitutes and other
    defamcd charactcrs much to thc detrimeDt of bis fair
    namc and rcsourc€s. Outwardly he was a monk known
    ar Svami Raja. Nirvanananda but hc could not extricate
    himsclf from thc idflucnce of his vilc surroundings,!

    t. Io thc lettcr of appointmenl givln to Mathabs! Thapa (1841


    A.D.), KiDg Rajcndtl recoutrt! tha cvcnts lcading to the exit of
    Rana Bahadur. Hi. exit is attributed to Damodar Pande's
    machioation to sct fathcr and solr in conflict Damodrr Pande
    had marchcd al thc haad of thc force lo ov€lpower Ran'
    Bahadur, after which in order lo avoid the conflict th€
    lattcr had lcft for Banaras.
    2, Tha following will thow how grandiloquent was the addrgss
    2 l4odern Ncpal

    which cost him more than $,bat ho could mect by bis


    resources. His ycarly allowance obtained from Nepal
    as
    a contribution from his son, thc Maharajadhiraja,- was
    not sumcicnt to enablo him to undergo the huge luxury
    hc maintained. This led him to contract debts aDd
    he nearly fell into a wellJaid trap which had almost
    snared Nepal into the arms of the British.a
    O.nb of the many tactics of the British to lure
    thc Indian princes was to arrange financial credit to which
    thcy casili succum6ed on account of tbcir luxurious
    habits, Th'c British very clevcrly managed to lay lhe trap,
    and once the pilc of debt became too large for the
    debtor's capacity to pay back, thcy scized his administra-
    tion and territory as a measure of forcible rcimbursement.
    We know from certain records that the British Resident
    in Banaras was acting witb a vicw to bring Nepal
    under subsidiary alliance, while he helped Rana Babadur
    with money to procced witbout snxicty in his usual
    expensive habits. He also influenced the Nepalese prince
    to tenounce his othcr-worldliners and reclaim his
    domain and power ig Ncpal. By this hc obviously meant

    assumed by King Rana Bahadur Shah after he took a life


    of renuncirtiotr :
    qqro qh aar riftq q,rl'a'rq ft<ak arrqr,rq*ror rftqti
    c{ ii{rlJ ll;dn q}aarlqqt sar{ H arfi{ am fewrklagh
    cnitoQ 'qrr f<rfvaq urfevrq...... ... ...
    3. A transtction executed by Bhimsen and othcr associatcs of
    Raoa Behadur plcdSing remission in 1866 yairakha \i,as contuined
    iq a draft for a debt of Rs. 60,0011. The crcditor was Dwariksdas
    of.Batraras, fhe dsbt bore an ioterest of 2p,c. The papcr
    was stampcd with is:alofRana Bahadur. pandit RanSanath
    in anothct lcttct talks of a dpbt of Rs. 33,000/- incurred by
    Rana Bahadgr. This was an additior.a\ dob,t. (Atadhq.tadi ,oj Il
    f|dha, Pro kasa, l, p. 2O)l

    4. Momoirr and Corr€ipondence of Marqdis Welleiley,l, pp,373_74.


    Extl ol Rdna Bahatlut Shah 3

    to achieve the vcry cnd, which hc had pursued in Bararas


    with unique succd6so.
    It appcars that as sooD as Rana Bahadur reached
    Banaras, ai-officer of rank was dcputcd to wait on
    him on
    behalf of thc Governor-Gencral' Thc pcrson so dcputed
    was Captain Knox. He reached Banaras in
    June and till
    then thc Resident attschcd to the Raja of Banaras
    was

    supposed to look after the exiled Maharaja of NcPal'


    Tbcre
    to Rana Bahadur for
    *u, oo" Mr. Vandcrhcyden deputcd
    that purpose until the arrival ofCaptain Knox' From one

    of Kirkpatrick's letters to Captain Knox dated 23 Junc'


    1800 (n.i6) and Guru Gajaraj Misra's lelter
    of 25tb Julv'
    1800 wc learn about the arrival ofCaptain Knox in
    Balaras
    to attend on the cx-Maharaja. Capt' Koox was asked to
    can contrl-
    show every mark of rcspect and attetrtion which
    butc to his comfort and accommodation'0 '
    Earlicr Rana Bahadur himsclf, in a polite addrets to
    thc Govcrnor-Ceneral had acknowledgcd tbe gratitude
    to
    the Company's Govcrnmdnt in giving him sh€hcr with the
    additionai riqucst that the Governor'Gcncr8l would beslow
    of
    the samc attention on him in future' Thc letter talks
    Mr. Vandcrheydcn who used to look aftcr the king on
    bchalf of the Company's Government until thc arrival of
    Captain Knox. Capi. Knox bad accompa'ied Kirkpatrick
    to futu."odo in tigr. ln his rcply the Govcrnor'Gcneral
    whilc intimating Rana Bahadur of tbe apPointment of
    Captain Knox said that'thi6 gcDtleman who is
    pcrsonally
    k;;;;," you and to the principal ofrcers in Nipaul and for
    5 In the royal letter appointing Mathabar (above quoted) it i8
    rlia-',1". Bhimscn and othc$ had ncSotiated with tho
    [Jaui, the assistancc the ex-ting wss to sccure from
    "uoo,
    iio- fru fooiu compaly's authorities, but thc latter
    proposed

    in retur! 25 p.c. oftotal incomeofthe countty as atributc'


    6 For, DGp. Pol. coo., loJuly, 1800, o' 14'
    4 yodcn Ncpal

    whom I understand you cntertain sertimcnts of particular


    rcgard, will be satisfactory to you and that you will consi-
    dcr it as an uncquivocal proof of my solicitude to cultivate
    thc rclations of amity with thc Govcrnment of Nipaul'.
    According to the samc kttcr CaptaiD Knox was to attcrd
    on Rana Babadur on behalf of the GoverDor-Gcueral and
    'to afford evcry assistancc in his power to the Nepales.
    ex-king in concert with Mr. Vanderheyden to render your
    abode at Banaras convenieDt and agrecable. He was to
    bccome also thc channcl of communications bctucen Rara
    Bahadur and thc Govcrnor-General'7. Guru Gajaraj Misra
    was also informcd of Knox's deputatioD with the asguraDce
    that the 'Raja would continue to mect cvcry mark of
    rcspcct and attcntion, which can contribute to his comfort
    and accommodation as loDg as he may have occasion to
    residc within the Company'e territories'. The Guru was
    the recipient of a personal lctter froD tbe Governor-General
    n,ho appreciatcd 'his attachmeDt to the Company and
    cxcrtions to improve amicable conoection betwcen the two
    states'.
    Thc letters exchanged between the Sccretary (Kirk-
    patrick) and Captain Knox about this timc affords us an
    intimatc knowledge of the rcal purpose of deputatiotr
    waiting on Rana Bahadur at Banaras, The Govcrnor-
    Gcneral did not know the full facts of thc cvent which bad
    lcd Rsna Bahadur to leave Nepal. Captain Krox was to
    providc to Lord Wellcsley facts as to throw ligbt on the
    rcal stete of affairs in Nepal as well as thc.rcspectivc vicws
    and disposition of thc exilcd princc and of the rulcr in
    Nepal' for 'th€ interests of the British Government do not
    permit the Governor-Gencral to remain an indifferent
    spcctator of such events in thc state bordering, to so wide
    an cxtent on the possession ofthecompany and H.E,; tbe
    Yazir and with which our political as well as commercial

    7, Pol. Dcpt. Consultation, n. 7, l6th April, 1800.


    Ext of Ranq Bahadir Shah 5

    relations arc ofsome magnitude'8. The Governor-Gcleral


    was unable to launch any policy towards improving
    relations with Nepal unless he was apprised of the situation.

    Knox appointed Deputy


    Captain Knox was asked to reccive with readiness
    and attention whatever communication or proposal the
    Raja (Rana Bahadur) may be dcsirous of conveying through
    him, But he was not to give the impression that the
    Company's Government would encourage him to re-esta-
    blish his authority by force until he was spccially asked
    to do so. He was not to evincc a keen interest in the exiled
    king, Lord Wellesley wrote to statc .the primary object of
    thc Governor.General in council is to be instrumental, by his
    mcdiation, in the reestablishment of the Raja,s authority,
    and by thc service to conciliatc the gratitude of the priDce
    and to obtain from him in return, such concessions as should
    be effcctually calculated to improve and secure commercial
    intercourse between thc two countrics,e. It was said that tbe
    commercial ffcaty of 1792 had been entirely fruitless due to
    the unenlightened views or jealousy of ths Government of
    Ncpal. The Governor-General-thought that if RaDa Bahadur
    could be rcstored to power wit.h British help, bc would act
    uodcr a sense of obligatibn to help the British by giving
    concessions to furthering their trade iDtcrests in Nepal. To
    this eDd British policy was to bc dircctcd ifthe ex-kitrg
    sought British help for his rcstoration. But all this was to
    be achieved unobtr usively.
    Captain Knox was, however, to etrtertain openly any
    desireof the Raja for tbe mediation of the British in his
    dispute with the Government of Nepal and ,proceed forth-
    with to deal with the case opening a correspondence with

    t, Pol. Sec. Dept., o. 86.


    9. Ibid.
    6 Modern Nepal

    the principal ofrcers in Kathmandu to discover their tcmper


    and to ascertain the terms upon which they would be willing
    under guarantee ofthc British Government to re admit the
    Raja'10. It was thought probable that thc Nepalese officers
    in the administration of Nepal would like to corrcspord
    with Captain Knox on the subject of s€ttliDg their disputes
    with Rana Bahadur. The Governor-Geoeral advis€d Knox
    that should thcy approach him he was to use the occasion
    'to eogage thcm to submit thcir diferences with thc Raja
    to the arbitration of the British Government'. But the
    British on no account were to usc force to gain this objcc-
    tive. The next paragraph of the same letter revcals the
    true motive of the British in taking such an attitude in
    respect of Rana Bahadur vis-a-vis his adversaries.
    Captain Knox was to draw the salary of Rs' 1500/-
    per month'besides which you will bc allowcd to charge
    on honour for such additional servants, aDd extra erpers€s
    as the nature of your employment may be necessary"
    The Collector of Banaras was authorised to advance also
    sums of money not exceeding 3 montbs' salary.
    The letter of Knox was not entirely devoid of poli'
    tical import. He assured the Covernor-Gcneral that hc
    would pursue the point in respect of Nepal disputes as
    Rana Bahadur on prcvious occasion in a ccnfidcntial talk
    with Yaarlerheyden had'exprcrsed in the clearest manner
    his desire of the medistion of the British GovernmeDt'
    In his communication both ic Foreign Secr€t and Secrct
    Department papers Captain Knox recapitulates all points
    of instruction containcd in thc Sccletary's lett(r to him1l'
    Captain Knox paid a complimentary visit to Rana
    Bahadur al'l a,m. on thc 29th June, 1800. He reported
    to thc Governor-Genoral that initially Rana Bahadur did
    not react favourably to the appointment of Knox 'i! the

    10. Ibid.
    11. For. SGc. Dcpt., l0JulY, 180C, [. ll.
    Exit of Rana Eahtdur Shqh 7

    present position, which looked to him as


    one made in
    replacement of Mr. Vandcrheyden wbose cordial
    manners
    had impressed thc ex-rulcr,, But on Vanderheyden,s
    assurance Rana Bahadur's anxicty appcarcd
    to wcar away
    as hr was told that ,a gcntleman whole object
    woulO bc
    an uoceasing atteDtioD to his wishes, had becn appointed
    to wait on him, which again was also ,an unequivocal
    proof of his lordsbip's solicitude of friendsbip contributing
    to his comfort and accom modation'r ,. Caplain Knox furthci
    stated that he could not have confidential talk with the
    cxiled ruler as he was surrounded by many people. Ho
    was, howcver, expected to meet Rana Bahadur next day.
    This mccting did not take place as the Iatter was reported.
    to have fallen ill duc to extrcme heat. In anothe;lcttcr
    of Knox to W. Kirkpatrick thc fact of repairing a small
    bungalow putting it witb Khas tauee in tbe terrace ofbis
    house to serv€ Rana Babadur as hc willed it for use as a
    drawiog room to allow visitors seems to havc emanatcd
    from Rana Bahadur as special request, wbich was complied
    with. Thc British representativ€ had also scnt a physician,
    Mr. G. Mcrcer, to treat a sick Rani of Rana Babadur on
    the latt€r's request. Meanwhilc Guru Gararaj Misra had
    comc to see Captain Knox. From him thc latter came to
    know that Bam Shah and Rudravir Shah were recalled to
    Kathmandu from Almora where they wcre holding thc
    post of administrators, Bahadur Shahls, rhc half-brother
    of.Rana Bahadur, who is describcd as .cxhibiting many
    traits of shrewdness' in this refcrence was also report.i
    to have been there and holding a responsiblc position.
    Captain Knox reported that Gajaraj Misra also.occasion-
    ally dropped bints respecting the fickle conduct of thc
    Raja and the difrculty experienced by thc omcers under

    t2 !t. 11, loth July, lgO0, Sec. Dept.


    l3 Sber Bahadur Sbah. This rDistake i! corrcctcd i[ tbe tollow.
    in8 lcttcr.
    8 Modern Nepal

    his govcrnmcnt in obeying thc cairriccs that had but a


    momeDtary existencs'r 1.
    Captain Knox had anothcr mectiDg with Gajaraj
    Misra on thc 7th of July. Hc learnt morc about thc affairs
    in Nepal this time, which hc reportcd to thc Govcrnor-
    Gencral, On this occarion Gajaraj Misra 'profcsscd his
    unalterable intcntion to be regulatcd by thc vicws of thc
    most Noble Governor-General', He would provc his
    conduct by 'cvery cxcrtion in his powcr to provc tbe
    sincerity of his asscrtions'. Misra gavc him to kDow tbat
    Sher Bahadur hcld thc first rank in the administrstion of
    Ncpal and was the Chautara 'or thc Chicf Ministcr'. Hc
    actcd in concert with the four Kazis and Dcwans'. Shcr
    Bahadur was 'held in grcat cstimation for his sttetrtion
    to business, steadioess ofconduct, ard regard for juslice'.
    Misra also reportcd that Bam Shah and his brothcr wcrc
    under his influence and they would support or opposc
    thc new Governmcnt according as hc wishcd. FroD th€
    Misra Captain Knox also lcarnt that the exilcd rulcr cx'
    tremely 'dislikcd Sher Bahadur aDd tbc four Kazis and
    has designed to banist thcm'.r 6
    Itr his lcttcr of July 10, 1800 Csptain Knox rcports
    his meeting with Rana Bahadur who was accompanicd
    by the Misra. Thc mecting took place at 6 o'clock in
    the afacrnoon at thc CaptaiD's residencc. Knox gavc bim
    some presents. Guru Misra was givcn a Khillat of 7 pieccs
    of serpaitch and mala Murwarced. AU this had goDc lo
    give satisfaction to thc royal gucst. But thctc was to b€
    a privatc talk, which was postpotrcd for thc ncxt day.

    Kn(rx lnterriewt Rana Bahadur


    Captain Knox r€ported that ao agent ( Gomast8 ) of
    banlcr of Batraras' shoued him
    Drvarikadass, 'an eminent

    14. u..12, 10July, 1t00, Sccrct Dcpt


    15. 17 July, 1800,4.46, Si6Gt D€!t.
    Exit of Rana Bahadur thah 9

    two lctters from Ncpal. One was undcr a seal of the


    ruling king, whioh authorised the banker to 'advance to
    his honourcd father 8 or 10 thousand rupees'. The other
    was also to thc banker addressed by Kazi Tribhuvan Singh
    to thc samc effect. The object of the visit of the Gomasta
    was to seek thc Captain's approval for the loan demande d
    by Rana Bahadur who had already obtained thc loan
    previously on the security of his house. On being
    told by Knox that he would not stand security for the
    loan asked for, thc banker's agent told him that he was
    interestcd to know his reaction to the offcr of a loan.
    Knox had rcplied that the British would have no objection
    to his compliance with thc rcqu€st of Rana Bahadur.
    A lctter from the reigning Rajah of Nepal on the
    subjcct of his father's departurc for Banaras was reccived
    by thc Governor.General on llth August, 180010. Aftcr
    narrating briefly the events of Rana Bahadur's activities
    in Nepal the letter stated that thc ex:ruler was worked
    up to lcave Ncpal 'without any provisions' by some ill
    disposed persons. Therefore he wanted thc Governor-
    Gcncral to issue instructions to his men in Banaras to
    'trcat my fathcr to givc evcry possible comfort and accom-
    modation' for the sake of mutual harmbny and friendship.
    Thc lctter adds 'Dinanath Upadbya and Chandrasekhar
    Upadhya have no doubt fully communicated to your Lord-
    ship thc manner of his departure'.1?
    Before the private interview with thc Raja took
    place one Bhikharilal ( Picaree Laal ) brought a message
    from Gajaraj Misra to the cffect that Rana Bahadur was
    going to send the Guru to Kathmandu, and therefore he
    wanted to scttle with the Captain before 'his departure
    matters relative to his ( the Raja's ) maintenance, and lhe
    supportof hisfollowers,as rvould set him above pressure

    15. Pol. Dcpt., 16 April, l80l-Cons. a. 12.


    17. Ibid.
    l0 Moilern Nepal

    ard inconvcnience.' Rana Bahadur according to this


    mcssagc had resolved not to dop€nd on .his rebellious
    iubjccts in N€pal'. It was also made clear to bim that
    Rana Bahadur expected the sum at the rate of Rs. 1000
    per head of bis entourage, Captain Knox was led to
    belicvc that the exiled rulcr 'looked up to the Brirish
    Governmcnt as his sole resource'.
    KDox paid a return visit to the ex-king at the apfoitr-
    ted hour in tbe aftcrncon of llth July. There was no
    onc else except Rana Bahadur and .his Guru. Thc kiog
    secmed to distrust the Iatter. Instcad of candidly commu-
    nicatiug his views the ex-ruler whispered into Knox,s
    ears'that he bad much to say which hc would trust to no
    ears but mine but therc, to ccrtain persons then prcsent be-
    forc him he would not unbosom himself, and whom hc
    could not with propriety bid to r€tire'. This was obviously
    a rejection of Rana Bahadur's views of Gajaraj Misra.
    Tbis suggested that hc would not talk anylhing very con-
    fldcntial io thc latter's presenc€. So Rana Babadur sugges-
    ted a meetiug on another occasion. But Captain Ktrox
    was perturbed to hear the ex-king's opinion of Gajaraj
    Misra whom he had thougbt to be a respectable character.
    Knox reported to Col. W. Kirkpatrick that in ibc comiDg
    intcrview hc would try to impress Rana Babadur ,how
    prcjudicial it
    would bc to his affairs to sufer himsclf to
    be misled by thc slandcr of obscure people to withdraw
    his confidcncc from bis most faithful advisers'r8. Tbe
    ex-king, however, expressed bis desire to utilise tbe scr-
    vices of Guru Gajaraj to talk to Knox about the subject
    of his finances, to mention which he'fclt no uneasincss as
    he cxpected suct assistance to be afforded as was suitable
    to his situation'r". Knox, of course, promised to givc

    18. !, 6, Sec. De!t, 3l July, 1800


    19, rbid.
    Exit of Rana Bahadur Shah ll
    attention to whatevcr Gajaraj Misra comDuoicatcs and
    'transmit without dclay to Calcutta'e0.
    Knox reports in the samc lelter that Rana Bahadur
    referred to a an namcd Antony, a Portuguese quack,
    who wls acting in his scrvice for a year as a physician.
    This man was serving some medical men of the Bnglish
    establisbment in
    Banaras prior to his bcing conncct€d
    with Nepal. He seemcd to eDjoy the best confidence of
    thc Rana Bahadur Shah who had told Knox that Antony
    would be visiting him often.
    A draft of a letter to be addressed to the Governor-
    General by Rana Bahadur was sent for Knox's consideration
    to sce if any changes wcre necdcd, The letter cotrtaincd
    'warmcst acknowlcdgement of his Lordsbip's kindncss, a
    greateful tribute to Mr. Vanderheyden for his friendly exer.
    tions, a full share of compliments to myself' and ended
    with a requcst that Mr. Vanderheyden might be allowcd to
    work unitcdly with me (Knox)'. It was, howcyer, convcycd
    to him that thc arrangemcnt he demanded was to cause my
    inconvenience and thereforc migbt not bc accepted.
    Antony met Knox thc ncxt morning at about 6
    o'clock. He gave him 'the Raja's assuratrces and regards'.
    But hc also told bim that thc 'Raja desired Knox to dis-
    rcgard any message which hc might send, and to pay no
    attcntion even to written papcr under his seal', Antony
    was asked to tell Knox that'Rana Bahadur was surrounded
    by people in whom he could rot confidc and who wcre
    selfrsh enough to betray him'.
    Knox assured him tbat hc would be cautious having
    regard to this warning. But he was pained that the ex-king
    of Nepal was so indiscrect as to 'employ a man of Antony's
    character, e fellow without a friend, so blunt and mean,
    whose sole purpose was to alieoate the Raja from his

    20. rbid.
    12 Modern Nepal

    respectable adherents'. Knox reported that worse than


    employment of Antony for confidential purpose he had
    ma.dc a friend of one of the four peons sent by Vanderhey-
    dcn to wait on him. To this peon who always lived by his
    bedsidc Rana Bahadur 'communicated all his hopes, fears
    and suspicions'. The peon's advice is sought on important
    issues. This pcon had become indispensible to him so much
    so that Knox was requested to keep him in attendance
    permanently. Knox was to refusc 'credit to any report
    to his prejudice'. He commented that there could be
    no better instance of the ex-ruler's indiscretion and
    imprudence.

    Rana against Gajaraj Misra


    Rana Bahadur had avoided mentioning Gajaraj Misra
    by name as the man who did not enioy his confidence. But
    according to Knox's letter of July 14, 1800, this fact was
    conveycd to him on the l3th by Antony. Antony also
    told him that if thc Raja had dcsired that 'Vanderheyden
    should bc the mcdium of his correspondence with the
    Governor-General' it was due to 'the suggestion of the
    Misra'. Knox thought that this was a dcvice to .create
    coldness between himself and Misra and would have
    influenced him had he not known that Rana Babadur
    himself felt to be bencfited by the medium of Vanderhey-
    dcn. On that very day Knox's Munshi also brought a
    messsage from the Raja that Gajaraj Misra would be sent
    to him to talk on financial matters. But if he talked
    anything else this should be taken as corning from'the
    enemy'. At 4 p,m. in the afternoon Guru Gajaraj Misra
    c&me to see Captain Kuox and had a long conversation.
    He did not utter a single word of 'disrespect to the Raja'.
    Rather he was pained that his disciple was suspicious and
    regarded all as 'perfiilious'. Only those who were least
    ontitled to trust were, mado exception of. Knox assured
    Exit of Rana Bahadur thah l3
    him that the Misra retained his confidencc2l. Gajaraj told
    him that all property he possessed in Banaras were placcd
    at thc ex-ruler's disposal. But this was of no consequencc.
    Rana Bahadur was determined not to accept money from
    Nepal, so hc looked to the British for his immediate support.
    The Misra did not 'from a sense of propriety givc hint'
    about the tenor of his expenditure. The Guru furthcr told
    him on inquiry that he could not say if Rana Bahadur
    would be accepted back by the powers that be in bis capital.
    He also, warned that should Knox'bid him cntirely under
    the influence of men without talents, character, of cootroc-
    tion, he would not be able to assess his truc position and
    prospect'. Gajaraj Misra expressed the hopo that those in
    thc Administration in Kathmandu werc willing'to enter
    into friendly engagements with tbe British'.
    On thc l6th of July Knox had another interview with
    Rana Bahadur. For half an hour the talk was held in the
    proscnce of his courtiers, but later they were left alonc.
    Knox in the usual manner conveyed 'his lordship's cordial
    assurances of friendship, and told him that the Govcrnor
    wilt attend in the minutest manncr to whatever subjcct of
    a private nature without a moment's delay'. According
    to Knox the ex-king of Nepal reciprocated his sentimcnts
    and said that it was because he regarded the British
    as friends he had taken'refuge in their tcrritory. IIc
    also wanted to cement this friendship .for agesl. But he
    necdcd 'some explicit form of assistance' and this fact had
    bcen known to thc Governor-General. Knox drew attention
    to the Governor-General's letter to him, which was an
    evidence of the latter'sanxiety about the welfarc of Rana
    Bahadur. Knox would communicatc any private confiden-
    tial views the Ncpalese prince might like to reach thle
    Governor-General. Knox asked about the extent of asri$-
    tance he (Rana) expectcd from the British. The Governoi

    21, N, l-3,25 August, 1800, Segret Dept,


    14 -llodan Ncpal
    would also likc to kDow how ho could hclp thc princc'for
    thc furthcranco of his wishcs'. Thc Govcrnor.Gencral
    wantcd 'previous information regarding his vicw which
    might dccidc hie lor.dship how to act io a mannct most
    conducivc to his advantagc'. Captain Knox warncd him
    against ldanger ofcmployiog, in confidcncc, pcolle whose
    charactcr had not bccn wcll c.tablishcd', He was refcrring
    to AEtoDy, Captain Knox also spokc of Guru Gaj.araj
    Misra, saying that thc lattcr had bcen an objcct of unfound-
    cd calumnicr to bc in turn distrusted by his oastcr'2':. But
    Raua Bahadur said that 'Gajaraj Misra was a party to a
    conspiracy with his uncle Bahadur Shah who wanted to
    kill him, atrd this circumstance was not a matter of
    suspicion but of positivc knowledge'23, On being asked why
    the Guru was stili €mploycd on importanl state assignments,
    Rana Bahadur said that hc would not like the Misra to play
    thc role of an agcnt bctwcen th€ British aod himself for
    that would give him advantages. But be was arranging to
    scnd him to Nepal with tha cxpectation of 'his being ablc to
    form a party sufficicntly strong to displace thc presert
    rcbels and to pave tho way for his own restoration'. Rana
    Bahadur also told him that Bam Shah and his brothcr werc
    in Kumaon and that in saying they were in Kathmandu
    Gajaraj Misra had 'cither was himsclf misinformed or bad
    intentionally dcccived me (Knox)'ea.
    Knox had the impression that Rana Bahadur did.not
    dcsirc British mediation. If he had talkcd loose bcforc
    his scrvants that'hctwishcd to go back homc &ftcr the rains
    with a British army' this was just to intimidatc the autho-
    rities in Kathmandu. He wantcd to scnd to Nepal thc
    Guru on his own without thc knowledge of th€ British
    because he thought to achicvc his objective 'witbout lbc

    17 N. 1.!(3)-25 August, s!c. Dept


    23. rbid.
    24. rbid.
    Exlt o{ Rand Bahadur thah 15

    intcrposition of his Lordship'. From this Knox suspccts


    that thc cx-ruler's'distrust of his Guru was an artificc to
    pcnetratc thc dcsigns of our Govcrnmcnt'. Captain Knox
    informs Col. Kirkpatrick that the situation was unccrtain
    because of so many factors and: io th€ circuostanccs hc
    would just avoid any tind of commitmcnt. But hc would
    reply to Rana Bahadur that he (Captain Knox) 'would
    earnestly contribute his friendly exertions for thc rcstoration
    of the Rajah, or i! the cvcnt of this being utterly utrprsctic-
    able, would listcn to such terDs'from the existiBg rirlers in
    Nepal as might improve and sccurc the friendly relatioEs
    betwccn thc two countrics'2 6.
    Gajaraj lcfi for Kathmandu soon after as Rana waotcd:
    He was on a mission from both Rana Bahadur and tho
    British. Thc Minister did not intend to carry out objcctivc
    of Rana Babadur who wanted to exploit the Guru's scrviccs
    against his enemy. for his own ends, Gajaraj lnew that
    Rana Bahadur did not belicvc his bonafides. His objectivc
    was clandcstine. But Rana wqs the king's father. So be could
    not refusc. to go to KathmaDdu while hc was ordcred by tht
    ox-king. For this reason he was the messengqt of thc kitrg
    to all appearances. But he was also on a diffcrcDt mission,
    which was yital. The English wanted him to know what
    w8s actually.going on in Kdthmandu. He was also askcd
    to talk to the authoritics there about Raua Bahadur. In
    short hc was to contitrue thc talk raiscd in thc letters of
    the king to the GG. The qucstion of a trcaty wa6
    evcr in the mind of Lord Wellesley. Now with Rana
    Bahadur in their custody the GG thought it biSh tibc to
    pursuc the thrcad of ncgotiation. And who could be a morc
    trustworthy man than Gajaraj Misra, who had bclped thc
    British during Kirkpatrick's visit to Nepal ? Gajaraj Misra
    had been asked by thc British to raisc all thes€ qucstions

    25, rbid
    16 Modtn Nepal

    whilc in Kathmandu and cullivatc thc promincDt nc! in


    the administration on bchalf of thc British.
    Gajaraj Misra was liviog in Bansras gince Rara abdi-
    catcd. Hc was not cven a signatory to the coppcrptatc,
    through which Girvana Juddba was dcclarcd king. Hc had
    lcft Nrpal a littlc carlier thsn Raoa Bahadur. Gajaraj
    Misra was supposcd to bc trcutral and the miniatcrs in Kath-
    mandu rcally thought him to b€ so. But Rana dccply
    suspcctcd him of lcaniug on b is opponents.
    Guru Gajaraj Misra, thc ex-kiog's spirituel tutor
    who was living in Banaras st thc timc Rana rcachcd rnd
    joincd th€ cx-king's cntoursgc to scrve in onc capacity or
    anothcr, will he scarccly cnjoyed thc confidcncc of Rana.
    But thc ex-king rcadily acccptcd the Guru's scrvices, IIc
    was appointcd a. liaisoa ofrccr to d.al with thc GG rnd
    Captain Knox in his bchalf. Rsna kncw that Gajaraj Mi6ra
    commandcd soine influcnce with thc British and hc cnjoycd
    thrir patrotrage having scrved thcm itr cotrcluding a tradc
    trcaty with Ncpal and hclping Ki;kpatrick to go to Kath.
    mandu in 1793. Rana thought that through Gajarsj hc
    would bc ablc to gct British favour to win back bis kingdom.
    But hc manipulatcd in such a Danncr thst this was Dot
    achicvcd through thc Guru.
    In thc beginning Rana uscd Gajarajk serviccs as aa
    cmissary cven to go to Kathmaodu for contacts. But
    Gajaraj was clevef cnough to r€ad tb€ ex-king's miod. Hc
    fclt all th€ whilc that hc was just bcing cxploitcd to scrvc
    th€ cx-king's intcrest, which was to returD to Ncpal.
    In a lcttcr of July l9th Knox informr thc Sccrctsry
    that two lcttcrs, onc from the'Raja and anotbcr from thc
    Guru'had been despatchcd to thc Covernor-General. Thcsc
    lettcrs wcre brought to him by ADtony with whom he had
    furthcr talks, Knox advised Antony to usc tbc confidcncc
    reposcd in him by the ex-king 'to advisc bim not to do
    aoything likely to exasperate thc wholc natiou'. But Antony
    gaid tha! 'none of his advice haS cficat op him wilh hig
    Exl,, o! Rana BaLa&tr Sluh l7
    tempor to do things qulckly, not brooking any dcldy. Tho
    King practised extreme fotm of cruclty if hc had to punirh
    his scrvants aod ofrcers. Flogging and cuttiog off aoecg
    and cars wae common whcn hc ruled. Kiag Rana Bahadur
    had cvctr floggcd Damodat Pendc, aa important onccr ot
    statc. Whilc his wife had died hc dcscctat.d thc imagcr,
    dcmolishcd the temple and killcd thc Brahman pricrtr-
    somc of whom wcre dcprived of casto" Antoay rovcalcd
    thet by scndiog Gajaraj Misra to Kathmandu Ran8
    Bahadur thouSht that 'thc Misra tay bc eblc to cffact his
    return to powcr'. Rana Bahadur proposcd to bccono
    Regent and Chicf Minister until his son comPlctcd his
    17th ycsr. Hc also would punish all tho6c who wGtc itr
    his son's Government at that tiEe. Antony thought
    that thcsc desircs 'werc wild and impracticable' bccausc
    thosc in powcr in Kathmandu were people of undoubtcd
    worth, and thc cntire country supported them. But
    ifRana Bahadur promiscd to lead a retircd life in Ncpsl'
    pcrhaps he could go and obtain pension ofRt' 2,00,000/-
    a year.
    Although only ll days had passed since Rara Bahadur
    had forwardcd his demand for pecuniary assiatancc from
    thc British he was constatrtly reminding Captain Knox of
    this fact, As thc Governor'Gcneral had not rcplied, hc
    satisfi€d the Ncpalcse prince by saying that morc than s
    fortnight was nccessary for reply to rcach Banaras from
    Calcutta. Meanwhile Rana Bahadur's request 'for a routrd
    trimmed hot with f€athers for his own wcaring' was
    attcndcd to, Rana Bahadur was very happy whcn told
    that this was worn by Gcneral ofrccrs in thc British
    establishment. Although Rana Bahadut pleadcd for thc
    conferment of a mark of distinction by Knox on Antony
    similar to that given to Gajaraj Misra, the Captain awardcd
    just two shawls to the Portuguese quack. He had refuscd
    to acccpt Antony as Vakil, ol Royal reprcsentativc, but
    thcn thc 'Raja's lowered requcst for a turbaD, goshwara
    It Moilen Ncpal
    putka,?6 e;n'd ts,o picccs ofbloth in addition'would not go
    in vain and this was grantcd.l?
    Meanwhilc from the intcrvicws Knox had with Rana
    from tims to timc bc was getting a clue as to the workiDg
    of his mind. Knox felt Rana Bahadur was aleo not sccking
    any oediation of the British in his dispute with the
    authorities in Nepal until his demands for ffnancial
    rcsourccs had been m6t. Meanwhilc Gajaraj Misra had
    departcd and Antony was sppoitrted Vakil in his placc,
    Antony came to sce KDox on the morning of the 26th July
    to inform him of this appointment. Captain Knox thought
    that this was the most indiscreet act oftheex-Kingand
    he reportcd to the Govcrnor-Ceneral that .this coafirms
    what I have heard, that s,hilst on the Musnecd, he
    considered neitber birtb, nor talents entitlcd to the l€ast
    regard, but thought bis favour alone sufficient to promotc
    the meanest to the high€st degrce of rcspect and
    consideration',2 3
    Oa being repeatedly approached by Rana Bahadur the
    British Captain informed Col. W. Kirkpatrick in his letter
    ofAugust 8, 1800 that the Raja was persuaded to lower his
    demand for an allowancc to meet the expenses for apparels,
    articlcs of subsistence for himsclf and Ranis and followers
    to Rs, 17,000 per menscm, The application for such a sum
    was mcntioned in the letter to Knox, ,as Rana Bahadur
    thought it repugnant to write to the Gov€rnor- General
    about his necessities in a personal address'.20 Rana Bahadur
    had also dropped the idea of arting for an advance of a
    ycar's expenses as well as monthly allowance (double of
    what he had agrced), which he had pressed for earlier.
    Rana Bahadur however, wanted to make it known to thc
    'Governor-General tbat he hoped separate fund for apparel,
    26. A long rraist band of cloth.
    27. N. I-3(3)-25 August, Forcign aDd Sec. Departmc!t.
    28. N. 5,25 August, 1800, Sec. Depattment.
    29. Ibid.
    Exlt o! Ratu Baladw thah 19

    furniturc and proper equipmcnt'. Knox whilc writing to


    the secretary added his own recommcndation in the
    following words,' 'But it is certainly truc ihat his
    unavoidablc expenses must be heavy, for his Ranecr havc
    numerous fcmslc attetrdaots atd his followcrt, I undcrstand,
    excced 300 am'ongst his unclc Bulbhudder (Bala Bhadra)
    Shah, Pcrann (Prana) Shah, Jadur Bhur and Dul Munghum
    (Dalabhanjan) who ore of the fir8t familles in Ncpal and
    will rcquirc a libcral assistancc.'8 0

    Hakim Antony
    Through Hakim Antony Rana Bahadur Shah scnt a
    mcssage to Knox that Dinatha Upadhya migbt be allowed
    to procced to Banaras. It was said that thc Upadhya was
    bcing detained at Calcutta, although boats wcre rcady to
    carry him to Banaras, Edmonstone had advised thc Upa"
    dhya to seek Rana Bahadur's intcrccssion to thc Dritish
    for trsnsit aud pcrmission,
    The ex-king sent bis rcquest in a written form 'on bcing
    told to do this which was immediately despatchcd to
    Calcutta'. Ktrox wanted to kDow from Antony thc pur-
    posc of his master's sceking the attendance of Dinatrathr
    and he was told that the latter was regarded as onc of
    those siding with his enemies in Ncpal. Antony addcd
    "it was not to listetr to the Upadhyaya's advice as Kaox
    had wished that he was called to Banaras, but to kccp him
    under his cye, and watch his conduct with thc most jcalour
    attention."3l
    Captain Knox reports that the cx-king was cxhibiting
    distrust of all the mcn of importance who had accompani€d
    him to Banaras. He wrote to Vendcrhcyden to know of
    thc real purpose of Balbhadra Shah'! visit to him, and of
    hir offering him a Khillat, Prana Shah complaincd to Knox
    30. n. 1, 28 August, 1800, Sac. Dept.
    31. rbid.
    !0 llodun NcPal

    in a rnossagc that hc was being watched and not allowed to


    mcet hil fricnds including Knox.
    Captain Knox in his letter of September, 20th rcported
    that thc 'Raja hbs suspended his decision respecting the
    pecuniary aid'.s' According to Knox thc Nepalesc
    authorities in Kathmandu had wanted him to desist from
    taking pecuniary aid from the British so that 'an ample
    sum could come from that quarter' and he was advised to
    avoid British help by his foliowers also this prospect.
    But Rana Bahadur one day appeared before Knox with a
    letter addrcsscd to the Governor-General. He was
    accompanied by Prana Shah, Parasuram Thapa and
    Raghunath Pandit. The circumstances of his appearance
    Knox describes thus: 'he came in the late afternoon but so
    extremely oppressed by the intense heat of the sun as to
    be unable to speak for sevcral minutes. He acquired ease
    when sprinkled plentifully with rose water'. Rana Bahadur
    plcaded that 'his only hope of safety for his son, and
    preservation of the sovercignty in the line of his family
    rested on the help the British rendered to him'. The ex-
    king wanted thc letter to GG despatched at an auspicious
    moment on September 19, 1t00 as recommended by the
    astrologer.
    For the information of his Government Captain Knox
    estimated the Nepalese troops with firearms at 18 or 19000.
    Therc were 25000 military who were called Guhars assem-
    bled on special occassions.

    Rana Bahadur's Appealfor Military help


    lVhile a reply to his demand for monetary assistance
    was being awaited by Knox, the ex-king who was sitting
    impaticntly wrote a letter to the Governor-Gencral under
    his seal with a strong plea to hclp him militarily. Hc
    argued that the British should hclp him in the act of his

    32. rbid.
    Exlt ol Rana Bahadur Shah 2l
    gctting back the powers of statc in Ncpal, Thc lettor ir
    dated l9th Scp.tcmber, 1800. He bcgaa by saying'ho know
    that thc British wcre otre of thc bravcst nstions disposcd to
    irrove thc slaims of mcn of rank and fricnds aad truo to
    their engagcments; and thcrcfore hc camc ro their htrdr:
    He not only wantcd shclter but also cvcry Assistancc atrd
    kindness from tho Govcrnor-Gcncral to fight th6sc ctio
    had treachcrously actcd against him and had dcprivcd bid
    of lcgitimatc powcrs38. Thes€ peoplo now in power had
    wanted to place on the tbronc LuttrraD Shah Ruddcr
    Shah, ncphew. of Krisna Shah. He sought punishD.lt
    for the traitors who in thoir Eomcrlt of triumph had
    forgottcn all thc favours hc had showod thcm. Ho
    wantcd to educate the child King and to tgkc chatge of him
    and the statc administratiotr till he camc of agc. Thc
    Governor-Gencral must hclp him in his endeavour to put
    himsolf back into power as the Rcgcat of thc Kingdoo.
    Rana Bahadur was alsd prcvonting byall mcans his
    followcrs from contacting Knox and Vsndcrhcydcn so thst
    hc rcmaincd the only channcl of commuaication,
    Io the rcply lo thc l3 lcttcts of Knox, rf,. Kirkpatrick'
    secrctary to thc Political and Forcign D€partmcDt, informcd
    him of the Govcrnor,gcncral's coDs€nt to grant Rana
    Bahadur a sum of R8. 12,000/- to rcpay his cxpcnscs sincc hc
    had bcen at Banaras and for th€ futurc. His Lordohip
    autborired thc Coltector of Banaras to makc advancc from
    time to tiEc 'on your applicatioo to an cxtcnt not ercccding
    thc rat€ of Rs. 6,000/- pcr month'8{. This was nota moothly
    allowance but'was to bc undcrstood in that charactcr whc!
    occasional payments had to be madc'.8! This Dcant
    that ths British wcrc not prcparcd lo givc him moro than
    Rs. 6,000/- pcr month. Rana Bahadur was to think that
    31. o. 18,2 Octobcr, 1800, Sec. Dept. Thc lcttcr wes rrccivcd
    by tbe Goveroor-Geleral o! 26th ScptcEbcr, 1800.
    34. Scc. Dept., Octoba!, 1800, u. 18.
    i5, Ibid.
    22 Modern Ncpal
    th€ Britiih wcrc unable to give him a grcater sum. But he
    wa! assurcd that due provision shall be made for all his
    pccuniary warts ro long as the .circumstanccs of His lligb-
    ncss's situation shall render such aid necessary'3.. Knox
    wa! iostructed to takc an acknowledgement receipt from
    tho cr.king if hc voluntecred othcr\ryisc from the mcn who
    rcceived th€ sum in his bchalf. The iDsistcrcc on receipt wa6
    'to cnablc, if his Lordship tbinks propcr to demand rcpay-
    mcnt of thesc advanccs from the actusl GoverD4ent of
    Ncpal'8 7.
    It appcars that Rana Bahadur was making cxtrcmc
    cforts to sttain his objcctivc of seizirg power. Hc
    intioatcd thc Govcrnor-General that thcre wcre in Ncpal
    ooly ,l(),000 troops, of thesc 5000 are muskcteere with j0
    picccs of ordinancc, 3000 archers and 6000 armed with
    sabrcs, and 200 rocket men, the rest ar€ irregular6'. Rana
    Bahadur rcgarded'Danodhar (Damodar), Kurnomsnn
    (Kirtiman) of the tribc of slavcs, RaDjit a Khctry, permul
    (Prabal) Raana, Nurggra (Narasingh) and Srikishao Shah as
    his sworn encmies'. Rana Bahadur plcad€d that if on his
    hooc going therc was opposition, '9 baltalions of scpoys and
    ooc battaliotr of Europcans with a largc oftccr will cosure
    succcss'r8. Hc suggested that the fronticrs on Morang and
    Butwal wcrc also to be propcrly guarded so that .nonc may
    comc to thc assistance of thc eneDy'. He assured thc
    Govcrnor-General tbat the dread of his prcsencc and thc
    troops accompanyiDg him 'will lead to the capitulation of
    thc Govcrnmcnt in Kathmandu'30. Rana Babadur would
    repay thc assistance of the British 'once he was rcinststcd
    in my Government I will repay all the charges of the troops
    in thc usuel manner by instalments, and will fulfill any
    stipulatioo of attachment and alliancc and matc such
    36. Ibid.
    37. I bid.
    38. Ibid.
    39. rbid.
    Exit of Rata Bahadur Sluh 23
    rcmuneratiotr for service rendcred as may bc consirtcnt
    with such a system of union and concord, &Dd Eay satisfy
    your Lordship'a o.
    According to Knox the letter was despatchcd on th€
    same day it was rcceived by hiq. RaDa Bahadur had
    personally handcd thc letter to Knox. It was dong in a
    dramatic way with all the gusto of pathos and dieplay of
    injurcd innocence.
    Rana Bahadur had annexed long leaters with the same
    contetrts cach to thc other mcmbers of thc Governor-
    Gcncral's couacil but these were returnrd to Knox on thc
    ground that thc practice of corrcsponding with individual
    membcrs of the council on th€ subject of native princcs and
    stotes was uoprecedcnted and .highly irrcgular and unpro-
    pcr'. Rana Bahadur did not acccpt th€ r€turncd lett.rs but
    asked Knox to dcstroy thcm for 6uch Don.acccptancc would
    havc lowcred him in thc eyes of his peoplc,ar,

    Gojaruj Misra Returns from Nepal


    In the meantime Guru Gajaraj Misra arrived back
    after his sojourn to Nepal Hc was met on the way about
    2 Kos (4 milcr) farther from Banaras by Maulvi Abdul
    Kadir. Koox was informcd by thc local magistrate that
    Rana Bahadur was attempting to climinatc his Guru
    physicallya2. Therefolc hc requcsted thc magistrate to
    take security measures as a prccaution. It was sko reported
    to Knox that Rana Bahadur was bcing advised by his
    mcn to escape from the protectiotr oftbc British. Knox
    wrote that this meant'his ruin but h€ is an unpredictablc
    character aod he may bc rash enough to do, as he fclt'as.

    40. Ibid.
    41. Knox's le!ter, Scptembcr, 1800. !'orei!D S€c. Dept , l5 January,
    1801, d.4.
    42, Kilkpatrick ro Koox, loth SeptcEblt, 1800, For. Sec.
    Dept., 15 Ja!. 1601, o.5.
    43, Forcigo Scc. DeDt., l5 Jaluary, l8Ol. n. G.
    24 Modcn Ncpol
    Kuox wa[tcd a clcar instruction td dcal with the situotion
    of Rrna Bshadur if hc wcnt out of his custodyra.
    It appcars that for about 4 months sincc Octobcr thcrc
    was no furthei approach on bebalf of Rana Babadur. Both
    hcaud thc English sccmcd to haye bccn bidiog timc for
    thc outcome of thc visit ofGajaraj Misra to Ncpala6, But
    now as thc Misra was back, all parties bccamc activc,

    Repofi ol Rana Bahaduls Destre to Etcape


    From thc Sccrctary's lettcr to Knox it appcars tbat tbc
    British wcrc dctcrmined to take 'cffectual mratrs to dctain
    Rana Bahadur if pcrsuasion as to his pcrsonal safety,
    distrces and inconvenicncc to prcvcnt him lcaving thcm
    failod'46. It was said that the British having spent 80 much
    on thc cx-king's account for his security and accommoda-
    tion'had acquircd a right to sccurc by cvery just and practi.
    cablc m€asurc thc attainment of th€ political bcncfits to bc
    cxpcctcd by mcdiatiog thc diffcrence betwecn tbc Raja and
    thc ruling powcr in Ncpal, and thar the Raja of Nepal docs
    not posscss thc right to deprivc thc British Governmcnt of
    thos€ €xpcctcd bcnefits by withdrawiog himsclf from thc
    protection of thc British power without his Lordship's
    coosstrt and approbation'a7. Knox was askcd to maintain
    vigilanca a!4 kcep watch on rhe Rajaa8 if hc clandcstincly
    tficd to cscspc.
    Captain Knox bad warncd Anthony rhat as hc was
    I coofidant of thc cx-king, it was his duty to stop him
    from such a coursc bf action. Antony would rcccivc
    duc rcward if hc did anything in that dircction to servc

    4{. Knox to Kirtpatrick, February 5, l80l. For. Scc. Dcpt.,


    19 Mrrch, lml, tr. 81.
    45. For,8!c. Dept., 19 MErch, 1801, !.84.
    {6.: Xtor to Socrctsry, 25 Fab.uary, 1801.
    ,17. Ibid.
    48. Ibid.
    Extt of Rana Bahadu Shah 25

    thc British. Thc Portugucsc quack agrccd, He also in-


    formcd thc Captain that Rana Bahadur had cngagcd sonc
    arood mcn two months back in thc hopc of gottiog military
    assistancc from thc British and that somc of thcsc mcn
    wcrc yct rctaitrcd.ae
    But thc rcport of thc intendcd escapc of Rana
    Bahadur was basclcss.60 According .to Knor the 'Raja
    sccms to bc fully conscious of the value of British
    protcction, and to be thoroughly conccrncd, that no
    eolcmnity of oaths bc a suffcient sccurity for bis libcrty,
    cvcn his lifc, wcrc he to rcturn to Ncpal, without his
    Lord's modiatioa'.! I
    Aftcr hir arritval Gajaraj Misra saw Ceptain Knox
    and had I talk with him for two hours on thc l2th of
    Fcbruery, 1801. Aftcr narraring tbc details ofhisjourncy
    to and from Kothmsndu he gavc a rcport on the ststc of
    afrairs in thc cspital. Thc nobility wcre dividcd, but all
    wichcd to havc friendly ries with thc Britfub. Gajar0j
    Misra tried to imprcss thcm with thc urgent nccd of agrec-
    iag British mcdidtion in thc disputc bctwcen Rana Babadur
    and thc Kathmandu adEinistration. To this pcrsuasion
    thcy s€cm to yicld but .lctter6 from thc Raj+ and his
    adhcrcnts rcprcscDtcd the Misra as cold to thc Britisb, and
    rcekiog hir privstc advantagc in the destruction of thc
    indcpendcncc of Ncpal went to countcrsct his movc,.
    But as Knox rcportcd 'Cajaraj Misra had returncd with
    dcputics from importrnt familics of Nepsl to lcarn from
    mc (Knox) thc naturc of the Govcrnor-Gcncral's plcasuro'.
    At this stsgc Knox accuscs Misra of digrcssion aDd acting
    agsinst thc trust imposed on him by tho Britsh. Hc doas
    not likc thc Misra telling him all along about Rsna
    Bahadur'e strange behsviour aud crucl conduct, ctc, He
    49. Koox to Sect€rary, 25 February, l8ol, For. Sec. Dert., 16
    April, 1801, o. l3l.
    ,0. Klox to EdEo[stolc, 2l Fcbturry, ltol, !. 127.
    51. Ibid.
    26 Moden Ncpal
    wantcd just to know wh€ther a ;agir would be settlcd
    on thc Raja to an adcquatc degree. Misra comdunicated
    that thc Nepal Government would likc to settle a J4gr, on
    Rana Bahadur. Thcn tbe question of establishing a
    rcsidcncc in Kathmandu was raised. Knox said that'this
    was quite necessary kceping in view the need to increase
    natural goodwill, and to produce the happiest consequel-
    ccs'. Knox complains tbat Gajaraj Misra gave a confused
    rcply, but suggested that questi(,ns might be taken up
    aftcr the rainy season was over. Kqox suspected Gajaraj
    Misra's profession of friendship towards tbe British.
    He said in his letter to the Secretary6, : I asked straight
    to Misra, should be write to thc Governor.Gcncral that
    all that Gajaraj had achieved was to secure a pronise from
    Kathmsndu to settle a jagir on the ex-ruler just to keep him
    from being dependent on tbe bounties of a foreign Govern-
    ment. At this the Guru 'indicated an uneasincss, and
    implored Knox to defer writing to Calcutta by two days
    assuring him that he might get somethiog more from the
    deputics. He came again to meet Knox on the l4th,
    The dcputics had been approached to realisc lhc necessily
    for coming forward with definite proposals to satisfy the
    British. They had told him that Damodar Pande and
    officer had accept€d the proposal of establisbing a British
    residcncy in Nepal, but some delay was unavoidable in
    viewof thenecd to prepare thc situation for a measure
    so rcpugnant to thc minds of the people'. Gajaraj on his
    part was to assure Knox that thc British proposal would
    be accepted in Nepal at the required time.
    Knox was disappointed of the results of Gajaraj s
    oission to Nepal. He and his bosses in Calcutta had
    bccn induced to entertain hopes that the treaty would
    be signed as soon as he came back, Knox reminded the
    Guru tfuat their previous talls had led him to thiqk eo.

    52. ibid.
    Exit of Rana Bahadw Shah 21
    But now hc would not bc hasty in forming impressions
    at thc formative stage of the undertaking. The Misra,
    howevcr, would earn th€ recognitiotr of tbe British Govern-
    mcnt'for nc,critorious services if he fulfilled his promise
    with the sioccrity of his zeal'.6e But Knox learnt from
    Abdul Kader thst'should other concessions be necessary6 a
    for tbc attainment of their desire to come to thc settlement
    of a pension $chcme about Rana Babadur, tbc Misra'
    'had the authority in conjunction with his collcagucs,
    to agrcc to the cstablishmeDt of a ResidcDt uDdcr
    ccrtain private stipulations, of which thc principal has
    for its objcct thc security of Damodar pande and his family
    undcr the protection of the British Govcrnment.,66
    As it will follow Gajaraj Misra had goDe to Kath.
    mandu ostcnsibly to briog deputies from Kathmandu
    at thc British suggcstion. Thcse were to n€gotiate with
    Rana Bahadur over his pension as wcll as talk to thc
    British on the issue of the treaty. Through Gajaraj Misra
    thc ministcrs in Kathmandu wcre alrcady appriscd of the
    necd for a trcaty with the British if Rana Bahadur werc
    to bc put undcr check. Herc in Banaras thc ex-king was
    told that he must come to terms with the Nepal government
    if hc was to bc carcfree about his livclihood. He was told
    thea hc must pur full faith in thc goodvill of thc British
    authoritics, Thcy would ncver allow tbe ex-king to starve.
    Their effort would be to cnable Rana livc in suitable
    digaity and honour. Gajaraj Misra has impresscd the
    authorities ia Nepal that the British werc their fricnd and
    Rana Bahadur io tbeir care would mean no thrcat to tbe
    administration, Gajaraj Misra beiog a partisan of thc
    anti-Rana group must havc adviscd Damodar pande, lhe
    Basncts and others to be cautious in dealing with
    tbe
    British. The British had madc thcir position clear from
    53. lbid.
    54. Ibid.
    s5. Ibid.
    2t Modem Nepal

    thc bcginning that the Anglo-Nepalese relation must bc


    comcntcd through a trcaty incorporating cxchairge of rc-
    prcscntatives. Therefore the dcputies who had accom-
    panicd Gajaraj Misra were in no doubt about thcir mission
    vis-a-vis the British, They knew that they wcrc in Banaras
    trot only to talk with Rana Bahadur but also to ncgotiatc a
    trcaty with thc Britisb.
    As soon as thc deputies arrivcd they slartcd conversa-
    tion with Rana Bahadur, whilc Gajaraj Misra had a scrics
    of mecting with Knox about his mission to Kathmandu
    and thc ministcrs' reaction to the proposal.
    Thc original proposal was to allow Rana Bahadur to
    comc to a settlcment with the Ncpelese deputies as rcgards
    his pcnsion whilc Gajaraj Misra was to finalisc thc tcrms
    of thc trcaty with Knox, which was also to incorporatc a
    provision sanctioning cxchange of representativcs betwcen
    the two countrics. Wc shall see that Rana'i talks with
    Nepalcse dcputi€s had failed so that the handle for
    machioation fell automatically to the English who cntcrcd
    into thc arcs as an intermediary in a position to balance
    thc two warring partics.

    Proposals of a net Treaty


    Gajaraj Misra conveyed bis proposal of a ncw agree-
    mcnt on the l8th of February. This would envisagc a
    trcaty with the folltowing conditions: (l) that tbcrc shall bc
    perpctual pcacc and friendship bct$ccn the two statcs, the
    cnemics and friends of the one to be thc cnemies and
    fricnds of the other, (2) a Jagir to be settled on the fugitive
    Raja, (3) a resident to be established at Kathmandu, (4)
    Iastly, rcgulations respectiog commercc to be hcrcafter
    discussed, and formed by mutual conscnt. Bcfore the
    couclusion of the treaty a refetence to Kathmandu was
    uacessary for approval and th€rc miEht be alterations and
    this would itvolvor soEctiEe more not withstandiDg the
    approach of the tai!y soaion'
    Exlt ol Rqno Salwlur thoh ,9
    Captain Knox fclt disgurtcd 8t thc rcplics and expla-
    nations givcn by Gajaraj Misra. Knor could not brook
    any dclay in thc way of an agrcement, It is difrcult lo
    ssy what rolc Gajaraj Misra was playing, whcthcr his scr-
    vilc attitudc towardr thc British was fcigned to bo a tulc
    a8 to hir real intcntion, which was to frustratc British
    dcsigua or it was actuatcd by a selfish molivc to gct
    rcwards from them. But st cvery inSlancc Koox uscd to
    threatcn him that if thc British. intention of an alliancc
    wasnot fulfilled, thc. tru6t imposcd on thc Mista qould
    bo withheld and his hopcs of future favours of our Govcrn-
    rirent' would bo dashcd to pieccs. It appcars that Gajaraj
    Misra was acting in thc intcrest of thc company's Govcm-
    mcnt for hc was often rcferring to himself as a'confdant
    of the Governor-General'.66 In thc beginning Knox had
    r€sp€ct for his pcrsonality but later .he uscd to bchavc
    with bim as if hc was a person utrder heavy obligation of
    thc Britich. Sometime Knox even chidcd him wben bc
    had thc occasion to doubt his loyalty. Gajaraj Miara
    submittcd if any threat was uscd by him. At onc timc
    hc had dismissed him from his presencc saying that hc
    had no timc to attcnd to his privato opiniontT.
    Knox had misundcrstqod Gajaraj and his opinion
    of thc Misra's motive was wrongly foroed. But Knox
    was pcrsirting in his views, and rebuking the Misra for
    thc slow pacc of thc negotiation.
    .Hc reportcd that Gajaraj Misra was playing a fraud
    on thc Bfitish.
    Thc British had thought that with Rana Bahadur in
    their hands they would dictatc a treaty to thc Nepalcsc.
    Thcy did not want to losc timc for this end, Hcncc Knor'r
    anger arising out of frustration. Knox evcn proposed to
    put all the Nepalese in Banaras undcr survcillaacc'8,
    56. Lcttar, 19 Fabruary, 1801. For. Seq. Dept,, 19 March, 1801, n. E,
    57. rbid.
    58. For. Scc. Dopt., 19 March, 1801, D, 126.
    30 Modarn Nepal
    Thoy wcre to be m&do to rcport Knox whcn they cntcrad thc
    cityatrd rcport occassionally to thc police during thcir
    3tay.
    Knox had the apprchcnsion thst thc Ncpalcsc dcputice
    might comc to tcrms privatcly with Rans Bahadur. Hc
    thought that if cvery cntry of the Ncpalcsc was thoroughly
    chcckcd up and thc cmissary was known, then alonc tbcir
    rcal intcntion could be discovered.
    Still Gajaraj Misrs scted as a ncgotiator bctwcc! thc
    Bast India Company's Govcrnment and Ncpal. To tcmovc
    ruspicion in thc minds of thc Company's ofrccts sbout his
    bonafidcs hc appcalcd to the Govcrtror'Gencral dircct 'to
    arsurc him that apparcntly h€ was undcrtaking thc journcy
    at thc behcst of thc Raja but ultimat€ly, it is therc to fulflll
    thc obj€ctivc 'of your Lordship's wishcs'60' To the
    Govcrnor-Gencral's knowlcdge he wrote tbst although
    the administrators in Kathmandu werc sinccrely dcsirous
    of the fricndship 8nd satisfaction of thc British Govcrn'
    mcnt 'yct the exiled ruler's communications tcndiDg to
    countoract it'had created obstacles in thc way of achicvc-
    mentoo.
    He addcd that through thc Govcrnor-Gcneral'e favour
    hc could remove all doubts regarding British intcDtion
    whatcver from the minds of thc Nepalesc but thc man who
    holped to negotiate had to bcar in mind that thosc'IPho
    acccpted thc British views shall Dot suffer degradation
    among thcir cquals and tbcir ignorant cncmice'oi. Gajaraj
    Misra ptcadcd that bccausc hc was 'excrting himrclf to thc
    utmost of his ability'6'? hc should rcmain 'in confidcncc
    zcalously cmployed in promoting the intcrcsts of thc
    British'o s, Gajaraj talks of thc provisions ofthe trcaty a!
    59, Rcccived on 3td Marcb, 1801.
    60. Ibid.
    61. Ibid.
    62. Ibid.
    63. lbid.
    Exlt of Rana Daludur Shah !t
    acccptcd by tho Nopal Govcrnmcnr, vhich hc hoprs thc
    'British also would cntcrtain'6a. Once thcir approval wag
    obtained thc minister or evcn the cbief ministcr of Ncpal
    was prcpared to mect Knox oithar at Banaras or on thc
    fronticr, Thc scttlcmcnt of the pensiotr on thc cr-rulcr
    was definitely to be settled as the British wsntcd.

    Rana T es lo Counlerac,
    Knox reportcd that Gajaraj Misra rcnt two lcttcrr
    intcrcepted by him enclosed aloDg with his corrcspondcncc,
    onc written by Rana Bahadur Shah and another by Prrasu-
    ram Thapa to the ministcrs of thc Ncpal Governmcnt.
    These were sont to thc Governor.General for his perusat.
    The Eaglish translatioos of these letters bclong to Forcign
    Sccrct Department, l6 April, 1801, n. 130. Rara Babadur's
    leter is dated Samvat (Vikram ) 1857, 30 Asvio, ( :30th
    Scptcmber, 1800), while Parasuram'e bcars the date 12
    Aghan sudi, 1857 (:26 November, 1800) and 'is addroscd to
    Suklec Bathut Brahmin (?)'. Parasuram Thapa initiatcd hir
    writing by refcrring to lhe grcat 8in to have vieitcd bim
    in exile with tho king and queen. This should, howevcr,
    be madc amends, and thercforc the Brahmsn should pcr-
    euade Misserje, Kaloo Pande, Madro Rana and thc Eini!-
    tcrs to take back the Raja-now in Banaras66. All th€le
    had promised that they would try their best to this cffcct.
    But sincc then five months had elapsed, but'there was no
    end to the Maharajadhiraja's suffering, ard tbcrc is no
    communication ; on the othcr band it is said that Gojaraj
    had succeeded to prcvail upon the ministers for thc estsb-
    lishEent of the English factory in Nepal'66. In thc lcttcr
    all sorls of allegations wcre madc against Gajaraj Misra.
    Parasuram had scnt his son for investigation of thc mattcr.
    Gajaraj Misra was up to somc mischicf. IIc was rolling
    64. Ibid.
    65. Ibid.
    65. lbid.
    32 Uodcn Ncpal
    Ncpal to thc Musalmang who slaughtcr cows, Thc counlry
    must be rctaincd by thc Hindus, which could bc attrincd
    with tho rcstoratiotr of thc Maharajs. All the familics
    must pcrforcc unitc, All thc ofrcers had bccn called upon
    to fructrate thc dcsignE of Gajaraj Misra and failiDg thir'
    thcy should comc to Banarss.
    All such lcttcrs had bccn sctrt wbilc Gojaraj Miera
    was in Ncpal, and thcsc werc scnt at thc bchcst of thG cx'
    king. Thcsc two lettcrs givc an inkling of how RaDa
    Bahadur's mind was workiog. To thc bcst of his capacity
    hc wantcd to go back home and ridc lo powcr' But so
    lorg as this was not possiblc hc wantcd to bide his timc
    liviag on thc doles of thc British. Hc knew that thc British
    would use his prcsence in Banaras to forcc a trcaty on
    Ncpal.
    But he also wantcd to be rcstorcd to powcr with thcir
    hclp, To this end his intcr€st lay not in allowing a rcttlc'
    mcnt bctwccn the British and his oPponcnts itl Kothmaodu'
    IIc ptaycd onc Party against thc othcr. Oncc hc rcportcd
    that the Nepalesc deputation bad madc him 'uDliEitcd
    ofcrs providcd hc does not insist on thc guarantcc of
    Britfuh Govcrnmcnt' (For. Dcpt., 17 August' lEOt, n. l3l)'
    Hc also assurcd the British that without thcir sccurity ha
    would not acsept snything morc and 'cvcr will placc
    rcliaoco without trcacherous promises thsn cfcctivc Dca-
    surcs to punish thc turbulcnt pcoplc of Nepal who havc
    thrown off thcir allegiance'o 8.

    Rana Baludur's Efforts Frustratcd


    Now with thc return of Gajaraj Misra a situation had
    dcvelopcd that was trot in conformity to thc wishcs of Rana
    Bahadur. Although Captain Knox had adviced thc Govci'
    nor-Gencral to sdmonish thc Misra for his dubious conduct
    57. Ibid.
    68. For. S?c. Dcpt., 16 Apdl, 18J1, n. 129. RccciYcd io Cslcutts,
    16 Marcb, l8ol. For. Sc,c. DoPt. 1801, o' 133.
    Extt ol Rana Baludur Shah 33
    [nd tho lattor had actua[y admonished him, thc British
    could not afford to dispensc with his scrvices, for as yet
    the Misra rcmained thc only channel through which ihe
    British could have a hope of being listened to by the Nepa-
    lcse. Thcreforc ho was to bc curtivated though often.iiti-
    midated' (Knox to Governor-General, 23 February, lg0l)o g.
    Mcanwhile the Nepalese deputics had forwarded
    thcir draft of the proposed treaty for Knox,s consideration.

    Nepalese Draft of the I'reaty

    H.E. the Noble Richards Wellesley, vested with full powers


    for the control, and management of all the afairs of the
    coml;any's dominions in the East-Indies on the part of the
    compaay and Rajah of Girvan Jode Bikram Sahee Behader
    Shumsher Jung do engage as follows :,

    That as o trcaty was formerly entered into between the


    tv,o states and since it is the desire of both Governments to
    draw more closely the relations to amity it is agreed that rhe
    Omleh (Omraos) and nobles of both stores shall
    forever from
    generation to generation, keep up a
    friendly lntercourse with
    each other and considering each other's stote as their own anil
    without any dffirence or disunity of interest shall -endeavour
    agrecably to their respective tenets and religton to promote the
    prosperity, success and welfarqof both states and all territories
    appertalning to them and that they shail consider from their
    hearts and friends and enemtes ofthe one state the
    friends and
    enemies of the other1 o.
    Wc have alrcady referrcd to the reaction of the British
    to thc draft. Thcy had noted with particular care the
    omission of two points, I ) relating to the pension for the
    ex-ruler and 2 ) and another the establishment of a British
    Resident in Kathmandu. But Gajaraj Misra had assured
    that once the draft was accepted as .an exprcssion of the

    69, Forcign Secret Dept., 16 April, 1601, n. 129.


    70. For. Sec. Dept., 16 Aprit, 180I, n. 130.
    3
    X4 Modern Nepal

    disposition on thc part of Nepal to contract an intimatc


    alliance'?1 othcr things would automatically follow, and
    this was indicatcd by a particular phrase in tbe document,
    If the British favotrably responded to the overture, theD, an
    important member of Nepal administration could bc
    dcputed to scttlc tbc entire problem. But thc British bad
    warned against insisting for a quick implementation.
    About this tim€ the ex-Maharaja and the Nepalese
    deputies were daily mceting but wirhout any results.
    Captain Knox reported that the talks protracted 'not with-
    staoding his avowed distrust, aDd such in his extreme
    lenity, that the moment they retire, he publishing in thc
    most open'mann6r everything that has passed'?2. Knox
    furthcr 'said by this it appears that they deal cntirely in
    gcneral cxpressions of submission and attachment tbat tbe
    Raja insists on many salguinary sacrifices, ard finding them
    unwilling to promise, what in fact is out of thcir power to
    pcrform, loads thcm with bitterest reproaches, rcvilcs thcm
    in thc most scurrilous terms snd then the conference ends to
    be rcnewed on thc followiog day without much variation
    in either form or substance'.? 3
    But Rana Bahadur would not havc bcen bold cnough
    to rejcct offers of a substantial pension from Nepal on a
    bilateral agreement ifthc British had not cncouraged him
    to entertain an idca of an intermediary. From the vcry
    beginning the two parties in the dispute bad displayed
    irreconcilable opposition of vicws. ' The British were in an
    advantageous position. It was thought tbat'RaDa Bahadur
    was sincerely desirous of British friendship at least to stand
    guarantee for the continuance ofJaghir ifnot to help him
    to go with his plan to seize thc reins of administration'.7 a
    The British bad given him to know ofthe limitations under
    71. Ibid.
    72. Ibid.
    13. Ibid.
    14. rbid.
    Exlt of Rana Bahadur Shah 35
    which hc was to conduct himsclf whilc in British tcrritoricr.
    He could not ovcrthrow the rcgimc by intriguc or tctror.
    If hc attcmptcd for his rcstoration to powct all by himsclf
    hc might not succc€d and the loss of cyc-sight and pcrpctual
    confincment would follow, his sufiering himsclf would go
    in vain if hc submits to thc flattcry, offers and solcmn
    oath'.r! Knox thought that 'tho Ncpal dcputics wcro
    placcd equally in a dilemma, in which choico wae a
    pcrpl€xity, They certainly wished to avoid itrtroduction
    ofastrangcr into thcir country as thic would invitc thc
    odium of a very unpopular measurc and the enmity of very
    powerful families but by this connection they hav6 to draw
    thc return of the Raja, supportcd by the British army,
    joincd by numcrous malcontents... .'.?6 Knox thought
    in these circumstatrces that they would makc libcral
    promiscs to Rana Bahadur to enablc him ,to relinquish thc
    safcguard of your Lordship's guarantee. Thcy watrted to
    dclay the talk also to eyade thc measure to wbich rhey
    were averse'. This rvas what Knox wrote to thc Governor.
    Gcneral.T ?

    After assuriog thc Governor-General that hc could


    rcly on Rana Bahadur as'tbe Misra was a frail dcaendeuce,.
    Knox advised him to favour the ex-ruler with a patronisiDg
    letter. The Misra was to receive mild rebuke for his double
    dcaling.?3 Gajaraj Misra on bis part was doing everytbiDg
    to pleasc the British on everything except, on what the
    Nepalcse dcputics had opposcd. Through Gajaraj's elforts
    a son of Damodar Pande was coming to Banaras for cngagc-
    ments in consequence of his letters and two or three persons
    of high rank would follow'.t0 After the conclusion of
    75. Ibid.
    76. Knox to Edmoostotre, l0 March, 1801. Foreign Sec, Dept.,
    16 April, 1801, n. 134.
    77. tbid.
    78. rbid.
    79. Ibid,
    ,6 Modcn Ncpal
    tho trcaty thcso non wcro to go to Calcutta to bc trcatcd
    as holtagcs s8 long Knox
    as remaincd in Kathmandu. This
    wac a dcvicc thought origioally by thc British to guarantee
    against any troublcs likcly to bcfall thcir rcprcscntativ.
    whilc hc happcncd to bc in Kathnandu.
    It was rcported that thG Nepalesc dclcgation wcr€
    going back homc bcing disgulted with thc trcnd oflalks
    they had in Banares.
    Taking advantage of thc mutual antagonism bctwccD
    thc two partics and haviog regard to thc need ofscparating
    thc cx-ruler irom thc contacts of thc Nepalese delegation,
    Captain Knox playcd a trick to prcvail upon Rana Bahadur
    to ask him (Knox) to talk thc issue by himself with the
    rcturning membcrs of tho dclcgation. Thc lettcr as cxpectcd
    camc as soon as demandcd with the intcodcd content 8nd
    Knox informing thc Guru prcpared-to go himrclf to a fixcd
    bordcr outpost' But he was to act only on thc consent of
    thc Govcrnor-Gcncral lfho was also informcd of thc
    proposal, Mcanwhitc Knox also rcceivcd from thc cx'
    Maharaja a l€ttcr with the samc rcqucst (Reccivcd l7 April,
    lSOl).80 Thc Govcrnor-Gencral gavc concurrcncc to thc
    proposal cnvisaging thc talk at Bctia or anywhcrc ncar
    about. Thc important aspect of thc proposal was that thc
    cx.rulcr wag to stsy in Banaras as long as Knox did not
    rcturn. N. B. Bdmonstonc (.20 March, 1601 ) warncd Knox
    that 'on no sccoutrt Rana Bahadur be sufrcrcd to accoopany
    or to join you',81 The British thought that this would
    bring thc ncgotiation to a final and satisfactory conclusion.
    Thc trcaty was not yct opcnly talkcd about. But Knox
    was trying to foist onc on thc NcPslcsc dcputics through
    ncgotiation at the bordcr'
    Thc Calcutta authorities agrecd to Knox'a propoerl to
    go to the border. Tbcy concurrcd that the Ncpalesc dcputies

    80. For. Sec. Dcpt.,116 Aptil. 1801, n. 137.


    81, For, Pol., April' t801, n. 12.
    Exit ol Rana Bahddur Shah 3l
    could bc workcd up to acccpt thc clause pcrraiDing to tbe
    Rcsidency once they were away from the overall
    ihadow
    of Rana Bahadur's influence, Tho British nevcr desired a
    settlcment between the two parties arrived at by
    mutual
    negotiation and conse[t. Thcir intcntion was to briog
    about a solution to impress both Rana Bahadur anl
    Kathmandu authoritics that the British werc iDstruncntal
    for it, they expccted to put the parties undcr their obliga_
    tiou. So thc scttlemcnt went to thcir advantage in strikig
    a dcal with Nepal for tradc and diplomatic prcvilcgcs
    tJ
    bc gained. It was thercforc to thcir satisfaction that
    thc
    discussion bctween Rana Bahadur and the Nepalcsc
    deputic8
    had failed,;
    Thc failurc of talks bctwecn Rana ald the Nepslcsc
    deputies camc as thc British wishcd. Thcy ncvcr likei thc
    bilatcral talk to succccd. In thc cvcnt of a ouccess thc
    British would have becn isolatcd sr rhe British had
    a
    diminishing rolc in thc negotiation. But oncc the
    talk
    broke_ down the old position rcturncd. Both
    tbc parti€s
    looked to thc British for conciliation, though with
    di'ffcrent
    Eotivcs. Captaio Knox was alrcady machioating to this
    cnd by inbibing falec hopcs in Rana,s
    nind, ablut thc
    orltcome of thcir intcrvention in hie bchalf, The
    othcr
    party was also pcrsuded to drcad the agrecmcnt
    with Rana
    Bahadur without the British standing a guaralt€e,
    sfter
    all their main dcsirc was to restrict n*",, -.on"r.itr, 'io
    particular to prevctrt him from stealthily
    cntcriDg Nepal,
    Thcy kncw that the British alonc could cont.ot lis
    morc-
    mcnts as he was undcr their surveitancc.

    - TheButEnglish
    tailcd.
    were happy that tbc bilateral ralls had
    to thcm it wae cssentiat tbat thc treary they
    wcre negotiatiDg with thc Nepalcse dcputies
    must succeci.
    r Ee ocgotiatlon would not succeed
    if the venue was Baaarle
    wh€ae RaDa Bahadur would get widc
    scope to wrcck thc
    s-8oe. So Kuox plaancd a scheme to shift
    thc vcoue far away
    froor Banaras, [t was said that tbc two partics would ucot
    3E Moden Ncpal
    romewhere near the border through wliich thc deputics
    wcrc passing. Any other venue would causc incoavcniencc
    to the Nepalesc. So the propolal was rcasonable and
    obtained ready acccptance.

    Knox Goes to the grontiet


    Mcanwhilc through the medium of the Guru thc
    Minister Damodar Pande and Chautara Bam Shah had
    addrossed letters to the GoverDor-General cxpressing deep
    sentiments of fricndship. Similar lctters had bcen sent to
    Lt. Col. Kirkpatrick and Lumsden. Captain Knox was thc
    rccipient of a letter from Rudravir Shah'
    Gajaraj Misra was pleascd to be informed of Knox's
    dcparture to the frontier, He told Knox that this was tbe
    'devicc to kcep him more effectively from the dangcr of
    breaking his promiscs'. Cajaraj Misra was hopeful about
    the attitude of Damodar Pandc and his colleagues on thc
    issuc of sigoing L ieaty with tbe British. But they had
    to contcnd with his powerful families envious of thcir
    asccndancy. Thc subordinatc chicfs were also not in favour
    of the Misra's move. But they were detcrmined from
    acting against thc Nepal-British alliance, by 'drcad of
    offcnding the British"
    Rana Bahadur dcsired to send Ranganath Pandit and
    Balabhadra Shah along with Knox. RaDganath Pandit
    who had served the cx-ruler in Banaras was oot getting his
    remuneration. To keep up the appearance of a courticr he
    had incurred heavy cxpenscs, he was immcrsed in debt aB
    he report€d to Knox'8 2.
    Knox reported to tho Governor-Gencral on thr subjcct
    the purport of the talk Ranganath had with him. The
    ex-Maharaja had enough money to meet Raoganath's
    expcnscs if ,he had been frugal in his habits' but he eas

    82. Koox to EdmoEstone 19-4-1801, For, Sec. DcDl,, 30 April,


    80 d.
    Exit of Rana Bahadur Shah 39

    squandering his moncy on employing singers, da;cers,


    bufoons and miscrcants of the lowest dcscriptione3. More
    than that Rana Bahadur openly accused Raoganath a8
    another traitor like Ga;araj Misra. But Rana Babadur
    without caring to notice what was passing in Ranganath's
    mind had deputed him to accompany Knox to the border
    with the secret intent of manoeuvring for his rcstoration,
    which was beyond his stipulated duties. Surcly a man
    eufering from pecuniary difficulties was not supposed to bc
    sincere to the man who had insulled and starvcd him.
    Perhaps this would not apply in the casc ofBatabhadra Shab.
    But he also felt a grudge against Rana as his salary was too
    mcagre. So when money was given to Ranganatb by Knox,
    hc had to be careful about Batabhadra Shah lcst he might
    turn aD agent of Rana Bahadur out to frustrate ,by cvcry
    power in his means prospects ofthe impending trcaty with
    the ruling authorities of Nepal. However, Balabhadra Shah
    also was not expected to act for Rana Bahadur becauso he
    had received nothiDg but maltreatment from the latter'8+.
    In Knox's isformation Rana Bahadur was also instru.
    mental in getting Balabhadra's property coDfscat.d. If he
    was in Banaras, this was because of the reprisal he feared for
    his action in causing the ex-king to revolt and in conse-
    quencc of the failure to escape to Banaras. Balabbadra
    wantbd to see Knox probagly to plead his caso, but this was
    not Sranted.
    In his letter written to the secretary from camp
    Chaubepur on April 27, lE}l, Captain KDox statcd that
    Rana Bahadur camc to sec him on the 26th and hc proposcd
    that the Badi Rani (Eldcr queen) and Balabhadra Sbah
    would accompany him. He was in a sullen mood as he
    came to see Knox bccause the British had not complicd with
    his requcst for a loan of '6 or 7 thousand rupces'. His

    83. lbid.
    84. Ibid.
    40 Modem NePal

    wishcs that thc British would securc him 2 Subahs in Ncpal


    for Jagir had not been fulfillcd. Knox offered his own
    plees and askcd him to have Patiencc till thc outcomc of
    thc ncgotiation was known. Ranganath Pandit was to 8o
    with Knox on the evening of 27th April. Rana Bahadur
    told him that much was expccted of the Maharani's visit
    bccausc ofher influcnce with on€ of thc pcrsons of most
    considerable importance in Ncpal. But Balabhadra who
    would look aftcr thc Rani would lcavc at an auspicious
    momcnt and astrologcrs were being consultcd. Gajaraj
    Misra and thc Nepal deputies wcrc to mect him at Chaubc'
    pur whcre Knox wag to slay a fcw days'
    In Chaubcpur the British representativc got a Post
    hastc lctter from Rana Bahadur on thc 29th. Thc ex-rul€r
    informcd Knox that because of the shortagc of financc
    Raoganath and Balabhadra were unable to start from
    Banaras. Thc two gcntlemcn had demandcd a monthly
    salary ofRs,500/- and Rs. 1500/- rcspcctiv€ly, The Britisb'
    howcver, w€re not willing to obligc Rana Bahadur. It was
    said that 'the demand for moncy proceeds from a grow'
    ing snd contracted turn of mind..... aDd thc Raja wanted
    to gain what he wauts with tricks aDd artificcs'3'. Ralbcr
    Knox dcalt with Ranganath and Balabhadra dircct tban
    approach them by Rana Bahadur's mcans. Accordingly
    Captain Rnox procecdcd to oflcr moncy to thesc men
    dircctly and to Balabhadra in particular he promised to
    offcr him 'such assistanc€ as will ptcvent his being emba'
    rasscd indispensablc cxpcnscs'e0. Botb lhesc persons Iooted
    forward to getiing a handsome amount from Knox. Knox
    reportcd 'Raghunaths? should not be left behind, nor
    mercly for the propricty of appearances but for the sub-
    stantial advaDtages, tbat I may expect to derive from his
    counter informatioo, from his conuectioBs in Nepaul aod by
    85. Ibid.
    86. April 29, l80l- For. Sec. Dept., 3rd Jule 1801.
    87, Raghuoath is a Eistakc for RaDSa[sth.
    Extt of Rana Bohadur Shah 4t
    cmploying him a channel to insist, in thc namc offhe Rsja,
    on such .points as it might be desirablc to avoid urgiog
    rlr YsGl f'8 e.
    Both Gajaraj Misra and Rangtnath pandit joincd
    Knox at Chaubcpur ahc formcr on thc cvcniog of thc 30th
    of April atrd thc lattcr on the morning of thc Ist of May.
    Ranganath informed Knox that tbe Rani was not .lcaving
    Banaral'. Balebhadra's dcpatturc was also not litcly to
    occur as the cx-Maharaja wss withholdiDg pcrmission, but
    it could bc madc possiblo by othcr mcatrs8o,
    Thc Maharani and Balabhadra Shah were to reach the
    bordcr aftcr 8om€tim6 whilc Knox was prcparing to go to
    Ncpal from Kachhroa. Rana Bahadur had changed his
    iotctrtion to lct them go as they wcrc insisting to lcave for
    thc bordcr.
    Thc Rani's dcpsrturc came late, Tbis suitcd Knox's
    arraogcmcnt. But hc would have tiked Balabhadra Sbah to
    accompany him.
    Ktrox rcccived from thc magazinc at Chunar all his
    'camp equipagc, carriagce, cattle, ficld omccrr' tcot and a
    privatc Zcmindcr'! party of Sepoys'.
    Thc party arrivcd at Barragaon on thc l3th of May
    and waitcd for further intimations from lbc Govcrnor-
    Gencral. Hcrc thcy reccivcd a commuDication from Damo_
    dar Pandc and his collcagues in reply to Gajaraj Misra,s
    lcttcr scnt from Banarat. The Guru,s lcttcr bad informed
    thc Ncpalcsc administration tbat thc party was moving to
    the frontier. Thc Ncpalcsc leadcrs according to Misra
    crpressed their Iccn dc6irc to makc their relation with
    the British 'durablc, real and substantial through a frech
    etrgagcmcnts'. Misra said tbat he had been named the sole
    authority to ncgotiatc a tr€aty with thc Britiib, who were

    88. rbid.
    89. For. S:c. Dcp!, 3rd Juae, l8ol, d. 85. Ktrox to Edooaitooe,
    I
    May, l80l
    42 Modon Nepal
    now to put forth thcir vicws on the matter. Knor immedi-
    atcly scnt rcply to Katbmandu without, howcver, statinB
    hid tcrms of the proposed treaty.
    Knox intimated the Governor-Gcn€ral that Gajaraj
    Misra might now cndeavour to atone for his past bchaviour
    and eim at regaining thc confidencc ard rcspcct in thc
    cyes of thc British.
    Ranganath Pandit was despatchcd to Ramnagar situa-
    tcd on the border in ordcr to impress Gajaraj with an apprc-
    hension that a combination may be forpcd in the cveDt of
    furthcr dclay unfavourable to his party and also witb the
    expectation of acquiring intelligence ( Knox to Lumsden
    from Baragaon, May 16, l80l)00. The Raja ofRamnagar
    who was a landlord under the British was relstcd to Rsna
    Bahadur who had married his niecc. She was his first
    Rani. Incidently RangaDath's uncle w8s the Guru of thc
    Raja. The British wanted to profit by this contrection.
    On the 26th of May Captain Knox forwarded to the
    Govcrnor-General a draft of the proposed trcaty with l0
    articlcs the last of which agreed to tlre establishment of
    a Reprcsentative in Nepaul and the'blank to be intended
    for thc oame of two persons to be d€puted to Calcutta on
    thc part of Rajah'. These persons arc to be the ncar rclatioos
    of Damodar Pande and Bam Shah and will be sent not with
    a vicw to transacting any business but as pl€dges for the
    faithful performance of the conditions ofthe alliancc'c1.
    Knox had suggested the addition of one more article,
    the 4th. According to the ninth articlc a 'Jaghir was
    settled on Rana Bahadur for his maintcoance uDder the
    guarantee of the Government'es. However, Do amount
    was mentioned, This could not come from the 5 lakh
    stroug pubiic treasury which was reportedly the annual
    90. For. Sec. D€pt., l0 Juoe, 180:, n. 14.
    91. For. Sec. D.pr., l0 Jdtle 1802. Koox to the Secret.ry,26 May,
    t&02,
    92. Ibid.
    Extt of Rana Bafudur Shah 43
    incomc of the govetnmcnt. But the samc was.to accrue in
    duc coursc by grants of land as in evcry othcr casc. Thc
    total omount cxpcctcd from such a land was to be Rs. 60,000
    or morc laads could be otrercd if thc Govcrnor-Gcreral
    desircd so. Thir part of thc slipulations was yet to bc ncgo_
    tiatcd. But thc company's govcrnmcnt wa8 rcgardcd to stand
    guarantce for thc good behaviour of Rana Bahadur
    as well
    as for tho regular flow of income from Jagir lands to Rana
    Bahadur. Captain Knox approvcd of all these articlcp.
    Hc could also havc no objection to first 3 articles and oth?rs
    as thcy werc inoflcnsive iD contcnt-cven tbcse
    migha bsvc
    omittcd and thc British rcprcsentativc would not hayc
    grudgcd. But thc third was ofa nature too unlimitcd and
    calculated to involvc the British GovcrDment in disputes,
    which might originate from aggrcssion on thc part oi
    Ncoaul. Thc 4th articlo as sugcested by Knox was to guard
    against thc obnoxious tendcncy of tbc Nepaul Govern.
    mcnt.e 8. Thc sth and 6th articlcc rclalcd
    to the settlemcDt
    of boundary disputes bctween Oudh and Nepaul, and
    Captain Knox rccommendcd that thc question was
    to be
    takcn up at a timc whilc thc Government was in position
    a
    to dictatc tcrms. Thc 6th articlc suspended thc cont;ibution
    of afcw elcpbants as tributc to thc company-and KDox
    rcported that the Govcrnment sbould accett it.
    Tbe cighth
    articlc as to facilitate extradition of state offendets on
    both sides,
    The draft was opcn to alteration by Knox or the
    ^
    Govcrnor-Gcneral, but it seems that no cbaige was cont(E-
    plstcd, Yct Captain Knox suggcstcd thc incorporaticn
    of a
    rcparate agreement regarding the payment of Jaghir
    to
    Rana Bahadur under thc guarantee of the British.
    The
    ex-King could live anywhere in British India,
    and obtain
    collection of his revcnue from the allott€d Iand
    to thc
    ert€nt of Rs. 72,000 aouually by established kists, (part

    93. tbid.
    44 Modcm Nepal
    payments). This amount was to be givcn to him in ordcr
    to cnablc him to bc free from pccuniary difrcultics and
    dcvotc himsclf likc a "truc Swomi" to tho worshiP of thc
    Suprcme bcing. In the cvcnt of his personally looking aftcr
    his Jaghir by being on the spot Rana Bahadur would not
    cnjoy the faciliti€s of bcing scrvcd by armed "soldicr of aoy
    description". Hc could, howcver, kcep attcDdsDls, malc
    and fcmalc, not cxccediog 100 in number. It was also raid
    that 'oo fomcntors of scdition and disturbanccs' wcrc to
    bc allowed to go ncar him. Thc Ncpal administration
    was to provido 200 soldicrs for bis prdtcction. This vould
    bc maintaincd by the Govcrnment of Nepal. Raoa was not
    to tak€ part in political activitics or creatc troubl.s cithcr
    by spccch or writing. In cosc thc Swami indulgcd in such
    activitics, his Jaghir was to bc confiscatcd and British pro'
    tection withdrawn. It was also stipulstcd tbat thc British
    Govcrnor-Gcneral 'have a right to demand rcparation from
    Ncpat if thc condition laid down for thc realisation of thc
    cx-Maharaja wss in any w8y int€rfered with.'e 1
    Knox wrote in another lctter from Barragaon that th€
    deputics from Ncpal wcrc cxpected soon and cxpresscd hopc
    that the negotiation 'will comc to an cnd within a month
    to thc cntire satisfaction of his Lordship'. Hc was waiting
    to hcar the Govcrnor-Gcneral's view regarding thc draft
    of thc treaty (Knox to Governor-Gencral, June 27, l80l).
    Koox wrote also that the suspicion entcrtained by Mr. Neave
    as to Rana Bahadur's cscape does not seem to him wcll
    foundcd. Rana Bahadur would have no courage to entcr
    Ncpal as that would mean 'beiog put in chains'0 6.
    It appears that the Ncpalese deputics visiting Baoaras
    had gone back home, but Knox cxpccted a new tesm to
    arrive in Patqa to sign the t(eaty.

    94. Ibid
    95. lbid
    Extt ol Raru Daladur than at
    Knox suggostcds a raparatc privato ogrccmcnt 'argsgiDg
    thcm to tho protcction of thc British Govcrnmcnt and rhcir
    cotrtiouiocc in thc possc6sion ofthc prescnt offcrs'. Knox
    fclt that by thie dcvicc thc Governor.Gencral would havc
    'a powcrful inf,uencc in Ncpaul'e0, Knox aleo pointcd out
    that if hi! annuel pension not cxcccdiog Rs. 2d000 wcro to
    bo scttlcd on Damodar Pandc, Bam Shab and Gajaraj Mirrr,
    it will convcrt thc rulcrs of Ncpaul into British dcpctrdaDtr
    purchasing their cntirc command of scrviccs'e?. Captain
    Knox, of coursc, had miscalculated by doubting thch
    patriotism and the futurc spokc for itsclf, No Ncllalcs!
    was prclrsrcd to scll his coutrtry in licu of moncy.
    In his letter of loth June, 1801, Captain KDox rcfcrs to
    a lettcr scnt through Gajaraj Miera by thc Raja ofPalpa.
    Hc statcd that th. suppport to Vazir Aly Khan in Butwal was
    givcn by local oEccrs and not by thc Raja who was thcn in
    KathEandu.
    In thc circumstanccs thc Governor.Gcncral was
    adviccd to 'comply with thc Raja'i position, as thc most
    cfroctual mcans of guarding thc influcncc of thc Britieh in
    Ncpaul against unfavourablc contingctrcics i.c, should
    Damodar Pandc who was rcsponsiblc for framing a policy
    of intimato contsct with thc British dic aEd thc country fall
    into thc mo8t ruinous colfugion'0 3.
    In Knox's view thc Raja ofButwal should bc groomcd
    in casc hc was desircd for succcssio.n to thc position falling
    vacaat aftcr Damodar Paude, Thc Govcrnor'Gcacral had
    only to hi8 r€qucst for thc modc of remisoion of tributcs hc
    paid to tho Nawab Vajir, which was I carh and I in clc-
    phantr and musks, AccordiDg to Knox's information thc
    Raje war fccliog that 'Ncpaul will bc roon placcd undcr
    thc protcctioa of thc coEpany'! Govcrnmcnt and hcncc hc

    96. rbid.
    97, Ibid.
    9E. rbtd.
    # llodon Ncpol
    conridcrs it a saf6 policy to providc for bir futurc sccurity
    by an oarly rubmicsion'9n. Knox, hovcvcr, rccommcndcd
    that thc Raja ehould bc just cncoursgcd 'to hopc for a
    rcrtoration to fsvour and ncvcr bc allowcd. to cDjoy thc
    bcncfits of an cngagcmcnt or a trcaly'roo, To schiovc
    thir cod Lord lVcllcslcy would Dot rcply to hir lcttctr,
    but Captain Knox would continuo to rccsivc whatcvet
    comEunicatioDs from thc Raja.
    In this lcttcr thc Captain rcfcrr alto to tbc rcturn
    of Rangsnath Pandit and his unclc. Thc intclligcncc lhcy
    had brougbt about corfirmed what hc had hcard carlicr
    in regard to rcvcnuc, positioD and charactcr of thc Pande,
    his powerful cncmies ctc,

    Elder Queen and Balabhadra Leavc


    In thc letter of2TthJune, Knox informr thc Governor-
    Gcncral that Balabhadra Sbah and Rana Bahadur's quecn
    wcre to lcave Banaras, thc qu€cn out of lruslration waDtcd
    to cnter Nepal and thc lattcr too for thc 6amc rca6on
    was trying to act as royal cscort in this homc SoiDg trip.
    Hc says that his carlicr suspicion tbat Ranr Bahadur
    watrtcd to scnd them to thc bordcr 'as a mcasurc prc-
    peratory to putting bis dcsign of cscaping into cxccution'
    was unfounded. Thc Rani bad bccn insulted in public
    betore a prostitute girl. Rana Bahadur bad takcn all hcr
    jcwcls, Unable to bear tbc ill-trsatmeDt lhc Rani vas
    rcpcatedly arking for pcrmission to l€aYc for Ncpat as
    Knox lcft Banaras. ShG was to accompany 'but want of
    cash moncy prcventcd hcr'. Rana Bahadur had probably
    hopcd of her 'to furnish him with faithful int€llig€rcc
    of whatcver might occur'. Hc still chcrishcd that dcsirc.
    But from Britiqh point of view 'hcr Prcscncc in Banarar
    would not bc under thc slightcst restraint on thc dcsiSDs

    99. rbid.
    100. rbid.
    Exlt of Rono Bdhadur Shah 47

    and that wcrc hc to ,abccond, cvcn th€ ccrtain miscrice


    aud thc honour of his wholo family would not retard
    hir flight for a singlc sccond'. Captain Knox 6aid tbat
    fcar ofhic flight might bc alwaye thcr€ until thc treaty
    was signed, 'to rcmovc tha hazsrd of ite bcing intcrruptcd
    by 8n ast of thc Rajah's',
    Knox reports to havc rcc€ivcd a lettcr from Rana
    Bahadur not long ago. Hc also addresscd lettcrs to Gsjaraj
    Pandit and Maulvi Abdul Kadir 'couched in Lhc most
    abjcct terme, soliciting thcir good ofrces with the most
    creeping scrvility and filled with the grossest abusc of
    Ranganath Pandit'. The Pandit also had rcccivcd a
    lettcr'but written in o differcnt strain, apology for not
    supplying him with cash and lavish in expression of the
    most pcrfect confidence and regard',
    Gajaraj Misra had bccn accommodated in a bungalow
    hircd at a coct of Rs. 4(X), whcrc the depulies from Nepal
    w€rc expcctcd to rcsidc.

    Btitbh DtLf, approveil


    Meanwhilc Bam Shah and Damodar Pand€ had written
    to Gajsraj Misra on behalf of thc infant king thc full .appro-
    bation of thc Nepal Govelnmcnt, aDd authorise him to
    conclude the trcaty without further rcferencc'. Thc Raja's
    scal was stamped on blank shect and the 'Misser was
    commissioncd to prcpare a fair copy of thc trcaty on it
    and to makc exchangc, whenevcr the counterpart contrmcd
    by thc British Governmcnt may bc ready for flelivery,.
    The letters wcre a little delayed on accout0t of the
    opposition by thc Rcgcnt Rani and the Chief Minister
    Kirtiman Basoet. This enraged Damodar Pande and hc
    abgeat€d from thc Durbar for several daye' and as a result
    thc Rani 'submittcd to his advice'.
    Captain Knox in his letter of llth July, l80l rccom.
    m€nds that the Governor should accept the draft withoDt
    furthcr dclay, Any attempt to makc changes at this stagc
    at Modcn Ncpal
    would makc Gajaraj Misra to rofcr ell 6uch question8 to
    Kathmandu, which mcgnt more dclay. Knor fclt that
    thc object of th€ British Govertrmcnt havc bccn mct in
    thc draft. Thcreforc this should rcccivc inmcdiatc acccp-
    tancc. Knox adviscd thc Govcrnor-Gcncral to crcrtc sa
    imprcssion in thc minds of thc Ncpalesc suthoritics that
    thoy werc bchaving with thcm as fricnds and not a8 ,rastcrsi
    Knox at thc samc timc warncd that thc British should
    not but coDsidcr s! political,
    Although originally l0 articlcs werc draftcd, tbcrc
    werc rDorc articlcs addcd at thc timc of signaturc. This
    envolvcd in course of negotiation lasting another period
    of 4 months. Th€ trcaty was signcd on thc 28th of Octobcr
    in Danapur. It appears that the 3 additional articlcs wcre
    fragmcnts of one or two moin articlcs,
    Captain Knox was appointcd as thc first Rcsidcnt
    in Ncpal and he was informcd of this by a lcltcr of
    Edmonstone, Secrctary to the Governmentl0t dated 3lst
    Octobcr and bearing the line Danapur. By th. timc thc
    trcaty was signcd the Ncpilese deputics had also reachcd
    Patna.
    We havc alrcady described the trcaty in dctails. As
    aforcsaid a s€parato cngagemcnt rcgulated the provieion
    of pcnsion grant€d to Rana Bahadur by thc Ncpal Govcru-
    mcnt, This was the 'total revenuc of thc Vijcpur district
    in Morang the rcot frec lands rcligicus or charitablc
    endowmenls Jajirs and such like Parganna, which totallcd
    Rs. 72,000 ( Patna Sicca )'1o'?.

    TREATY WITH THE RAJA OF NEPAL_I8OI


    Whcrcas it is cvident as the noonday sun to cnlightcncd
    undcrstanding ofcxaltcd noblcs and of powerful Chicfs and
    Rulcrs, that Alpighty God has entrust€d thc protcction atrd

    t0l. For. Scc. Dopt., 30JuBe, t802, n. ll'


    102. lbtd.
    Exit ofRana Bahadur Shah 49

    govornmcnt of the univcrse to thc authority.of Princes, who


    makc justice their principle, and that by the establishment
    of a friendly connection bctwcen them universal happiness
    and prospcrity is sccured, and that thc morc intimate thc
    rblation of amity and union the groatcr is tho gencral
    tranquility , in consideration of these circumstances, Hic
    Excellency the Most Noble the Govcrnor-Gcnerat, Marquls
    Wellcsley, etc., and tbe Maharaja have establishtd a systeD
    of friendship between the respective Governments of the
    Company and thc Raja of Nepaul, and have agreed to the
    following Articles :-

    Artlcle I
    It is necessary and incumbent upon the principals
    and officers of thc two Governments constantly to excrt
    thcmsclves to improve thc fricndship subsisting between
    the twostates, and to be zealgusly and sincerely desi-
    rous of the prosperity and success of the government and
    subjects of both.

    Article 2
    The incendiary and turbulent representations ofthc
    disaffectcd, who are the disturbers of our mutual fricndship,
    shall not be attended to without investigation and proof.

    Articlc 3
    The pricipals and officers of both Governments will
    cordially consider thc friends and enemies of either State
    to bc the fricnds and encmies of the other ; and this conside-
    ration must ever rcmain permanent and in forcc from
    generation to generation.

    Article 4
    If any one of the neighbouring powers of cither Statc
    should commenco any altercation or dispute, and design,
    without provocation, unjustly to possess himself of thc
    50 Modln Ncpal
    tcrritorics of'cithcr country, and rhoutd cntcrtrin hortilc
    intcntions with the vicw of tslitrg that couotry, thc vakccls
    on the part of our rcspcctivc Govcrnocnts at cithcr Court
    will fully rcport all particulars to thc hcad of thc Statc, who,
    according to thc obligationr of fricndship subsisting betwccn
    the two Statcs, aftor having heard the said particulars, will
    givc whatcver answcr and advicc may be propcr,

    A?ticlc 5
    Whcnevcr any disputc of boundary and territory
    betwcen the two couDtrics may arisc, ouch disputc shall bc
    decided through our rcspcctivc vakccls or our ofrccrs,
    according to thc principles of justicc and right; and a
    laudmark sball be placed upon thc asid boundary, and
    which shall constantly rcmaio, that thc ofrc€rs both now
    and hercafter may considcr it es a guidc, and trot makc any
    cncroachmcnt,

    Arlicle 6
    such places as arc upon the Frontiers ofthe dominions
    of the Nabob Vizicr and of Nepaul, and rcspcctiDg which
    any dispute may arisc, such disputc shrll bc seltlcd by the
    mediation of the vakeel ou thc part ofthc Company, in thc
    prescnce ofonc from th€ Ncpaul Governmcnt, aDd onc from
    His Excellcncy the Vizier.

    Arlicle 7
    So maoy elephants, on account of Muckanacinpoor,
    are annually sent to the Company by tbe Raja of Nepaul,
    and tbercforc thc Governor-Gcncral with a vicw of promo-
    ting the satisfaction of the Raja of Ncpau!, and in considera-
    tion ofthc improvcd fricndly connection, and of tbis ncw
    Treaty, rclinquishes and forcgoes the tributc abovc-
    mentioned, and directs that thG officers of the CoEpany'
    both now and hcrcaftcr, from gcneration to gcneration,
    shall nevcr, duringrthe continuance of thc clgagcment
    Exll o! Ram Dahadat Sluh jl
    cootractcd by this Tfcety ( so long as thc cotrditions of this
    trctty Bhall bc in forcc ), cxact thc clcphents from tho Raja.
    A lcle t
    If any of thc dcpcod€nts or inhabitant! of cithar
    country should fly and take rofugc in th6 othcr, end a
    rcquisition should be madc for such pcrsonl on thc part of
    thc Nepaul Government by its constitutcd vakc€l in
    attcndanc€ on thc Governor-Ger,eral, or on thc part of
    thc Company'8 Govcrnmcnt by its rcprcsentativc residing
    at Nepaul, it is in this case mutually agrccd that if
    such person should have 0ed after transgrcssing the laws of
    his Governmenl, it is incumbent upon the principals of both
    Govcrnments immediatcly to deliver him up to the vakcel
    at thcir respcctivc courts, that he may be scnt in pcrfect
    security of thc fronticr of thcir respectivc territoric6.

    Arrtcle 9
    The Maha Raja of Nepaul agrces, that a perguonab,
    with all the lands attached to it, exccpting privilcgcd lands
    aod those appropriated to rcligious purposc, and to jaghircs,
    &c., which are specified separatcly in thc account of collcc-
    tions, shall bc given up to Samee Jco for his expcnses, as a
    prcscnt. The conditions with rcspcct to Samcc Jeo are, that
    if hc should remain at Benarcs, or at any other place, within
    thc Compauy'6 provinces, and should spontancously farm
    his jaghire to thc omcers of Ncpaul, in that cveDt thc amount
    of collcctions shall be punctually paid to him, agreeably
    to ccrtain kists which may bc hcreafter scttl€d ; that he may
    appropriatc the same to his neccssary €xpcnscs, &nd tbat hc
    may continue in rcligious abstraction, according to his
    agrccmcnt, which he had engraved on brass, at thc timc of
    his abdication of the Roy, and of his resigning it in my
    favour, Again, in the event of his establisting his residcnce
    in his jaghire, and of his rcalizing thc collections through
    his own oftcers, it is proper that he should not keep such I
    52 Modcrn Ncpal
    ono and othor disafrected persons in his ccrvice, and besides
    one hundred men and maid scrvants, &c., he must not
    entertain any persons as soldiers, with a view to the collec-
    tion of the revenue of the pergunnah ; and to the protection
    of his person he may take two hundred soldicrs of the
    forcos of the Ncpaul Government, the allowances of whom
    shall bc paid by the Raja of Nepaul. He must be cautious,
    also of commencing alteication, either by spcech or writing ;
    neither must he give protection to the rebellious and
    fugitives of the Nepaul country, nor mus.t he commit plunder
    and devastation upon the subjects of Nepaul. In the event
    of such delinquency being proved to the satisfaction of the
    two Governments, the aid and protection of the Company
    shall bc withdrawn from him and in that event, also, it shall
    be at the option of the Raja of Nepaul whether or not he
    will confiscate his jaghire.
    The Maha Raja also agrees, on his part, that if Samee
    Jeo should take up his residence within the Company's
    proviuces, and should farm out his land to the officers of
    Nepaul, and that the kists should not be paid according to
    agreement, or that he should fix his residence on his jaghire,
    and any of the inhabitants of Nepaul should give him or
    the ryots of his pergunnah any molestation, a requisition
    shall be made by the Governor-General of tbcCompany,
    on this subject, to the Raja. The Governor-General is
    security for thc - Raja's performance of this condition, and
    the Maha Raja will immediately acquit himself of the
    requisition of the Governor-General, agreeably to what is
    abovc written. If any profits should arise in thc collection
    of the said pergunnah, in consequence of the activity of
    officers, or any defalcation occurs from their inattention, in
    either case the Raja of Nepaul will be totally unconcerned.

    Article l0
    With the view of carrying into effect the different
    objects contained in rthis Treaty, and of promoting other
    Exlt of Rena Baludw Shah 53

    verbal ncgotiation, thc Governor-General and thc Raja of


    Ncpaul, the imprrlsc of their will end pleasure, depute a
    confidential person to each other as vakeel, that remaining
    in attendance upon their respectivc Governments, tliey may
    cffcct the objects above specificd, and promote whatever
    may tend to the daily improvement of the friendship
    subsisting betwecn the two States.

    Article ll
    It is inoumbeot upon the principals and officers of the
    two States that they should manifest the regard and respect
    to the vakeel of each other's Government, which, is due to
    their rank, and is prcscribed by the laws of nations ; and
    that they should endeavour, to the utmost of their power,
    to advancc any object which they may propose, and to
    promote their ease, comfort, and satisfaction, by extending
    protection to them, which circumstances are calculated to
    improve the friendship subsisting bctween the two Govern-
    ments, and to illustrate the good name of both States
    throughout the univcrse.
    Article 12
    It is incumbent upon the vakeels of both States that
    they should hold no intercourse wbatcver with any of thc
    subjects or inhabitants of the country, excepting with the
    officers of Government, drithout the permission of thosc
    officers; neithcr should they carry on any correspondence
    with any ofthem ; and ifthey should receivc any letter or
    writing from any such people, they should not answer it,
    without the knorvledge of the head of the State,and acquain-
    ting him of the particulars, which will dispel all apprehen-
    sion or doubt between us, and manifest the sinccrity of our
    friendship.
    Ailicle L3
    It is incumbent upon thc ptincipals and officers
    mutually to abide by the spirit of this.Treaty, whieh is uow
    54 Modern Nepal
    drawn out according to their faith and r€ligioD, atrd deemiDg
    it in forcc from gcncration to gencration that thcy should
    not dcviate from it I any pcrson who may transgress against
    it will bc punished by Almighty God, both in this world
    &nd in a future statc.

    (A true translation)
    C. RUSSELL,
    Assistant Pcrsian Translator.

    Ratified by the Governor.Gcneral and Council, 30th


    October 1801, and signed by thc Nepaul Darbar otr the 2tth
    Octobcr 1802.

    SEPARATE ARTICLE OF A TRBATY WITH THE


    RAJAH OF NEPAUL
    concluded at DINAPORE, Octobcr 26rh, l80l
    -
    Thc Engagcment contracted by Maha Rajah, &c.,
    &c., with His Excellency the Most Noble thc Governor-
    General, &c., &c., respecting the scttlemetrt ofa provision
    for the maintenancc of Purncahir Goonanund Swammcc
    Jcc, the illustrious fathcr of the said Maha Rajab, is to
    thc following effect:-
    That sn annual income, amounting to Patna Sicca
    Rupces eighty-two thousand, of which scvcnty-two thou-
    sand shall be paid in cash atrd ten thousand, itr clephants,
    half male and half female, to be valued at thc rate of
    otrc hundred and tw€nty.five rupees pcr cubit, shall be
    s€ttled oo the said Swammee Jee, commcncing from the
    montb of Aughun 1858, as aD humblc offering to assist
    in the maintinance of his household ; and for the purpo6e
    ofsupplying the said itrcoEe, that the Purgunuab of Beeja-
    poor, .wilh all the land.r theicunto attached ( exceptiog
    Extt of Rana Bahadur Sluh 55'
    rcnt-fre€ landr, religious or charitable cndowmcnts, jaghi-
    res, and such likc as spccified sepsratcly in the account
    of collcctions ) be scttlcd oa thc said Swammce Jce, undcr
    the following conditions : That, in tho evont of his residiDg
    at Benares of othcr placc withio the tcuitories of thc
    Honorablc Company, and of his voluntarily committing
    the collection! of thc said jsghirc to thc scrvaDts ofrhc
    Nepaul Government, in such casc ccveoty-two thousand
    rupecs in cash, and elephants to thc value of ten thousand
    rupees, shall be punctually rcmitted ycar after year, by
    cstablished kists, to thc said Swammec Jee, without fail
    or delay, so thai appropriatitrg thc same to his ncccssary
    cxpenses, he may dcvote himself to thc worship of the
    Supremo being in conformity to his own de.claration, cngra-
    ved on copper at thc time of his abdicating thc Raje
    and of his bestowing it on thc said Maha Rajah; and
    furthcr, in thc eyent of hir cstablishiDg his rceidence upon
    his jaghirc and of his rcalizing thc collcctionr through
    his own oEccrs, it is rcquisitc that hc should aot kcep
    in his scrvice fomcotcrs of scdition and disturbancc, that
    he shall rctain no morc thhn onc hundred male and female
    attcndants, and that he shall not retain about his pcrson
    soldiers of any dcscriptiotr, Tbat for thc purposc of collcct-
    ing thc rcv€nues of the aforesaid pergunnahs aDd for his
    pcrsonal protection, he may have from thc Rajah of
    Ncpaul as far as two hundrcd mcn of thc troops of
    'that country, and thc allowance of such men sball bc
    defraycd by thc Maha Rajah himsetf. He must Dot attcmpt,
    cither by spcech or writiog, to cxcitc commotion nor harbour
    about his pcrson rcbels and fugitivcs from thc t€rritories
    of Ncpaul, ncithcr must hc commit any dcprcdations upon
    thc subjccts of tbat countty. And in thc €vent of such
    delinquency being established to the satisfaction .of both
    parties, that the aid and protection of thc Honorable Com-
    pauy 6hall be withdrawn froo the said Swaomee Jee, in
    which case it shall be at the option of thcMahs Rajah
    56 Moden Nepal
    to confiscatc his jaghirc. It is also agrccd by thc Mahe
    Rajlh that, provided Swammec Jec should fix his rceidencc
    within thc Honorable Company's territories aod should
    commit the collcctions of his jagbirc to th€ omccrs of
    thc Ncpaul Government, in that casc, should thc kists not
    bc paid according to the conditions above spccificd; or
    in thc €vent of his residing upon his jaghirc, providcd
    any of thc subjccts of Ncpaul give him or ryots of his
    pcrgunnah any molcstation, in either casc the Governor'
    General and thc Honorable Company haYc a right to
    dcmand reparation from the Rajah of Nepaul. The Gover'
    nor-Gcneral is guarantce that thb Rajah of Ncpaul porforms
    this conditioD, atrd thc Maha Raiah, on tho rcquisitiotr
    of thc Govcrnor-Gcneral, will instantly fulfil his engage'
    ments as abovc specified. In any augmcntation of the
    collcctions from the judicious managcmcnt ofthe officcrs
    ofSwammce Jce, or in 8ny diminution from a coltrary
    causc, thc Maha Rajah is to bc equally unconcerncd, the
    Maha Rajah engaging that, oD dclivering ovcr the Pcr'
    gunnah of Beejapoor to the offccrs of Swammee Jce, thc
    amount of the annual revenue shall be Patna Sicca Rupees
    72,000; that should it be tcss he will make good thc
    deficiency, aod in case of excess, that Swamm.e Jec bc
    cntitled thcreto.
    Thc first few clauscs of the Treaty are iDnoccnt. It
    is difficult to understand the Ncpalcsc psychology about
    thc cxchange of reprcscntatives envisaged by articles 4 ald
    5, So long, the Ncpalese alon€ maintained th.ir vakil in
    Calcutta, but there was no British representatiYe in Kath-
    mandu. If the British wanted at this stsge to have thcir
    vakll in Kathmandu they could not bc surely blamcd.
    Thus the Nepalese rcscrvation on thc subjcct does not sc€m
    reasonable. Th€ most objcctionablc articles were 9 and
    10, The British had meddled in the internal affairs of
    Nepal by incorporstiDg thc provisiou of a guaraator in
    tboir ow! persotr to rcgulatc rclatioa bctw€€n the NslraleiG
    Exit of iana Bahadur Shah 5l
    authoritics in Kathm&ndu and Rana Bahadur. It secms
    that this provision was accepted by Nepal for tbc reasotr
    that thc British had stood rccurity for Rana Bahadur,s
    movemcnts in thc company'r territorics that hc would
    be debarrcd irom acting prcjudicially against tbosc in
    authority in Ncpal. But thc prercnce of a British mission
    was fcared as this was likcly to gct mixed up more dccply
    in Nepalesc politics, whatever the cotrduct defined iD thc
    Particular clause of thc treaty. Thus they felt that althouSh
    snything dcsigncd to control Rana Bahadur's conduct was
    to bo acccpted, the English should not be allowed aly
    more to dabble and intrigue in Ncpalcso affairs tban what
    was rcquircd by articles 9 ind 10. But with the lrcaty
    as a wholc the Eoglish presence in Kathmandu was going
    to bc a certaiuty. It witl be s tavestry of truth to say
    that some persons in authority, particularly invctcratG
    opponcnts of Rana Bahadur, wantcd Koox to ptay his part
    in Kathmandu. ln fact none were in favour of thc cntry
    or continuance of thc prcsencc of thc British represenla-
    tivcs in lfuthmandu, though it was tbeir wish to use rhe
    Treaty against any sdveoturc Rana Babadur might havc
    chosen to undertake.
    The Trcaty itselfwas a hotch potch atteEpt to in-
    troduce British influencc in Ncpal, Thc British certainly
    wanted to cxploit the iotcrnal fcud of the nobility in
    furthcrance of their intcrcst. As Rana Babadur was oftcD
    pleading for help from thc British in ordcr to anDihilate
    his enemy, it was but natural that they should be inclined
    to take advantage of the situation in as much as tbe
    party in power in KathmaDdu were also soliciting for
    British intervenlion to k€ep Rana Babadur in check in
    Baoarar, It was true that Raoa Babadur's reaction to the
    signing of the Treaty was ho6tile. But we do not ktrow
    if he would bave displayed the same bostility to any
    provisiou of thc Treety allowiag hiE to returD to Ncpsl.
    It is obvious tbat evcry party cotcerned was acting to
    5t Modern Nepal
    push its own intercst with diferent motives. But tbc
    British as the mediating party were cxpecting to dcrive
    tho greatcst advantage, which, however, thcy wcre destincd
    to lose.
    Pcrhapr cvery thing would have gone u,ell ifthey
    had not persued thc matter of sending thcir rcpres€ntativc
    to Ncpal post-haste onc€ the treaty was signed, This stcp
    innoycd the authorities in Kathmandu, who feared that
    Rana Bahadur would make any yielding from thcir sidc in
    rcspect of this problcm as a tacit srrriender to British
    dcsigne. Actually spcaking the acceptance of a British
    rcpresEntstive at thc court was not so simple a question as
    thc Nepalcsc nobility belonging to both the camps serc
    reluctant to admit the British mission into thcir coutrtry,
    Thc clauscs 9 and l0 were not accepted by the Nepalcse in
    earncst but it was done with mental reservation. Tbey hoped
    to cvadc by adopting dilatory tactics the deoand for thc
    entry of the British represcntative once thc danger of
    thcir backidg Rana Bahadur had retreatcd, which they
    fclt was the position as it then stood sitrce the treaty was
    signcd in conformity to the suggestion made by Captain
    Knox,
    I think that all this explains thc reason for tbe
    complication which Knox had to ercounter in trying to
    make his trip to Kathoandu. This might also erplain thc
    rigid attitude on the part of thc majority of the nobility on
    the question of the ratification of the treaty, vbich rhoueb
    complied with was delayed and ultimately led to his
    withdrawal.
    The British tried and tiicd to have a footbold in
    Nepal. Probably to begin with they had confined their
    ambition to securing trade facilities and to the establish-
    ment of a polrtical mission in Kathmar:du, the ostensible
    purpose of which \ra6 also to see tbe tocome oftheland
    granted to Rata Babadur accruld to hicr iD Banaras. But
    rtr tbe cir(umstaDtes prevaihng i0 tbose days aDy atteEpt
    Exit of Raru Eahadur Sluh 59

    by the Britisb ia that directioo was bound to fail and as wc


    shall see later it failcd miserably.
    The Governor-General had ratificd thc trcaty on 3lst
    Octobcr. But it took nearly 6 months to gct treaty ratificd
    by thc Nepalese Governmcrrt. This was duc to suspicior
    of British intention towards Nepalcse authoritice w€re awarc
    that although thc treaty always mcntioncd a Vakil in the
    draft the British in thcir letter of appoiotment ofKnor
    mentioned him as thc Resident. In the todian politics of
    thc day the word Residcnt did nevcr carry the mcaning of
    a Vakil who was just a represcntativc rcsiding in a country
    cnjoying equal status with EIC'S Govcrnmeit. The Resident
    rcprcsentcd the Compatry's powcr in a state uDder subsidiary
    alliance. Ioitially hc was stationed in a particular country
    with a contingent of fighting forcc to guarantcc the ruler,s
    sccurity against thc ncighbours, but thc system as it cvolvcd
    later established paramountcy over thc stste which
    surrendered all its sovereignty to the Impcrialist power.
    The Ncpalcsc had to be extremely cautions so that the
    country did not lose its independencc as the British Vakil
    surrcptitiously called thc Residcnt functioncd in the usual
    manncr mcddling and intcrfcring in the intcrnal affairs.
    So cven as they displayed rcadiness to append signaturc to
    the treaty, their suspicions of the British had remaincd. At
    the secoDd stage Knox's passagc to Nepal was equally looked
    with suspicion and hc could go to Kathmandu faciog grcat
    hindrances. By sheer luck Knox had reached Kathmandu
    but he was not destined to stay long there by dint of adversc
    circumstanccs,

    Rana Bahadur's Reaclion


    For sonetioc Rana Bahadur did not know about the
    eogageEcnt regarding bis pensron. He had hrs owo gaEe
    tr play as the tiEe leEgtheaed for the finalisation of the
    treaty. Hc wauted to Eeer Lord Wclleslcy in patna or
    Brnarag as it was rcport€d. HakiE Antony was seEt to
    60 Modern Nepal
    wait on thc latter as Rana Bahadur's Vakil 'with verbal
    communication'.103 It appears that Rana Bahadur wanted
    to.see Lord Wellesley in Banaras. But as the latter did not
    come, his wishes were not fulfllled. Antony rcturncd to
    Banaras.
    As expected Knox's estimatc of Rana Bahadur Shah
    proved correct. Knowing that the ex-ruler would react
    unfavourably to thc settlement the Governor-Goneral
    instructed Knox to approach him either through his Munshi
    or through the acting Agent General iJr Banaras. The Mir
    Munshi delivered the letter which gave him to know the
    facts of settlement. Rana Bahadur had written several
    lctters to the Governor-General wanting to know of thc
    transactions between the British and the Nepal administra-
    tion. He showed signs of exhaustion and impatiencc at the
    dclay. When actually he was shown the'execution' by the
    Mir Munshi of Captain Knox, he felt to have been let down
    by the British. After all hc coveted the powers in
    Kathmandu. But the British warned him that 'a deviation
    from the terms of engagement will also absolve the British
    Government from the obligation of the guarantee, to which
    it is now pledgcd and will hazard the loss of every conces-
    sion which the Government of Nepal has been induced to
    make in his favour'. 1oa
    It was natural for Rana Bahadur to resent but to keep
    quiet in the circumgtances.
    But Rana Bahadur could on no account displease the
    British.
    The British were playing a double game. They hoped
    that by making a settlement of Jaghir lands on Rana
    Bahadur they were obliging him. The ex-ruler was not the
    man to feel obliged. He was too clever to be duped by the
    British. He had realised that the treaty was designed to

    103. n. 19, 30 June, 1802, Foreign and Secret Dept., Recd. 30 June.
    104. tbid.
    Exlt of Rana Dahadtr Shah 6l
    harm his irtcrcst, Hc would ratbcr fccl tbat thc settlcEcnt
    was cffccted in the intcr€st of the British th€mselvcs, which
    was vcry corrcct. He also would not hesitatc to the last to
    fomcnt troubles against thc Nopalcsc administration, Tbis
    wo! what the British thought ofRana Bahadur's rcaction
    to thc Anglo-Nepalese Trcaty. Actually thc British wcr6
    th€ only party bcncfiting comparatively more by thc trcoty,
    which put thrm os guarantols of promises madc by onc
    party to the other. Rana Bahadur with his desire to rcturn
    found himself &t a disadvantageous position but the othcr
    party had also somc r€ason to be satisfied at th€ prospect of
    Rana Bahadur being put under rcstrainr in British India. If
    thc British would act in sincerity to thc tcrms of thc trcaty
    thosc in power in Kathmandu had nothiog to gct worricd.
    Thc ttcaty had certainly given thcm advantagcs ovcr Rana
    Bahadur. But undoutedly the British werc the greatcst
    bcnciciary through thc deal. By virtue ofthc treaty obliga-
    tions thc Ncpal Governmcnt had to yield to the exercise of
    the British pressurc where tha questions of thc pension
    settlcd on Rana Bahadur matteredr Although Rana Bahadur
    was not bound by tcrms of the trcaty, not beiog a signatory,
    he had to depend on the British for sccuring his livclihood
    from Nepal.
    Kathmandu was always haunted with a fear ofthc
    activities of Rana Bahadur in India, who, howcvcr could
    act only with the active co-opcration or connivancc over
    his movcments by the British in case thcy utdertook lo
    abidc by the provisions of the treaty. Thc tr€aty could
    not have becn signcd but fortheweak position ofRana's
    oppon€nts. They sought protection for thcmselves in tbc
    treaty which, howcver, was not going to be of benefit at
    critical hour wheo they wcre assailcd. It appears very
    clearly that thc trcaty was not a very eff€ctive instrument
    to tic thc parties in a common bond of sinccre friendship.
    Wc should not forget that rhe English had n,anted Nepal to
    bring under their influence. If this could havc been donp
    62 Mofun Ncpal
    through Rana Bahadur tho trcaty would havc bccn slgncd
    with him. We must ktrow that cvcry party haa its own
    intcrcst in thc d6sl. Thc English saw in thc agrccmcnt the
    vcry initial stagc of pcnrtration into Nepsl. Thc minirtcrs
    in Nopal thought that by th6 sgr€cmcEt thcy wcro putting
    Raua undor rcstraiEt, Rana Bahadur acccptcd it with rcscnt-
    mctrt but this war bccauec hc did not want to dicplcarc thc
    English. Tho Boglish wcrc clcvcr cnough to cxploit thc situa-
    tion to thcir sdvsntagc. But it was not a treaty of eubsidiary
    alliatrce thcy sought to ncgotiatc, Thc provision for an
    cxchangc of rcprcieatatiycs could not makc it so. Thus in
    tho schemc of various conflicting intcrests no onc psrty
    got prcdominance. It was lcft to future how thiogs will
    shspo. But wc shall know that thc Eoglish efforts to cstablish
    4 political conndction with Nepal totally failcd,
    Chapter II
    THE SECOND BRITISH MISSION TO NEPAL
    Knox En rofie
    Thc tr€aty of l80l unlikc thc otrG of 1793 covcrcd
    mattcrs outside thc strictly commcrcial relation subsisling
    betwccn two countrics. Iti most iDportant clause wasin
    regard to the establishment of a Yakil in Ksthmandu'
    Altbough in letter there was Dothing like a subsidiary
    alliance which in all cascs gavc to the British Governmtlt
    entire control over political relations with cach otber 8Dd
    with foreign states ( S.C. October 28, 1817' n. 13)yettbc
    Nepalese thought that the clause in rcality s,as intended to
    introducc tho same in a less offensive manner and to tale
    Nepal stcalthily a step furthcr towards a position of
    dcpcndcncy. Thc British utrdcrstood to achicve thc samc
    under a garb of the Gorkhali's own choice.
    Nothing was mote rcpugnant to the Gorkhali rulcrg
    than thc estsblishment of a British represc[tative in
    Kathmandu. To them the very contact with thc British
    was fraught with daDger. They thought not unreasonably
    that the British would sprbad thcir tentacles over the cntirc
    subcontinent of Indis by such underhand means. Thc
    Gorkhalis w€rc aware that the British sparcd no cffort to
    grab thc cntire courtry once thcy wcrc in a Position to
    influence the state policies from inside and wculd usc atl
    mcans fair or foul and rcsort to mcthods of bribcry and
    corruption whcr it oeaot to dcstroy their advcrsary.
    And who could free himself from tbese traps ? Thc Britisb,
    thcrefore, were to bc shulncd rather than contacted. But the
    signing of thc treaty bad placcd tbe Nepalese rulers in a
    precarious position, This came unwittingly aDd as a
    corollary to thc situation Rana Bahadur's PrcscDec in
    64 Moden Ncptol
    Banarae gencratcd. Now thc wholo problcm was to
    undcrminc thc British gamc to which cau6e th€ir policy sas
    thcreafter directcd.
    It was probably against thcir *ishcs not so wcll cx-
    pr€ssed tbat thc British ucre rcnding their rcprcscntativc
    in Kathmandu. Thc mcn at the helm of affairs in Kath-
    Dandu kncw that Rana Bahadur would releasc a violcnt
    propaganda against thcm and accusc thcm ofsclling tbc
    motherland to thc British,
    So a mood of hcsitancy wss still visible in thc Nepa-
    lese trobility as thcy adopted a go slow toctics,

    Insttuction to Knox
    Captain Knox was to prcsent to thc King of Ncpal
    gifts from thc Govcrnor.Gencral from Calcutts, Thesc
    consistcd of thiogs not available in Banaras and Patna.
    He was also to reccivc thc countcrparts of articlcc as laid
    down in the agreements.
    Captain Knox was to be escortcd by'a dctachmcnt
    of Native Infaotry consistiog of two companies, with thcir
    usual proportion of European and Nativc o6ccrs't, Cap-
    tain Charles Crawford was included in thc party as a pro-
    fesgional survcyor who 'was to obtain a gcographical
    knowlcdge of the country'. Mr. Blakc ofth€ Dcpartmcnt
    of Mincrology and Chcmistry was to join Knox 'for thc
    purpose of investigating thc natural products of thc coun-
    try uoder your direct supervision',. Maulavi Abdul Kadir
    who was also to accompany Knox was to function ss thc
    nativc sccrctary.
    Knox was adviscd to look into the i[struction given
    to Col. Kirkpatrick and his correspondcncc. Hc was autho.
    rised to dircctly correspond with or through thc S€crctary
    to the Governmcnt in thc Sccrct and Political DcpartEcnt.

    l. n. lli3,0Junc, 1802,lotterof lst NovcrDbcr, l80l by Edmotrstotc


    2. tbid.
    Thc Sscond Brltlsh Mlsslon to Ncpal 65

    In rcgard to thc affairs of Rana Bahadur thg Residcnt was


    to bc in touch with thc Governor-Gcncral's agcat in Bana-
    ras or any principal officese 'at whatcvcr station the abdi-
    cated Raja may residc'4.
    While in
    Ncpal thc Rcsidcnt wa8 inrtructcd to con-
    duct himsclf with 'thc utmost dcgrce of circumspection'6.
    captain Knox was to rcmcmber that thc treaty was moti-
    veted on thc psrt of thc Ncpalcsc administrator 'not because
    therc was a diminution of jealousy but bccausc thc lattcr
    fclt thc new relation with thc powerful British was a bul-
    wark against possible intrigues of thcir opponents to oust
    thcm'6. This was also a prcventive Eeasure to'discharge
    thc British from employing their powcr to instatc thc abdi'
    cated Raja on thc masnad'. Thc British through their
    Residcnt were to impress thc peoplc of Ncpal that their
    ruling interest was to promotc the prosperity by combining
    mutual intercst of thc two countries. Captain Knox was
    by his right conduct and affable dcportmcnt to avoid any
    indication of a desire to interferc in the internal adminis'
    tration of thc country'7.
    Not only Captain Knox but cvery body in his tcam
    including the 'domestics and scpoys' wcrc to move cau-
    tiously in their dcaling with the nativcs and should bc
    guidcd by the maxims of prudcncc and discrction which
    rcgulatc your own'8.
    Knox was unobrusively to find out information 'with
    respect to the civil and military Government alliance and
    connection of thc statc, the wcather and rcsources and
    products of the country'o. Thcre should bc no cxpression

    3. rbid. 4. Ibid.
    5. rbid. 6. Ibid.
    7. rbid. 8. Ibid.
    9. Ibid.
    6 Mod.n N.pal
    ofcrriosity rbout thcse subjocts bccausc this i6 likcly to
    'hazard thc loss of all advantagcs, of which tbc present
    alliancc is susceptiblc' 10.
    The Govcrnor-Gencral was prsparcd to grant pcndion
    to DaDodar Pande and Bam Shah as recommendcd by
    Knox, but this would not be associated with thc British
    support to these mcn against thcir advcrsaries. Thc British
    wcrc not obliged to extcnd support to them. This position
    was to be strictly maintained as otherwisc the British would
    bc accuscd of interfering in thc intcrnal affairs of the
    Government. Thc British had the least desire to get inyol.
    ycd in the internal contest for power in Kathmandu. Thc
    Govcrnor-Generai made it clear that thc idea of giving
    pcnsions to Damodar Pande and Bam Shah was not to
    creat€ a permanent burdcn on the financc of thc Company.
    Thc pension should be conferrcd in the exigencies of
    the situation but thcse should be so conditioncd as to chargc
    them on t;re rcvenues of Nepal or to commute them for
    jagir in that territory, under the Company's guarantee.
    The advisability of supporting the present rcgime could
    bc considered when the British influcnce was established
    on a permancnt and secure foundation. Csptain KDox
    had bccn told that the Governor-General was convinced
    about the bonafides ol Guru Gajaraj Misra in ,promoting
    pres€nt alliance with N6pal'1r. And Gajaraj,s influencc
    in Nepal must be utilised furthcr 'to sccurc the conti-
    nuance of his active exertions for the complcte attaiDm€nt
    of thc prcsent alliance'r ?.
    Bcsides thesc general instructions Captain Knox was
    to try to implement the opcration of thc treaty of commerce
    with Ncpal concluded on 4th Fcbruary, 1792. But even hcre
    utmost caution was to be cxercised lest thcy might Dot

    I0. I bid
    lt. Ibid
    12. Ibid.
    The Second Birkh N.N
    Mlstlon to 67

    tatc it othcrwisc. If any modifisations in thc provisions


    were desired hc was to convcy them to thc Govcrlot-
    Gencral. Thc company was intcrcsted in tha inports to
    Europ€ of'valuable drugs, dyes and othcr articlc! which
    Ncprl abounds in. The Residcnt wal clpcctcd to obtain
    at his earlieat most corrcct informstion of minotat
    botanical and agricuttural products of Ncpaul'. Thcsc wcro
    to bc exchanged for thc articlcs Nepal nc€dcd from outsidc'
    so thc extcnt of dcmand for imports into NcPsl wcrc to bc
    spccifically inquircd into. Through Ncpal thc Company
    desired to opcn'a beneficial trade with countri€s of Bhutan
    and Tib€t'. Tibct and Bhutan w€rc reported to abound in
    gold and silver, Knox was dircctcd to itrcludc a provision
    in the trcaty of commercc so that gold and gilvcr could
    in cxchangc for Europcan goods find way into thc Com'
    pany's tcrritories. Also thc Company should havc direct
    link with Tibet and Bhutar and all practical considcra-
    tions to this cffect should bc lak€D into accounl.
    Apart from gencral political aims the British wantcd to
    settle with Nepal which wss contiguous to their northcrn
    frontier questions of surrender of 'rcfractdry lnrsons i.e.
    fugitives, particularly otr thc Purnia froDtier', and all
    bouudary disputcs.
    At the time Knox was to l€ave for Nepal the iDsurgetrts
    in flight from Oudh werc hiding in the jungles of Butwal.
    The British wanted Nopal's cooperation to suppre8s them.
    As for tradc, sal, fir and pinc tr€cs are said to grow in
    abundance in Nepalesc forcsts in the Tcrai and a littlc
    upwards. Thc British wcre interested to procure them for
    masts and spars: uptill now thcy wcrc getting supplies of
    the trees from Pegu and Eartern islands but they wcre
    'expensive and prccarious', But if Nepal could supply thc
    materials, they could bc obtaincd at a cheapcr cost. Furthcr
    the samples of frr and pinc trces of Nepal as cramin€d at
    Calcutta 'indicatc the probability of an ample supply of
    pitch and tar which so far had been imported from Europe'.
    6t Modera NcPnl
    Captaia Knox wag to cndcavour .to cnablc thc coEpsny
    and British mcrchantr to commatrd the producc of thc
    hills and forcsts of Ncpal'. The British wcrc prcp&rcd.to
    ccdc a portioE of the tcrritories or its cquivalent in moncy
    if Ncpalcse would egrcc to givc thcm possosrion of forcjt
    landr producing thc rcquircd trces. Furthcr accomEoda_
    ting attitudc rnight bc displayed by agrccing to band ovcr
    Cossipur and Rudrapur to Ncpal in lieu ofthe forcst land
    as abovc mentioncd. Thc two villagcs werc claimed by
    Ncpsl but wcrc in possession of thc Vazir. In case th;
    qucstion of 'cessation of land was not likcd Captain Knox
    was to obtsia the right to cuttiDg ard transporting of
    timbcrr for the company,.
    Thcrc wcre also qucstions of trade, Thc immcdietc
    iseuc was that ofsurrender of Sobhan Ali who had takcn
    rcfugc in Nepal and rerurn ol two villagcs which thc
    Ncpalcco had captur€d (Edmonstonc to Knox, 14 Nov. tg0l,
    n. I6; 30 Junc, 1802, Foreign and Sec. Dcpartmcnt).
    Thc British wcrc also interestcd in knowing about tb€
    rclationship bctwccn China and Ncpal, q,hich Csptai! Knox
    was to obtain unobstrusively,

    Intrigrn, of Rana Bahadur


    Evcr since he lcfr Nepal Rana Bahadur Shah was
    trying by all means to bc reinstiiuled in powcr. Wc havc
    rccn how hc cajoled the British to help him in this pcrsuit.
    Failing to gct thcir support and at thc samc time bcing
    trsppcd into thcir custody hc rcsortcd to a gamc of intri.
    gucs playing onc group against thc other (iu Kathmandu)
    aod att€mpting to take advantagc ofthc disscntion in thc
    Camp of his crstwhile opponcnts. In this gamc his main
    targct was Damodar Paodc whose rcmoval hc was sccking
    as thc first step towards his own rcstoration.
    Bam Shah had rold Knox on the Sth of March, lE02
    that Rana Bahadur lately sent to the euccn Rcgcnt .a
    ^had
    ring and a lcttcr, atpplauding hcr for having Oisllaccd
    The Second B tish Mission to Nepal 6g
    Damodar atrd advising her to causehis death and that of
    Misrcr, and charging hcr not to admit of Knox,s mirsion
    into Ncpal. But the Rani had not paid hecd to his advicc
    (30 June, For. and Scc. Dcpt., n. 47).
    As Knox lcft for thc frontier Rana Bahadur kocw
    of
    thc failurc of his attempto to get thc support of thc British
    Govcrnmcnt for hie asccndancy in Nepai. Thc trraty
    wr!
    a final act of dicappoitrtmetrt to him. In thcsc circumsiaoccr
    it w&s trctural that Rana Bahadur had rcturncd to intrigucs
    as e gamc of powcr politics to rc-cstablish himsclf
    as thc
    ruling authority in Ncpal.
    Damodar Pande's downfall camc in the aftcrrnath of
    thc murdcr of Kirtiman Basnet, about which wc atc writing
    in the next fcw passages.

    llurdcr o! Mulkazl Kirtiman

    . . .According to thc rcport of thc Dbami of Noakot. to


    w-hich wc rhall alludc latcr again, Kirtiman cvofca
    cavf
    of thc ofrccrc bocause as Chicf Mioistcr he had ccatralii
    powctt cven overriding thc Chautaras. He
    arbitrarity
    appointed and dismisscd ofrccrs of statG cxcluding
    ro onJ.
    Evcrybody- camc inro his tight grip right fro.
    tto-.c notaiig
    thc- port ofa Chautara down-to that ofa
    clcanscr of roya'i
    stsblc. In thc situation all combincd ro bring thc downiall
    of Kirtioan. Thc Chautarac, Sri Krisna Sbah ard
    Vidur
    Shah, Kazis Prabal Rana and Deodetra fnrp", S"raiit
    P(atioan Rana, yadunath Khatri and some -l2O
    Onraos
    wcrc involvcd io a conspiracy to kill KirtiEaD.
    A rumour
    was sct afloat that KirtiDan was the paraoour
    Rcgcnt, This was a false cbarge. Kirtiman was killcd
    of thc
    by
    two mcn Kancban Khawas and Shyamadatta Shah on
    Atyha, 1858 Z,S:carly Oct. tg0l A.D, Whilc h€ $aE rcturu-
    Ii
    rpg hopc froE thc palace he was overpowercd
    oD tbc crossittgl
    of a lduc tear Hathisar (aow thc 6pace occupicd ty
    Nepa'i
    Bauk). The body was kept usiraced for to.o aayi
    tiaica
    ia a roon ia a housc aeatby. Aa it bcgan to tirow foul
    7O Modern NcPal
    rmell in a statc of dccomPosition, then the fact was known.
    The Rcgent callcd a mecting of the councillors wbich s€t
    as a court io thc large room of Nhulche in tbe Royal palace'
    A writing on this €Pisode is prcscrved in a noting
    on the bahikhata (account book)l8 now kept in thc recotds
    room of lhc Kausl Tosakhana omce' Thc loting says that
    thosc passiDg by tt.e Hathisar (the place where elephants
    wcrc kcpt) smelt thc bad odour ofthc decomposed body'
    which was discovercd after some days. The Maharani
    ordcred the cremation of thc body' whicb was burnt with
    du€ rites.
    Haoilton says that Kirtiman who was a ncphew
    (sister's son) of Damcdar and rosc to eminence because of
    his qualities as well as his relation with the Regent com-
    manded a great iofluence over ber, but he used this against
    his own maternal unclc and rcmoved the Pandes from
    positions of responsibility substituting his own thereafter'
    According to thc Dhami's account Chautara Bam
    Shah and Sher Babadur suddcnly wetrt to tbe Rani and
    agsembled the army, which surrounded the palacc' Damodar
    Pande was susP€cted ofthis murder, and two of his sons
    werc imprisoned, though hc himsclf could not bc touched'
    Hc was lct otr temporarily on oath taken with his touch of
    sacred thrcad. Thc situation was tensc in the capital, aod
    it seemcd for a whilc that th€ fatc of Damodar's family
    was scaled for cvcr. Howevcr, bcforc Knox reacbed
    Kathmandu thc Pandes and Cbautaras were rcconciled and
    ard Damodar's sons relcased. But the Basnets were plough'
    ing a loncly furrow in sullen mood with their positon as
    unccrtain as €vcr. Damodar Pandc was also no more in
    power and living obscurelY:
    According to Hamilton the R€gcDt ncver Iiked
    Damodar, and thc circumstaoce was made a pretence for
    atteEpting his ruin, and for the elcvation of Brahma (Bao)

    13. By gosrt€sy of Blb!tam Acharya'


    The Second D Nepal
    tish Mi,ssion to ?f
    Shahi to the principal authority in thc Covcrnmcnt
    (p, 215). In similar circumstanccs Kaji pratioaD
    Ra!a,
    Sardar Garmu, Sardar Iodra Simba and ccvcral othcrs warc
    killcd on Asvina 2j of vS t8S8 (sccond wcek of Octobor),
    I do not think that the Rcgent waDted so. Butit
    surcly gavc risc to a rituation when Dsmodar could bc
    ousted and hc was ousted. But thc worst befcll to maBy
    othcrs, Devadatta Tbapa was dcprivcd of hir eye6, Sardars
    Pratiman Rana, Indra Simha Khawas and trcasurcr Garbhu
    Khawas wcrc sont to thc guillotinc and 100.120 Omraos
    wcrc imprisoned, However, some othcrs cscapcd. yidur
    Shah was helped by his brother to go in hidiog. Kriena
    Shah was allowed to go down stairs on thc plea of frcsh
    cxamination oDd thcn smuggled iDto a matador he cscapcd
    to._tho plains. Ranajit pande also escapcd to the plainr.
    All this had happencd before thc clder qucen's arrival.
    It so happcncd that actually thc tusslc for powcr was
    not bctwccn the Shah and the pandcs as Hsmilton mrkcs
    out.
    Hamilton's st&temeDt that Sri Krisna Shah was thc
    murdcrer of Kirtiman sccms appar€ntly wrong. Thie
    gcntlcoan lefr Nepal on 5th Octobcr, 1799 finding thc
    aftcrmath of 1877 Phalcwra cvent utrcoDgcnial for bimself
    and was living in Hariharkshetra in Sonepur (Bihar) eincc
    thcn. But it is also possible that he might havc comc back
    on a short visit as the Dhami also implicatcc him in lhc
    conspiracy. Hc is implicated clearly as the cut-throat in
    one ofthc lettcrs sent by Rana Bahadur to Bakhtabsr on
    VS.l85E Asadh vadi S roj l, {July, lg0l but the datc partipular
    is irrcgular), thus confirming thc statcmcnt of llamilton
    and thc Dhami of Noakot.
    Who killcd Kirtiman ?
    The murdercr of Kirtiman Basn€t remains untraccd !s
    yct slthough therc werc suspects of high fanks. It was
    .rigltly suspccted thirt the plot was cnginccrcd in high
    12 Modcrn Ncpal
    quartcrs, But who could it bc ? Damodar Paadc and his sons
    wcrc absolvcd ofthc crinc, Although som! havc namcd Sri
    Krisna Shah as thc conrpirator, thcrc is no actual cvidcncc
    of hfu having bccn an accomplicc in thc gamc. Of courtc,
    Rana Bahadur's allcgation is lhcre, But hc might havc
    implioatcd his cousin out of spitc bccausc th: lattcr had
    cxprcsscd his dislikc of Rana Babadur's bchaviour duriog
    post-rcnunciation pcriod. Thc Dbami of Noalot givc6 two
    osmcs, not of important mcD, howcvct, as lhc murdcrcrs of
    tho Bssnct Kazi. It could bc surmiscd that Rana Bahadur
    himscll was thc chicf conspirator in this Eurdcr for thc
    obvious reason that thc Kazi had not sidcd with bim in tbc
    tusslc for powcr going on bcforc hc lcft for Banaras. But
    thcrc is no documcntary cvidcncc of his involvcmcnt io thc
    murdcr and until ihcn hc could trot bc rtraiSht implicatcd
    in it,

    Dluukal Singh diet in Almora


    About thc lamr timc Kirtimaa war murdcrcd in
    Kathmandu, Kazi Dhaukalsimha Basnct died of an attack
    on his body by some dissatisficd clcmcnts of a company of
    thc Gorkha army guarding Lalmandi fort in Kumaon, who
    wcrc clamouring for bettcr pay or adcqustc ratiors 8nd also
    thrcatenitrg to carrying away armies and flags if thcir
    rcqueit was not acccptcd. The causc of thcir dissatisfaction
    was that whilc ihere wcrc troublcs in Kathoandu, lhe Paionl
    was donc in Noakot and a ncw company utrdcr tbc samc
    namc (Vadamani company) wa! crcatcd which oblaincd thc
    land so long rcccivcd by tbosc in Kumaon. Thc Kazi had
    comc to Almota h lyestha 1E57 a,ft r taking lcavc of tbc
    palace in chairru. As soon as hc was thcre, lhc qucstion of
    providing ration to thc soldicrs guardilg Lalmandi camc
    for solutiou. Thc Subcdar, Jamsdal ind 7 turbans (juniot
    ofrccrs vearing turbens) prcsscd hilr to metc allangcEclto
    for the rcccipt of salary or paddy ia licu of. The Kazi
    sociog thc ju6tico of tho csec rye! givilg thcE lllo*alcc
    The Second D tlth Uitston to N.pal 73

    whilc at th€ samc timc hc approachcd thc authoritics on


    the qucstion. Hc had plcaded that ,ailiDg tbe gift of paddy
    crops thcy cbould rcccivc Paymcnt in casb. Thc soldicrs
    had bccn assurcd thst thcy would continuc to rcccivs
    moncy, and warncd that on no account thcy should takc
    away thcir cnsigns and tutrs. Thc mattcr wis not solved
    for a long timc and thc soldicrs werc disgustcd 8nd sngry
    and thcy waDtcd to go to Kathmandu to rcprcscnt thcir cssc.
    As thcy d.partcd thcy carricd guns and flags. Dhaukelsimha
    wrs surpriscd thlt 8utrs and the flags wcrc liftcd without
    propcr aulhority, and hc camc down from his qusrtcrs to
    hold thc soldiers. Thc compaly had advanccd as far ar
    Dharampani. But hc travellcd by doli (mattocl) to tb.
    placc and askcd thc marching soldicrs to halt. As thcy
    did not carc 1o listcD, hc got dowo from his doli and
    suddcnly got hold of thc flag. Thcrc was a scramblc snd
    somc pcoplc wcrc hurt, and among th.m thc Kazi. Who hit
    him, nous could asccrtain. But hc w8s scriously bit on thc
    forchcad by bayonets. Hc sccmcd also to have bccn beatcn
    all over his body. Hc was trcatcd 8t thc Darbar but on thc
    moraing of 4th day or 5th day his condition grcw scrious and
    pcoplc took thc dying man to th! baDk at Viscswarghat of
    thc rivcr Salmati. Thcrc hc died.
    Was his dcath duc to any conspiracy hatcbcd uP in
    Kathmandu, which also had laid hands on Kirtiman ? But
    this tics yct a qucstion mark and tcmains as it is, bccausc
    thc assa$sins had not bccn idcDtificd.
    Dhaukal Singh was tbc youngest son of Sivaraoa
    Basoct, and unclc of Kazi Bal,htabor.
    Kirtiman fclI a prey to thc machination of thc intri-
    guers. But his rcmoval fronr thc sccnc Bavc ri6e to lurthcr
    intriguc.
    Rana Bahadur fourd hir oun pcrsuit thriviog. Hc
    bcgrtr to iood Kathosodu with clsndcstiEe lcttcrs iDcitiDg
    tbe BasFets agaiEst his principal eneEies and their
    sBPp6rtcrs.
    74 llodqn Nepa|
    Thc intriguc was in full swing ae Knor startcd for
    Kathnandu and wat on his way.
    Rana Bahadur's main attcntion was to humour the
    mcmbcrs of thc B&snet family and his own brother Sher
    Bahadur Shah, who wcre in power &t the timc. In a collcc-
    tion maintaincd by a dcsccndant of tho Basnet family we
    gat a numbcr of corrcrpondcnce passing bctwc€tr Rsna
    Bahadur aod thc Basncts and from thesc it will appcar that
    his solc purposr was to win onc of thc most powerful
    clcmcnts of the Bharadars to his sidc so that thc ranks of
    his opponcnts gct hctplcss.
    Thc corrcspondcncc shows that barrilg a few occasicls
    hc had bccomc acrive from mid lE02 upto thc timc hc
    succccdcd in returning to Nepal.
    Rana Bahadur Shah wrote lcttcrs not only to Shcr
    Bahadur rnd Bssnet minister. He also tricd to win allcgiance
    of other officers in similar vein. In a lctter to Sardar
    Jaswanta Bhandari written from Banaras on VS lgsg
    Phalguna krlsna 15 roj 4 (-r cdnesday,23 March, 1802) hc
    promised thc continuancc of thc post to him and his
    desccndants as long 8s thcy were lolal to the throne of his
    dynasty and did not run away from the battleficld and
    conducted himsclf correctly. Rana Bahadur said because
    of the misdoing of his opponcnts he camc lo live far away
    from Nepa! Hc apprcciated the Bhandari,s action in defend-
    ing thc throne whcn therc was an atteDpt to climinrlc it,
    aDd protqcting thc pcrson of his son.ra
    Patasuram Thapa and Gajaraj Misra were at tbis stagc
    askcd to help Swami Maharaja in his activities agajDsr lhc
    Pandc cum Shah opponents It appears from thc coonected
    lincs in thc lcttcr of appointment of Mathabar SiDgh tbat
    the Misra Guruji refuscd to play atry part whatsocvcr. Tbis
    was probably thc reason which had madc Raas Bahadut
    bittcr against Gajaraj Misia. Parasuram Thapa, bowcver,

    14. Itihasa Pral.asa, I, 0.90.


    The Second Btirlsh Misslon to NePaI ?5

    s€cms to havc obligcd him. He is thc rcciPicnt of a lcttcr


    from Rana Bahadur. Parasuram is callcd Budha i.e. cldcrly.
    Thc letter was sent from Banatas from a housc on thc bank
    of thc Gangcs. Thc lcttcr is dated VS 1857 Sruwna sadi 9
    ro.l I
    (:Wedncsday, 30 July, 1800 A.D.).
    This lctt€r was scnt to Patasuram Tbapa, immedia'
    tely as he had rcachcd Banaras. The Thapa rcachcd BaDaras
    latcr, and continucd to tivc with thc cx-King as onc of his
    rotcnuc.
    Thc lettcr asks Parasuram Tbapa not to givc c&rs to
    the coutrscl of collatcrals but.to act independcntly. Hc was
    also to make constant efforts for Rana Bahadut's rcturn
    homc.
    Parasuram Thapa was asked to look aftcr thc throne and
    loyally servc the king. He was givcn a place in rank as
    the 7th family of Bheradarr to maka equal in status with the
    Pande, Basnet and othcrs of thc sir familics. Rana Bahadur
    in thc capscity of the Kiog's fether.
    addresscs this letter
    Parasuram Thapa had found himsclf in wildcrncss
    since the captur€ of the Ncpal Vallcy by Prithvinarayana
    Shah. In a letter ofSaturday, 4 April' l77l thc Raja of
    Palpa had assured him safc asylum in his tcrritory.r6 But
    we do not kaow if hc took rcfuge thcrc. Probably hc did
    not. Two other lettcrs show that he wss in Banaras sith
    the ex-Kiog. It is possiblc that hc was in the scrvicc of thc
    king ofGorkha sincc Rana Bahadur assumcd pos'cls. Therc
    arc two letters rcfcrrcd to written by Harakumara Datta
    son of Tanhou from Ram Nagar in British territoty to
    Parasuram Thapa.
    Harakumara Datta writcs that Parasuram Thapa was
    once his man. This suggcsts that the Thapa had lived in
    Tanhou and rfter it was snncxcd to Gorkha went ovcr lo
    the other side. Onc of the Raja" letters dated Bhodrs w.li

    15. lrihasa Plakasa,I, p.98ltotter, YS Chairro sukla I roi 7 ftoa


    Butwal).
    16 Mo&n Ncpal
    2 roJ 4 (:tfi2611csday, 7.August, 1800) assurcs Rana of his
    assistsncc and says'wc had scrvcd thccountry in thc past
    and wc shall continuc to doso. If thc SwaE i think that
    wc arc his fricnds siocc yestcrdsy wc aho plcdgc support
    for future. Wc wcrc ready to scrvc iD tha past. Now atso
    wc shall find him so. Sri Krisna Pandit is goiog to Banaras
    with a scparatc mcssagc.'r 6
    Parasuram Thapa was onc of thc old guards amoog
    thc nobility of ncw Ncpal. If Rana Babadur had wishcd
    to win him ovcr to his sidc, hc wao only following the
    policy of his grandfatbcr,
    In a lctter to Shcr Bahadur Sbah datcd VS tSSg
    Magha Sukla 13 roj 2:Mooday, 15 February, 1801.!t Rana
    Bahadur attributcs his cxilc in Banaras to thc machiratioDs
    of his opponents, wbich had causcd rplit bctwccn himr€lf
    and the Chautsra. In an attcmpt to appcare Shcr Bahadur
    hc cxprcsses appreciation of the lattcr's conduct in kccping
    safc thc throtrc and thc pcrson of thc occupant. This was
    a task which Rana himself could noa do. Rana srid thst
    although Sher Bahadur was born of stcp mothcr bc was
    morc than a utcrous brothcr. Rana wstns that thc opponcDts
    i.e. thc P8trdcs might try to dcstroy thc indcpcndencc of
    thc kiog with thc hclp of Krisna Shah end tbe Misra.
    Rcfcrring to Damodar Pandc thc ex-King suggcsted that
    thc formcr would not forgct thc incidcnt whcn his sons and
    brothcrs wcrc chaincd in a cagc, hc might bc sccking rc-
    vcngc. So, Sher Bahadur had to be carcful about thc situation
    and sfcty of his ron. With a vicw to crcatc his brothcr,e
    enmity against thc Pandcs, Raoa Bahadur wrotc that thc
    lattcr werc scnding information agaiost Shcr Bahadur
    accusing him of misconduct and miEdccds. But Rana hin-
    sclf did not givc crcdcncc to such informatioDs. Whet

    16. Ihc dato cJrrest crds to ScpteEbc.6, lBC0, butthcdry of


    thc rseeL L vr6!9.
    17, 16 Fcbrusry, 1802, but tLc dsy ofthc $ctk is $ro!g.
    TIE Sccond Bdrlsh Mhtlon ro Ncpal 77

    convioccd him was thlt Sher Bahadur was innoccnt aad hc


    was thcrcforc as dcar ae his own lifc to him (Rana Bahadur).
    In anothcr lcttcr writtcn on 18J8 Phalguna Sukla 3 roJ 1
    :Sundey, 7 Mrrch, 1802 Rana rcpcats th€ samc statc-
    mcnt.r 3

    At thc cnd wc gct thc following passagc'You ask for


    advicc through Brahmans visitiog Banaras. My advicc to
    you is, you arc the King's uncle or brother whatcvcr it bc.
    You arc the only man tberc to look aftcr th€ thronc aDd
    protcct thc intercst oftbc country. You arc my brothcr.
    Thcrcforc I am writing to you out of dccp lovc. But thcsc
    days you do not writc to mc probably out of fear. You
    must remember that I am yours',
    Thc first lcttcr to Bakhtabar Basnet bc&rs thc date
    VS 1858 Magha stdi 13 roj 2:Monday, 15 February, 1802.
    Hc is addrcsscd as tbc Chief Kazi, It appcars tbat lctters
    wcre sent both to Shcr Bahadur sDd Bakhtabar on thc slmc
    day and more or lcss with thc samc contcnts but tbc ollc
    addrcssrd to the latter had grcatcr dctails. RaDa tells thc
    Mulkszi that hc had proved truc to the words pledgcd
    in thc coppcr platc as hc hrd successfully protcctcd lhc
    King and indcpcndcncc of t-hc country. DUG to thc intrigucs
    of thc Pandcs, thc Basnets wcrc scparatcd from thc cx-King.
    As a rcsult of this Kirtimen was killcd. Rrna Babrdur
    said that hc had rcaliscd hir mistakcs snd hopcd that
    Bakhtabar Dust havc donc so. Thc lattcr is adviscd to scc
    thet thc cx-King rcturncd homc in any cssc. Thc lcttcr
    givcs warning to Bakhtabar that notc of thorc crilcd wcrc
    to bc rccallcd. Misra might try to mislcad him and 'in my
    namc and fcigning support of thc cldcr quccn givc falsc
    assurancc or thrcats'. But thc stcp would bc full of risks.
    Bakhtabar had bccn advised to providc Rana Bahadur a
    full list of namcs, who wcrc not thc prItisanr of thq Pandcr

    18. The datc corrcspords to Sundry, 15 Fcbruary, 1802


    7a Modcn Ncpal
    lnd sonr. Rana Bahadur would srnd not-
    Jcths Chautara'r
    ablo rcyards to thcm. Misra, howcvcr, was not a friend ol
    Rana Bahadur. Hc was not commirsioDcd for ary work'
    Evcn if hc tricd to P€rsuadc him on thc plca of cncmy's
    strongth, no one should bclicvc him. Bakhtabar had
    succcarfully mct thc challcngc of thc crisis carlicr. Rara
    Bahadur hopcd th&t hc would agaio tuccccd and survive
    snd frustrstc thc foul gaEc of the Pandcs io protcctiDg
    tha throtrc. Bakhtabar sag agsurcd of bis post for gcncra-
    tiom 8s long 8s his dynssty rulcd' He would gct frcebolds
    of lands 3 times the sizc posscsscd by thc Pandcs. Bathtab'r
    ir so much flottercd in the letrers that RaDa calls him his
    youngcr son. Hc bcwails thc lot of Kirtiman who was
    killcd bccausc thc Party suspccted him to be a partisan of
    rho Royal family and in order to destroy the independence
    of thc couDtry and person of thc KiDg got bim killed.
    Kirtiman was accuscd of a decd which could not bc cv€n
    thought ofin drcam, Rana asks Balhtabar to aYengc tbe
    dcath of hir brother by either killiog Prabal Rana, tbc
    chicf hand bchind thc murdcr or 8t lcast to havc bis eyes
    and ctts cut off. Ncvcr thc PaDde was to bc allowcd to
    kccp his hcad high. If thc Pandc bccamc thc principal
    Kezi he will trot spare thc Basncts. He should not be trusted
    with thc kccping of thc Rcd seal and thc powels of 'poiani'-
    Bakhtabar might bc isolatcd if the PandG gcts an uppcrband.
    Hc mitht evcn bc killcd. Gajaraj Misra is anothcr suspicious
    charactcr. Hc shavcd hislong beard hcaring thc nens of
    Kirtiman's dcatb, In Patna he ctrjoycd daDcitrg and featt-
    ing. Sri Krisna Shah and others wcre also thcrc. Most of
    all Bakhtabar was not to hand ovcr tbc command of the
    forces to Psodes whethcr for war or peace witb tbe British.
    It timc to know fricnds and enemies. All men of
    wss a
    Bakhtabar's sidc wcre not to bc kept uncmploycd. Thc
    Pandcs had bccn conspiting to mske a three prongtd drive'
    Io Katarban Sri Krisna Shah had becn itrstigated to join
    Misra and march to Kathmandu. The Raja ofTanhou was
    The Sccond D tfuh Mlalon to Ncpal 79

    to cross Soncavara faagcs, Thc Palpali Raja, w8s to do his


    duty from his sidc.
    Rana Bahadur adviscd Bakhtabar to contiDuc to kcep
    in confinemcnt all thosc accuscd of conspiracy in Kirtiman
    murdcr caec till Dssahara. After that a dccision.wsr to bc
    made ac t6 how Eany ofthcm wcrc to be killcd. Thorc lo
    bc relcascd wcrc to be forced to sign a bond. Thc Raja of
    Palpa was also not to bc allowcd to leavc the courtry, lf
    he was givcn over to Misra's side, tbe Pandcs would gain
    morc strcngth, Rara Bahadur admittcd tbe truth of a
    statcmcnt that thc Basnets werc simplc ard loyal lo thc
    throne and country whilc the Patrdcs werc cunning ard
    trcacherous. At thc end of thc lcttcr Rana assurcs Balht&bar
    on oath that he was sincerc about what he wrote in thc
    lctter. He had full faith in him that hc would return homc
    duc to Bakhtabar's efforts, For furthcr aclions he was
    directed to go through thc lctt€r of thc sccond qucen. His
    fate was linkcd with that of Rana Bahadur, So thcre wss
    all thc rcason to act in earncst at that hour.
    Tbc sccond letter to Bskhtabar dcsp8tched ot YS 1858
    Phalguna Krtsna 11 roj 4:Wednesday, 3 March, 1802 rcpcats
    the srmc stetcment, But thc namc ofthc second quccn is
    also added amoDg those whg had bcen thrcatcncd hy tbc
    Paodcs, and who needed Bakhtabar'e protection.
    Thc third lcttcr f,las despatchcd on VS 1859 Asadho
    yadi 5 toj t:Sunday,20 Junc, 1602. Rana Bahadur warng
    Bakhtabar also against th€ sons of Dslamlrdaoa Shah.
    Thc real culprits in tho Kirtiman murdcr casc who had
    instigatcd Sri Krisoa Shah wcre sone others. Rana complains
    that Brkhtabar hsd not writtcn to him about thcm. He
    said ifat any timc Bakhtabar came to lcly on them yield-
    ing to flsttering or frowo, hc would be only prcparing a
    ground for his own downfall. Kritiman had sacrificcd his
    lifc for his King and c'ountry. So had donc hir forcfathers.
    Bakhtabar had to be congratulatcd for his acting up to thc
    tradition in times of crisis. Rana was plcascd to rcad his
    t0 Modon Ncpol
    lcttcr which statcd that hc would always loyally follow thc
    ex-King's dircctives in rcsisting any attcmpt lo harm the
    intcrcst of thc liog and tbc country. He again warned that
    the country's intcrcst wrs at stakc, tha csusc will suffcr
    and thc Pandce will not bc dislodgcd, In atry casc thcse
    pcrsonr havc to bc scpersted from thc Pandcs. Bakhtabar
    wal to bc particular about Amar Singh. Hc should bc
    promotcd in rank and rcwardcd amply rith gift offree-
    holding. 'If you do so, thc thronc of couDtry's indcpcndcncc
    will bc safc. Othcrwisc it will bc a difficult affairs'. Yct
    anothcr lcttcr Rana Bahadur wrotc "if tbcy succecdcd,
    thc throoc would go to Balabhadra Shah or Krisna Shah.
    Thcy will kill Bakhtabar's family, Joswant Bhandari, Amar
    Singh Thapa (Bhimscn's father) Pranasahi, Himakarna
    Thapa, Bhairava Sirgh, Jagat and Subuddhi. But rhis must
    not happen. Thc Mahili Rani or Bakbtabar sbould on
    no account yicld to threats ofBritish intcrvcnlion in bchalf
    of thc othcr party."
    Bakhtabar was further adviscd to be fricnd of Bam
    Shah and Amar Sinha Thapa. If thcsc pcoplc continucd
    to align with thc Pandcs, 'his continuancc in powcr was
    ccrtain, and Bam Shah must bc split from thc Pandc at
    aay cost'10, aDd the occaslion dcmendcd alcrtncss and
    traditional loyaltics on thc psrt of Bakhtabar, and hopcd
    as thc lattcr had assurcd thrt thc Mulkazi would not do
    aoything which his forcfathcrs had not donc, mcaning hc
    would rlways bc truc to th€ thronc and thc country. Uptill
    thcn Brkhtabar had donc cvcrything, for which thc cx.
    King was cxtrcmcly thankful, Rana Bahadur rcmiodcd
    him of his rcaponsibility as Mukhtiar and assurcd that hc
    would givc rccognition to his actions donc in fulfilmcnt
    of it. Nothing was to bc donc which went bcyond thc
    commitmcnts of thc coppcr platc.
    In condlusion Bakhtabar has becn asked to scnd a

    19. Itihalr Prakasa, I, pp. l8-19,


    The Secontl Dfitlsh Mhslon to NePdl 8l
    man ro Banaras within ,lO deys with a mcrcago for bic
    return, Mcanwhile thc Kazi waq to prcparc the ground for
    his relcasc and return, If hc failed to do so, Rana Bahadur
    would think that it was timc for him to die.
    Rana Bshadur promiscd to withdraw thc woman who
    was in Adhmara ss soon ar hc hcard from Bahhtabar in
    thc manncr as aforcsaid. Tho woEan rcfclrcd to al thc
    ono liviog in Adhmata was thc cldcr qurcD'
    According to the lcttcr lhc rcqucst to 8ct hcr rcmovcd
    was forwardcd in Bakhtabsr's lettcr to Ranganath and
    orally through PadmaPani.
    Thc kirg madc a fcrvcnt appcal to gct relcasc throuSh
    thc two lcttcrs writtcn to Bskhtabar Singh by Bhimsen
    Thapa.
    Thc lcttcts writtcn to thc mcmbcrs of thc Bssnct
    family from Banaras givc a glimple of thc intriguy situa-
    tion prcvailing in Kathmandu and of how the cx-King was
    rcacting to it with all tricky manoeuvrcs to tske advantsge
    of the disscnsion at thc court to stagc a comc back for bis
    own asccndancy, Onc of thc lcttcrs20 writtcn by Bhimscn
    Thapa on YS 1859 Yatsakha sutli I1 roi 5et to Bakhtabar
    addrossiog as young€st unclc says that thc cx-King was
    almost crying to rcturn to tha capital, ald was threatcling
    cvcn to kill himself if ho was not rcscucd from that posi
    tion. It may bc notcd hcrc that Rana Bahadur was bcing
    kcpt undcr survcillancc by thc British as a dctcnu, and as
    hc came to know sbout it hc rcscntcd this tlcatmcDt so
    much that he abstained from taking food for days togrthcr
    with a view to cnd his lifc. Hc complaincd that hc was
    going to dic far from homc as a rcsult of insult hcapcd on
    him by thc cnemy.
    Bhimsen Thapa says in this lcttcr that this wai thc
    fir6t time hc wae writing to him. But he had doae so just

    20. Itihasa Prskasa, I. P. 18.


    21. Thursday, t3 MaY, 1802 A.D'
    12 othm Ncpal
    to iaform hl6 df thc cx-Klog'. ncntal coodition grown out
    of r scnse of frustration.
    Bhimson Thapa wrotc tbat along with thc cx_Kiog 40
    of thcm ioro trcatcd virtualty ac prironors. Thcy diJnot
    Lnow thcir porition until thcy bad askcd for pcrDisrion to
    go on pilgrimagc, which was rcfuscd.
    Bhimecn cmphasiscd that if no favourablc rcspoDrc
    from Bakbtabar was rcccivcd in timc thc Swamiji would
    commit suicidc. So all that was poreiblc bad to bc done.
    Bakhtebar was told that Rana Bahadur had grcat hopco
    on him and regarded him as his son. Hc always thought
    that thc Kazi would do all in his powcr to makc him rcturn
    to Kathmandu and his cnemics wcre also to bc compcllcd
    to l€avc thc country.
    It is clcar that all this was written to hcightcn thc scrsr
    of urgency for his rcturn home. Rana Bahadur madc all tinds
    of plcas in thc lcttcrs. Hc appcalcd to Bakhtabar,s scnsc
    of patriotism, his loytlty to thc thronc and his family's
    sacrificcs io thc cause of freedom. Bakhtabar was flattcrcd
    ar a loyal soldicr. In order to make conmoa causc with
    him Rana Bahadur suggestcd tbat thc Kazi faccd a rirk of
    murdcr if he associated with tbc pandcs.
    It is quitc possible that Bakhtabar. whilc in
    corrcspondcnce with Rana Brhadur all thc whilc was
    sccrctly harbouring a dcsire against the laner's rctutn, aDd
    ncycr gavc scrious thoughts to his suggestions of inflicting
    grievous punishment on the suspects of tbe Kirtimon murdci
    calc and to th€ PaDdes and Shahs. Inlvardly he was perbaps
    convioccd that the cbarges levied agairst thc pandes were
    not substantial. Thcrcfore, he had not workcd to wrcck
    his relations with bis matcrnal uncle Damodar pande and
    thc two of thcm with Bam Shah were again drawn closcr
    in the background of Subuddhi Khadka's asccndaDcy at
    thc court.
    This also cxplains his rcticence at tincs, which Rana
    Bahadur complains !o gricvousl y.
    Thc Second Btlttth Mttston to Ncpal tt
    Not contcnt with inciting Bakhtabar againet th"-
    Pandes, thc cx-King wrotc to Chitra Dcvi'
    thc Bothcr of
    the Mulkazi, who was also a sister of Damodar
    Pandc' Thc
    lottcr was written on I 859 Asadha vadl 5 rol I ( = Suaday' 19
    oha cxprcrsed
    June. 1802) in apprcciation of thc scntimGnts
    in hcr own corrcspondencc pteding loyalty thc cx'King
    to
    and assuring him of her rcvengeful inteotion
    egainst all
    would
    thocc who had kitlcd her son' Shc had said that sho
    likc to dic after seeing Rana Bahadur. Thc cx'King calls
    opponents
    hcr two living sons 'lions' and hopes that tho
    who were jackals would be eliminatcd by thcm'
    Thc lions
    haddoncwonderstotideoverthecrisisinthepast.But
    thc othcr party might try to makc a
    jackal of thcm' Chitra
    joining thc
    Devi's duty war to make them desist from
    She was Pandcs. a grcat lady whosc milk suckcd
    by
    Bakhtabar and his brothcr had madc them lions' But Rana
    Bahadur wanted to return home through cfforts of
    the two
    lions and rule the country with thc hclp of Kirtiman's
    Naral'
    brother and sons. Chitra Devi would have sccn hcr in
    chok. Howcvcr, in thc prcscnt circumstanccs this did not
    But
    sccm fcasible. Hc would havc called hcr to Banaras'
    she would only find hcr ashcs' Hc does notknowifshe
    could sce him therc in the ncxt life'
    Ranganath Pandit who had sp€nt his chitdhood in
    Banaras living in cxilo now joincd Rana Bahadur'
    Hc also
    bchalf of thc Swamiji to
    tricd to influcncc Bakhtabar on
    mcct his own selfish ends ln the name of thc tics bctwcen
    the two familics he appcaled to him to pay ofr the dcbt
    incurred bY the Swami.
    Ranganath wrotc his first lettcr on Asadha vadi 5 roi I
    (:Sunday, 19 June, lt02)82. On this vcry day Rana Bahadur
    had also addressed a letter to thc mothcr of the Chief
    Minister.
    The letter was belated. But then hc was kceping him-

    22. Itihasa Prakasa, I' P.20.


    U Modcn Ncpal
    rclf ia touch with thc affairs in KathDandu tbrough
    Padmapani Pandit, thc cldcr brothcr. He pleadcd tbat so
    long ho wao lcceping quict bccausc .thcn therc was ako
    Dothin! to writc'. R€ports werc reaching Banarar that
    thcro wcrc pcoplc b€nt on damaging thc iDtcrcst ofthc
    country. Now it is clear who thcsc peoplc wcrc. RongaDalh
    wroto'Thc Swamiji and you Dust bc of onc mind. ttc
    oncmics qannot und€rrat€ your strcnSlh. If there was a
    mirtakc in tbc past, this also can bc corrcctcd. But motc
    than that the Swamiji has contractcd debr to tbc tune of Rs.
    30,00/- in addition to wbat wc owe to Dwarikadass. Thc
    moncy rhould be scnt immediatcly so thal thc cx-King is
    ravcd from insults. Thc moncy_lcnders rrc pressing -for
    rcfund. This is also our countrr's honour. iouknowif
    Swamiji gcte mon€y, what will happeo, Tbc Mabarani
    epcnds gcncrously. So if moncy is routcd to a right channel,
    our work will be well pcrformed. Tbc Maharani is to lcavi
    Banaras soon thcrcforc the account catr bc kcpt according
    ar you wish. If wc can take her thcrc shc will managc thi
    affairs of stgtc in thc interest of thc couutry, Wc arc in
    a
    criris and looking to you for timcly assistancc. Blcsring to
    Chitra Dcvi and Sri Jahar Singh Kazi'.
    This lcttcr seems to have bccn sart without thc
    knowlcdgc of the cx-Raja. Its solc purposc was to cnable
    Ranganath to take posscssion of Rs. 30,000/ if it so camc.
    But hcrc Ranganath appears as a partisan of the clder queen.
    The lcttcr was writtcn at a timc whilc she was living in
    Banaras. As it will appcar from Knox:s report Rangan-ath
    had accompanicd thc queen to Katarben. Bur hc had lcft
    Banaras carlicr with Knox.

    Ranganath's lctter shows that not all those who


    werc with Rana Bahadur werc serious about his plight.
    It appcars that Bhimsen Thapa was one of thosc
    who had thrown himsclf wholchcartedly with the ex-
    Kiog,
    The Second Brltkh Mtssion to Nepal g5

    One lettcr of Bhadru sudi 12 roJ 52, rcvcals


    thst about
    the timc it was dcspatched Rana Bahadur had hcard I
    rumour that Bakhtabar was going to bc removed from his
    post and all his powcrs of pajani would be withdrawn. Rana
    Bahadur 'cxhorts him to stick to his po6t. But in any
    circumstancc Bakhtabar would cnjoy thc cr-King,8 coD.
    fidcncc, bccauee hc had scrvcd loyally thc throne,.
    From another lcttcr it sccms that thc ex.KiDg grcatly
    diftrustcd Guru Gajaraj Misra, because the latt€r had not
    pul his signaturc on the tamrapatra.tr For failing to sign
    thc tamrapatru all sorts of insinuations wcrc madc againSt
    tho Guru. Hc was cvcn accuscd of collaborating with thc
    Pandcs to ovcrthrow tbc rcgime. But hc thought ho should
    be woo ovcr and prevailcd upon to put hi. signaturc.
    Ifhcdocrso ho will bc .roncrstcd from cll sins of patt
    oEi$ions sad trcatcd as a fricnd.t 6

    Knox prepares to leave for Kathmandu


    Thc cquipmcnt Knox was allowcd to carry wa6 thc
    same as given to Coloncl Kirkpatrick. Thc collcctor of
    Bihar'wae to make necessary disbursemcnts,. Captain Knor
    in his letter of I I th Novcmbcr, I80l asked for .a palanquin
    ummaroe clcphant'and he cstimatcd Rs.6000 for thc wholc
    €quipmcnt. Hc domanded also 20 Halkgras and 12 Baurdars
    and Khasburdars as attcEdants (n.25, 30 Junc 1802, Forcign
    and Sec. Cons,). As no information arived regarding thc
    dcspatch of equipage hc himself madc his arrangcment
    spcnding Rs. 6000, Tcnts wcrc supplicd to Knox's party
    from Banaras. By Dcccmbcr 20, Cajaraj Misra had also
    r€turned to Patna. Mr. Blakc also had joined him and from
    him Knox learnt that he was going to bc r€ceivcd by
    important officcrs of all groups at the fronticr. Knox was

    23, LctErs o. 20, Iribass Pts}aba, I, p. 2l


    24, Jbtd.
    25. IUi..
    E6 Modern Nepat
    askcd to rcach Kothmandu bcforc thc bcginning of thc
    fcetival of Yatanta wbich war celcbratcd by the palacc
    with grcat cclat. Thc c8cort was to arrivc on thc 24th and
    Dr. Buchanan by thc cnd of Deccmber. ( Knox to
    EdEonstonc, Dcc,, 20, l80l ; n, 3Q June, 1802, Forcign
    end Secrct Dcpt.).
    Knox stsrtcd for Ncpal on th€ l2th of January with
    his parry from Patoa and crossing thc Ganges he baltcd &t
    Ghoria for somctime. Writiog from hcre on 16 January,
    1802 Coloncl Dunkcry as rcqucstcd had paid thc arrcars of
    pay as wcll as mado up thc defscts in ammunition. He had
    to make his own arraDgemcnt of an elephant witb o, howda
    and caparison. Thc Jhalladar palanquin b€ing costly to
    thc cxtcnt of Rs. 1500, hc had his palanquin finisbcd by a
    Europian makcr at Bankipur with a showy design but
    costing less. He also purchascd carpets, iatrunj and d,oot
    bliods for thc tcnt. All thcsc be necded cithcr to appcar in
    a fitting manncr whilc joining fcstivities or welcomiDg
    dignitarics as gucsts. Elephants wcrc ncccisary becaus€
    cvcrybody of significancc uscd them, and thc British
    Residcnt who was a pcrson of high raok could not be with-
    out thom. By evcry mears the high position of tbe Britjsh
    Residcnt had to bc maintained with pomp and splendour.
    Thc prioccs and nobilitics werc highly impresred by ruch
    EGans, The cbargcs as listed by Knox werc later acccptcd
    by tbc Govcrilor-Gencral (writtcn from Karpur,20 January,
    1802; n.36, 30 June, For. and Scc. Dept.).
    From a lcttcr of Knox writtcn from Patna on January
    3 it appcars that thc Govcrnor-(icncral wanted Knox to go
    to Ksthoandu via Butwal. But Knox 6ays that tbis was
    not popiblc in vie rv of all preparations made to welcoBc
    him by thc Nepal Government at Kucburos, a village 12
    miles from Hittecowal. Although Knox prooiscd to explore
    possibilities, the ide& scems to have bcen dropped.f6 There

    26. o. 33, For. aod Sc€. D!91., i0 Juse, 1802,


    The Second Brttish Misston to Nepal 8T

    were approaches from the Raja of Butwal, who was thcn in


    Kathmandu. His agents often visited Knox with proposals
    to strikc a separate dcal with the British entering into
    subsidiary alliance. In another letter from Ghorasan
    Knox strcsses 'thc high value of Butwal which offered an
    alternative supply of numbers a trade mart and link to
    Tibett. Besidcs, if the Raja was won ovor, hc would bc of
    hclp in providing a stepping ground to havc an access to
    the Valley of Nepal. Hc might even provide soldicrs to
    fight ifneed arose. Knox craved the indulgence ofGoverDor-
    General for the Raja so that he stood by the British if thc
    Ncpalcse administration thought it to abrogate the treaty,
    which was very likely in the event of Rana Bahadur's flight
    or dcath.
    This is how Gajaraj Misra spellcd the coursc of eventc,
    and Knox wrote that he was fully convinced of Misra's linc
    of action.
    Captain Knox had reached Ghorasan, a village 3 miler
    south from the Indo-Ncpal border, about thc firqt of
    February. Gajaraj Misra had receivcd a letter that Damodar
    Pande had reached Hetauda,'4 days' journey from Ghorasan
    to accord befitting reception to Knox'. He was followcd
    by Bam Shah and Kazi Tribhuban and more people. Others
    were on thc way. Knox was told that thcre was a rumour
    in Kathmandu that Knox wac going at thc head of a force
    to try to reinstate Rana Bahadur, which, however, was
    scotched by Gajaraj Misra's letter. But no officer of import-
    ance would like to leave his post for fear lest he might be
    ousted in his absence. Staying bchind was also full of rist
    as those who first met Knox might'sccure support of thc
    British Government'.27 The Raja of Butwal was also
    permitted to see Knox at Hetauda sometime Iater
    In the following letter he wrote (dated Ie.ruary l7)
    Knox writes that Damodar Pande and others had reached

    27. a.43, 30 Juoc, 1802, Foroigu aad grerot Dopartncpt.


    E8 Modern Ncpal

    Garhparsa. Thir placc lay only a fly milcs trorth wcst ol


    Ghorssao. Mcanwhilc Indravir Basnct and Virabbadra
    wcro also coming to join them. Gajaraj Misra was aske d
    by thc Ncpal dcputation to march with Knoi immediately,
    But sccing thot thcrc wss a changc of vcnuc as original ly
    Kuchhuroa was fixcd for thc mceting the la cr werc askcd
    to movc to Kuchhuroa, which tbey did. They arrived at
    Kuchhuroa on tbc 9th whcrc Bam Shah and othcr pcrsonali-
    tics joined. By the ltth of February evcrybody of impor-
    tSncc had arrivcd thcrc.28
    Captain Knox had to wait about threc wecks in
    Ghorasan, Gajaraj Misra mad€ tbrce trips to Kucbhuroa
    to clesr ccrtain mattcrs, Hc brought lcttcrs of grcetings to
    Knox from thc dcputics on the l2th. But Knox found that
    thcrc was no mention of the trcaty io these lcttcrs but thcse
    suggestcd that thc dcputics wcre sent by thc court'to rcccivc
    Knor and to talk mattcrs whatever might bc dctermined
    for the bcnefit of thc two partics'. Misra explained tbat
    this attitudc reflectcd thc internal dissention in thc
    admitristration and not a change ol attitudc. Thc Ncpale6e
    dcputies had pcnncd with rcscrve their lctters 'bccause
    thcrc was a spate of frcsh rumour that Rana Bahadur uas
    accompanying them in disguise, and his principal Rani was,
    through Knox's means, to bc placed at thc head of thc
    ad m inistratiotr', But this explanation did not satisfy Knox,
    Gajaraj Misra-had another mceting oD tbc l3th aDd return-
    iog on the l4th told Knox that they wcrc to procccd to
    Kuchhuroa soon to mcct thc dcputics and therc to wait
    till frcsh instruction camo from Kathmandu about his
    dcparturc to thc Capital', ? e

    Obstaclgs
    Knox in his reply to thc deputics cmphasiscd that th€
    real problem.was that of exccuting the provisions ofthc
    28. lbid,
    29. rbid.
    Tlu Second Birith Mt9sion to Nepal 89

    trcaty, which hc did not find Ecotioned in their letter, Thc


    dcputics rcadily acccptcd wbat Knox had writtcn as the
    purposc of his vieit with a promise that there wao no
    intcntion to bypess the trcaty but there $ere other matters
    to b€ discusscd in thcir mcoting. Gajaraj Misra dropped a
    hint that the Nepalcse wanted to talk about the mode of
    paymcnt, to this ex-Ruler's Rani and uncle, and their desir€
    to rcmove tbem to thc Company's territory.
    Thc astrologcr had givcn the l5th as the auspicious
    datc for thcir mcctitrg but as that had passed off therc wes
    a fresh timiag on thc l9rb, Knox was to be received on the
    border.s o

    Knox arrivcd on thc bordcr on the lTth February ald


    hs was rcccivcd by thc Ncpalese dclegaticn. He gor a lavish
    wslcome with a salutc of gun fire. Hie camp was sct up
    just bclow thc bordcr ncar thc tillage of Kuchhuroa, where
    hc was led ceremonially. Thc Raja of Butwal was thc first
    pcrson to scc him. Thc Raja frankly .rejoiced to have
    become dcpendent on the British'.3r Other deputies, how-
    cver, were rescrved and thcir manncr showed tbat there &as
    something wrong on thcir sidc. It wa6 sufrcicnt to indicate
    lhat thcy werc cmbarassed and suflered .considerable
    uneasiness of mind'. Gajaraj Misra attributed this attitudc
    to itrternal differcnces in thcir ranks as to their policy in
    mecting thc ncw situatiotr. Nrrt day the Guru invited all
    ofthem togcther to thrash out the differences which wcrc
    (l) thc disposal of the question of thc Maharani, (Z) fresh
    look into thc distribution of public cfiiccs and military
    comoands io Nipaul and (3) the modc ofexecuting the
    Anglo-Nepalese trcaty,s 2
    Ktrox rcportcdss that the Mabarani was lcading a
    socluded life in a village on the border for thc Iast 7 months
    10. rl.44, 30 Juoe, 1802, ]or, strd Sec. Dept.
    31. lbid, D. 4-<,
    32. lbid.
    33. tbid
    90 Modcrn Nelml
    and with her was Balabhadra Sbah. Her entry into Ncpal
    was forbiddcn by Kathmandu authoritics, But shc was
    'cndeavouring to form hcr parly by sending mcssag€s,. But
    Balabhadra Shah'e prceencc witb her was an obstaclc as bc
    was not likcd by many peoplc in Kathmandu whichcver
    iidc thcy belonged to. It was also rumoured thatifthe
    Ratri was detcrmidcd to takc Balabhadra with hcr, she
    would be granted permission to livc in Kathmandu with a
    pension. Knox reports that Sri Krisna Sbah tie principal
    accused in Kirtiman murder casc had also joincd tho
    Maharani. Untill thcn hc was living in Patna, Tbis fact
    again complicated the problem of allowing her lo go to
    thc Capital. At the time Knox rcached the froDtier Damodar
    was trot in office, though on Gajaraj's recomm€ndation
    hc was included in thc dclcgation. To Knox's information
    Damodar Pande was approached twice for onc officc or
    anothcr but hc declined to accept. Damodar Pande was
    aDooycd with the Regent queen, and for that reason hc felt
    kccn sympathy with thc clder Maharani. He was in favour
    of hcr going back home. This was also the lioe of policy
    adopted by Tribhuvan Khawas. Probably they thougbt
    to play a big role with hcr on their side. Bam Shab and
    Gajaraj Misra backed by thc rest of tbc dcputics warned
    that shc might be a centre ofintrigue, which would mcan
    mccting'a danger to thc traDquility of thc tingdom and
    adding fresh fucl to the firc nearly exlirguished', It was
    thought that thc Regent Rani would oppose with force the
    elder Maharani's entry into the capital, which might dividc
    thccourt into two groups. Apart from civil commotion
    thus €ngeodcred it might also give rise to tbe possibility of
    thcretufnof Rana Bahadur. Perbaps the elder Maharani
    'might still flatter hcrGelf with tbe hope of giving birth to a
    legitimate heir to the Raj'. Therefore Gajaraj Misra and
    Bam Shah recommended her to livc in a decent place in the
    Coopany's terlilory. But there was ro decision on the
    subject,
    Thc Eecond Britlsh Miuton to Nepal 9l
    Kazi Tribhuvan war opposcd to 4 Engtishmcn going
    to KathmaDdu. He wsntcd ooly Knox as Rcsidcnt to bc
    thcrc. But agsinst hi8 contention ir was argued thst thc
    British RcsidcEt mcaot an €stabliohmcnl, atrd ccrtairly Dot
    onc mao. Obvioucly 4 mcn did not constitutc an cstablish-
    m€nt'largcr th8n customary'. Tribhuvan again wanlcd to
    cut Ehort thc numbcr of Gscort and hc expresscd a surpicion
    thet thc Brilish might sttsck thc capital. Gajaraj Misra'
    bowcvcr, disaisscd thc idca suggcsting that Nepal was
    wcakcncd duc to intcrnal disscntioD and any external power
    could cxploit thc situation to its advantagc' After somc
    morc discussion, the doputics agrced that Ncpal should
    adhcrc to every tcrm of tbc tr€aty. But whethcr lhis
    promisc camc with rescrvatior, it is difficult to say.
    Oo thc 2l8t of February Knox paid e rcturn csll to
    thc otber side and was warmly'receivcd with prescnts of r
    varicty of prcscrvcd fruits'. In thc cvcning the N€palesc
    rcnt fowle, shecp, ghcc (clarified buttcr), a large quaDtity of
    grainc, culinary articlcs, ctc. In Kuchhuroa accordiBg to
    Knox's report Bam Shah and Damodar Pande thcugh
    apparcntly fricndly socmcd to nurse secr€tly gricvances
    against cach othcr and had patchcd up thcir diffcre-nces duc
    to cfforts of Gajaraj Misra. Aftcr this the Ncpalcse dele.
    gation visiting Knox on the 27th February announced to
    Knox the final datc for his d€parture to Kathmatrdu, which
    was Friday, the sth of March, But it appeared that he
    would not bc ablc to kccp up this d&te, From Knox's
    sccrot iDtclligencc it was r€ported that thrre was a diference
    of opinion still cxistiog as to thc cxccution of tbe treaty.
    Against Bam Shah and Damodar Paod. 6tood Tribhuvan
    who, howcver, was not as vocifcrous as before, But others
    argued that the onu8 of carryiog out the provisions of lbe
    treaty rcst€d on thos€ who contrived to artange it.
    The disputc was Eot resolved for sometiEe and Knox's
    departurc was postpoued ; Gajaraj Misra reporting the fa(t
    of iutoroel dissottio! to Koox told hiE that hc waBtcd to
    92 Modern Nepal
    abidc by Damodar's wishcs for thc rcleasc of his adhcrcnts
    for which hc would requcst the Rcgcnt queeE. But Knox
    was losing paticncr and h€ suspcctcd a foul play in spitc of
    assurance and reassuranco by Bam Shah on scvcral occa:
    sions. Thc secood datc fixed was the lhh, aDd this was
    antrounccd togcthcr by Bam Shsh, Gajaraj Misra, Indravir
    and Virabhadra. But not until thc l4th his luggages lvcre
    dcspatchcd by carricrs to his dostination. Mcanwhile Knox
    cxprcssed his irritation, thrcatcncd to withdraw to Ghorasan
    and writ€ directly to Kathmandu. He.reprimanded Gajaraj
    Misra, and askcd him to tell the rrurh of tbc delay causcd.
    He warned that aoy wrotrg Btep at this bour would creatc
    pormancot enmity bctwccn Nepal and thc British. Knox's
    doubts wcrc raiscd on thc grouDd tbat Damodsr who u'as
    mainly rcsponsiblc for the ttesty \ras no more in offcc.
    Hir oppoucnts wcrc in the ascendaucy at the court. Thc
    followers of Rana Bahadur wcrc out lo punish Damodar,
    latcly the Regent had also developed dislike of him. But
    Koox's thrcats did thcir work. At loDg last he could march
    ahcad leaving Kuchhuroa in the aftcrnoon of the l5th. That
    day bc rcached Bbagwanpursl, a distance oI 4 miles from
    kuchhuroa,
    Commensurate with his departurc the elder Rani was
    told to procccd to Patna with promises of rcgulrr allowance.
    The was what Bam Shah conveyed to Knox through Maulvi
    Kadir.
    Knox also was informed by Bam Shah on thc l4th
    that 'as prcviously arraDged ( his son ) Luchmerc Shah,
    Kur Bccr Pande both aged 17, Kuchur Julg Singb, 14,
    a son of Indra Bccr, would bc despatched the same day
    to Patna with a lctter from the Mahuraja to thc GovcrDor-
    General'36. The Raja ofPalpa was also to 'procecd wilh
    th€se youtrg men to pay respccts to the Govcrnor-General'0 6.

    34. 15 Malch, 1802, n.47, 30 Juoe, 1802, For. and Scc. Depr.
    15. tbid.
    !5. rbid.
    Thc Second Drttkh Mlstlon to N.pal 93
    Thc Nepalcse rcqucstcd Knor to.dircct Abdul Kadir for thc
    purpose of instructing thom in all points rclativc to tbeir
    bchavior'3? with Koox assenting thc Maulvi was to takc
    charge of th8 N€palcse youths. Knox wrota that thc
    Maulvi might alco bc uscful in talks with rhe Raja of
    Butwal.
    A lctter rcceivcd in Cslcu a on 16 April Ig02 (n.4g,
    30 June, 1802, For, and Sec. Dept.) givcs particulars of the
    composition of Ncpalese dclcgation receiving Krox as wcll
    os that of thc youth delegatioD going to patna.
    While at Kuchhuroa Knox made a catl on thc Raja of
    Palpa, Prithvipal Singh, This was an cxclusivc intervicw
    and th€ Raja prcsentcd him onc slcpbant and jcwel as a
    mark ofrespect. Thc Raja algo told him tbat .he was in
    detcntion for four ycarr itr Kathmandu much agaiDst his
    will, and draincd of his casb by thc ncccssity of bribing
    omcors of Governmcnt'88. In this intcrvicw hc whispcrcd
    that hc was happy to be a dcpcndant of thc British. To
    Kuox's information he was undcr obligation to return to
    Kathmandu,
    Wc shall havc to say oorc about thc yourg dcputics
    a little l&ter.
    But mcantimc Captain Knox instcad of procccding
    towards Kathmandu had withdrawn to Ghorasan. It so
    happened that Tribhuv&n and othcr dcputies bad left for
    Kathmandu, and, thereforc Bam Sbah was to accompany
    Knox. But on thc day Knox was to lcavc Bhagwanpur, thc
    clder Maharani was'rcpoftcd to bave appcared before Bam
    Shah and asked him to take her to Kathmandu. That he
    could not leave at that stage'. Bam Shah sent word6 to
    Knox and advised to procced without him or in thc
    company of Gajaraj Misra. Bam Shah howcver, exprcssed
    his inability to leavc rhe station for 2 or 3 days but

    37. Ibid.
    38. n. 48, 30 Junc, t8O2, For. atrd Scc. Dcpt,
    94 Modcm NcPal

    promieod to join Kncx thcrcaftcr immcdiatcly' Thcro wcrc


    exchaogcs of information but Knox insistcd on Bam Shah
    accompanying him, which again not complicd, hc moved
    bsck to Kuchhuroa on thc l7th. Knox managcd to rcnd a
    lcttor addrcsscd to thc Moharajs in Kathmaadu rccouDting
    alt that happcncd in thc coursc of his journcy, end bccaurc
    of the likelihood of furthcr dclay hc was compcllcd to
    rctrcat to thc Britfuh camp at Ghoraaan' Whcn bG wrotc
    this letter Koox thought that this would rcmovc any
    suspicion rcgardiog his collusion with thc cldcr Raoi ald
    would hclp to scotch thc rumour that hc was takiDg thc
    latter to Kathmandu undcr his protcction' Knox reports
    that cven whilc at Kuchhuroa Bam Shah pcrruaded bim to
    continuc to slay whcrc he was, hoping tbat sftcr 8 day or
    two hc might bc frec to accompany him (Knox).
    Bam Shah was blockcd by thc cldcr Moharani wbo
    had thrcatcncd to lilt hcrsclf with a daggcr (Lhukri) in hcr
    possession if shc was lcft therc uncrrcd by him' Thc
    Maharani was of mild tcmpersmcDt and shc was in distrcss
    after hcr descrtion by thc cx-Ruler. Thctc had 'endcarcd
    hcr to thc pcoplc' to whom, shc was thc rightful R€gcnt'
    Ifsuch a pcrson waE to commit suicidc in Bam Shah'r
    pres€ncc, hc would surely fall into troublca himsclf' So
    hc was pcrsuading hcr to go back lo Batraras' Tularam'
    one of Bam Shah's confidcntiel servants assurcd Kaox tbat
    thc formcr wa,s so disturbcd in mind that he w8s going
    without food for 48 hours. Hc wanted time to pstsuadc
    thc Maharani to' go back whcn shc caEc'.re
    On tbe mortring of thc ltth thcrc wat sonaultation
    held by Knox with thc visiting hosts, Bam Shsh' Gajarai
    Misra and Damodar Pandc from E to ll o'clock' Bam Shah
    again plcadcd for time, and Damodar Placcd hiDsrlf at
    his disposal. But it wa! gencrally plcadcd by thc Ncpal€sc
    that Knox 8f,ould $ait otr thcir side of thc fronrier till

    39. !. 50, 30 JuEc, 1802, For. &nd Scs' Drpt'


    Thc Second Bittth Mktlon to Nepal 95

    Gajaraj Misra and Bam Shah camc back from Kathmandu


    aftcr 8cttling urgcnt mattcrs with thc Rcgcnt.
    From thcir talks Knox drcw a conclusion that Ncpal
    was torn asund€r by intcrnal disscntioD aDd rt this timc
    'logs of British support would ccrtainly involve tbe wholc
    country in g€n.ral disturbance, thc result of phich would
    in all probability bc the dismcmbcrment ofNcpaul inlo a
    numbcr of petty statcs' a o.
    I think that this conclusion was unwarrantcd, but
    at any ratc this did not influence British policy.
    Probably Knox was led to form his notion of thc
    disintegration of the Ncpalcse kingdom by approachcs
    made by the cx.Raja of Butwal who pl€dgcd support to
    any movc which thc Btitish took to bring Nepal undcr its
    paramountcy. The Raja further rcportcd that tbe Ncpalcsc
    army was much exhaust€d, and was without cfficicnt leadcr-
    ship. He himrelf would bc on thc British side if only to
    svrngc thc oppression he expcricnccd at lhcir b8nds. Hc
    had assured Knox that fivc Rajas uprootcd by thc Gorkhalis
    werc living as rcfugees in hir domain, aDd 8ll wcrc
    prepared to raisc a forcc and join the Britisb arny in
    the operations agsinst Kathmandu, He cvcn suggcsted
    that hc would go to Tulsiplr in thc district of Gorakhpur
    and wait thcrc for instructions,
    Knox does not seem to hav€ cncouraged th6 Raja of
    Palpa to act in the manner he suggcstcd. But he did Dot
    utt€r anything to make the Raja disappointcd.
    Not gctting satisfactory enswer to his dcmaDd from
    Gajaraj Misra and Bad Shab, Captain Knox had movcd to
    Ghorasan waiting for Bam Sbah to call on him making
    final arrangcments. On thc 20th of Fcbrary Gajaraj Misra
    told him that the couri was surprised at thc inconvenicacc
    caused to Knox, duc to dclay, and thcy wcrc also angry
    that Tribhuvan and others had left him. Instructions had

    40. Ibid
    95 Modern Ncpl
    bccn scnt to thcm to halt 8nd acoompsny Captaia Knox.
    Thc Guru also informed him that thc eldcr Maharani had
    not yiclded to Bam Sbah's cDtreaties' KDox rcportcd to
    his boss that as far aa he could gath€r thc Maharani
    had lcft Banaras out of her own accord duc to 'dcstitutc of
    subsistcDce'. On thc 22nd Damodar told him (Knox) thet
    as Bam Shah was unablc to accompatry him, he would
    accompany bim to KathDandu, and would makc cvcry
    ott€mpt to implemqxt to the full thc provisions of thc
    treaty against any oppositioo' Damodar assurcd him that
    all hc wrs doing was 'to sccuring protection to bis
    country from thc British'. This commcot was flattcring
    to thc British and it was no wondcr tbat Damodar Pandc
    appearcd in British eyes as a man of charactcr Justifyirg
    reliance on his assurancc'.
    Whenever Damodar vcntil&ted his gricvanccs against
    his opponents, he used to say that bis hands wcrc with'
    hcld not for want of powcr but lhis was dcmandcd in th€
    intercst of the country. Damodar Pandc cvcn otherwisc
    wes gcnerally acccptcd ds a men of intcgrity' But Rana
    Bshadur distrustcd him and nurecd a gricvancc ae thc man
    causing his cxit to Banaras. But bc \ as Popular with thc
    nobilities as a bravc and honcst man.
    Damodar Pandc aspired to rcplscc Bakhtabar Singh
    Basnct as Chicf Ministcr and according to Ktrox this
    knowlcdge he obtained by a personal talk with thc Pandc.
    Hc was willing to stcp into this high post through Bam
    Shah and Gajaraj Misra in the favourablc situation after
    thc arrival of Knox in Kathmandu. Damodar was to plcdgc
    support to thc Regent as against thc clder quccn. Ia thc
    evcnt of this scheme maturing, Bakhtabar was to bc
    scnt to ilmora as the Chicf in command' But thc story
    does uot aPPear to be corr€ct'
    The dclay occurring to Knox's ctrtry into Ncpalesc
    tcrritory was an indication thst Kathmandu was still
    The Second Bithh Mlstlol to Nepal 97

    hcsitating and had not dccidcd about allowing the


    captain to visit Nepal.
    It is wrong to ssy that Bam Sheh had join€d with
    two othcr mcmbcrs of the Basnct family and with Sher
    Bahadur, illcgitimatc brother of Rana Bahadur, to oust
    th€ Pandcs. Bam Shah was a highly rcspccted person
    and had fcwcr vices of his family than usual, with Duch
    good scnsc and modcration cven as Hamilton speaks
    of him.
    Hc could not bo a party to any thing ro abominablc
    as trying to kill innoccnt mon, I think for thc actual
    situation to know which partics wcre involvcd in disputc,
    wc must have accoss to fullcr d€tailr of facts in that
    connection. Knol wrotc to the Govcrnor-Gencral as he
    reached Kathmandu on this subjcct. ThG full story might
    bc providcd also by thc trcnd of party alignmcnt aftcr the
    arrival of thc cld6r Rani who wos hclpcd to scizo powcr
    not by the Pandc who was negotiating to persuadc hcr to
    go back. But as it appcars Bam Shah and Damodar
    Pandc could not afrord to quarrel as those qerc mcn ol
    agc atrd maturity and knew thoir intcrcst well. Their
    relatiou might havc bccn strained duc to circuEstances
    connccted with evcnts after thc death of Kirtiman.
    But they had ccrtainly oot quafrelled at the timc and
    loter they had rcconciled as Hamilton furthcr wrote in his
    account.
    "The probable causc of this reconciliation was thc
    clcvation of a lowman to the principal confldcnce of thc
    Qucen Regent, while thc chargc of her conscience and
    hcart was in posscssion of a young Sanyasi or religious
    mendicant, onc ofthe finest formcd mcn tbat I havc ever
    secn. On our arrival in April we found a young illegiti-
    mate Raja, about six years of age, whose nominal
    Chief Ministcr (Mukhya Chautara) was &n illcgitimate
    brothcr, two ycars oldcr than himself, son of thc Regent.
    Soon after our arrival wc loarned tbat thc clder eucc!,
    98 Modern Nepal
    tcrrified at the thought of remaining in thc unhealthy
    forests during the rainy season, deprived of means to
    support her in the Company's territories, and probably
    cncouraged by Damodar Pande intended to comc up to
    Nepal without leave".41 Hcr entry, however, had becn
    banned.
    'The lowman' in the account of Hamilton was'no
    othcr than Sardar Subuddhi Khadka who bad bccomc
    Hazuria (Secretary) to thc Queen Regent after Kirtiman's
    death. He had grown most influential at thc court,
    although the office of the Mulkazi was held by Bakhta-
    bar Singh, Kirtiman's brother. Subuddhi Khadka's ascen-
    dancy was envied by other courtiers, and thcy inspired
    rumours of his promotion to Mulkaziship, which u'ent to
    estrange the Basnet Kazi from the Quecn Regent.' This
    rumour was much current in the capital and travelled all
    thc way to Banaras to reach the keen ears of Rana
    Bahadur at'd his entourage, whereupon he asked Bakhta-
    bar not to falter and become lax as reported but remain
    ever vigilant and active (lettcr, VS. 1859 Bhadra Sudi 12
    rojJ-Thursday,9 Septembcr). The Khadka at last left his
    country to take shelter in Tibet as soon as thc Ekier Qucen
    reached the capital, but the charge of absconding with
    public money levied by the chronicler against him has
    boen denied by Hamilton who says that Subuddhi Khadka
    was a man of character though little educated. But his
    wife was tortured by the court for the alleged offence of
    her husband.
    The three young men who were to be in Patna
    during the presense of Knox in Kathmandu were made over
    to the charge of Captain Knox at Ghorasan on the cvening
    of thc 24th of. March. Knox was entreated by Bam Shah
    to treat them as his own children. Abdul Kadir accompa-
    nied thcm to Patna following also a request by Bam Shrh;

    41. Iqid,
    Tlu Secontl Dtltlsh Mktton to Nepal 99

    In a l€ttcr to Edmonstonc (March 26, 1802) Captain Knox


    informs that Abdul Kadir would remain in Patna for l0
    or 15 days. If thc Govcrnor-Gcncral bad lcft Patna bcforc
    thcir arrival, Abdul Kadir w&s to introducc thcm to Mr.
    Douglas, Thc lcttcrr aad prclcnt! which thc Ncpalcsc
    youag6c! carricd with tb€m wcrc slso to bc transmittcd
    to Mr. Douglae,
    Knox raid about thc Nopalccc dcputics 'although
    thcy arG aot dispatchcd in thc ayowcd charactcr of thc
    hostagc!, yct in rcality thcy arc, and tbey arc to rcnaia in
    Patna until thc commcnccmcnt of the eosuilg cold scason,
    full timo will be availabl€ to mc to arccrtein my footing
    in Nipaul'. But thc Rcsidcnt rcquestcd thc lccrctary to
    accord thc hostagca a trcatmcnt of guests. Bam Shah's son
    was rccommcndcd a montbly allowaace of Rs. 500 and
    the othcr two boys Rs, ,100 cach. Thc allowancc wag 'to
    satirfy thcir famitics, that thcir comforts and convcniencc
    were obiccts highly intcrcsting to the Govcrnor-Gcncral
    and they wcre looked upon with evcry uark of attention
    and kindncss'.
    Lt. Bakcr of thc Escort was dircctcd to procecd back
    to Patna as hc was likcly to give oftcncc to the natives of
    thc country by his manncro.
    Knox lcft Ghorasan on the 24th aad thc Pandc and
    Misra wcrc to join him in thc coursc of thc ncxt day12.
    But thcy sctually joined him on thc 26th at Alan, The
    thr€c of thcm th€n procccdcd to Garhparsa. Hcnccforth
    his journ€y was uDinterrupted. He rcached Hctauda on
    thc 3lst. North of Garhparsa, thcrc was no road for
    wheelcd carts. So luggagcs had to be carried on thc bscks
    of bullocks. Ho was origioally schcduled to rcach Hctauda
    on thc l4th but as hc had not appeared on that datc thc
    carricrs had disappearcd. About thc 2nd April (the date

    {2. n.51,30 Junc, t802,' ' , Scc. Dept.


    t00 trlotlun Ncpl
    of writing his lettcr)l8 hc wae waiting for Bam Shah to
    rcach Hetauda, and thc lsttcr actually reached thc placc.
    Hc had pcrsuaded thc Maharani to shift to Katarban whcre
    sho was aow rcsiding, For Knox's dcparture thc rcquilitc
    numbcr of 100 portcrs could not bG collcctcd. So rhe
    party travcllcd light leaving 8t Hetsuda Captain Clawfold,
    Lt. Edwards and Dr. Hamilton uDtil duc &rrangcmcnts
    of portcrs wcrc madc available. Knox halted at Chisapani
    onthcaightof 4th May. Thcncc bc movcd to Kulekhani
    or Tambakhani. Thosc lcft in Hctauda wcre abte to pro-
    cccd only on thc 8th, Thcy joined Knox at Chitlang on
    thc l0th. Knox reports that they €rpcricnccd hcavy rains,
    storm atrd winds almost everyday in Chitland.
    Ar carlicr, thc court and thc Rcgcnt Maharani wcrc
    rurpicious of Knox's intcntions as he approachcd thc
    capital. Gajaraj Misra hastcncd to Kathmandu lcavitrg
    Knox at Tamakhani. Hc could trot get audicncc of thc
    qucca for somctime.

    43. n.53, 30 Junc, 1802, May t2, Ksahmaldu.


    Chapter III
    THE BRITISH MISSION IN
    KATHMANDU
    Gajaraj Misra took stc
    nc ,,as rircry
    phedi. "i"*
    ",
    i,,'-li :: rffi'*I:i::HHi*:
    -;;;.;:;"il:,J"9v
    Suspecting some thinc
    hc tent a
    Ko"* ,; messagc ror
    r,:;.TTr"",."..
    r r rn
    could.,epo,tei
    ;; ;;.' ;ff
    :i
    " Knox
    climb rhc hiu of Chandagiri.
    i::, i:;
    in.thc evcDing of tbe l3th accompanied ,""";J;i;;k;;
    Tribhrvan. Damodar dcsired by Bam Shah atd

    lld .l
    ro ui t.rt UtioJ"t
    *T seid that erc long hc would U" i" in,;;fi";;
    as othcrwise the ""pi"i
    court would falt in disorders. Knox,s
    party was escorted to Swayambhunarh
    ,i" iiii Ur-i".
    Shah atrd Rudravir Shah. bajaraj Misra",also ;;-i.:;
    him. in- his camp. In thc
    afternoon f8,i Kr", *r,
    :.":jr.d in palace. Knox was cscorred"f,n.
    froE Swayambbu
    to the palacc by thc Cbiefch
    "rE),sh;B;;;,,",i"'il*'0",1i'"'j:,H:t;:::.::t*T:
    occagion wcre thc escortinc 7
    t.otn". sn", s"i;"ffiffi:Jfi:'_ii:;:ilffi
    Minirtcr. The king, & littlc baby, lff Hi.;
    r".
    .,"";ri;'t;;;;;
    a confidential setvant. Knox r
    ,n", .i g u., o i i i.^ ;;;.,;"T.:.,1;:
    and flankcd on the othcr
    ;:ff # ::1 J.T:"1:
    sons of thc R"r;,;. -;;;;;
    side i
    were scatcd on chaire wcre
    ;:riJ"1,ff",1;':,li:i*:
    Guru Calara.l .Uiera, ;;;':;;;
    ald Sher Bahadur. In curtonary fashion Knox pres€ntcd
    thc Gov€rDor-Gclcral's lcttcrs and presents
    King and Maharani. Knox epokc both to rhe
    ot f.rg rruri.tjrg iJ.oi]
    o-hip bttwecn his couDrry ara
    Nepal, i"a *rJiirii"ro
    Wcllcalcy csrncstly dcsircd thir
    amiabf" fri.roiiip i"'gr"*
    lO2 Moilun NePol
    to strcngth Gajaraj Misra reciprocatcd thc scDtimcnt otr
    ;
    bchalfofthc Govcrnmcnt in appropristc rsnncr' Knox
    also cxchangcd courtesics with the Maharani tbrough Bam
    Shah. The n€xt day thc Maharais scnt a bag ofgrains
    and 428 Ncpali gold moharc. Knox repottcd that hc dis'
    tributcd thc glains to his native followcrs, and'cash was
    crcditcd in my account for the month' and on thc 2lst
    of May thc Maharaja with thc Chautaras and officcrs paid
    a rcturn visit to Knox.
    Uptill now Captain Knox was not providcd a perma'
    neEt rc;idcncc. Hc was told that one house wae bcing
    €rcctcd io a gardcn bclonging to thc King' Dr' Buchaaan
    was hard at wotk collcctitrg Plants'
    Fot somctimc Knox bidcd time in thc hopc that
    thiogs would movc automatically towards fulfilmcnt.of
    thc ;bligations undertakcn by both countrics according
    to thc provisions of thc trcatY'
    Ii" *ur, however, bcing kGPt virtually inastatcof
    confincment. No one but Bam Shah and Gajaraj
    Misra
    could ece him.
    Thc only PoiDt hc raiscd at thc initi&l rtsg€ ofhis
    rcsidencics was with fcgsrd to thc scltlencnt
    of pensionr
    thcy wcro tre8o'
    to Rana Bahadur. He had bcen told that
    iiatiog witn the bankcrs'for remittance' and for this
    assiga-

    mcnt-of land was bcing arrangcd without dolay' Knox


    lcarnt that-thc Govcrnmcnt would insist on thc liquid'tion
    of loans given to the ex-Kiog by thc British'
    Knix informs in hir lcttcr of Junc 14 that thc Ncpal
    Govcrhment had sent ordcrs to thc Suba of Morang
    to apprchcnd Sobhan Ali and hand him ovcr to thc
    wt"girir"t" in Daoapur. The person who forcibly occu-
    pici Koro"u and Sukhraul was askcd to go to Ksth'
    .nndu, to establish hcr proprictorsbip' If hc- war
    .if" io clcarly cstablish his claio against Rajah
    "oi
    Mustafa Khan the villages would bc transferr€d
    to the
    possession of thc lattcr. By this dste a Pcrmatreot arraigs'
    The British Mission in Kathmandu I03
    ment had becn made in respect payment
    to Rana Bahadur Shah. It was of saii tnat
    of allowance
    (agent) of Dwarika Das, the Gumcstha
    a banker of Banar"s, had engaged
    to 'discharge the kists at stipulatea
    pcri,oas and thc Maha_
    raja's seal had been affixed ,o r"gutur-instrumcnts,
    over to him the collection of making
    Bcjapur for his ,ri.iul*]
    mcnt'.
    Captain Knox had not receivcd
    a singlc letter from
    Fort William for nearly 4 months.
    Thc Secretary to the
    Government, Mr. N. B. Edmonston"
    lettcr in- acknowledgement of
    *ror" to him a long
    all letters since February I
    expressing the Governor-Gcncral,s
    Eatters raised in the communicatioa.r
    opinion on various
    It appears that the Governor-Gcneral had
    appreciated Knox's conduct not only
    in the entire pro"ceaiogs oi
    the year right from the negotiation
    oi tnc treaty up to his
    arrival in Kathmandu but haa
    atso acccpteA most of his
    recommendations. He, howeier,
    discouraged the .projects
    of violcnce and revenge against Nep"t according
    Raja of Palpa wished it., Knox as thc
    *"'* ,tro strictly warned
    not to 'adopt any hostile measures
    with a view to enforce
    the observance of the stipulated
    tcd with the commercial intcrests of in mattcrs connec-
    trca-ty

    China'. But he wac advised to teef the ,n" Co.p"ry i,


    Raja in good
    humour.
    In a letter of 27th'June, Knox informs
    that the Regent
    Maharani recalled Gajaraj Misra
    anA intimated that she
    was sending another person
    as Nepal,s Vakil in Calcutta.s
    In carly July Knox shifted to a hatf
    ,o* i:_-gl: of the spacious gardens of ti" furnished uunga.
    Maharaja.
    While the treaty was being delayed
    in thc Darbar for
    ratification Knox was suddcnly
    sub;cctea to close watch
    and surveillance by thc Ncpalesc,"poy,
    who wcre ," *"r[

    l. n. 56, For. and $ec. Dcpt., 30 June, 1g02, letter; 30 June, l€02.
    2. Ibid.
    iol itodun Nepai

    as orderlics in his new accommodatioD. No one was allow'


    ed to come near his quartcr and the two Ncpalcse wbo
    werc working for Hamilton in the collcction of plants
    werc so frightened that thcy had no couragc to meet him'
    Knox took it as a rtrange behaviour and rcfcrred tbe
    mattcr to thc Nepalesc minist€rs. But in spite of their
    assurancc to remove the surYcillance it continued' Maulvi
    Abdul Ali nephew of Abdul Quadir was sent to th€ Palacc
    to rcgistcr another complaint but 1o Do €[ect. At last
    Knox thrcatcned to lcavc thc gsrdcn at 12 o'clock on lhc
    29th if this kind of trcatmcnt continued. At thc appointcd
    hour Knox camo out with all his bclongings and cncampcd
    at thc site wherc his c8corts wcre itaying. In takiDg tbis
    stap Knor took cars that the Regcnt kncw everything
    about thc iocident by writing a lettcr to the Maharaja' As
    soon as the lcttcr was dclivercd Hastidal Chautaron Gaja-
    raj Misra and Laksminarayana camc to solicit hin to 8o
    back to thc garden' To satisfy Knox it was ordcred tbat
    the iosoleDt orderlics werc rcplaccd by rew oncs' Thc
    two assistants of BuchanBn Hamilton werc rcemploycd,
    and the Jemadar, thc head of thc ordcrlics was to obey
    him implicitly. Now with his dcmands satisficd Knox
    rcturned in no time to his Rceidency'8
    Knor reportcd that Gajaraj Misra had stoppcd going
    to thc Royal palacc in vicw of the disgust hc fclt ovcr thc
    protracted discuslion in rccpect of thc stipulatioDs ofthe
    ircaty. But on assurancc hG stsrtcd attcnding thc court'
    The Ncpalbsc Governmcnt st this time er'prcsscd a dcsire
    to rcturn the moncy grantcd to Rana Bahadur by a British'
    An ordcr was passed to pay Rs.20,000 as thc first instalmctrt
    but in efrcct thcy would pay oaly Rs' 2'700 as thc trcasury
    was emt)ty'
    Two Subas wcrc appointcd to collcct Rala Bahadur's
    pension from BijcPur.
    3. tr.86. !O Deccfibcr, 1802. For' Scd' Dcat, l€tlar ScptaEbcr
    30, 1802.
    The British Missio in Kathmandu 105

    Knox informs in
    his letter of 16th Novembcr, 1802
    thst Hamilton was able to conduct his researchcs with
    greater effoct, and by this time hc 'has complcted 40
    descriptions of plants and sent to the Botanical Garden,
    Calcutta 360 parccls of sceds and roots'.

    Treaty Ratified
    Knox reports that according to Gajaraj Misra the
    Governing Rani and h€r supportcrs werc incliDed to vi€w
    the British cotrnection as support to their continuing in
    powcr.
    His lettcr ol tTth Novembcra spoke ofthe Rani being
    determined to ratify the treaty and a declaration to this
    effect was draftcd, with sigDaturcs of mcn of conscquence :
    thc ncwly posted Kazi Amar Singh Thapa, father of
    Bhimsen, and 4 othcrs; everybody readily put his sigla-
    ture. The ratification took place on the .28tb of October,
    with a show, guns boorred, and fireworks displayed. The
    draft of the treaty was excbanged between Misra and Knox
    in thc prescnce of all the Bharadars assembled. The latter
    werc given prescnts.
    Kuox reported 6 to his hcadquartcr in Calcutta that
    two days after the ratification of the treaty Amar Singh
    Thapa was dismisscd and Subuddhi Khadka rvas promoted
    to his post; Subuddhi Khadka was onc of the conf.idants
    of the Maharani and he was also involved aloog with
    others in establi6hing trcaty rclatioD with thc British.
    Io thc atmospherc prevailing the Regent and her
    supportcrs had staked all to get the Anglo-Nepalese treaty
    ratifi€d. The signing though attended with much pomp
    and splcndour had lcft her agitated. She was afraid of
    insinuations by the opposite factions. Hence her anxiety
    about thc future of hcrself and her children. To allay

    4. 8.88, 30 Deccmber, 1802, For. sEd Sec.-Dept,


    5. Ibid.
    106 Modern Nepal
    her fears she thought that the British should give her what-
    ever support was necessary. The Rani proposed to Knox
    that hc should adopt her eldest son as his own brother,
    for which a ceremotry was to be undergone. By this she
    thought to cnhancc her strength creating an impression
    that she enjoyed thc support of the Resident in the struggle
    for powers.
    Knox consented .to be a brother of the g year old
    Ranodyot Shah for the reason that this was an innocent thing
    but which in fact meant ,the influence of thc British would
    be materially strengthened'. Knox wrote to the Governor.
    Gcneral 'to gain the confidencc of the Rani was in every
    point of view so extrcmcly desirable and promised such
    facilities in thc transaction of business with this court'.6
    A ceremony of adoption was arranged on an auspicious
    occasion attended by Gajaraj Misra, Bam Shab, and Subud-
    dhi Khadka, and it was given out that this further cemen-
    ted the friendship between Ncpal and British India.
    Bakhtabar was deprived of the office of the kecping
    of the seals and Superiatendcnt of houschold expenses.
    It was said that this had to be done because of his opposi-
    tion to the treaty with the British. But he was still a Kazi.

    Elder Rani on her way to Kathmandu


    At the moment when the Regent Rani thought that
    she had strengthened her position, she learnt to her extreme
    cmbarassment tbat the eldcr Maharani, Rajarajesvari
    Devi, was on her way to Kathmandu from Katarban. The
    lady was living in extrcmc distress subjectcd to petrury
    and other kinds of hardship.
    Thc Nepalese administration had neglected to assign
    a Jagir on her, and as a result she went without any pecu-
    niary assistancc. The Regent was determined to oust
    6. o, 88, 30 December, 1802, For. and Soc, Dept., Ietter of Knox,
    17 Nov,, 1802.
    The Bitish Mllsion in Rathmatdu 107

    hcr ioto the Company's territory before anythirg for ber


    support was arrangcd. So a contiogent of lhe army was
    sent to turn her back to Katarban. Tbis contingcnt found
    her at a point l0 milcs South-west ofHetauda. Thc officcrs
    and mcn carried out th€ wishcs to thc exteDt ofarrestiog
    hcr male attcndants who werc immediately dcspatched to
    the capital in hcavy chains. The Maharani hersclf was
    treatcd huEanely and was escorted to Katarban with hcr
    femalG attcndaDts. At this stagc Knox was aslcd lo int€r-
    vcne and pcrsuadc h€r to go back to Banaras or patna with
    a promise of an adcquate pensiou for maintcnancc. Knox
    rcports that thc sdministration and more particularly
    Subuddhi Khadka wcre not prrparcd to pay Eore than
    Rs. 400 per month. But on his insistence th€y agrccd
    'to make an annual grsnt of Rs. 18,000, a house in patna
    and Jagirs for her attendants', Ktrox seDt his Munshi
    Mchdi to mcct the Maharani and found her without.tent
    or sheltcr'but detcrmined to procecd to KathEandu. The
    soldiers and officcrs also had gone over to hcr side and
    wcre tryiDg to court fFvour, OD her insistence Mchdi
    sent hcr a palanquin, and 8s they mct she told frankly that
    shc was thc mastct of thc domain and th6 ofrccrs and men
    of thc Kingdom were hcr servaDts and as such Do one
    could prevent her from going to the capital. Mehdi told
    hcr about tbe proposal of hcr pension but she flatly refuscd
    to takc noticc of it. Shc complained that those in chargc
    of admioistration in Kathmandu wanted hcr banisbment.
    They had ncver carcd for her welt bcing, instead they
    lookcd on whil€ she ryas exposed to inclemeDt weather of
    Katarban and to many other kinds of suffering shc undcr-
    went for months tog€ther. She was low in no mood to
    listeo to thoir entreaties, Thc barassmcnt shc was exposed
    to would not makc her change her iDtertion aad she u ould
    rcsch Kathmandu at any cost.
    Ksthma[du was much cmbarassed by its trooperr
    going ovcr to tho
    MahsraDi. A frcrh batch folloned, but it
    108 Moden Nepal
    behavcd in the samc way. This caused morealarmand
    confusion in thc palace, Thc Rcgent RaDi called to ber
    presence all men of importaDcc and they wcre not suffered
    to quit on any pretencc. The Maharani at last reached
    Thankot to thcir consternation. As sh€ was stayiDg there
    'loaded cannon were drawn bcfore the gates, and guards
    posted at cvery avenuc, ammunition scrvcd in a hurry,
    noise and disordcrs prcvailed in every quartcr, thcre was
    in short agitation and dismay'. Knox report.d that '.if
    conciliatory attitudc bad been adopted, things would not
    have come to such a pass'. But at every turn of eveDts
    the Regcnt and her associatcs thought to dcal with tbe
    situatioo with a show of strength.
    Finding that harsh measures did not succecd in prc-
    vcnting the clder Rani from advancing and thc troops
    opposed her, the Regcnt Rani reconciled hcrsclf with
    Damodar Pande with thc purposc of a settl€ment with
    the clder Rani. Thc tcrms of settlcment wcrc the same
    as those sent to hcr earlicr that 'she should immediately
    leave thc Nepal vallcy and establish residcnce somcwhere
    in thc Terai or whcrcver she likcd, for which all arrangc.
    ments would be made at thc co6t of the administration
    and a deccnt atrnuity would be fixed for d&y to day main-
    tenance'.

    Elder Ranl Triumphant


    But while Damodar Pande was to ncgotiate with the
    elder Raui, tbc Rcgent got panicky and ffcd to tbe sanc-
    tuary of Pasupatinath with thc baby king. Thcreupon
    the former shifted her residencc to Kindol close to tbe
    hill of Simbhu within a mile west of the city and from
    thero proclaimed her intention to assume the Regency,
    which was accepted by all mcmbcrs of the nobility. The
    Maharani staycd there for about l0 days. Thc baby King
    was brought back to the palace from 'the charge ofthe
    Regont to bc placcd in tho care of thc new Regent'.
    The Brlttch Mtsslon ln Kathmandu 109

    Rajarajesvari was of mild tempcrament atrd any


    rcvenge against her opponents was far from her mind.
    Othcrs who werc suppos€d to sympathise with her also
    adviscd lcniency. Thus the coup d'etat was cffected with-
    out any bloodshed. Rajarajcsvari dcclared herself as Rcgcnt
    aftcr hcr rival had signed a deed ofresignation. Thcn
    she camc to the city and aftcr staying for 24 hours at the
    house of Gajaraj Misra 'moved to the palace where shc
    was wclcomed with all due cGramonies and loudest accla-
    mations of joy'.

    Hamllton't account
    Hamilton (p,2561 writcs about thc quecn,s crtry:
    "Pcople wcre thcrefore 6ent who brougbt up all the male
    attcndants of thc princcss in irons; and it was hoped, I
    believe, that she would perish in the woods. Necessity,
    however, addcd boldness to her measures, and she advanced
    with ten or twelve fcmale attcndaDts to Chisapani, a fortress
    commanding tho cnttance into Nepal. It was evidcnt,
    however, that thc commiscration of the people was daily
    gaining strcngth, atrd thc timidity of tbe regcnt gavc daily
    an increasc of powcr to thc princess. An additioDal com-
    pany of scapoys was rent_to Chisapani, as ifsoldiers wcrc
    thc proper persons to stop thc progress of few hrlpless
    women. The ofrcer commanding had rcccivcd positivc
    orders to rcfuse the princ€ss admittance ; but bc contented
    himself by executing mercly the lettcr of his orders. He
    took in all his garrison, shut thc gatcs, and allowed the
    lady and hcr attendaDts to walk quietly round tbc walls.
    Much anxiety was trow evident at the capital, and aDother
    company of seapoys was dispatched to Cbitlang, with
    positivc ordcrs to prevetrt the princess from advancing
    further; and if thc arrearg ofdower had accompatied thc
    officer, I do not believe tbat she would hare madc any
    attempt; but the sordid dispositions of the regent and
    her favouritc did ngt sufer them to part with money.
    I l0 Modcn Ncpal
    Thc officcr commanding thc compatry mct tbc poor princcss
    and her attendants on the road, andbeinga man oftruc
    honour, with a good deal of difficulty muElcr.d courogc
    to disclosc his orders; When hc had doao so, thc bighborn
    lady, unmovcd by fcar pullcd out a daggcr and saying
    'will you prelumc to opposo thc lawful wifc of a Gorkhali
    Raja, whilc going to hcr own ertatc ?' shc rtruck hio on
    thc srm; on whicb, Elthough woundcd, bc immediatcly
    retired, quite ashaoed of thc service on which he had becn
    cmployed and his men requircd no orders to follow his
    example. The princcss tbat morning entcrcd thc valley
    of Ncpal, and halted about five milcs from thc capital.
    No sooncr was this knowr then she wa6 joined by Damodar
    Pande, and all ranks flockcd to pay their re8pects."
    But all this was uncxpectcd, Ercept those who witbin
    themsclves had decided to acccpt Rajarajesvari Dcvi for
    regency, nobody forethought of the evcntuality that cotr-
    frontcd the court. This, bowcver, gave rise to an cntirely
    new situation. Bakhtabar alone could not sustain th€
    Regent in power. Hc had to follow suit of thc most powcr.
    ful factions, tho Pand€s and Sbahs, trho bad goDc over to
    the eldcr queen. Tbc old arraDgco.nt collapscd aulomati-
    cally due to the impact of the new cvent.
    In the words of Hamilton ; "Thc Rcgent was des€rted
    and r€tircd with thc Raja and her son to thc sanctuary of a
    templc... .....Next day the princcss entercd the Capital and
    after a short ncgotiation took upon hersclf thc Rcgency."l
    No onc was touched, no life taken and no propcrty confis-
    catcd. With Damodar Pandc again back to thc confdcncc
    of the Regent it looked as though DothiDg had happcncd
    except the substitution of the Reg€nt.
    f{owever, the greatcst surprise awaited the Britisb. At
    a timc whcn. they hoped to stabilisc their poiition, the turn
    of events much abruptly tended to upset their calculatioa.

    7, op.cit., p.255'
    Thc Brltlsh Mls on ln Kathmandu 111

    It so turncd out that as thc €lder Maharani marchcd to


    Kathmandu in triumph to the discomfiture of her rival,
    the British found thcir newly acquired position sbaky. Thc
    Maharani was vcry much outspokeD a8 regsrds her scnti-
    ments. She thought that Knox as he camc in thc timc of
    hcr rival must act as the lattcr's ally.
    Hamilton thought that tbc Maharani entortaincd a
    fceling of cnmity towards thc Britisb, becausc tbey had not
    takcn care ofher whilc she nas stranded in Bririsb tcrritory
    being forsaken by hcr husband, This might be truc or not.
    She ccrtainly harbourcd a grudgc against the British for
    tbcir act of neglect, But Knox bad been personally kind to
    her. Howcvcr, shc understood that thc British intcrest was
    bcst scrvcd by kccping hcr out of Ncpal bordcr so that shc
    was not involved ln intrigues against the British. In tbis
    context it was but natural that shc rcgarded the British as
    inimical. Their interest clashcd at 6very poiDt. So thc
    British also detested her and openly supported thc party
    opposing the clder Rani, To thc British thc best advantagc
    camc by getting her isolatcd from Rana Bahadur, atrd to
    this end thcy madc thcir cfforts.

    Account ol the Dhami


    From the information- provided by the Dhami: of
    Noakot wc lcarn that tho crstwhile advisor ofthc sccond
    quecn cscapcd to Banaras, According to Knox Amar Singh
    Thapa No, I who latcr fought in Kangra and fathcr of
    Ranjore, Amar Singh Thapa No.2, who was thc father of
    Bhimscn and Ranajit Pande wcrc chaincd and imprisoncd.
    Somc Subcdars and othcrs altogether 65 men who had gone
    to prcvcnt thc Maharani from comiog to tbc capital were
    also sent to prisoo. Thc Maharani had passed orders to
    kill them. But Damodar Pandc sparcd them sayitrg that
    thcy did not descrve thc dcath sentcnce, and human livcs

    8. Tha wolshippcr of the mair teDple is called Dhami.


    ll2 Modem Nepal
    should aot be destroyed like this. Thc ex-Rcgent was con-
    fined in Sundari Chok.
    A lctter written in the name of the baby king to his
    father in Banaras bearing tbe date Kofiika vadi 1 roj I (:Sut-
    day,22 Novembcr, 1802) meDtions the evenls following thc
    arrival of the clder qucen in Kathmsndu. Tbis lelt€r lvas
    in reply to Rana Babadur's request for a speedy paym.nt to
    thc Brahmans who bad gone to Kathmandu carryiDg tbc
    waterofthe Ganges, Assuring bim that it was tbc tradi
    tional duty of his house to honour the Brahmans thc letter
    narrates that because the queen moth€r was subjected to
    iosulting treatmcnt while proceediog from Katarban Chau-
    tara Bam Shah and otbers had bcsn kept in conflnement
    but those who had becn detained $ithout trial in connec-
    tion sith thc murder of Kirtiman wcrc Dow brought beforc
    the Bharadari at Nasal chok, The dccision would be con'
    Ycyed to Rcna Bahadur.
    Koox rcports that in the new rcgimc Damoder Pande
    was appointed Mul Kazi, while Narsingh \ras retained as
    Kazi but others of the old order wcre dismissed. Amongst
    Chautaras Sher Bahadur and Bam Shah werc replaced by
    Vidor Shah and Chiptee Shah (Dilip Sbah). The ncw
    Kazis were Randhar Singh, Suruljit Pande and Balu'ant
    Rana. Most ofthe ncw appointces of lesser rank belonged
    to thc faction of Damodsr Pandc.
    Knox wis assured that the ergageEents were fully
    approved by thc ncw Regent aod she had also ordered to
    pay the arrears due to the Company's GovernmeDt. But
    her orders for paymeot wctc not carried out. So also the
    pcnsion scttled on Rana Babadur had not becn realised
    from thc revcnue of Morang. Gajaraj Misra informed
    Knor that he was dissatisfed with Damodar Pande.
    Through Misra again Knox complaincd to the Maharani
    about thesc affairs but in spite of hcr rcmoDstranccs notbiDg
    was done. Knox felt that their attitude of fulfilliDg the
    tcrms of the trcaty was without urgency and thc enthusiasm
    Thc Brtttth Mlsttol. h Kathmaatht I 13

    also gonc. Scnsing an unfavourablc lcsponsc KDox con-


    veycd through Gajaraj Misra, just to put Prcssurc on thc
    Govcrnmctrt, that hc would quit Nepal oo thc 25th Fcbruary'
    Knox bad thougbt that the bcst edvaatagc thc Btitirh
    wcrc to dcrivc was from s siturtioa whcte thc GovcrnEcnt
    io Kathmandu would depeEd on tbem for thcir coutinuancc
    iu powcr, and bccausc Rana Bahadur was not in a porition
    to go to Kathmandu to disturb thcE, tbc British would
    achicvc thcir objcctivc without Duch cffort.
    But thc situation had dcvelopcd othcrwisc, and all
    that hc had planned to achieve on that basis failed.
    Knox now used thc qucstion of Rana Babadur'l idgh lo
    prcss for thc cxecution of the tcr6s of the treaty by th€
    Nepalcsc authoritics.
    If thc Ncpalesc ministcrs did Dot takc uP tbc qucstion
    of repaymcnt as seriously yet thc Proccss was slow and
    moncy did not rcach him. An ultimatum was sent through
    Misra that if thcre was no dclivcry of money on thc
    24th, Knox would leavc his abode ncxt day. Actually as a
    rcsult of thc prcssurc Misra 'paid him (Knox) Rs' 30'000 on
    thc 24th Fcbruary, bcing thc amount of five kists commcn-
    cing sincc last Octobcr that ought to hsve bccn remittcd to
    Banaras, by thc Suba of Bijcpur and Morang'e. Thc Misra
    also handed over on the samc day Rs. 6000 and thc sum of
    Rs. 5000 on accoutrt of thc arrears of thc first ycsr. Knox
    expected to bc paid &nothcr amount of Rs. 5000' which
    would complctc the first paymeDt of Rs. 20,000.
    Knox rcported that for sometimc more he was led to
    bavc faith'in the sincerity of the Darbar' but as the un-
    healthy season was approaching he was anxious tbat Lloyd
    and Proctor should be enabled to undertake the journcy to
    Kathmandu as soon as possible. But although eYerything
    was ready the sealing ofthe paper was being delaycd and

    9. o. 28, For. atrd Soc. Dept., 7th July, 1803 lettcr and 27th
    Februrry, 1803.
    lla Modnn Nepal

    'now thc Holi fcstivat had bcgun' during which all offices
    wcre closcd.
    'At this timc Knox was disatmcd of suspicion of
    furthcr anti-British action on thc part of thc Ncpalesc
    authoritios. Hc had amplc tcaroE to bclicvc that thcrc
    would bo no difrcultics ia rcgard to the rcccipts of
    tho illtalEantr of peymont on accouDt of Rana Bahadur.
    It was also madc surc to hiD tbst passpotts a[d escort wcrc
    being providcd to Lloyd and Proctor.
    Knox reports .that evcrythirg secncd to go smootb.
    Thc Rani only wantcd that the young dcputies should not
    accompsny Lloyd but rathcr continuc to livc in pattra until
    thcy wcre relicvcd by such persotrs as should be appoirtrd
    to thc office ofthe Vakil at thc scat of thc Govcrnmcnt.
    chaptet IY
    BRITISH MISSION RETURNS

    Knox qultt N.pal


    Knox noticcd 'thc conduct of thc Ncpal Govcrnmcnt
    at variance with tho assurarccs' givcn to him, and hc felt
    that 'the time had come to takc lcavc of thc court, 8Dd to
    rcturn within tho Hotr. Company's tcrritories'. Hc had
    accuscd Damodar's Government as faithlcss iD his lcttcr to
    thc Govcrnor-Gcneral. The immcdiatc cause for this kind
    of feeling in Knox's mind was thc indiffercncc shown to his
    rcqucst for a passport and cscort to Mr' Lloyd and Mr.
    Proctor by thc Nepal adoinistration. Mr. Lloyd had bccn
    sppointcd to look into thc affairs rclating to thc financc of
    Raoa Bahadur Shah. Knox approached thc authoritics
    with a requcst to allow Lloyd to coEc to Ncpal to do his
    work, Mr. Proctor was to rcphce Dr. Hamilton who had
    applicd to bc relievcd of his dutics (lcttcr' l6th January,
    180!). Thc Govcrnor'General had accePted his resignation
    and according to Hanilton's wishcs hc was allowcd to
    travcl beforc thc inclement wcather startcd in March. Both
    Proctor and Lloyd had lcft Patna enroute on the 14th'
    Thc passport and escort werc to be sent to the frontier.
    But thc passports and other paPers werc'not brought to thc
    R€sidcnt in onc pretcxt or anothcr'. After thc Holi festi'
    val Gajaraj Misra mct him to say that the p&pers would be
    scalcd thc same evcning and he would gct them without
    furthcr dclay. Gajaraj Misra hesitatiogly told Knox in
    coursc of further talks that 'the scaling of papcrs was being
    dclaycd as Tribhuvan Singh and Ranajit Pande wcre against
    it'aad the Rani's attitude had but addcd weight to thcir
    argumcntl. Bccause shc dcclared her dislikc of the
    t. For. Scc. Colsult,2 May, 1805r o. 352,
    tl6 Modem Nepal
    arrangcmcnt for'British mcdiation conccrning the .x.Raja,
    which she thought ought to be Ieft entircly to hcrselfas
    the means of affording an opportuoity to do the sacred
    duty'2, Knox in his rcport absolves Gajaraj Misra himself
    of any cvil intention towards the British in rcspect of the
    transactions. Misra had done cvcrytbing possible in his
    powcr. But he writcs that'hc firmly askcd Misra to tcll his
    Government that if passports did not reach bim on thc l2th
    of March, hc would, having regard for tbc comiDg un-
    wholcsomc seasoo, give a notice to tbe administratioD to
    leavc Kathmandu otr thc 18th in ordcr to rcturn to
    the British tcrritories'8. Gajaraj carried thc message to
    thc Rsni who called to audience joiotly all officials and
    non-offi.cials of conscqueDce to decide thc question ofpass-
    ports. According to Knox tbis issue wa8 dcbated for 3 dals
    without any conclusion being reached.
    Knox now became surc that thc requisite passports
    werc not going to be issued. So he scnt Mirza Mehd i and
    Abdul Ali to accompany Misser to tbc Darbar to acquaint
    the Maharani 'that in this situatiotr hc would not likc to
    stay any longcr in Nepal and, as he was leaving on the l8tb,
    he wantcd to takc Icavc of thc Maharaja beforc that date'a.
    But although a conciliatory rcply was given and he was
    told that ministers would wait on him next day but tro onc
    actually turoed up at the appointed day and be sent Mebdi
    agaio. The Maharani conveyed to Mehdi thst it was hcr
    desire that Knox should not travel during the current un-
    healthy season, and she would try for a settlement. Knox
    was preparing to go, He had paid in advance mooey for
    200 men to carry their luggage. On the l6th he u,as
    told that the men had refused to carry the baggages as
    orders had not beetr issucd by the Governmcnt. In that
    evening Mehdi and Abdul Ali yisited thb palace to tell tbe
    Regent that the Government had not yet agreed'to the

    2. Ibid :r. Ibid 4. Ibid_


    britith Mission Returns ll1
    Resident's requisition for baggage carriers'! nor thcy had
    arranged an audiencc for him with the Maharaja.
    Knox exprcssed his determination to leav€ Kathmandu
    on thc l8th and he said that he would procced ahead with
    his programme x,hatever happens, but he was sorry that be
    was to lcave without having audience of the Maharaja. But
    thc Maharani rcplied that cverything was settled, though
    belated and Knox would have no cause to resent and ministers
    would wait on him next day to give bim completc satisfac-
    tioo. But there was littlc prospcct of fulfilling what was
    irndcrtaken and knowiog this Knox ordered to Inove thc
    tcnts to Patan on the l7th. The inmates of the Rcsidency
    were also prepared to move'without any carriers with such
    articles, as their own scrvants could carry'3. KDor. reports
    that Misra brought a new message on tbe lTth evening. He
    camc to hib after an absence of 5 days with an apology
    that thc Darbar had prohibitcd to coDtact the British Rcsi-
    dent 'unless they had agrecd upon some settlement among
    themselves'?. Misra said that now at e lat€ hour a dccision
    had be€n reachcd and a dcputation would see bim next day
    on bchalf of the Maharani; and would also deliver passports
    'for the gertlemcn to Nepal and assurauce of aD immediat€
    scttlement of Rana Bahaduq'8. Gajaraj Misra in all confl-
    denco told Knox that the proposal ofabiding by the lattcr's
    wishcs was accepted gencrally by Damodar Paode, Shcr
    Bahadur, Bam Shah, Narsingh Kazi and others. KDox'
    howevcr, €xpressed his decision to leave bis camp pcrforce
    for Patan on the lSth halting there for a day and reach
    Pharping on tbe l9th. He also complaincd tbat no carricrs
    hsd b6etr sent to him in spite of rcpeatcd rcquest' Gajeraj'
    howcver, said that sincc the Darbar hoped that tho poiots
    at issuc were bcing settled Knox would not leave aDd with
    that consideration they.had not seot him carriers'

    5. rbid. 6. Ibid.
    7. rbid. 8. rbid,
    ll8 ltlodern Nepal
    Ncxt day Sher Babadur, Bam Sbab, Damodar Parde,
    Ranadhir Singh, Ranajit PaDdc and Tribhuvan Singh along
    with Gajaraj Misra visited him, Knox sensed that thc
    delegation was ineflective. The first two were no more in
    office, aod the last werc out of officc, as well as 'reprcscn-
    ted opporition',
    But io any casc Damodar Pande who carried much
    influence was prescnt. On Klox's queries about his depar-
    turc Bam Shah said that the Maharani did not want Knox
    to leavc as shc was acceding to his rcquest for the passports
    nnd Jagir settlemcnt on Rana Bahadur and shc was so
    sorry for thc delay. Bam Shah pleaded tbat tb€ Maharani
    was ncw to the situation and she was so prcssed by internal
    troubles that she could not dcvote attention to the problcms
    conccrning the British Residency. Knox again refused to
    yicld on the point of departure and said thst he must keep
    up his words, as otherwisc 'it would be a breach of duty'e.
    To this Shcr Bahadur and Ranadhir after plcading with bim
    again not to leave bis post agreed at last to arrange for an
    itrterview with the baby King the lcxt day. Knox tcld
    thcm that he would go to Patan straight from tbe pslacc.
    As to his future hc would be in Sugauli for soDetimc wait-
    iog for instructions from Calcutta, and would act acccrdiog
    to thc order, If thc Nepalese 'proceeded to the pcrformancc
    ofengagements, he might be directed to return to Kath-
    mandu'ro. 'It was also arraoged otr the request of tbc
    Maharani that Mirza Mehdi should remain in the Rcridcocy,
    Thc coolies artived on the l8th morning to carry th€
    baggages aDd all packing done Knox prepared himself to go
    to the Royal palace, At 5 p.m. Damodar informed that
    the escorting party was duc at the Residency. But nothing
    upto l0 o'clock at night was hcard. About this timc Gajaraj
    Misra and N4rsiogb Kazi came and to assuage bis anger hc
    (Gajaraj) said that the ministers theEselves were coDiDg to

    9. Ibid. 10. Ibid,


    Bntish Mission &cturns 119

    see him on busincss. But he soon fouDd that thcy werc


    comiag to lrrsuadc Knox not to abandon his stetion for
    the present. It was said that the baby King was alrcady in
    bed and it was not the usual hour to disturb him, altbough
    clephants with Houdar l were kcpt rcady at thc gatc, atrd if
    Dced be there was also a ready arrangement for lighting
    (masala), Late that night as Narsingh had overstayed, Knox
    had occassion to talk with thc latter in detail. Thc Kazi
    w8s known for his 'integrity and disintcrestedne$', H€
    told Knox that the country was on thc brink of disastcr and
    corruption had pcrmeated thc administration from top to
    bottom. The Rani was fickle and could not coBtrol thc
    corrupt oftcials. Damodar's iofluence at the court was
    waning as thc Maharani had attached more isportancc to
    Ranadhir Singh. Damodar himsclf was thinking of tating
    asylum in the British territory, as life and property were not
    safc in Nepal. Knox drcw his conclusion from this talk
    and at midnight lcft thc garden to be inside th€ tcDt
    fixcd outsidc, whcre ncrt morning Pandit Bainudhar mct
    him to requcst hin'to dclay for a few hours his march for
    Pharping'in order to reccivc the ministers, K[or rcports
    that upon Bainudhar's insistence hc consent€d to dctaia
    Captain Crawford and escort for 6 gbati and himsclf for
    another 6 ghati (Hindusthan hours).
    About 9 on the morning of the l9th Damodar Pandc
    and Shcr Bahadur Sheh called on Knox, with tte usual
    apology on behalf of thc Maharsni. Thcse gentlomcn
    rcpeated 'the same arguments against his leaving Ncpal
    at so unfavourable a scason'. The Rani wished that hc
    could wait till the wintcr. But Kuox was adamant and hc
    forthwitb ordered Captain Crawford to march to Pharping.
    He also declined to discuss business at this stage. It then
    appeared to the Ncpalese visitors tbat he would not eltcr

    11. A spcc;ally niscd soat ovcr thc back of tho llcphaDt, which
    ir opan.
    it0 ldodern Nepal

    his mind and any rcconcilcment was out ofquestion. So


    Knox wss lct to know rhat thc Maharaja would grant him
    audience at one o'clock in the afternooD. CaptaiD Craw-
    ford and Lt. Bdwards were recalled to accompany hiD
    whilc escorts wcrc allowed to go ahcad.
    Knox availcd of thc opportunity of talking to Shcr
    Bahadur, Bam Shah and Damodar Pande aloie .separately.
    The formpr said that all troublcs wcrc due to thc fact that
    thc reins of administration wcrc in the hands of unsteady
    women. But he said that thc Jagir on Rana Sahadur would
    bc put on'a rcgular train of paymetrt' and hoped that tbe
    British'would not withdraw friendship at this crilicsl hour
    while Ncpal was suffering from intcrnal dissension'.
    Both Bam Shah aod Damcdar Pande were of the view
    thet thc Msharsni was of soft tempcr and she changed her
    mind 'at 6vcry suggestion of a slight advisor but that therc
    was no onc who enjoycd her trust" They also told him
    that thc Rani sccmcd d€termined 'to reinstate hcr husband
    in power' and fclt that this would Dot go in the iDtcrest of thc
    country. Bam Shah and Damodar io coursc of the talk ask€d
    for his advicc about thcir futurc role. Thcy plcdged that they
    would do whatcver thc Governor.Gencral would likc them
    to do. Knox, howcvcr, declined to cncourage then by
    offcring his advice, He told them that hc still exPcctcd
    thc Ratri to 'fulfil thc conditions ofthe trcaty and in that
    event she would receive our fricndship but on breach of
    faith thc Govcrnor-Gcncral would have indisputablc riSht
    to employ thc forcc hc so amply possessed'r2. KDox got
    the imprcssion that the Ncpalese gentlemcn wanted that
    this situation might develop at any timc aud thcy hoped
    that thcir jagirs would be prescrved aDd through the inter'
    position of thc British they would bc placed on a footing
    lese precarious, than tbey werc at prcscDt'. Knox at the
    cnd advised them for utrity. Although thcy acceptcd thc

    t2. Ibid
    British Mission Returns l2l
    advice, it sccmcd that bitterness would contitrue and Bam
    Shah'had thc most reason for distrust',
    About 12 the following day Sher Bahadur, Bam Sbab,
    Damodar and Misra came to €scort him to the Darbar
    which had then asscmbled. H€ met them outside thc tent.
    As th€y went to the Royal palace the party was receivcd at
    the iotrer gate by Chautaras Vidur Shab and Chiptcc (?)18
    Shah. These were quitc young and lacked in ability, Thc
    lattcr even trembled as he was cscorting Knox. Their
    officisl duty was being yet performed by Sher Bahadur.
    Knox was 'reccived by thc Msharaja about tbc middlc of
    thc noon'and was seated on a chair by thc right of thc
    Musnad. After customary compliment Knox delivcred his
    lettcr of reply to the Maharani's earlicr communication
    at thc hands of Shcr Bahadur. Knox cxpresscd conccrn
    about thc observance of trcaty obligations, and addrcssed
    himself to the Rani who was listening from aDothcr apart-
    ment, Shcr Bahadur hastencd thcre and after a long talk
    camc to tell Knox that she felt'considerable utrcasiDess at
    his moving to th€ lower lcvel at so bad scason'1a. But as
    he was detcrmined she had to acquiesce in it. Shc assurcd
    him that the Jagir of Rana Bahadur would be regularly
    paid, and morc than everything clse shc boped that he
    (Knox) would visit Nepal oncc again in the winter. Then
    altara (sccnt\ and paz (chcwing leaf) were given and Knox
    bade farewell to the Darbar 'after embracing thc youDg
    prince'. All the d€tails we have givcn herc are from Knox's
    letter to the Governor-General written from Govindaganj
    on 8th April. With Knox, Gajaraj Misra also lcft Ncpal
    to live in Banaras.
    For sometime there was a stalcmate. The invitation
    to Ktrox to go to Kathmandu in winter stood. Thc Misra
    was commanded by the court that he should assure the

    13. Perhapr Dilip Shah.


    14. Ibid.
    l), Modcn Nepal
    British 'of a strictcr adh€tcnce in futurc lo the treaty, con-
    cludcd with tie British Governmcnt'1!.
    With Knox's r€turn furthcr train of evcntsin Nepal
    brougbt up worst kind ofintrigues at the court. Thc eldcr
    Maharani was an ambitious somaD but she bad no qualitics
    to handle powcrs of statc. Shc was weak and vacillaliDg
    by temperam6Dt. Persons of intelligence, intcgrity and
    cxpcricncc werc kept at bay by their adversarics, who had
    obtained ascendancy in thc palacc.
    Knox halted at Pharping for a day on thc 20th and s
    numbcr of pcople from Kathmandu came to see him. Onc
    of thcm was Kazi Ranadhir Singh who spoke to him about
    matters of state on bchalfof the Maharani. Hc told Knox
    that thc Rani felt that she was being surrounded on all
    sidcs by'greedy and unprinciplcd mcn'and th.sc had to bc
    kcpt under strict watch. Therc was also a necd for a clean
    sweep of such meD if they happencd to be itr power as the
    Rani was suspicious of their dcsigus on herself, But ehe
    could not deprive these men of powcr unlcss sbe was suppor-
    tcd by the British. It was thought 'th€ manifestation of a
    frictrdly disposition towards hcr by the British would also
    cnablc hcr to control any rccelcitrant D.D, and this would
    enablc hcr to fulfill the conditions of thc treaty'r0. Rana-
    dhir then discloscd thst the Ratri had 'solid reasons to dis-
    trust Damodar Pandc'and Gajaraj Misra also'now forfeited
    hcr confidcncc'. Knox in reply told him that the British
    werc interested in th€ pcace and tranquility of Ncpal and
    if this camc as a regult of the qucen's wisc actions, they
    would be highly plcased. Friendship with tbe British
    would comc if she wantcd and all dcpended on hcr actions
    and whethcr shc fulfilled hcr promises. Knox r€ports that
    his reply assurcd Ranadhir who cxprcssed I hope that
    'vigour would be restorcd to thc GoverDmcrit which was

    15. tbid.
    16, For. Pol. Cousfllt, 2 May, 1805, n. 352
    british Mission Returns 123

    lost under the fceble administration of the deposed Rani,.r?


    At parting Knox was presented an elephant; in excbange
    of which Ranadhir also ,obtained something.'18
    But other gentlemen including Ranadhir,s brother-in-
    law cxpressed a desire to recall Rana Bahadur as the Mahg-
    rani was not able to control the chaotic condition. Bam
    Shah, Hastadal Shah and Shamsher Shah expressed their
    concurrence. These peoplc thought that with Rana Bahadur
    stability would return to the disturbed countr),. But
    they were afraid of Rana Bahadur's cruel tempcrament.
    Thcy, however, thought tbat if a council of administration
    with Rana Bahadur at the head was formed ,with the con-
    currence of the Britisb Government, and Rana given no
    powcrs of appointment and dismissal he might be put under
    rcstraint. If thc Governor-General decided to act firmly
    and played his part in the act of rcstoration, he could
    impose an cngagement under which Rana Bahadur was
    rcstrained. Damodar Pande was detained in the palace
    contriving 'not to allow him to visit pharping' but he sent
    a mcssage repeating bis previous apprehensions.
    The Raja of Palpa delivered a message from Bakhtabar
    Singh that 'the state of affairs in the country was in dis-
    ordcr' and he wanted Knox's instructions about the attirude
    hc should adopt. The Raja on his own expressed readiness
    to spootaneously respond to Knox's suggestion whenever
    made. Knox got the impression that Damodar and Bam
    Shah 'considered the interposition of thc British Govern_
    ment as an cvent that must certainly happen'1e. To Knox
    it appearod that if Nepal were to be saved from anarchy
    and confusion, a submission to foreign rule was necessary.
    Summing up the situation he wrote : .,The Rani at the
    head of the administration is extrcmely youDg and inex-
    pericnced, in capacity belorv the common level, too sensible
    of her own deficiencies to act by herself, and hourly fluctua-

    t7. Ibid. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid.


    124 Modern Nepal

    ting betwcen thc opinions of others with that uEstcadincss,


    whioh the apprehcosiou of bcing deceivcd naturally pro-
    duces. The waDt of a regular allotmeDt of busincss to
    persons in offico occasions a perpetual struggle amoDgst
    them for those dcpartment, where pcculation was ramPant'
    Hc who succceds is certainly uniting the rest against
    him and in a little timc hi8 rcmoval is effected by acts
    similar to those practised by himself in displeasilg his
    predecessor, To this cause may bo attributed a grcat part
    ofthat virulent hatrcd subsistirg amongst thc principal
    mcn in Nipaul. They aro perpetually enSaged in itrtro'
    duciog and supplanting cach other and the injuri€s'
    mutually ioflicted have to the spirit of rivalship addcd
    a personal enmity incapable of reconciliation, in the mili'
    tary discootent is universal, tbeir jsgirs by wbich mode
    they are paid, havc been dipped until scarccly the half
    romains of what thcy formcrly reccived, and this is fur'
    ther rcduced by thc necessity of an annual bribe to prevcnt
    their being put on the supcrnumerary list; to tbe person of
    the Maharajah thcy fcel no attachmcnt and tbough they
    acknowledge bim to be a soYereigD' yet they cotrsider his
    origin as dishonoring thc musnud to which hc was raiscd
    by a frantic fathcr in violation ofa long cstablished rulc
    of suocession. Thoy appear to be held to serviccs by no
    othcr ties than extrcme poverty' and by secing no other
    cmployment within their attainmcnt."
    Before departing from Pharping Captain Knox scnt
    double barrelted guns aDd a few dozen bottl€s of wiae to
    Shcr Bahadur and Bam Shah in addition to some othBr
    articles from 'wbat remained of the ttrings' scDt from Cal'
    cutta in return for presents received from lhese gcntlemcn'
    Thc Nepalese escort reachcd on thc eveniDg of the 20th 8Dd
    next morning he set out on his journey. Hastadal and
    Bamudhar (Benudhar)'o arrivcd in thc mortring before
    20, He 4lso ogLrres itr tho ncgotiatio! $ith tbc British about the
    trttloE€[t of bordet dirPqtes.
    Btitish Mlsston Rehrns 125

    his departure with prescrts of elcphants, musk, ctc, from


    the Maharaja. Knox complains tbat maDl of tbe load-
    carriers had deserted, so half of the luggage nas left in
    Pharping. He had promised reward for sstisfactcry serviccs
    but according to Knox the carricrs werc dir€cted to ruD
    away by thc Jamadar who was tempted to swallow more
    money to seize a fresb batch of carriers. Captain Knor
    reachcd Gharparsa on the 26th where bc was receivcd by
    men of th€ Raja of Betia with adequate numbcr of bullock
    carts. Hcrc he took leave of the €scort providcd by rhe
    Nepalesc army 'prescnting tbe Subedar with a pair ol shawls,
    Jamadar with a shawl and handkercbief and to lhe rest of
    officers aod private men a donalioD of Rupees 224 collec-
    tively'. Maulvi Abdul Ali distributcd the money theD and
    therc as it was said that otherwise they would not get a
    singlc pice. But to Knox it appcars the Subedar had also
    complaints against his ofrcersand even expressed lillingness
    to serve ady master'who paid him liberally'. Crossing tbe
    border Knox reached Sugauli on lhe 28tb, and for waDt of
    good watcr locally he moved farther wcst to a placc ncar
    thc Gandak, l8 Biles south of the Nepalesc border. Hc was
    waiting to hear from thc Governor-Gencral 8s to his future
    course of action.
    Knox wrote that he exp€cted Ga jaraj Misl a and soDc
    offcers at any moment, they werc to discuss with him about
    Rana Babadur's jagir. Bnt it was rcportcd by bis Munsbi
    at Kathmandu tbat tbcy wero dclayed bccausc of thc obstac-
    les crcated by Damodar Pande who wantcd to scnd his own
    men for the job to 'secure to himselfalonc a communica-
    tion with the British'. The Mabaraoi, however, sent Gaja-
    raj Misra who saw him on the 4tb of May with 'Rs. 20,0C0
    onaccountofthc first year's kists and assuranms of hcr
    fixed rcsolution to fulfill her engagements'. The money
    was sent to the Agent of the Governor.Genera I in Banaras.
    Next day i.e. 5th of May, Knox rcceivcd a letter
    writlen on the 28th April, wbich informed him tbat the
    126 Modcrn Nepal
    Maharani disrcgarding thc adYice of Damodar proposcd to
    send a deputation on thc 3oth with a letter to thc Govcrnor'
    Gcncral, through Hastadal Chaulara' Bir Bahadur and
    two others'. They arrived at Knox's hcadquart.r oD thc
    lTth evcning, and dclivercd the lcttcr thc trert morninS'
    Hastadal told Knox that hc was to supcrvisc thc collcc-
    tion of Rana Bahadur's Jagir in Vijepur 8nd MoraDS' Hc
    also disclosed that because of Damodar's tactics, hc s'ar
    dcprivcd of the posscssion of the Red scal, and hc was
    awaiting furthcr indignitics to fall on him. Probably Shcr
    Bahadur and Bam Shah woutd bc rcstored to their old posi'
    tion and Kazi Narsingh was daily rising in the colfidcncc
    of thc Rani and he might bccome Chicf Ministcr. Hastadal
    ggrecd to pl€dg-
    added that in thc present team cverybody
    ing to observe the due performancc of cvcry stipulation of
    thc trcaty. The quecn hersclf folt thst shc must acquirc
    thc goodwill ofthc British 'for hcr own sccurity" Knox
    addcd tnat this kind of scntimert was exprcssed in her
    communication to thc Raja of Ramnagar' It was said
    that shc'ovcn desircd to put hcr pcrson 8nd country undcr
    thc protcction of thc British Govcrnmcnt as shc was apPrc'
    hcnsivc of trcachcrous dcsigns against herself" Knox, bow'
    ever, told Hastadal that the Maharani must convey hcr
    dcsirc in writing' which would cnable the Governor'General
    to understand that this was atr authcntic communication'
    In adviling thc Govcrnor-General as to thc linc of
    action to adopt Knox suggestcd that'in view of thc incrcas-
    ing tcnsion in Nepal as a rcsult of mutual disscnsions thc
    Govcrnor-Gcneral might move to seiz€ the opportunity of
    bringing.Ncpal to British influencc" Hc assurcd thc Gover-
    nor.Gcneral that there would be no impcdimcnt in his tay
    on account of th€ Sino-Nepalcse treaty of 1792' Ha said that
    China had never thought that thc had a right to intcrfcrc
    in Nepal, othdrwise his own prescnce in Kathmandu as a
    minisier of foreign Government would not havc cscaped
    thcir Dotice. But even if China thought to interfere, thc
    Brlttsh Mlsslon Returns 127

    impassable mountainous ranges and desolate plains beyond


    will make any venture from that side futile. They had a
    bitter tastc of insurmountable difficulties in their campaign-
    ing of 1792. When they were on this side of the snowy
    ranges, they were subjectcd to inclement wcather and terrains
    and as a result thcy lost $ of the total arm y. Though they had
    reached within 30 miles of thc capital'they u'ere ccmpclled
    to withdraw due to the fact that they could also not procure
    provisions. So if a detachment of British troops is stationed
    in Nepal the Chinese would not interfere. This might,
    however, affect British commercial rclation with China.
    But there would be no 'troublc if the British occupy the
    Terai below the hills. Knox also advised Lord Wellesley
    to wrcst Almora from Nepal. Apart from natural resourcer
    including timber the posscssion of the route could be utilis-
    ed for trade with Tibet and China. Almora could be addcd
    to the British by Rana Bahadur 'on condition of reinstating
    him'. Knox felt that reinstatement needed no action and
    'Rana would not cncounter any difficulty if he procecds to
    the capital all alonc'. Although people know him to be
    cruel, yet they would submit to him. It was his undisputcd
    right to rule as divinely ordained. There was a time whcn
    this kind of absolute submission was a little shaken, but
    now in view of the misbchaviour of the nobility Rana Baha-
    dur's entry would be regarded 'as beneficial to Nepal, how-
    ever much individuals might suffer from'21.
    Knox reportcd from Govindaganj writing on the 23rd
    June, that another amount of Rs. 18,000 (Banarasi Sicca)
    was paid to him by Nepal on the 20th June, being the kists
    due on the current year up to the lst August. Hc also
    informed the Governor-General that recently Damodar
    Pande escaped indignities but his nephew, Rana Bam Pandc
    became the Chief Minister with Kazi Ranajit Pande as
    another minister. These two men desired their power in

    21. For. and Soc, Dept., 2M?y,1805, n. 350.


    128 Moden NePal

    the palacc through women attendants of thc quecn. In


    Knox's cstimation thcsc men are lowly and mean. Others,
    some ofthem good people, werc in a sullen mcod 'wishing
    for change but without any determination for the object of
    dcsirc"'. Thc modert and fearful queen had 'showcd signs
    of intcmperance and cruelty'!8. Knox lcarnt from his
    Munshi that 'in violation of solcmn writtcn cDgagcDents
    the fathct, the broth€rs and numcrous dcpendants of tbc
    deposed Rani have been thrown iuto dungeon loadcd with
    chains, and the widow and innoccrt cbildren of Subuddhi
    Khadka who died at Banarae after escaping from Nepal
    havc becn tortured with detestablc barbarity'24.
    Information had reached Knox that Rana Bahadur
    wrs planning his cscape but the attempt failcd. The Maha'
    rani writing to him had sdmitted that although she was
    not a party to the scheme but she knew about it and gave
    conscnt. Thc whole thing emanated from Ranajit Pandc'
    Raua Bahadur had been asked to elude his guard and reach
    6.
    the froutier2
    Knox had to quit io circumstances which wcre not lo
    hisliking. From the very beginning the Nepalese wcrc sus-
    picious of a British representativo in Nepal, and thcy
    drcaded the vcry thought of his prescnce' But as wc have
    narratcd earlier Knox found himself in Katbmandu in an
    odd situation bccause of mutual antagonism between two
    partics, Rana Bahadur in exite and his adversaries in Nepal'
    We may at this stage sum up in the following pages
    the wholc event of Captain Knox's mission as we narratcd
    earlier.

    Summtng up the Etents


    The withdrawal was abrupt' But it was inevitable'
    The British treaded the soil of Nepal with caution and

    rbid. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid


    25. ForeiSn and Seclet p€partocDt, 2 May, 1805' n' 352.
    Rctu,I/,s
    Dtlrlth Mktlon 129
    dcxtcrity. Of couroc, thcy wsnted to fish in roublcd
    watcrs, and cvcatually thc cstch would havc cnablcd
    thcm at casy cost to foist themselves on thc politics in
    Kslhmandu in thc position of a paraDount power, This
    would h8vc bccn thc logical culminarioo of thc Britirh
    movo to cnforcc ths proviaioue of tho trcaty rigncd ta
    Daoapur. But it was not a tark al cary ar it war
    plaaucd out. Ncpaloeo politiclaD! w€rc Do mea! diptomaro.
    Thcy wcro !t nuch adroit itr thc art of politicr atd
    watchful about thcir cxteroal rclations and dcvclopmcnte
    in forcign countrics. Thcy had not acccpted thc Brirish
    mission for any lovc of thcm. Captain Knor had bccn
    sufisrcd to comc to KathmaDdu only bccauec thcy wcrc
    forccd by a combination of circum6tances, Intcrrally,
    thcy wcrc facing a crisis on account of thc disscnsion
    in thc court rnd th€ bchsviour of Rana Babadur in Nepal
    or outSidc always causcd grav€ conccrn. Hc intrigucd
    with thr English. So thc nccd was frlt to humour them
    aod to imprcs thcm tbat thc authorit.ies in Ncpal
    wcrc fricEdly to thc Company's agcnts in India. But
    olcc thcy kncw that thcsc rclarcd aEd thc attcation of the
    Englirh was bcitrg divcrtcd to thc attaiDmcDt ofthcir rcal
    imporialirt dcsigo, thc Ncpalcsc authoritics had to bc
    alcrt and wstchful,
    Thc trcaty was to bc ratificd at Kaahmstrdu and
    Captain Knox was scnt thcrc as thc first British Rcsidcnt to
    prcvail on the Ncpal Govcrnment thc desirability ofsuch
    a ratification iD ths intcrcst of an amicablc rclationship
    bctwccn thc two Govcrnments2?. For his safcty while
    in Ncpal thc British securcd three youngmcn of thc nobility
    as hostages, 'oot in that avowed charactcr yct such thcy
    wcre in rcality' (lottcr of Capt. Knox to the Sec. political

    26. H.EiltoD, p. 254.


    27. Raad an articlc by Dr. K, K. Dutt on .Some unpublishcd
    Rccords rbout Ncpal' io JBORS, Pts. III & lV,
    ttO lloilcm Ncpal
    Dcprrtnont,25 Merch lt02) as a rccurity 'for thc due
    performancc of its conditions on tho part of lhe Ncpal
    Gdvernmcnt' (lelte\ 22 Junc to Douglas). It s€eos that
    thc devicc to securc hostages was kcpt I sccret froE the
    Ncpatesc nobility 8s thc thrcc yourgstcrs wcre induccd
    to comc to thc CoEpary's tcrritory by a knowlcdgc that
    thcy wcrc to mcct tho English Govcrnor-Gcacral. Thcy
    hsd lcft Nep8l obviourly with the irtcrtioa of rceing Lcrd
    Srcllcalcy on bchalf of thc statc Govcrnment to whoo
    thcy lat6r on prcscDtcd certain lcttcrs of good wisbes
    from thc King ofNepaleB. Till they expcrienced difficulty
    latcr on to secure pcrmission to leave Patna tbcy wcre
    not probably in the know of thcir status as hostages as
    it appears from anothcr document, How thc British
    camouflaged their real itrtcntion under covcr of diplomacy
    as indicatcd by the verbal assur&ncc of friendsbip and
    wclcomc which according to the same documcrt was given
    to thc Ncpalcse by Lord Wellesley's CovcrnmeDt (lettcr to
    Douglas by Persian Sccretary to the Govt,, 20 April, 1802) !
    Thcy werc trcated with cvery mark ofBttention and fricnd-
    rhip as gucstr at the cxpensc ofthc Company (Rs, 1,3!0
    annually was fixed for cach of them .as expensc)'z9. All
    this wss donc to removc the imprcssion, if they had
    formcd any, about their real character as hostagcs. It wss
    understood amongst the omcials of tbe Company that 'the
    Gorkha dcputics were to bc kept in Patna till the commencc-
    ment of the cold season', as Knox had said 'full time would
    be afforded to mc to ascertain my footing in Ncpalro in
    that coadition'. The three young men bclonged to the
    thrcc families of barons influential at thc courtsl and

    28. Lctter of the Srcretary to thc Covernor-Ceneral.


    29. Resident's letter,26 March, 1802.
    30- Letter ofKnox. March 26, 1802.
    31, PaIIday, Shah, Basne, The fathers of these ,ouog men
    were important mioisterl of the Goveromerlt. The EDglish hoped
    that as long as they wcre in the custody of officials 4t Patn8, Caplairl
    Dtlrish Mlstlon Retutu l3l
    thcir namcs according to British documcnt Etood as Karbir
    Sinha, Lachhman Shah and Kishorcjung8r.
    Capt. Knox was to rcach KathDandu in Marcb, but
    as soon as hc rcached Narkatiagunj on thc Company's
    bordcr hc ctrcountcrcd a great dificulty, as thc Ncpalcec
    dcputios who come to fctch hiE dcclincd to accompany him
    to Kathoandu. Ho could Dot leavG uotil thc Rcacncy in
    KathDsndu intcrfercd on big bchalf and rcachrd hig
    destination in mid Aprilrr.
    Captain Knox rcceivcd thc oost cordial trcatment in
    Ncpal, but wss trcatcd with di6trust st slmost cvcry stcp,
    which causcd dclay in the rstificstion of thc proposcd
    treaty. Hc tried all mcans al his disposal to socur€
    ratification, Lcst it should cmbarass th€ Nepolosc dcputics
    at Patna owing to dclay in thc ratification of thc trcaty,
    thc British Govcrnor-Gencral cxpressed his desirc to abidc
    by thcir wishcs, whatever thcy mieht bc (lcttct, 2}nd tuoc,
    1802). It had so happencd thst twoof the deputics h8d
    left Patna in July, (Sccretary's lcttcr to thc Govcrnor-
    General, l0th July, 1802) and thc British had to let thcm
    off dcspitc their unwilliogncss for rcasoas of their ownla.
    Captain Kaox himself fouod his patiencc exhaustcd, but
    hc continued to crert his influcncc to scrvc thc cnd for
    which hc had becn sent to Ncpal. While once he dcmandcd
    ratification 'in the name of truth aud plcdged words',
    hc was equally forceful at another time ,on a plea of
    statesmatrship' to demand th€ same itr thc iDterest of the
    Nepalese, In the end he succ€cdcd. But this did not
    endure. The British wantcd lo securc ratification at aDy
    cost, and thercby get a footing at KathEandu. Lord
    Koox would have . smoothsailing in the matter ofnesotiatioD, and
    would mova ulconccrncd as to his safety.
    32. rbid.
    33. Oldicld writes that they werc baunted by hiredassasitrsas
    well *hile ia the Terai.
    34. Oldficld, I, p. 289.
    lr2 Mod*n Ncpal
    lVclloelcy cvGn wrotc to his Ambassador to rely on thc
    goodwill of thc Ncpal Govcrnment and not to raise issues
    tb causc distrust in thcir mind. But it was tbeir bad luck
    thst even if thc trcaty was ratificd thcy had to ultimatcly
    lcave Ncpel. It was no casy mattcr to turn out thc
    Rcsidcnt thur fortificd in his ncw position guarantccd by
    trcaty rights. But tho circumstatrccs wcrc auch that Knox
    could not prolong hir stay. Thc British mi3sioD quit Ncpal
    uadcr compulsion, though thc prcvious ccmEitmeDts
    ofthc treaty rcquircd oth€rwisc. But lhc Ncpalcsc serc
    also cagcr to throw out Knox, But for both objcctivc and
    cubjcctive conditions Ncpal would have bcen a subsidiary
    ally of thc British.
    Io thc narrativc, wc wtote about ths attitudc of
    Drmodar Pande, Bam Shah and othcrs. CaptaiD Knox had
    rcvcalcd that thcsc pcrsons wcrc dcsiring to livc by
    subsistcnce provided by thc Esst India Company's Govern-
    ment. There war even a sugtcstion to thc GoverDor-
    Gcncral that aftcr Ncpal acccpted'a subsidiary status, the
    gctrtlcmcn should bc pcnsioncd off and this would pave
    thc way for thc completc control of affairs by the Rcsident'.
    Thc mattcr, howcvcr, ncvcr caEG up for thc coDsidcratiotr
    of thc Governor.Gcncral who dismisscd the suggestion of
    bribing. The GovcrnorlGencral scotch.d this kind of
    approach at thc vcry carly stagc disrcgarding thc advicc
    of his newly appointed Resident.
    One can uDdcrstand the aDxiety of Damodar Pandc
    and his fricnds about Rana Bahadur's rcturn homc. In fact
    Rana Bahadur's overturcs to the British poscd a threat to
    thosc io power in Kathmandu. As a countcr measure
    thcy had ccrtainly thought of a dcvicc to frustratc Rana
    Bahadur's well prepared schcmc to defcat his enemy by
    rcturning homc with British support. If the British had
    succeeded in imposing a Residcnt on the freedomJoving
    Nepalcse at the time, they could do so becausc each party
    sought the advatrtag€ of British alliance for its strcngth
    British llisrion Retwns 133
    and sustcnance to Eoct thc challcoge
    of the other. Thcrc
    is no doubt that Rana Bahadur
    was equally auious to cul-
    tivate the British. But the Ecn inside
    Nopal ufti."i"fy
    had scored the point. Thc trcaty
    of Danapur was ooti-
    vatcd on Nepal,s side by a dcsire to prcveniRana
    f_rom coming back to his country
    B"h;;;;
    with British assistance.
    Whatcvcr his motive Rana Bahadur w".
    rumour that hc wac eoon arriving
    ,.rpor;i;i;;;;;
    in tnc capital witi a
    rtrong dctschmcnt of the British army. fnl,
    also influenccd thc then Nepal administration,s
    .urt-iin"
    attitudc
    towards the British. In thc atmospherc prevailing
    whilc
    Rana Bahadur,s prcsence was apprehcnded
    anyttini acsig-
    ned to couotcract his movc was rcgardcd
    oot i.prop.i.
    BI,thcir action Rana,s opponctrts thought
    ", thcy had not
    onty rcmovcd thc risk of Rana,s likcly rcturn
    but stso
    succccded to render British military
    inicrvcrtioo in his
    bchalf imposriblc.
    True, thc trcaty w88 ratified in Kathmandu
    but cvcry-
    thing followed as a scquel to the fear that
    this *", ,.;";;;y
    to countcrtct Rana's stcpc in that
    dircction, otnerwise iin'c
    in keeping the Eission of Knox in Ncpal
    I^T-l*:*rl:o .
    ror 8ny lcngth of timc.
    From documcnts availablo to us from British
    sourccs
    it is revcalad that thc British uscd rvcry mcans
    thc Ncpal Govcrnmcnt to carry out thc provisions to pcrsuaac

    trcaty, oftbe
    But this was not possiblc io tn" iitr"rioi
    *":: lack of uniry amons thc nobility. Thcy
    *t"r"
    :1:::
    ncvcr act in concert.
    would

    - Thc result was that cven if somc individuals had


    dcsisted Knox to continuc thc miEsiotr,
    tUis was not alowci
    by th6 circuEitanccs.
    English might havc rcsortcd to bribery
    tactics,
    sld othcr
    Bahad ur^war-playiog a dual geoc;
    whilc tryiog
    Ior u trcb
    "^-,-L1T supporr for his rcsrorarioa he war iotriguiai iI
    134 ltlodern Nepal
    thwart the actions of his opponents to us€ similar supPort
    against him,
    But it was a hard task to purcbase the loyalty of the
    Ncpalcse patriots, As Oldfield puts "Thc Gorkbas sct tco
    high a vatuc on their own country's indcpendcnce to'bc
    induccd to consent to this proposal". They could do cvery'
    thing clsc but not scll their pauiotism for money. To
    thcm compromise with the British imperialists on thc issue
    of atrcaty cnvisaging subridiary alliance wes eDtirely out
    of qucstion, Captain Knox, therefore, tried bis best oDly
    to find at last that his cfiorts bad failed. But luckily tbe
    tcnsion at Kathmandu gave indication as to the success of
    thc British mission, and it appcarcd tbat vbat bribery and
    cajolry had not achicvcd, the Gorkhalis' own political
    troublcs would automatically throw thcm into British
    arms.
    Thc Nepalcse wcre in no mood to toleratc thc prcscnce
    of Englishmen in the capital. The exitof Captain Knox
    and party was a natural sequel to the situation that was
    crcsted in the capital as a rcsult ofintcrlal and external
    intrigues, to which the British bad also played no mean
    role. The British were not then sufrcicntly stroDg to use
    further pressurc oD ths Nepalcse, being engagcd as they
    wcrc in a ferocious struggle with the Ma,atbas' Lord
    rirlollcsley, thereforc, satisficd himself with a strong lctter
    ofdisapproval of the conduct of thc Ncpal Government
    to thc Maharaja, wbich also complaincd of maltrcatment
    accordcd to the Resident, but he knew fully $ell that
    these would fall on deaf ears. The question of open hos-
    tility could not b€ entertained' and thc Government still
    hopcd tbat 'amity and fricndsbip would be maintained'
    betwoen the two countries. Thc matter rcstcd the,e.
    Thc Gorkhalis feared that any amount of carelcssncss
    oq their part might be taken advantage of, therefore, thcy
    not oaly avoided political coDtact but also would uot
    allow a religious mission to laod in tbeir couotry (see
    British llission Rauns l3S
    Patna mission Lettcrs reprints in the Catholicus).s6 tt war
    not a fact that they were blind to notice thc thrclt fron
    thc British to Nepal,s indepcndcnce. Sincc thc battl€ of
    Plassey tbc Gorkhalis werc viewing thc devclopment in
    the politicat situation of the plains with gravc conccro.
    They spurned all sorts of approaches on thc side of thc
    British and twice abrogated thc trcaties which thcy h8d
    had to enter into under prcssure of advcrsc circusmstanccs.
    Whilc fighting single handed in this way thcy did not 6parc
    any cfforts to prcsent a common froDt in alliancc with
    other princes. At that time thc Marathas and the Sikhs wcrc
    the powers that counted and had they listened to thc Gor.
    khalis the course of Indiatr history might havc bcen cntircly
    differcnt, But in the atmosphere of intrigue and suspicion
    thc Gorkhalis could not bring them round to agrcc to thcir
    views. Wc havc a sorry and tragic spectaclc ofGorkha
    patriots frustratcd at tbis' attitude of thcir compatriots in
    India. Yet thcy did not lessen thcir endeavour, Ifistory
    rccords how they made repcated attempts at *inning ovcr
    thc Indian princcs to tbeir sidc against tbc British.
    Here in Baoaras Rana Bahadur was busy wcaving hir
    wcb of intrigucs looking at thc situation of internal diiscn.
    tion and mutual bickering at thc court in Kathmandu,
    His residcncc was a oenrj for othcr pcrsonc of similar
    charecter, As we have.noted earlicr hc was carrying a
    clandcstinc corrcspondence with mcn of importancc in
    Kathmandu and these were to side with him in thc ev€nt
    of hie going back home.
    Since, Knox lcft for Ncpal thc cx-King wa6 lcft in
    chargo of thc collector of Bauaras, Mr, Ncavc. Sincc about
    Octobcr, 1803 the AAGG ia Banaras, Mr. T. Brookq, was
    to look aftcr hie comforts though hc was not foroally
    deolarcd Rcsident, The AAGG was askcd to servs ao ord6;
    on Rana Bahadur not to lcavc Banaras without thc prior
    35. Fcbtualy, 194t.
    136 llodern NePal
    pcrmission of the Govcrrmcnt in Calcutta' Gusrdr rnd
    p"oo, *"." postcd to kccp watch ovcr him. Irritatcd by the
    Lcasure Rana Bahadur askcd Mr. Ncave whcthcr he should
    considcr himself 'a prisoncr'. Ncavc replicd that thc cr'
    Rulcr should address himsclf to thc Govcrnor-Gcncral on
    thc subject assuring him, howcvcr, tbat whatcvct was donc
    was'for his protectiotr and wclfarc'.
    T. grooks in his lcttcr of 5th Novcmbcr' to thc GG
    plcads for a morc lcnicnt sttitudc towards Raoa Babadur'
    in particular hc wanted to trcat Ratra Bahadur in a way
    thaihc might carry with him a favourablc imprcssion of
    tho tr"atroot he rccciYcd in thcir hands' T' Brooks bim'
    self thought that hc did not find any injunctions from
    his
    Exccllency 'which can bc construcd into an ordcr to dctain
    thc Raja at Baoaras"
    The Sccretary to thc Govcrnncnt in his lettcr oftbc
    15tb April,1801 had only informed him 'to discourag'
    aDy
    join Kuox
    indicatlon of a dcsirc oB tho part of thc Rsjs to
    ou thc frooticr of Nipaul'36, According to thc nrw AAGG
    this was not iDteodcd to imposc 'any rcEtraint cn Rana
    Bahadur aftcr thc signing of the treaty" Evcn the scparatc
    engegemcnt about his Jagir opcrating through British int'r'
    'pro vided that thc Raja had thc option Githcr
    mcdiary-Britirh to
    livc in tcrritory or scttle oD his Jagir at Bijcpur'3?'

    Rana prepares to 8o Home


    The AAGG wrotc that Rana Bahadur had abdicatcd
    voluntarily and hc still retained his right to govcrn thc
    country as his son's guardian. Io the bcginning hc cxpcctcd
    of thc British such help es would enablc him to subduc his
    opponents, but with the conclusion of thc trcaty, thcsc
    cx'
    pi"tutiolt were gone. But now Rara Babsdlr accoldigg 10
    in" a,eGG" information 'entcitains hopes of tG-cstablirhing
    hrmself io his Goveroment Pith or withcut British bclP"
    36. For. Sec. D.pt. Coos.,26th April 1604, !' 298'
    37. lbid.
    British llisston Returns 131

    In tho proscit instablc situation hc was likcly to succccd.


    Thq AAGG furthcr wrotc that mcn who wcrc instrumental
    io bringiag about thc trcaty of lEOl did trot exist politically.
    Wirh thr Rani holding thc reigns of Govcrnmcnt thc 'Rejs
    fccls tbat hc would bc joined by a sufrcient numbcr of
    adhcrcnts to rcgain the inf,ucocc to which hc has a natural
    titlc ss fathcr to thc Rajo'88. Aftcr giving an accouDt of
    thc payEcnt of moncy paid to RsDa Bahadur lhc AAGG
    ssid that if tbc cx-Rulcr coDtinucd to stay in British tcrritory
    thc Govcrnmcnt would havc to bcar the rcsponsibility of
    'providing him Rs.72,000 pcr ycar u/ithout any prospcct 6f
    indcmnifrcstion unless by tiking posscssion of thc jagcer
    of Bijcpur arsigncd by thc trcaty io eccurity for thc Raj's
    allowancc and which could not be donc lvithout a military
    allowanco'. Thc AAGG thln suggcstcd thst'thc voluDtary
    rcmoval of Rana Bahadur from thc Company's tcrritory
    whilc hc continucs to declare his non-acquisci€trcc to thc
    stipulations of thc trcaty would at oncc cxonGratc thc
    Govcrnmcnt from their guarantcc of his depcnd'. The
    AAGG want€d clcar itrstruction ofthc Goycrnor-Gcncral,
    whcthcr Rana Bahadur should bc restraincd or bc allowcd
    to movc anywhcrc hc liked. Hc warncd ahat iE lhe cvcDt
    of Rana Bahadur rcacbing Ncpal 'clardcstincly and in thc
    prcscnt Btatc of mind cvcry bcncfit hc has rcceivcd from
    our Govcrnmcnt will bc forgottco in his mood to rcscnt thc
    indignity to which hc is subj€ctcd at thc momcnt'. Thc
    AAGG suggcetcd that 'RaEa Bahadur should be soothcd and
    conciliatcd, ..so thst wc may concludc a trcaty $,ith th€
    abdicstcd Raja. I am surc hc occcdcg to ths tcrms of thc
    trcaty, advsntageous to thc British Govcramcat Bnd should
    tho Raja not adhclc to thc trcaty even the! thc GovcrDmcut
    would not find in a worse positioo, in fact the sama uncor.
    tsiEty cxistilg thc tiEc would contiou€'.
    N. B, Ed6oE8toac iu his letter (19 Novcpber, 1803)

    3E. rbid.
    138 Modcm Nepal
    rcplicd that thc 'Covcrnor-Gcncral was waiting for Captain
    Knox's arrival, and aftcr consulting him hc would convcy
    his dctcrmination with reepcct to thc adjustmcnt of thc
    Raja's affairs', But until thcn Rana Bahadur was askcd to
    rcmain pcaccably in Banaras, He also dircctcd thc AAGG
    'in thc meantime the Raja may be prcvcnted from quiting
    Banaras and you are authoriscd to takc nccessary measurcs
    to prevent his departurc'.
    It appcars from thc tcnor of argument in the lcttcrs of
    T, Brooks thst'hc was favourably disposcd towards RaDa
    Bahadur but he wanted to exploit tf,c cx-Ruler's plight in
    thc intcrest of thc British by scdulous ondcavours to pacifi
    the crtrcme impaticncc cvinccd by tbc Raja', Mcanwbilc
    Rana Bahadur wrot. s lettcr to thc GG'with somc general
    assurance of his favourable disposition towards lhc British
    GovernEent'. From this and thc prospcct ofe visit to him
    by thc Raja's confidcnt Ranganath Pandit, T. Brooks was
    visualising fricndly ties with Nepal und€r tbe treaty of
    160l as soon as Rsna Bahsdur returncd to Ncpal. Hc wrotc
    to thc GG in his letter of l9th Novcmber lhat the prospect
    ofRana Bahadur's rcturn to Nepal wcrc quitc sure. Hc
    wEs invitcd by thc Reni, and thc iDformation was corro-
    boratcd by C. Lloyds. Thc AAGG said all this hc was
    mcntioning was bccause'thc Raja had commcnccd unusual
    op€nncss of mind'. He rcportcd on thc 24th November,
    1803 that Ranganath Pandit had paid him a visit to rcncw
    hic asguranccs of &ttachmctrt to thc British Govcrnmcnt
    and scnding for my pcrusal lcttcrs hc had rcccntly rcccived
    from leading characters from Ncpal'. Hc was imprcssed
    with thc &uthsnticity of thcsc lclters.
    Thesc revcal a statc of agitatiotr in thc court ovcr thc
    qucction of the rcturn of Rana Bahadur Shah, Four scnior
    mcn of the Governmcnt-Cheutara Shcr Bahadur, Amar
    Singh Thapa, Bakhtabar Singh Basnet, and RaDajit Pandc
    desired Rana's return and 'reassumption, of authority by
    hio'. Thoy bad exgressed ardeut !upport to Rala's causr.
    British llission Returns 139

    Raja Prithvipal of Palpa had likcwise pledgcd his worde


    in favour of Rana's reinststement. But Kazi Damodar
    Pande, Brajananda Misra, uncle of Gajaraj and Kazi Nar-
    singh opposcd any move to britrg back Ratrs to thc capital.
    Damodar had yct somo influenco over thc Maharani and
    Brajananda was list€ncd to as thc Guru by hcr. So she had
    not been so opcn to cxtctrd support to the qucstion of RaDa's
    rcturn. There was no letter from hcr on thc qucstion, so
    that thc dcgrec of her support could not be assesscd.
    It appearcd thst the coterie round Rana Bahadur
    dreaded Damodar's influcncc at the court. It was for this
    rcason that Ranganath had assured T. Brooks 'regardiDg thc
    advatrtages thc Raja was willing to givc thc Britiih to
    cnjoy whcnever hc was reinstatcd'but which thc l8ltcr says
    'he wavcd thc question lcat hopcs might bc built otr thco'
    which it might not bc His Excellcncy's itrtcntion to
    realisc'l e.
    Brooks reported that Rana Bahadur considered Gajaraj
    Misra as his enemy. To give a favourable impressioa of thc
    British intontion to Rana Bahadur it wa8 said tbat th€
    AAGG was avoiding contact 'in confidcntial discusrion'
    with Gajaraj Misra who would bc in touch Eith Knoxao.
    It was learnt in Banaras through Gulam Kadir Khan,
    who war thcn in Kathmandu, thst thc Maharani was bcing
    put undcr pressure to invitc her husband by Kazis Ranajit
    Pandc and Ranabir Singh, but this was bcing rcaisted by thc
    powcrful Damod8r Pandc who posscsscd the chief cortrol
    in thc admirstration and who from his superiot abilitics and
    his influcnce with thc soldicrs was ablc to msintain his hold
    on administration, Thc Maharani, howcver, wag inclined to
    support this prospect of Rana Bahadur's rcturD.
    Like Knox the AAGG in Banaras T. Brooks, ticlicvcd
    in a British policy of bcfriending the Ncpalcec cx-Ruler st

    39. For. Pol. Sec. Corsult, 26 April, 1804, o. 301.


    40: Ibid.
    lao Mothn Ncpal
    this rtrgc. Hc had gained an impression that thc opposition
    against Rana Bahadur did aot command wido support and
    es .such hc cxpectcd littlc rceistancc whcn Rana Bahadur
    actually cntcrcd Ncpal. Thercforc if British interests wcre
    to bc promoted Rana Bahadur should find the iEmcdi&tc
    iituation in India to his favour leaving him no occassion
    for complaintt,
    We ehall find from the followiog paragrapbs tbat
    thc Govcltror-Gcncral had fiDally pcroitted Rana Bahadur
    to loavc thc British tcrritorics. Hc issucd ordcrs to this
    cffcct aftcr consulting Csptain Knox.'Mcanwhilc Rara
    Bahadur asked for permission to go to Puri on pilgrimage
    through his lcttcr of 3rd Dcccobcr, 180I. Hardly was rhc
    rcqucst rcccivitrg sttcntioD, whcn thc ex.Rulcr wrote
    anothcr lcttcr datcd lSth January, 1804 dcclaring bis dcsirc
    to cntcr his country.
    As to Anglo-Ncpalese relation notbiDg had happcned
    to changc thc attitudc on both sides since Knox lcft. But
    ninc months latcr thc British camc to thc vicw thst it was
    timc to dcclarc ths tresty no loogcr valid, They attributed
    'thc fsilure of the cxcoution of thc conditione of alliancc
    on thc part of the Ncpalesc to the weakncss and instability
    of thc minist€rs and thcir mutual disscntions,. Thc treaty
    wae regardcd by cvery psrty in powcr as something of a
    dcvicc to rctain Britieh goodwill so that Raoa Bahadur was
    prevsntcd from returning homc. Mr. Lloyd who was
    Sccrctary ofthe Rcsidency now functiotring froo Banaras
    was informcd by a lettcr writtcn on tha 24th January that
    thc British had withdrawn thc tr€aty of 1801, As thc treaty
    was no loogcr valid all obligations on thc British €manatiDg
    from thc samc lapscd autoEatically, which mcsDt tbnt
    Raaa Bahadur was no longcr uDd6r restraint, aDd hc could
    go bac& hornc, for which hc wanted thcir pcroissioo.
    'Uudcr dirsolution of the treaty the British Govcramcnt
    would not bc justiied by t[c prigciples ol pubfic law i!
    detaiaiDg thc Raja or in cootrolling tbe cxcttio! of his
    Brltkh Ah on Rctunt t4l
    ldhorcn$ for tbc rcrtoration of bir suthority, though it
    war kooyn that his rcctoration would bring morc violcncc
    and opprcssion to Ncpal in vicw of his unbalanccd tempcr-
    amctrt. Rana Babadur bad undcrtakcn lo ,concludc lnotbcr
    clgagcmcat! rimiler to thosc cortncted by rhc trcaty ol
    I80l'. But thc Britilh would rcfusc to obligc bim, rad at
    th€ taEG tiEc would not crcltc obstacles in bi! .ttcmpt to
    rcfcrring to Ncpal. Lloyd wae told that tho prcrcnl
    Ncpalcrc Govrrnocat should bc inforncd bcforcband of
    Rana Bahadur's intcntion to cDtcr Ncpal aDd British ttri-
    tudc in rcspact of tbc mattcr. The Acting Agcnt iD BaDsrar
    had bccn dircqtrd to.sigoify thc Raja thsr aftcr thG clpira-
    tion of onc month from thc datc of this dcspatch hc wi bc
    at libcrty to dcpart from Banaras'. Thc Residcncy Munshi
    in Kathoandu was to dcpart immcdiatcly for Banaras
    aftcr intimating thc Ncpalcsc adEinistration of thc
    tcrminstion of thc trcaty of 180t. In rcply to Rana Brha-
    dur's lcttcr of l8 January thc Govcrnor-Gcrcral obrcrvcd
    that whilc cotrcluding the trcaty with thc Ncpal Govcrn-
    mcnt 'it war cqually my objcct lo providc for ]our pctEa.
    ncnt confort and accommodation in thc sccludcd siluation
    which you had voluntarily chooscn' but as hc ws! now
    compcllcd to withdraw from all conocclioos with Ncpal
    hc can no longcr cnsurc thc provision assigncd by lhorc
    cngagcm€nts of thc trcaty for your support' 8dding thrt in
    thc ncw circumstanccs it was not bis desirc to prcvcnt him
    from lcaving Banaras'to whatcver qusrtcr, you may fhint
    propcr to procccd'. As carlicr ocDtioned Rana wa! dctaiD.
    ed for onc more month in Banaras to allow thc Maharaoi,r
    Govcrnmcnt in Ncpal to hsvc timcly knowlcdgc of thc
    situation. N. B. Edmonstone writing to T. Brooks, Acting
    Agent to lhc Goveftor.Gcncrat on January, 24 said thst lhc
    announccment of our withdrgwat fron thc allioocc would
    rcach withiD a month and Rana Bahadur was Bt libc y lo
    go anywhere aftcr this pcriod was ovcr. Thc Actiag AgcDt.
    howevcr, was dirccted to provcnt bic lcaving Banarar crrlicr,
    112 Modcn NcPal
    Edmonstonc also instructcd thc agcnt to p8y Rona 'rDy
    accumulatcd trrcars of stipend should he crPrGSr a dcsirc"
    But Rana Babadur was to bc accompanied by'a confidcntial
    ogcnt of the British to thc frontier who will imm€diatcly
    rpproach th€ district ofrccr if thc Raja comoitr impropcr
    actionr'.

    Mottvc behtnd lhc Rclcasc of Raaa Eahadttr


    As thG Btitish dccidcd to relcase Rana Babadur it was
    cl.ar thtt thcir action in seeking a trtaty relation vith
    Ncpal was motivotcd by considcrations of sccking fulfil'
    mcnt of impcrialist dcsigtr itr Nepal bchind tbe facade of a
    simplc treaty of friendshipi Thc British sbandoDcd hopes
    of attainmcnt of any succcss whcn Captain Knox was com-
    pellcd by dint of circumstances to lcavc Katbm0ndu' Thc
    trcaty was not disowncd for somctime' il took at lcast 8
    months to makc a declaration ia regard to thc sbrogation
    of thc trcaty, But thcrc was no occassion to abrogatc the
    trcaty if their aim had becn to basc British'Ncpal r€lation-
    ship on a foundation o[ peacc and Iriendship and no
    impcrialist intcrest was ricd to it. Evcn without Knol's
    abscnce in KathDandu ths trcaty migbt have coDtinucd
    to
    cxist with othcl sdvantsges mutually shar€d' But thc
    British thought that thc trcaty bad becn left without
    any purposc oncc thc Residcnt was cxpclled' If the treaty
    nad stayca, the.British had to Protcct the intercst of one
    of
    th€ partics witbout d€riving 8ny advantsSes in rcturn' At
    the time Knox left for Bagah' Kathmandu uas scctbing in
    unrcst. Thcy might havc also realised tbat Damodar Psnd€
    was helplcss to control thc situation with the fickle young
    quccn whimsically excrcising her absoluto authority, which
    could bs cxploitcd by pro'Rana group to further ils eDds'
    But the most important factor tbat Yeighed with thcm
    was thc prospdct Rana cnjoyed after return' If Rana
    Bahadur rcturncd and was able to snatch powcr ofstste'
    tho British might play alothcr diPlomacy abandoning
    Drlrlth Mhtion R.tutns 143

    ncutrality and cncouraging him to go to Kathmandu.


    Thcy obtaincd rcports consistently that Rana's returtr $as
    awaited with cnthusiasm by many people, lhough othcrr
    lookcd with dismay. Astatcof civil war might cDsuc itr
    that courlc. Thc GG wae advised by a scction of his coun-
    cillorr that Rana Bahadur as a winning party sbould trot bg
    purhcd to a dircction to go back home, hc must catry
    with him all tho goodwill of the E, I. Company's Govcrn-
    mcnt and thie could bc achicvcd if he is encouragcd by thc
    British. Of coursc, thc English werc cunning enough to
    imprcss thc cx.King that thcy wcre adopting guarant€c for
    his penaion and thcy had actcd like a bcncf8ctor to Rana Bab a-
    dur. Hc, howcvcr, was fccling gor€ ovcr testrictions on his
    movcmolt and most of all on thc issuc of the Britisb rcfusal
    to give military aid to him in rcspect of bis dcsign to get
    back his thron€. Now with the abrogstico of the trraly a
    ncw situation had cropped up. Tbe British could bavc
    prevcntcd him from marching to thc bordcr cvcn at this
    time and probably a sevcrs crisis would have becn avcrted
    and vcry nany livce savcd, But hcre thc British actcd
    with a motiv€. Th€ int€ntion was to oblig. Rana Babadur
    by withdrawing rcstrictions on his movements. Thcy
    sccmed to givo him blcssing to go to Katboandu and
    capture power as thc aDnouocc ment of withd rawal ca m e.
    Wc lcarnt from thc following paragrapbs that Rana got otre
    loan from the British for all the cash rcquircments for his
    homc goiug by such action. They hoped that Rana Bahadur
    would abidc by thc treaty in order to pay his gratitudc to
    tbc British.
    It was sure that if Rana Bahadur hsd contiDued to stay
    in Banaras, thc Ncpal Government would havc paid cvcry
    instalmcnt ofannual revcnues accruing to hjm from thc
    jdSir without losc of timc. But Rsna Bahadur's objcctivc
    was to scizc powcr in Katbmandu and for this restrictioDs
    on his movemcnts had to be withdrawn and tbcy did so
    as tiEc wanted. Should wc take the unilateral breach of
    la{ Uodon NoWl
    thc trcsty by thc Britirh ar innoral ? Obviously tbc Brilish
    had trot actcd on moral cotrsidcrstions. Tbcy wcrc purru-
    ing a policy of sclf-itrterest and it did not mattcr tbrough
    whom tbis wac achicvcd. But th.y krcw that Rana Blhsdur
    wls thr lalt pcrloo to proEotc British ispetialitt intcrc.t
    io Ncpal, Hcace if thc British had at lhir tiEG pinlcd hopc
    on Rana Bahadur it was Dot bccausc lbcy scrc turc of thcir
    porltion but becaurc tbcy had no othcr qusttct to lool lo.
    Wc rball know from prregraphr bclow lblt lbc littlc KDox
    had gaincd by hir diplomacy in Ncpal was lost iD duc timc
    by advcrac circumstanccr.
    Accordiag to tbc Govcrnor-Gcncral's iDstructioD!
    Rana Bahadur wsr paid on his application a sum of Rs.
    5E.965't ( Banaras Sicca )' Rana Bahadur bad to discbrrSc
    hie dsbtr ae wcll as to mcct thc ctpcnscs of jourocy. This
    wrr said to bc tbc lum'duc to thc Raja uPto 24lh February'
    with rcrpect to thc balancc bcforc this datc Sicca Rr.29,J00'.
    Lloyd rcportcd tbat Hastadsl Shah promiccd to pay lo thc
    trca3ury at Purnea from Raoa Babadur's Jagir of Bijcpur.
    Thc Chautara's sgcnt, Gosain Sarup Puri, i$ Grp€clcd to
    dclivcr thc moncy. A rum of Rs. 10,000 wag dclivcrcd at
    thc Brnaras trcarury by a Ncpalcsc dcPuty wbo carlicr cltn-
    dcstincly sought to pass thc amouot to Rana Bahadur ; lhc
    lattcr having rcfused to acccpt thc eum it was luftcd ovcr
    to thc British sccount.
    Bcforc R'ana Bahadur's dcpsrturc for Ncpal tbc Gorcr'
    oor-Gcncral had rcjccted tbc advicc of KDor to ncgotislc a
    trcoty with thc cx'KiDg. Thc Govcrnor.Gcncral was of lhc
    opinion thst any trcaty concludcd tlith tbat princc will bc
    nugatory unlcss cnforced by a dcgrec of control by thc
    British. Edmonstonc wrote to T. Brooks on January 24,
    ItOO tdat such a stcp on their Part would bc highly inexpc'
    dicnt end impropcr. The British beld tbc vicw that 'a
    lcgitimatc Govcrnment was functioning in Nepal with Cir-
    vrna Juddha as Maharaja" 'As thc British h8d Gnlcrcd into
    allirncc with rbat CovcrEmcDt, it would not bccoEc thcp
    8? lsh Mtstlon Rctufir t1t
    to chsogc thcir attitudo at this hour. Howcvcr, if Rrna
    Bohadur wss rcatorcd to powcr by his own mcars the Brilish
    would ncgotistc with him. But it will bo unjurt to itrtcr-
    fcrc ia his bchalf or essist hiE to that cnd'.
    EdmoDstoDo cotrvcycd to thc Acting Agcnt lhG rdvicc
    of His Exccllctrcy-ia-Council to sdopt prccautioDsry mc!-
    surcs in otdcr to prcvcnt Raja Rana Babadut in hie Journcy
    through tha Coopany'e tctritorics froa raising trooPr ot
    collocting any conaidcrablc numbcr of adhcrclle of any
    dcscription or purchacing arms or military rtorcs ae wcll ao
    from rtopping or cstablishing himself for any conoidcrablc'
    pcriod of timc on thc Indo-Ntpslcsc bordcr for thc purposc
    of inciting comEotions in Ncpal or of inviting 8Dy pcoplc
    to join him from thst country'. Therc wac also a ncssagc
    from His Bxccllcncy-in-Council thst 'in thc cvcnt of rcstora-
    tion to thc Govcrnmetrt of Nipaul, hc should rcfrain frcm
    any acts of violcncc against thosc pcrsonr who havc oari-
    fested a disposition to sccurc thc due cxccution of thc trcaty
    of October, 1801, intimatiDg to him that thc knowlcdgc of
    aly such acts of injustics will in futurc precludc all ami-
    cablc intcrcoursc bctwecn thc British Government 8Dd thc
    itatc of Nipaul'.{ t
    T. Brooks, Actiog Agcnt to thc Govcrnor:Gcncral in
    Banaras convcycd thc Governor-Gencral's wishcs to Rana
    Bahadur beforc hc dcparted.
    Rana Bahadur lcft Banaras after thc expiry of onc
    uonth's pcriod and he left a lctter addresscd to lbe Govcr'
    nor.Gcncral cxprcssing his gratitudc and plcdging ccopcra'
    tion in future.
    Thc confidcntial agcnt of the British was with him
    bcyond thc frontier. Hc rcturncd to Baoaras on the lSlh of
    March to rcport th.t whilc he was back to thc border he
    had tearnt that'the Rajah had rcached his capital aBd h8d
    bcen rsstorcd to the full aqd complcte posscssion of thc

    41, N.297, For, and Sec, Dept.,26 April, 1804.


    l$ Mo*n Ncgnl
    Nipeul Govcrnmcnt without mcctiog with aDy lort oI
    opposition'.
    G. Lloyd in hi3 lcttcr of lgth Msrch statc! that tbc
    Govcrnor-Gcneral rhould appoint .a Rcsidcnt in Nipaul if
    troublcs ststtcd in Nipaul in thc cvent of the Rajah,B
    misbchavior'. Lloyd adviecd in all carncat to.maiDlain a
    channcl of comouDication cvco to prcls th6 British claims
    for tho rcturn of thc loans advanccd to Rana Bahsdur
    which yct romaincd to bo paid'.
    But it secms that for thc timc bcing tbe British wcrc
    avorsc to do anything so drastic in relation to Nepal. But
    thoy did not crcatc obstacleg and allowed things to tske
    thoir own coursc.
    Apart from writing to those alrcady in coDiact Rana
    trow approacbcd all thosc who had not yet pledgcd support
    to him.
    In that courr€ Amar Singh Thapa recciv€d I Icttcr from
    Rana Bahadur exonerating him from all blamcs sincc troub-
    lcs startcd betwccn him and lhe men around his sos, the
    baby King. He hrd pardoned all his actions whether donc
    coosciously or not. The lctter is datcd yS lg60 Sravana
    Sudi 2 roj 4., and was sent from a house in Manikarnikaghst,
    Banaras. Hc warncd Amar Singh .that as the latter was likc
    a son to him hc bclicved in his sincerity'. .Do not betray
    mc' he wrote 'and I shall not betray you at any time,.s.
    Wc might rcmembcr that earlier Rana Bahedur had advised
    Sher Babadur to win Amar Singh ovcr to his sidc as hc was
    a man of grcat influcncc io the country and his support for
    thc cx-Kiog's causc was absolutcly trecessary if bis movcmcDt
    into tbe country wes to be eased. Rana Bahadur in his letter
    had raid that he was not prepared to reccive moncy from
    the Phiritrgis any morc and had demandcd moncy from thc
    Eldcr Rani to be sent through the Firm Dwarikadass, Thc

    A7 Wednesday, 2nd July, lEol.


    43. Itihasa Prakasa,I, p. 143.
    D tish ltltslon ll.tumt 147

    cldcr quccn accepting thc cx-King'r dcmand says in her lettcr


    'Mirfortuucs had driven us to Banaras whetc you had to
    incur dcbt from thc foroigncr it straitcncd circuDslanccs.
    It is not good elways to bc und€r thcfu obligation. Therc.
    forc wc have arrangcd to oakc available lo you fuDds
    rufrccnt to pay ofr thc Phiring's dcbts at wcll as to enablc
    you to livc in Banaras, For thq purpocc of s€lding you
    money rcgularly in timo Hestadal has becn appointed thc
    Suba of Moraug. He is to eend you tho itrcomc from Sap-
    tsri and Mohattari for thc paymctrt of debt to tho Eoncy-
    lendcrs whilc the incomc from Yijepur would occt your
    personal expenscs in Banaras. He has bcen askcd to dcsPatch
    moncy for VS 1860 sincc Kartika. Wc wantcd to pay off
    thc PhiriEgi's dcbt but we learn tbat in 1859 thc land
    rcvcnuc had bcen collectcd in advance also of thc ycar 1860.
    But some Eoncy was borrowed from the treasury and was
    r€nt towards meeting this particular expcDsc. Wc ate try-
    ing to pay off the rcmaining d€bt due to thc British. Pleasc
    writs to us the total amount of debt which you have to pay
    off now. If you have repaid to the British at a great ri6k
    to your lifc, it is our duty to scc that cvery wish of yours is
    fulfilled. Wc havc dcsircd to 6cnd money to Mcssrs Dwari-
    kadass, Actually thc bearcr of thc lett€r was dclained uptill
    now with that cnd in view, and wc had arranged with
    Ravilal. But wo hear of the dcath of Dwarikadass, and utrfor-
    tunatcly no busincss transaction has bccn mado in thc name
    of Bhavanidass. So Ravilal could not talk to us in tcros of
    asrurancc without consulting his ncw oaEtcr. Howcvcr,
    wc have askcd him to do his utmost. Dwarikadass's agent
    has written to hi8 mastcr. He has also written not to press
    you for paymcnt assuring that his moncy will bc paid with-
    out fail, also that motrcy from the said Pcrgannas would not
    be used for purposes other thar payirg off his d€bt'. Thc
    lcttcr concludcs by stating that shc was maltrcat€d in Katar-
    ban but she did trot takc any action as all such people beirg
    hcr subjects werc likc hcr sons.
    laE Modcn Nepal
    AccordiDg to G. Lloyd's lettcr of Marcb, lg04 to
    EdmonstoBc, Sccrctary to thc Govclnmcnt thc bslancc to be
    paid by Ncpal to the British on account ofthe settlemcnt
    oa Rana Bahadur wag Sicca Rs. E8,465-8.0, Lloyd infor-
    m€d that'Rana Bahadur baving on the evc of hjs deparlure
    applicd for his arrcar of stipcnd rcccivcd from , lbc Govcr-
    nor-Gcaotal's Acting Agcnt at BaDaras Sicca Rs.5g,965-g
    thc rum duc to the Raja up to thc 24th February with rcs-
    pact to thc balancc cxisting beforc this datc, amounting to
    Sicca Re. 29,500'. Lloyd statcd in the.samc connecrion that
    hc had becn informed by Knox that Cbaurara Hastadal
    Shah promiscd to dcposit Rs.29,500 at tbe treasury in pur-
    nia rtrd thc Chautara's ordcr to his Gomastha ( Gossain
    Swarup Puri ) had reachcd bim, and this was reDt to the
    collcctor of Purnia forthe realisation of th€ amount.
    According to Lloyd again Rana Bahadur had dcclincd
    to acccpt Rs. 10,000 which was seDt thtough the Ag.Dt to
    Govcrnor-General in Banaras by the king ofNcpal frcm
    sources othcr tha,n th.. jagir of Vijepur. Thc Ncpalcse autho-
    ritics had also informed Lloyd in January that a sum of
    Rs, 2d(x)0 wai sent to Betia for transmission to Banaras to-
    wards thc cxpcrscs of the cx-King. But Gajaraj Misra latcr
    wrote that this amount was Dot actuslly sent. A sum of
    sicca Rupees 18,000 .being the kists due on rhe currcnt ycat
    up to thc last instant'had been also rcceived by Knox. This
    is mcntioned by Knox in his lett€r he wrote to EdmoDstoDc
    on June,23rd, 1803 (For. Scc. Depr.,2 May, 1805, n.352).
    The British Residency in Nepal was wound up on the
    lst of March. The teats and other propcrties werc transfer-
    red to Banaras, Thc civil surgeon Mr. proctor was told that
    he was to gct his salary up to that date. Other servants of
    the Residency were dismisscd from this date.
    We know alrcady that Rana Babadur was seeliing his
    compatriots from the ratrks of the Bharadars using all sorts
    of stratagy. He had succeeded in establishing contacts with
    Bakhtabar and laterwith Sher Babadur. As Knox rcturned,
    British Mission Rctums l4g
    and the prospect of his home going appeared bright ho
    wanted to have an easy course by enlisting support of his
    elder queen who was now thc Regent. From a lettcr sho
    wrote to Rana Bahadur it seems that thc cx-King had sent 3
    letters bcfore a reply was scnt to him. But there is nothing
    of intrigues and his attempts to leave British territory in
    this corrcspondence. But thc quecn bad assured him in a
    linc that she was engaged in the task of his .housc making,
    meaning'getting bim back homc'. The Regent's letter tal-
    ked only of reimbursement of funds by thc Ncpal Govern-
    ment in lieu of debt incurred by the ex.King from the
    money-lender Dwarika dass.
    Rana Bahadur informs Bakhtabar that hc hed asked
    the British to let him go back home and was waiting for
    their answer. He wanted Bakhtabar to collcct signatorics of
    his trusted courtiers for his (the ex-King) recall. probably
    this was meant to impress the British that the peoplc of
    consequencc wanted him to go to Nepal to correct thc
    deteriorating situation. The cx-King warncd that this was
    the timc to know real friends and cnemies.
    It appears that before hc reached Kathmandu Rana
    Bahadur Shah had tried to ascertain his position vis-a-vis
    his opponents' strategy. He seemed also cautious to gct
    hold of the boy king's person. This he stresses more than
    once in his letter to Shcr Bahadur.
    In this lctter ( yS 1860 Marga sudi 15 roJ 2).t to
    Bakhtabar who is addressed as Kazi ( this man was now re-
    movcd from tbe posr of Chief Kazi ) Rana thanks him for
    his boldness in continuing the correspondence but says that
    his prcsent plight was due to his inadvertently falling into
    thc trap laid by Misra. Rana assures him that hc stilt
    appreciatcd the brave deed of the Basnct family, and would
    ever honour the promises made in the past calling him thc
    ex-King's son.

    44. Monday, 19 Decernber, 1803


    150 Modern Nepal
    Onc lctter cach to Sher Bhadur and Vidur Shah was
    despatchcd from his rcsidcncc at Gy'aldatka Talao. This
    lcttcr to Shcr Bahsdur was scnt in reply to the lattcr'i,
    which had informcd him that hc (Shcr Bahadur) had
    rcached Noakot aftcr making proper arraDgements for tbe
    ex-King's homcconing. Rana Bahadur warns that his
    oppon€nts might try to take thc king to Noakot or
    Gorkha and this should on no account be allowed to
    happen. It was not to Shcr Babadur's honour to watch a
    Khasa ruling. Hc must fulfil thc dutics of a Kshatriya.
    Vidur Shah should be approached to for assistancc. RaDa
    advises Sher Bahadur to bring round to his views aB rDany
    as Bheradars as possible. Hc assurcd that as scon as he
    camc, thc aflairs of statc would be cooductcd in mutual
    consultation. The lcttcr bcars the dale 1860 toj 2+b,
    Vidur Shoh was newly appointcd in officc. Hc is
    addressed as Chautara, So Rana Bahadur's ton€ in tho
    lctter was much conciliatory. Thc l€ttcr was writtcn on
    Samvat 1860 Pausa wdi 5 roj 746, The contcnt shows that
    he was approachcd by the ex-King for the first time. As in
    his correspondcncc with others, thc Swami attributes their
    diffcrencc to the play of the cnemics. He was writitrg to
    him with open hcart and had pardoned him for any
    offcnce of omission and commission. Hc invoked the
    curse of gods if he had cvcr insincerely writtcn to him 8t
    that hour. &ana wrote his lest lettcr to Sher Babadur
    Shah thus 'after taking leave of thc British on Mogha 20
    we have shifted lo Rangildaska Talao. Wc have still to
    settle matters with money-leodcrs. So \.ve shall take some-
    time before wc procecd, Wc shall bc reachilg Tcrai on
    Phalguna 20, We have done all that is to be done hcrc'
    We ar€ depcndidg on you for thilgs to be done at the oth€r
    cnd. Do not allow the kiog to be taken alay to Gorkha or

    45. Detai.ls are Dissidg due to the neSliSence 'f the cop]ist
    46, Drte irregular.
    Bitish Mhsion R.turns 1Sl
    Noakot. The wickcd might try to do so.
    Some might
    escapc in case they fail to achicvc their end, But bc carc-
    ful lhat none of them run away. Scrd tru3tcd men to
    rcccivc us after cnsuring propcr rrrsngemcnt in the capital,j
    Thc lettcr dated. 1860 phalguna sudt 9 roJ .{:Sunday, 19
    Fcbruary, 1804 was sont from Rangildaska Talao,
    It docs not look that Rana Bahadur Shah left Banaras
    unnoticcd, for in this lcttcr to Sher Bahadur Shab, Rana
    Bahedur had said that hc 'was at that destitration aftcr
    gctting lcave of thc British' (lcttcr above cited). In thc
    Lalmohar given to Mathabar Singh, howevcr. thc depar-
    ture ofRana Bahadur has bcen mcntioncd to hevc takeo
    places without the knowledge of the British,l?. But rhis
    story is wrong.
    Four days earlior to thc dcspatch of this lettcr Rana
    Bahadur had executed a bond acknowledging tbe dcbt of
    Dwarikadass to thc tunc of 60,000/- at 2% intercst monthly,
    also promising to return thc amount with intercst by
    Yaisakha sudi 15 oI 1861. The acknowlcdgcrDcnt was madc
    by Rana Bahadur Shah in his signatur€ on t86G ?halguna
    tudi 5 roj 4 (:Wedncsday, 15 Fcbruary, 1804).
    Rana Bahadur seems to have incurrcd this dcbt to
    enablc him to meet hir elpoutes for his journey back home.
    Ho thought hc was undcrtaking this journey at a grcat
    personel risk, So hc nceded an amouDt mor€ than what
    w&s treccssary for normal cxpcnses of a home.goiog in
    ordinary circumstaoces. By this amount he thought that he
    would even cnlist a fighting forcc if there was a rcsistancc.
    Thc amount borrowcd from Dwarikadass was to
    supplement the loan hc obtaincd from thc British.
    According to thc letter to Lloyd dat€d thc lst March,
    1805 (For. Sec. Dept., 18 July, 1805, n.45) the Nepalcsc
    deputies who werc shifted from Patna to Betia carlicr
    accompanied Rana Bahadur to Kathmandu. Lloyd says

    47. Itihasa Plakasa,I, pp. 41-46,


    lS2 Modera NePnl

    that thcy v.crc 'dismisscd with cvery mark of honour and


    attention'i Rana Bahadur himself was escorted by men of
    thc policc departmcnt.
    As we have suggcatcd carlier, he came back to Nepal
    aot only with the knowlcdgc of the British but wirh thcir
    pcrmission, and that hc was scen off by a confidential ag€nt
    bcyond thc bordcr. Hc arrived in Thankot ot 2l Phalguna
    Chaitravadt 9 roj 248. In the name of Girvana Juddba
    Bikram thcre is a lett€r scnt to Ranabhima Sbah of
    Salyanaae, which informs that Rana Bahadur reachcd
    Kathmaudu on 2l Phclgund fron Banaras and intended to
    cntcr thc palacc on th€ 27th as advised by the astrologer.
    Thc lGttcr is datcd .Sanrvat 1860 Clnitra wdi 9 roj 2 (:lvlsa-
    day, 14 March, 1804), On the same day Rana Bahadur bim-
    6clf wrot€ to Ranabhima confirming the fsct of his arrival
    in Kathmandu. The letter warns the Raja of Salyana
    against rumours connected with his return and directs him
    to gusrd wcll all thoroughfarcs and rivcr crossings. In thc
    notiog ofe diary of Chandraman Joshi the date given is
    Chaitra vadi 5 ro7 J:Tlursday, 29 Fcbruary, 1804. It is
    mentioned that he wcnt straight to the tcmple premiscs of
    Lumadi wherc he stayed for 5 days. He crtered thc palac€
    at night ou Chaitra vadi l0 roj 4 (-Wednesday, 5 Marcb,
    rEu A.D.).
    Damodar Pande Killed
    We know how before his arrival Damodar and his
    fricnds tried their level be6t to prevent his home coring;
    The palace sent a contiogcnt of armed escort under Kazi
    Narasingh to fetch Rana Bahadur as far as Hetauda. Nara-

    48. MoDday, 4 Merch, 1804.


    49. Itihasaplak.ra Sardhipatra etc., p.408.
    It Eight be that th. dateofthelctter publishad iq ltihas.
    Prakasa, might havc becq a misptint ; itr this case thc datc itr Chatrdta-
    Eao's Diary must b! deemed to be aortect.
    Brittsh Mlssion Returns 153

    singh was to appcar as a conmandcr to.intimidate Rana


    Bahadur so that he was unconsciously brought to Thankot
    under strict surveillance. But as Rana Bahadur descended
    to Thankot from Chandra Giri, tbe Gurung Kazi had joined
    him against the regime. Along with him also came Sher
    Bahadur Shah who had been dismissed earlier from thc
    post of Chautara. Other disgruntled Bharadara also bad
    followed. Damodar Pande had as a precautionary measure
    resorted to detaining scver*l of the Bharadars who were
    suspected of loyalty to Rana Bahadur. Amar Singh Tbapa,
    father of Bhimsen Thapa, was already in detention. Now a
    few others were arrested such as Bakhtabar Singh and
    Ranajit Pande. As the ex-King was descending to Thankot
    Damodar was waiting at thc foothill with a stroDg force of
    the Nepalese army. The Mulkazi had madc all prepara-
    tions to welcome with honour the ex.King and for his trans-
    port an elcphant had been kept ready. It was said that
    Damodar and his compatriots wanted to keepRanaBahadur
    under thcir custody without, however, giving him any ink-
    ling of his real position. Queen Rajesvari was living in the
    palace with the baby king anxiously waiting to hear of thc
    arrival of her husband. Shc had allowed herself to be
    persuaded by the Chicf Minister to believe that if Rana
    Bahadur was left frce the events of 1799-1800 might bc
    repeated. But Rana Bahadur's arrival in Thankot upset the
    whole plan. Rana Bahadur, at first grew nervous but prop.
    ped up by Bhimsen, madc a direct appeal to the soldiers who
    so responded that the commander was himself isolated with
    many influential men gone over to the ex-King. Damodar
    Pande was arrcsted on the spot, and as Sher Bahadur, Bam
    Shah and others of his vicws readily accepted thc ex.King's
    coup d'etat, he found himself ncxt day in chairs to
    die after some days a very crucl dcath. The ex-King
    took rest that night at the inn attached to the temple of
    Bhadra Kali where Damodar Paude also was confined in a
    room.
    154 Modcn Nepal
    Rana Bahadur and othcr! also wcrc occupyiog a room.
    Thc queca had fallcn to his wilcs in a mood of frustratioD.
    It is said that quoen Rajarajcsvari had invitcd him to
    return ; she had hcrsclf actcd just as an advancc guard for
    him, In a lctter of sppointment of Mathabar Siogh as
    Goneral (abovc cited) thc story is rclatcd thus: But thc
    Maharani could not opcnly scDd for thc Swaoi; hc got
    moncy from hcr no doubt as originally proposcd but as hc
    thought that Damodar's influence ovcr hcr was uobrcakablc
    hc grcw restless I then Bhimsen Thapa gathcrcd couragc atrd
    rcassured his master; the Swami had reached Garhi in due
    coursc after six days of his dcparture from Kasi ; although
    he was not interfered with, the sight of a force at tbc foot
    of thc Chadra Giri Pass made him dcspondent and nervous ;
    thc Swami told his associates that hc had bccn brought there
    for bcing killed ; but evcrlthing went well duc to the
    advicc of Bhimsen, thc troopcrs that had assembled to
    approhcnd him ultimately sidcd with him ; Damodar Pande
    and othcrs wcrc massacred then and thcre 60.
    This story might not be truc. Some facts are also
    eroneously reported, Damodar had no inteotion of
    imprieoning tbe king or rcaching harm of any kind to his
    pcrson. It was truc that becausc of his capricious conduct
    Rana Bahadur was dreaded. But Damodar was not the
    only man to try to avoid him. Evcn Bhimscn Thapa did
    not fcel otherwise about his mastcr. Rana Bahadur could
    not bg trustcd with powers bccause he would misuse his
    authority there to toy with many valuable livcs.
    Onc does not know how Rana Bahadur murtcred
    couregc to face Damodar Pande. The description in the
    last paragraphs is that of a chroniclcr who wrotc at thc
    bchcst of Bhimsen Thapa's ncphcw. So strythiDg said to
    givc him credit should be taken with a grain of salt.
    The time he spent on the tcmple prcmiscs of Bhadra-

    50. Itihasa Prakasq I, P. 4l


    Btttish Mlssion Returus 155

    kali cnablcd him to manoeuvrc for thc killing of his


    immcdiate opponents such as Damodar Pandc aDd othcrs.
    Hc also found time to deal liith tbe Reg€nt Rajarajcswari'e
    fatc, which was mo6t pitiable. Shc was suspected to havc
    bccn a partisan of Damodar and opposcd to Rana Bahadur'e
    return. Shc was taken prisoner, confincd to a room in thc
    palacc until later banishcd to Hclcmbu, a hill about 32
    miles to the north of KathmanduEr,
    Rana Bahadur cntered thc royel palace ot27 Phal-
    guna (Chaitra vadi 10 roj l:6 March, 1804 but the day is
    Tucsday)6e. Then he ordcrcd thc massactc ofDamodar
    Pande, his son Ronakesar Pande, Kazi Bhim Khawas, his
    cldest son. Subcdar Sankhadhar, Dwarc Sanan Singb,
    Subedar Mandhar and Sardar Indraman Khatri who wcrc
    soon after bcheaded.
    Prabal Raoa saved himself by escaping from dclcntion.
    It was said that he begged of thc guards to allow him to
    go loanswer to naturc's call on the bank of thc rivulct
    Tukucha nearby. The guards could not refuse. But next
    moment hc disappearcd. A Jamadar and a sepoy were
    killed for the oflence ofrcleasing Prabal Rana. Damodar
    too could hav€ cscaped, and Prabal Rana had actually
    sounded him. But hc refused to moye rayirg tbat hr
    wanted justice and prove his innocence which, however,
    was denied to him.
    Rana Bahadur had discarded the role ofthemonk,
    But in ordinary behaviour hc was still a monk in display.
    As a mcndicant Rana Bahadur could not assumc royal
    command. He was not even to act as Regent. Hc bad to
    face it oncc having said thst he had rcnounccd the
    world. He could not opeoly involve bimself in conducting
    ths administration. So a ministry was appointed which
    included Bhimscn Thapa, Dalablanjan Pande, Bakbtabar

    51. Trirutda SaundettaggJra, publisbed bJ SaosLrita Parishad,


    52. NotiDg in ChaEdlaroatr Joshi's diary.
    155 Moden Ncpal
    Singh, Ranadhoj Thapa and Narasingha Gurung; Shcr
    Bahadur and Prara ShEh wcre appointcd thc second and
    third Chautaras. Rana Bahadur's eldcst son Ranadyot
    continued as first Chautara wbilc Bam Sheh 'bccamc the
    fourth Chautara. But in actual prscticc this miristry
    was a puppct. Thc real power lay in thc hands of
    Rana Bahadur who, of coursc, consulted Bhimsen Thapa;
    This man hsd just becn promotcd to the post of a
    Kazi along with his father. A letter of appointmeot was
    issucd on 186I Vaisakha audi 7 roj 5 to thir effect. His
    fathcr Amar Singh Thapa who was already a sardar was
    also promotcd to Kaziship. So was his brother. They
    wcre cntitled to salaries in cash and incomc from land
    specificd in the royal order. Thc post was so far occupicd
    by Jaspao Thapa as a Kazi. Thc lattcr was dismissed. Two
    gencrations previous, Birbhadra is mcntioncd in thc order
    of appointment as the father of Amar Singb, Yikram
    Thapa as his grandfather 63.
    It appcars that Bhimsen Thapa was appointed as a
    Dinister not at thc time of Rana Bahadur's rcturn vhilc a
    ncw ect of ministcrs werc appointcd to thc posts. He camc
    to occupy the post ofa ministcr nearly a month later. We
    comc to this conclusion bccausc his name is missirg in thc
    first sct of aames. It is also possible that the surviviog Kazis
    of the Regency were allowed to function till thc acw
    arrangement was made, in which Bhimscn Thapa, his father
    and brother as well as othcrs were appointcd. Guru Ranga-
    nath rhough not a Kazi himsclf was rcgardcd as cxpcrt
    on Indo-Ncpal affairs, and his services wcrc utiliscd for
    the purpose of conducting rclations with thc Britisb.
    After Bhimsen Thapa, Rangaoath was thc principal
    advisor.
    Rana Bahadur used to distribute titles of ofrcc to any

    53. Chittaraojao Nepali: Bhilcaro Thapa aod hir tiErs; Alt


    th. Archives of th! torc.iSo OEr.,
    rbese prgors are depositld at
    Brltlsh Mtsslon Rcturns 157

    favouriter in Banaras. In that coursc Bhimsen Thapa bad


    becn made a Sardar next in rank to a Kazi (dcc. n.8)64.
    Since Rana Bahadur returned to Kathmandu, Bhim-
    sen Thapa with his close approach to thc palace command-
    ed .extraordinary influonce in thc administration.
    The Governor-Genera.l was informed of Rana Bahadur's
    ascendcncy and of his Qontrol of Govcrnment in the
    country. He was also informed of a ncw council of minis-
    ters consisting of thc pcrsons we have iust notcd in the last
    two paragraphs.
    In 186l VS hc married two girls. He had also taken
    a girl with him from Banaras. She was the daughter of a
    Thakur of a village near Patnr. But shc was not taken to
    the palace. She was given a separate house to livc in. This
    woman whosc name was Laksmidevi set up an inscrip-
    tion in Kathmandu on the benk of the river Bagmati.
    Lalitatripurasundari's antecedents are not known so
    far. She livcd nearly 24 liears after the death of her hus-
    band.
    It is said that Rana Bahadur wielded powcrs and real
    powers. He was not contcnt to be a man behind the
    throne pulling wires. So he could not even formally remain
    outside the ofrcial set up. -He was trying to declarc himself
    a Regent. But ultimatcly he saw his way to declare himself
    a Chief Minister calling Mukhtiar. ln 1862 VS he got a
    Sanad of appointment issued in the name of his son, which
    declarcd that'Rana Bahadur, our father, was empowered to
    take possession of the administration and he could declare
    war and arrange peace by himself, from Z,S 1862 Phalguna
    sudi 8 roi 4 (: Wednesday, 26 Fcbruary, 1806 ) until 1
    come of age. My father will govern the pountry as Mukhtiar
    and everyone including men in service, of all castes, is
    asked to obey my father'. Those who attached signature

    54. Chittaranjan Nepali, op.cit. The original lies in the Archives


    of Foreign Office, of which a copy I have also obtaincd.
    lr8 Modcn Ncpal
    at thc tail cnd wcre Bhimscn Thapa, Pran Shah, Shcr
    Bahadur Shah, Ranajit Pande, Ranganath sod Ranadhoj
    Thapa.
    Raaa Babadur bccamc thus the first Mukbtisr of the
    kingdom. Bcfotc him onc oftLe 4 Kazis was callcd Mul-
    kazi i.c, thc principal Kazi, and bc had thc 6rst position ia
    their rank8. The latter did not cDjoy such powcrs as did
    the Mukhtiar, which litcrally meant rcprcsentativc, aod
    Raor Bshadur was thc hcsd of thc administration in that
    capacity.
    Therc is no rccord of British debt bcing paid off but
    we havc a paper bearing a list of those pcrsone who had
    contributcd to s fund meaDt for thc rcmittaDce of Brirish
    dcbt incurred by Rana Bahadur' Thcrc are about 83 indili'
    dualt and amongst thcm CbautaraE, Kazis contributcd Rs'
    500 each, Bakshis Rs.400 each, Sardars and Kapardars Rs.
    272 crcb, Thc Khazanchi's donation stood at Rs' l2E/'. Thc
    contributions of othcrs less in rank wcre reduced to two
    figures from Rc. 75l- paid by tbe royal priest to Rs ?2.52
    in thc cosc of a Ditha add lowcr down Rs. 5/- falling 1o the
    sharc of contributions by mcn of the still lower stafi. The
    totrl amouotcd to about Rs. 8044.
    Thc donation was callcd Salami66 and was paid in
    cquivalent amount in lieu of contributioDs to b. madc
    during the marriage cclemony of onc of the daugbt€rs of
    Rsna Behsdur in lE03 which bad been rcscind€d. Tb€ list
    of.contributions was incorporated in a royal ordcr dated
    1861 Jyesthe wdi 13 : MeY-Junc, 186{.
    Thc collection sccms to havc been madc ncarly three
    Eonth. aftcr thc arrival of Rana Babadur in Kathmandu.
    The rum is inadcquatc to pay off the total dcbt. We do not
    also kitow if the debt was paid at all.

    55. Salutc dooation to thc KiD8.


    Clapt€t Y
    RANA BAHADUR RETURNS TO NEPAL
    As coon as hc found that thc Elder Quecn bad rcacbcd
    Kathmandu unopposed, Rana's app.tite for thc resumption
    of power was whettcd all thc morc 8nd hc dreaDt to rcgain
    it, But thc rcdoubtable Mukhtar Damodar and other oppo-
    ncnts yicldcd influcnce though tbey wcre out of ofrcc ard,
    thcrcforc, he thought thricc bcfore embarking on his return
    journcy. But he would not bc wilhheld from the venture.
    Now that thc treaty with the British lapscd be was lcgally
    frcc to trcad on thc soil of Nepal, and he procecdcd.l In
    this ect hc was adviscd strongly by Bhimsen Thapa, and it
    is said that had it not bccn for this young courticr Rana
    Bahadur y,ould not haye taken tho risk. Along with bim
    thc Ncpalcsc youngmcn brought to Patna as hostages, but
    now living in Banaras, also left. The AAGG bad provided
    thcm a small escort upto thc frontier.
    Asthc British dcsired to termiDate the treaty it was
    clcar to Rana Bahadur that thcy would bc under no obliga-
    tion to detain him in Banaras any looger. He senscd thst
    his going to Kathmandu would be at lcast tsken as good
    riddance to a bad riddle. Roports of disscnsion in the
    camps of his adversaries wcre rcaching him, and thcre was
    reason to fccl that thc water in Kathmandu was troubled
    enough to cnable him to fish in. Hc had alrcady woD ovcr
    somc important membcrs of the Royal family alongwith
    thc Baanct Kazis. And thcre werc vcry fcw men of conse-
    quencc left whom he bad not approached. As Knox reachcd
    Govindaganj in Champaran Sarkar the foroer King Rana
    started to mobilise resources steadily and sccrctly to stage

    1. The Govetaoi.Getrcral mad€ a dcclaratioo to this ef€ct o[


    24tI Janurry, 1804,
    160 tlodera Ncpol
    his homo going. Thc British authoritics did know that all
    kinds of visitors werc flocking tp Raoa's homc.

    Flnal Conquest of Gorfiwal


    It appcars that &r Ranr Babadur left Ncpal thc Raja ot
    Garhwal wantcd in thc ncw situation roassuran(a of guaratr-
    tcc against attack grantcd io him carlicr and had sent bis
    Vakil Dharanidbara Khadauri again. In rcEpoDsc to Raja
    Pradyumna Shah'a request a frcsh asgutance nas given
    through inscription in a coppcr plate that as long as Oarh-
    wal's rulcr and bis dcsccndants remained faithful to Ncpal
    in mind, word or deed, they 'will bc free from any fear of
    absorption of Gsrhwal itto Ncpal and of their throne climi-
    nated'. The copper platc was given on 1858 Yatsakha sudi
    3 roj S:Thursday, l6 April, 1601.
    Garhwal continued to be a subsidisry state for somc
    time more. But it was finally annexed to Nepal in 1804,
    A lettor with datc missiDg writtcn by Rana Bahadur to
    Joganarayana Malla gives a resume of the fight with Garh-
    wal in the second phase as we dcalt with in tbc prccediDB
    paragraph, Thc letter was in rcply to,{hc Suba's corr.sfon-
    dcnce on the subject, in which hc bad said'Jagajjit Pandc
    and Golaiya Khawas werc in Srinagar xith half of cur for-
    c€s and the rcmaining balf were Darcbing towards Bodhan
    Dhaulin-Bika. The latter wing was lcd by Amar Singh.
    Across thc river on that sidc the enemy force of rE00 was
    stationed commandcd by 3 Sardars. Since Bbadra 13 tbey
    had blocked the route Degotiating Kuoaon from Langur-
    garh'. The Suba also had informcd thc ccntre tbat they
    had called for aid, and with their help some 12 members of
    the enemy camp wcre killed. The Sallyana companies dis-
    charged thcmsclves crcditably. But the cn(my bad come in
    a considcrable number and to meet them inore irregulars
    froo Kumaon were being sent for.
    Thc King replicd to say that all the vassal states west
    of thc Kali Gandak 'havc bcen instructed to collect their
    Raaa Bahadtu Retunu lo Ncltal 16l
    forccs and rcach Garhwal'. Thorc in Ggrhwal worc bcing
    askcd to writc to tbcm dircct and ask to ruch to thc
    front.
    Thc King docr not bclicvc thc story that tho Briti3h
    wcrc supporting thc cnlmy, Ho tbougbt it was corrcct to
    sond s vakil to Barcilly. Siuilarly if any GorLhali oficcr
    micbchavcd in tb€ arca hc should bo puniehcd. yoga Malla
    had writtcn thst Visnu Sahi was haraeeing thc local inhabi-
    tatrts. But thc ccntrc had askcd no ofrcct to go againrt thc
    rulcs.
    Thc King statcd that froD Kathm.Ddu a velil had
    bccn dcspatched to Panipst to wait oo Raia Naio Siogh.
    Yoga Malla was to recrivc thc vakil of Baghal Siagh. If
    Raja Umarrao Giri was in Kumaoo, hc should rcccive a
    fricndly and gencrous treatmcnt. Thc Raja or hir son who-
    cver was to go to KathEandu would rcccivc fitting rcward
    by the King. A lctter in Persian in rcply had bccn scnt to
    Uday Giri.
    Yoga Malla had earlicr writtcn tbat Harkha Dcva
    Joshi was tryiog to disturb Langurgarh with thc Garhwalis.
    This was co[taincd in thc sccond lett€r rcschiDg KathoaDdu
    whilc a rcply to the first lcttcr was bcing draftcd. Thc fact
    was confirmcd by rcports rcccivcd from Jaidcv Giri and
    Ram Gulcr Das of Janakpur. As thc Dcws was corrcct, Jo6bi
    and Kanwar Ncgi werc srrcstcd and onc Fattyavairagi was
    killed. This scnt a tcrror in thc minds of thc Kumaonis,
    and Jays Dcva Josbi was caught while tryirg to €scapc. ID
    Chandgarh thc encmy attacked Gangaram Tbspa, but in
    thc fight 345 men on thc opposirc sidc wcrc tilled against
    onc on Gorkha sidc. Ultimatcly, however, thr Ncpalcsc wcrc
    forccd to abandon thc fort, But reinforcemcnt cams from
    Kumaon for the dcfcnce ofother forts and etatioDs, Thc
    cr-Rulcr of Kumaon Lal Singh who was living in cxilc was
    tryiag to creatc troublcs.
    Thc King warned that if Harlha Deva Joshi and
    others who had betrayed their Eastcr had bccp scnt to
    162 llodcn Nepal

    Kathmandu es suggestcd carlier, thc offccra in Garhwal


    and Kumaon would have bccn frcc from worrics at thc
    timc.
    From I lcttcr of Girvana Juddba Yikrama to Guru
    Pinditaraja Visnu Pandit datcd yS 1861 Pausa wdl 5 roJ 6
    (:4 Dcccmber, 1804, thc day's is Saturday) it war said that
    thc Bharadors in chargc of the wcstern command had
    occupied Srinagar, and after somctimc on Kartika 12, occu'
    picd Dchradun. The Raja of Garhwal Parakraoa Sahi had
    cscaped to a placc called'Kheda in thc plains beyond Bilva
    hills'8. It sppears thst Garhwal wbich was a tributary statc
    of Ncpal uptill this time wac ann€xed finally to Gorkha's
    cxpanditrg domai!.
    It is said that Rana Bahedur desired thc campaign
    bcing puehcd in thc west' The Gorkha arny th€rcforc
    advanced from Dehradun to Nahan, They crossed the
    rivcr Jamuna.

    Assassination of Rana Bahadur


    Rana did not live long. He was killcd by his half
    brothcr Shcr Bahadur who himself was killed in turn by
    Balanarasingh Kuar on Yatsakh Yadi 7 Satu a! of Y,S.
    /S63 (-1805. March), onc ofthe courticrs, whose son in 1846
    Minister. Shcr Bahadur who
    ros€ to becomc absolutc Prime
    was the Chautara was attcnding a trial court' as it was
    suspccted that he was a party to conspiracy afoot against the
    Mukhtiar, Sher Bahadur sensing danger to his life wantcd
    to escape. There werc many othcrs involved. But who was
    it thet had conspircd to ovcrthrow his opponents ?
    It was said that in I fit of temper Rana ordcrcd Sher's
    execution for the latter's defiance. But thc latter killed
    Rana Bahadur beforc one could lay hand on bim. Aftcr
    a momeBt Sher found himself attacked by the sword of

    2. Itihssa Prakrss,IlP. 83.


    Rana Bahadur R.tums lo Nep 163

    Balanarasingh, to which hc succumbcd. Rana Bahadur


    was alone with a single attendant whilc Sher attackcd him.
    Hamilton says that Bhimsen Thapa killcd Sher Bahadur to
    avcngc Rana's dcath. But thi! i! right to say that thcrc was
    exchange of hot words betwecn the Mukhtiar and his
    brother and thc lattcr was provoked to hit Rans with his
    sword.
    Thc incident of Rana Babadur's murdcr has becn
    differently portraycd in thc Lslmohar to Mathabar. It i3
    said in this document 'that whilc Kazi TribhBvan was
    speaking ill of thc Swami, and therc was a complaint, lhc
    Swami then wcnt to Tribhuvan's house to hcar what
    different partics had to say ; Bhimsen was rvith him and he
    did not likc the Swami to bc prescnt in thc midst ofthooe
    who stood to coudemnation; but Ratra said that this did
    not mattcr to him and thercaftcr Bhimsen Thapa went to
    takc his lunch at thc adjaccnt housc of Ranodyot Shah ; but
    while thc Swami was alonc, Shcr Bahadur hit bim with his
    sword, and hc cxpircd' succumbing to iajury.
    In a corrcspondcncc datcd 1863 Yatsakha Srtdi l0 roi
    2:Monday,28 April, 1805 Girvana Juddha, thc boy kitrg
    wrote to Ranabhima of Sallyana that his fathcr was
    killcd by Shcr Bahadur on Vaisakha Brihasparivaru 9 ghari
    night whilc he was holding I trial. Shcr Bahadur, his
    brother vidur shab, co-conspirator Tribhuvana of Dhalachhe
    (Patan), Narasingb Gufung, tbc Raja and Kazi of Palpa, and
    several others were bcheaded alongwith thcir cbildr.n, The
    Guru, Chautaras Bam Shah and Praua Shah, Kazi Bhimscn
    Thapa, Kazi Ranajit Pandc, Kazi Dalabhanjan Pandc, Kazi
    Rauadhoj Thapa, Kazi Balanarasingh Kuar, Kazi Bahadur
    Bhandari, Sardar Bhakhel Singh Basnet, all thcsc ofrcers as
    well as those noblemen out of om.cc and companies of
    soldiers like Srinath and Kalibax werc looking after the
    intercsts of the Govcrsmcntr.

    3, Itihasa PraLasa, ctc,, p.406.


    164 Modun Ncpal
    Balanara ngh't Account of ltsatsinarlon
    Kazi Balanara3iDgh Kuar who hit Shcr Bahadur with
    his sword and killcd hio submittcd a ncnorandum to
    King Rajcndra (no dato is givcn) whilc hc was out of ofrcc
    porhsp8 to rsck rchabilitation on thc plca that hc avcngcd
    thc dcath of Rana Bahadur by killing tho murdcrcr, Shcr
    Bahadur, dcscrvcd rank and rcward ia cash. Thc Kuar
    says that Kazi Tribhuvan was bcing cartied to bc hangcd
    oa thc bank of thc rivcr Yisnumati for thc offcncc of aggrcc-
    ing to givc thc British quartcr, sign strcaty with thcm ar
    well as misusc of funds. But on iDterccssion by TribhuvsD
    thrt he was not thc pcr6on committing thc otrcncc and thc
    rcal culprits wcrc 6om€ othcrs, hc was callcd to attcnd thc
    sitting of a court of thc Kazis and Chautaras called in bis
    own housc, over which thc Swami prcsidcd. Thosc attcnd-
    ing wcrc Chautaras Rauodyot Shah' Bam Shab' Prana
    Shab, Guru Rangsnath, Kazis Bhimsen Thapa' Gururaj
    Rangansth Pandit, Kazi Narasingh' Kazi Ranadhoj Thapa;
    Ranajit Pandit, Kazi Dalabhanjan Pande, Balanaraeingh
    Kuar, Bahadur Bhandari, Bakhatbar Basnet, Sardar
    Balabhadra Kuar, the Bull physician, Subjudgc Tewari
    and Subcdar Rathavir Thapa. Tbc Junior court (Kumbhe'
    dao) who had Tribhuvan undcr his custody and a
    Jamsdar and 4 or 5 Scpahics were standing.
    As thc court sat Balanarasingh weDt downstairs to
    take his dinner. Thc Swamiji then asked Shcr Bahadur to
    cay if hc was also guilty of the chargcs levcllcd at Tribhu-
    vatr, to which the Chautara rcplicd that thc Swamiji had
    absolved him of any action bccause Shcr Bahadur had ad-
    mitted to have bcen rcsponsiblc for the commitments. Tri-
    bhuvana had confesscd everytbing. So Sher Babadur lcok
    shelter bcbind the cxcuse that a pardon had alrcady bcen
    givcn to him by Rana Bahadur in Thankot. Sher Bahadur
    was very much perturbed bccause hc thought his fatc w8s
    6caled. Hc drank watcr twice. Then he said hc would go
    to lakg tea. The Swa'miji allowcd him but hc madc it clcar
    Rana Bahadur Return, to N.pal 165
    asfar his itrtercst was corlccrncd in thc tri8l, Sher Bahadur
    was pardoncd but if hc had donc anything
    agaitr6t thc
    intcrcst of thc state, it was thc men in
    attcnd-anc-c to pro_
    nounse a judgcmcot. Hc elso told Shcr
    Bahadur thai hc
    bclonged to thc royal family and was
    Swamiji,s brothcr,
    thcrclore hc could not 6crvc a forcign nation,
    whilc othcrs
    could bccausc th€y had no stakc and his ca6e was
    thereforc
    differcnt. Meanwhilc Shcr Bahadur had hardly
    5or 6 paces, hc rcturned. Again hc lcft and
    placc wherc tca was prcparcd but
    *.o,"Jn"o""a
    ,o ,n,
    camc back without takiDg
    it.
    Addrcasing thc old Guru Rana Bahadur eaid
    at this
    time 'My brothcr's mouth is dry,. Jackalc
    outsidc in the darkncss of thc Dight and Swamiji
    ;;;;;;
    ""r;was turil
    ing- his facc to hcar the cry. Just
    at that momcnt Sher
    uahadur struck thc Swami with bis sword
    ott the che6t. Th€
    Swami wantcd to unsh€ath his own sword
    but Shcr Bahadur
    again struct his shoulder. Thc Swami
    could catch hold of
    his sword but by that timc Balanararingt f""i n"a g"*
    his sid, Shcr Bahadur oncc again raiscd -and t.
    bis sword as
    rt lcll rt cut the Swami's arm and the Kuar,s
    shirt was aleo
    sut. Thc lattcr rushcd against Shcr Bahadur and wantcd
    to overpowcr him, but he himsclf wss hit.
    The Kuar thei
    iLr?.d .uroo him and calght his throar. Hc ecnt hir
    r.nurrl dowtr pierced
    and into tho vcirs of the throat. By
    that timc Sher Bahadur had let of his cword. So rhc
    Kuar
    uscd thc samc to strikc. It so appearcd
    that Shcr Bahadur
    had dicd by that time. All was dark as rhe candle
    aDd rhe
    hcatcr wcrc offin tho mclce. After sonetime
    tlo scrvani
    of the_old Guru brought a lamp and .n"ryttiog UI
    sccD, The Kuar asked Kumbhcdan Rana Singh
    uia"oria
    fuyuoiu
    to takc out the body and cover it witb thc
    car-pct ,.r"io
    keepiug thcir legs over the back. In the mca.-ntine "raBhi;;.;
    Thapa came from dowastairs after taking mcal.
    He had
    just washed his hand. Bhimsen
    asked rhe kuu, uUort ti"
    incident and all was told to him and the Kuar
    also told th€
    166 Modern Nepal

    Thapa to go to His Majcsty. It was thcn noticcd that Sher


    Babadur had not died, and he wanted to cscapc, he had
    already put a piecc of ctoth unto thc wound to stop tbc
    blood flowing. But thc Kuar struck him again, as a rcsult
    of which hc died subsequcntly. Bhimsen Thapa summoned
    all thc courticrs and declared that any one acting against
    His Majesty would mect the same e nd. Hc said 'you would
    bc hangcd on a ropc from Aryaghat to Tekudovan" No'
    body opcned hit mouth. Bhimsen Thapa ordered the dead-
    body to be removcd to the ground floor. As it was taken
    to thc courtyard, they found that Sber Bahadur's brothcr'
    in-law (wifc's brother) was standing with his knife and
    chicld, and the hall was fulli of mcn who had disguiscd
    themsclvcs by smcaring cyes with ashes I Balanarsingh
    killcd Sher Bahadur's brother and others rau away. Bhim-
    scn Thapa alone wcnt to inform His Msjesty ald tbe qucen
    mothcr. Latcr as hc was summoned Balanarsingh followcd'
    At first saying that he was a murdcrcr of Sher Bahadur tbc
    sipahis of Kalibax company wcrc kceping him in custody
    an<t he could not go insidc thc palacc. Kazis Bakhtabar and
    Bhotu Pandc took chargc of Balanarsingh and h.e was takcn
    to thcir Majcsties. Chautara Bam Sbah had bccn hit on
    hig forehcad and he said that as he wanted to pull out the
    lcg of Shcr Bahadur, he could not do so as he was thcn
    suffcring from gout. But Balanarsingh had gone into
    action in r€'sponsc to thc Swami's call for assistance. Bam
    Shah also told that he bad scen thc Kuar Kazi struggling
    from bcneath Sher Bahadur and rising and killing the
    murdercr. Everybody said tbat thc Kuar had killed Sber
    Bahadur. During audiencc they wanted His Majesty's
    order regarding Shcr Bahadur's issucs and relalions. lt u as
    suggestcd by the Chautaras and Bharadars tbat Yidur Shah,
    Narsingh and Tribbuvana should be killed. The rcport of
    Balanarasingh's services werc circulatcd as fBr as tbe for\lard
    area controlled by Amarsingh Thapa, Nayana Siogh Tbapa
    and Ranajit Kuar. Hcwos promiscd on reccxomendation
    Rana Baludur Rctwns to N.pal 16l
    of Bhimsen a suitablc rcward, which trcver camc. The
    quccns who went .Sar, had alro inctructcd Bhimscn at thc
    timo of ridiag otr the pyre to give due rccognition of thc
    Kuar'c services. But uptill thc timc of Rajcndra thie was
    not fulfllcd.

    Bhtmsen Thapa as the Defacto Rulet


    The pctition dors not carry thc datc, but was writtcn
    during Rajendra's tcign probably whilc he had come ofagc,
    Balanarsingh says that many pcrsons of the day who had
    witnesscd thc events wcre alivc including Bhimscn. It
    appears that Balanarsingh's purposc sas to emphasisc his
    part in thc incidcnt because hc rcpcats tbis at cvery liDe
    citing witncsses including an illcgitimate wifo of Rana
    Bahadur. According to Balanarsingh,s report ia sccms that
    avenging Rana Bahadur,s dcath was only onc man,s work
    except that Baa Shah a rheuEatic paticnt had madc cflorts
    to pull Sher Bahadur's legs unsucccssfully. But why did
    not othcrs asscmblcd join hands with Balanarsingh ? It
    also appcar that BhimscD Thapa was not awarc of aDything
    goiDg at thc uppcr f,oor while hc was taking his night meal
    downstairs in the samo house, Ho does not sccm to have
    bccn much perturbed by thr incidcnt and without going to
    thc palace to tcll the wocful talc hc begins to shoui at his
    supposcd enemics and warls them against laying hand on
    the child king. This should not bc tbc attitude oi p"rroo
    aflictcd with sorrow at the dcath of his mastcr and " friend.
    Although Balanarsingh does not 6ay so in definite words, it
    is implied in his statcment, And wc must also remcmber
    that BhimEen was not the Chief Ministcr at the time to ha,ve
    bchavcd as if he was the sole custodiao of thc royal family.
    Asafriendof thcKing who was constatrtly with bim in
    his he had the background of the support of the royal
    .cxile
    family and now be tactfully handled thc situation. Accord-
    ing to Hamilton (p, 260) .,Whea rhe Raja expired, Bhimse n
    immcdiatcly retircd to thc Dext room. Commanding a
    158 Modcn Nepal

    viow of thc court, in which thc guard was asscriblcd.and


    having addrcstsd thc soldicrs, and rcccivcd promisc of
    support, hc immcdiatlly surroundcd thc ball, in which thc
    courticrs asscmbled, atrd put to dcath all thc most sctivc
    pcrsons, undcr pretence 8t least of the conspiracy and lhere
    is rcaion to suspect, that what hc sllcgcd was not d€stilutc of
    foundation. On lhis occassion, Bidursrhia, an illcgitimatc
    son ofthc royal family, Narsinha Gurung and Tribhuvan
    Pradhan, hcrocg of rcvcral military exploits and about 50
    othcr! wcrc killcd".
    Killing
    Bhlmscn Resortt to Indiscriminatc
    In Rajcndra'a tim€ thc Dbami of Noakot had also
    rubmitted a rcport about thc incidcnt' Ha docs not givc
    thc account of eye witncss. But hc narrstcs the story 0s hc
    hcard it et thc timc of occurrencc to strcngtbcn bis case
    againrt Bhimrcn Thapa whom hc accussed of bribcry ard
    rrbitery rulc. Thc rcport bcars tho datc Asadha Sudl 13
    roJ I corrcsponding to Wcdncsday, ll July, 1833 according
    to Baburam Acharya.
    Aftcr narrating thc incidcnts lcading to the Swami's
    cxit to Banaras and his rcturn, the Dhami says that bccause
    Shsr Bahadur had taken the sids of Swami, the opposition
    wcatcncd and Dsmodar Pandc 8nd Prabal Raoa vcrc
    arrcsted and thc later cscapcd to Gorakhpur prctcnding
    whilc on way to go to aDswcr thc call of naturs. Rajarajce-
    vari was bsnished to Hclsmbu whcrc chc livcd guarded by
    a company of sepahics (soldicrs). For hcr pcrsonal carc
    4 mcn of putuvar cattc were aPPointcd. Rana Bahadur
    rclcased all thosc detaitrcd by theMaharani, After 20125
    drys Damodar Pande, his sons Ranakcsar, Gajatcsar,
    Kazi Bhim Khawas, Sardar Indraman Khrlri, Subcdar
    Saokhadhar, Subedar Ramavara, Dvarc Sarva Singh wcrc
    beheaded. Ason of Bhim Kawas was killed by hanging

    4. vid'[ Shah, brgther ofSher Bahadur, bor! of thc samc mothcr.


    Rata Bahadur Returnc to Nepal f6g
    with thc hcad down, anothcr sotr had onc of his cycs tslcn
    out of thc soctct. Altogcthcr 36 childreD, both matc and
    fcmalc of all those who werc rcsiding in Kathmatrdu wcre
    criled to thc hills, Thc Swami startcd a falsc rumour
    th&t thc cbild king was likcly to get infcction of small pox.
    The Swbmi wrs ruling as a dictator. Thcn hc wantcd to
    kill Kazi Tribhuvana aad tflkc out Shcr Bahadur's cyct.
    Hc chargcd thcm to have becn rcspoosiblc for his exit to
    Banaras and misusc of Goveromcnt fuDds lo tb8t cnd. A
    scntcocc of dcath on Kazi Tribhuvana was passed, and hc
    war on hic way to gct thc hangmsn,s noosc whcn on inter-
    c€ssion thrt hc likcd to confcss bcforc thc courticrs wa!
    callcd to audieocc. Thc Swami had shiftcd to Tribbuvana,s
    housc. A discussion took placc at thc soulhern balcony.
    Tribhuvana said thtt taking out moncy of the trcasury wag
    donc with thc common consrnt, Shcr Bahadur acccptcd thc
    vcrrion. Othcr Bharadars involvcd had bccn alrcady tillcd.
    Thc discuscion wcnt uprill lO gbati at night. Thc Swami
    had askcd Bhimscn to hevc his dinncr and thc lartcr lcft.
    Shcr Bahadur draok watcr twice, and it appcarcd that bc
    wantcd to kill Rana Bahadur, Sher Bahadur again drank
    watcr .nd rcturtrcd to stand bcforc th€ Swami saying
    'Do you think I am guilty ?' Thcn Swami gavc a
    rcply in afrrmativc, and with thfu thc sccnc changcd.
    Shcr Bahadur struck thc Swami on his abdomcn by
    hie sword, but hc himsclf wat hit by Balanarasiogh,e
    rword. Bam Shah was slightly hit on arm by Shcr
    Bahadur's sword. Thc light was put out ar a rcsult
    of thc scufrc. In thc balcony there wss a fight betwccn
    the two groups. Some ooe informcd Bhimscn Thapa
    and he came with a, chbag ( a flamo;, two scrvants
    of Sher Bahadur wcrc killed and all the threc corpscs in-
    cluding that of Sher Bahadur werc thrown out of
    thc
    wiodow. Thc Swami was brought down to thc courtyard,
    whcre he cxpircd. On Bhimscn,s order, the bugtc
    soundcj
    to call an assembly of thc courticrs aad nobiiity. Kazis
    170 Moden Ncpal
    Tribhuvan and Narsingh Gurung worc carricd away to thc
    palac. uodcr guard by ordcrs of Bhimscn. Thcy wcre
    rccompained by Bhimsen himsclf, RangaDsth Panditr
    Balanarsingh Kuar, Magar Kazi and Ranajit Pande. Thc
    Swami's body was tent to Aryaghat. From thc palscc
    Bhimscn scnt for Chautara Vidur Shah and thc Raja and
    Kazi of Palpa and their cbildren who were ushcrcd into
    the court with hands and foot bound. Bbimscn caused
    the dcath of thc Raja of Palpa, Vidur Shah' Tribhuvan'
    Narsingh, all of thcm werc killed in Bhandarkbal. No
    onc obcyed his orders to kill the Raja of Palpa but one
    Virajavir came forward and cut off thc hcads of tbe Raja
    and Kazi. Yirajavir got thc Post of Lieutcnant as a reward
    from Bhimsen Thapa' Children of Vidur, Tribbuvan' Nar-
    singh and Sher Bahadur wcre also arrested and those in 2'15
    age group were massacrcd. Thcn properlics wcre also con'
    fiscatcd, Scvcntecn children of thc Raja of Palpa were
    killcd in the garden itsidc the city. Thirt.cn childlcn of
    Vidur Shah, Sher Bahadur and Tribbuvan wcrc massacrcd
    on thc othcr sidc of thc bridgc ovcr Visnumati' As thc
    Swami was burDt therc was no woman becoming tari. But
    aftcr 8 days the Maharani was brought from Helambu and
    along with 4 femalc servaDts ofthe late king was Dadc to
    ride thc funeral pyre on Samral 1863 Yaisakhasukla 6 Guru-
    vdrai (: Thursday, 24 April, 1806 ). A kcpt of his came
    from Baoaras aft€r 15 days and shc was also burnt on thc
    pyrc as Jcrr. Altogcther 93 pcrsons lost their lives. Even
    those who wer€ absolutcly innocent wcre killed' The peti-
    tioo complains of a condition of gravc fcar in Nepal, and
    laments that the old officcrs had bcen all killcd' who could
    have rcsistcd Bhimsen, but the new men appointed by him
    were not wise ond werc also divided.

    5. oftha staluo of RaDa Bahadur. The statue


    Otr tho pedestal
    was sct up by Kapardrt Bhotu PaDde o! 1863 A ia Sudi 13 roJ 2 :
    Motrday, 21 October, 1E06.
    Rana Bahadur Retuns to Nepal l?f
    In trying to project his imagc of a loyal scrvant of thc
    king who had avcnged the dearh of his grandfather Balanar-
    singh Kuar forgot to trote down the points of historical
    interest. He shows also partiality tpwards Bhimsen as he is
    reticent about tbe latter's cruel actions pcrpclratcd follow.
    ing thc murder of Rana Bahadur. Bhimsen probably was
    in powcr while Balaoarsingh was plcading his case. Hc did
    not want to displcase by writing about his conduct. But the
    Dhami is forthright in condemning Bhimscn Thapa.
    Orc point which intercsts tbe reader is the inside story
    of the cpisode occurring with thc dcath of RaDa Bahadur.
    It is ovious that Bhimsen had seized the opportunity
    of thc dcath of Rana Bahadur to cause physical elimination
    of his opponcnts. But werc thcy guilty ? Of coursc, thcy
    wcrc guilty of one thing and that was they had dissuadcd
    Rana Bahadur from committing abnormal and cruel
    decds from his attsmpt to regain power to indulge in
    acts of cruclty. According lo th€ Dhami's rtory Rana
    Bahadur displaycd cxtremc cruelty by subjecting high
    omcers of stat€ to torture whilc hc lvas on a visit to Noal.ot
    and living with his son aftcr abdicationr H€ secmed to
    sct as if hc was of his head. Somc offcers were kepl
    hanging over s tree while thcir hatrds werc bound. Amar
    Singh Thapa and Ranabam pande werc kept in this position
    with rheir lcgs tied. parasuram Thapa was to pass through
    the strcet of lhc market in a woman'e cloth. Scated over a
    picce of skin of an animal Prabal Rsna was dragged through
    the street. In consequencc the Regent, ministcrs and offcers
    wcre forced to discuss the situation. They thought lhat in
    his mood the Swami was exhibiting tendcncies ofa mad-
    man, and he might kill them the morrow if hc u,as now
    harassing them. A movc was afoot to get him arrested and
    put in prison for treatmcnt. But Balabbadra Shah turned
    hostile and approver of a false case and comitg back to
    Kathmaldu informed the Swami of the inteltioD of the
    Bharadars. Rana Bahadur got angry to hear this 8nd coll€c.
    172 Modern Nepal
    tcd forces stationed in Kathmandu and prcpared to fight
    from a base in the lawn of Thabahil. But hc fled to Banaras
    as Damodar advanced from Noakot with the contiogeDts of
    wcrt€rn command. The Dbami's information dces not in-
    volve any singlc person to have bc€n hostile sgaiDst RaDa
    Bahadur. If thcre was anything it was a collective decision.
    So it surpasses one's imagination to find the Swami picking
    up particular persons for his charges, Obviously thc dcsign
    w&s to eliminate all the officers of the old ordcr so that
    Rana Bahadur could rulc without opposition. Although
    thosc who wcre killed aftcr his d€ath 'did not appcar in
    thc sccDe in thc beginning. Rana Bahadur scemcd to have
    dcsigned to implicatc Sher Bahadur, his family and relations,
    He started his game with Tribhuvan whom he ordercd lo
    bc killed without even hearing his defence of the casc.
    Scveral letters sent by the Swami to Sher Bahadur rcveal
    that the latter held influcntial position in thc country, But
    thc Swami felt no scruples to conspire to kill Sher Bahadur.
    flow Yidur Sahi was implicated in this case passes our
    comprchension, Earlier from Banaras Rana Bahadur had
    written to him 'exteoding full pardon for anythiDg done
    in thc past' and assuring him that'whcn he ( Vidur ) shall
    lucceed in getting Ratra Bahadur back it will be his duty to
    grant Chautariaship to all his desccDdants ( lettcr Chitta-
    rar January No. 2 ).
    - Raja Prithvipal Sen was tben confin€d in lhc old
    Royal palace of Patan since carly 1804. Hc had been sum-
    Eoned to Kathmandu to mect the Baoaras rcturned Swami,
    But the lattcr dcceptivcly put bim under house arrest as
    soon as Prithvipal reached his destination. Against tbe
    Palpa Raja, Rana Bahadur had a deep seated grouse. He
    was regorded as a friend of Damodar Paode and at onc
    tiEe had rcjected Rane Bahadur's requcst to make a com-
    mon issuc with him aEd rise sgainst Damodar.
    Guru Gajaraj Misra fortunately esgaped thc fate of
    thosc kill€d, He had not accompanied Rana Bahadur while
    Rana Bahadur Rclu',,t to Nepal 173

    thc lattcr loft from Banaras. According to Lloyd this was


    for rcasonl of 'sccurity of his lifc'. Gajaraj continucd to
    livc in Banaras for the timc of his life. The Misra had not
    likcd thc dccisiotr of thc Govcrnor-General in frccing Rana
    Bahadur fron thc rcstraint. Whcn Rana Bahadur war
    lcaving for Ncpal, hc had sccn dangers oot only for himoctf
    but for othcrc as wcll. According to Lloyd in his lcttcr
    of M8rcb, 1805 Gajaraj Misra had rendcrcd signal scrvicc
    to thc British by cspousing thcir cause ard w8s 'still
    stcadfast in his attachment'.6 Lloyd plcadcd thot Gajarsj
    Misra had lcnt consid€rablo sum of money to thc cx-Kitrg.
    Hc was also compellcd to rclinquish his Jagir as thc
    Guru and ministcr of Ncpal. Hc had tro mcans to rccovcr
    his loan and Jagir,

    Charactcr ll Petsonolity of Damodar Pande & Rana Bahatlur


    Notwithstrnding what his encmies bave said of Damo-
    dar Pandc hc occupics a vcry importaot placc in thc history
    ofNcpal of thc timc as a warrior aDd a statcsman and
    posscssing maturc wisdom and cool tcmpcrament. He ha8
    a splendid record ofselfless aDd patriotic serviccs rendcred
    in thc causc of thc mothcrlaDd. As a warrior his acbicvc.
    mcntshavc bccn unparallelcd and his exploits in scvcral
    thcatres of wrr have drawn praisc cven from hie critics and
    advcrsarics, As e statcsman Damodar Pandc could rave
    his coutrtry from thc cvil influcncc of British colonial pcnc-
    tration, Whilc hc kcpt thcm at bay, he had not offcndcd th€
    English but thcy knew that it w!s rot in hir naturc to yield
    to temptations and betray bis country.
    Hc bclonged to thc galaxy of patriols amongst whom
    stood Amar Singh, Bbimsen and Bam Shah. tf he wanted
    to curb Rana Bahadur Shab, it was not bccause hc fclt any
    privatc grudge against him. Damodar sinccrely bclieved
    th&t King Rana Bahadur's activitics wcre prejudicial to thc

    6. For. Scc. D€pt.,'18 July, 1805, o. 42


    174 Modem Nopal
    rccurity, tranquility and indepeDdcDce of Ncpal. DaEcdar
    Pande had oppoeed his rcturn to Ksthmandu, becruse he
    had fclt that this wduld introducc a good many complica-
    tions into thc situation which was sufficiently troublcd
    on account of mutually jealous factional influenccs,
    Damodar and Rana Bahadur appcar in the Nepalese
    politicr ae two formidable antagonistic individuals. But we
    fail to understand thc causes of Rana Bahadur's aoimosity
    towards this minist€r. Nothing bcforc hc attained majority
    showcd that thc King was ill disposed towards thc Pande6.
    But in almost all lcttcrs h€ wrotc from Banaras that
    Rana Bahadur had singlcd out Damodar Pandc as his arch-
    encmy. Thc latter is painted in thcsc letters as a traitor
    who harboured treachcrous desiens agaiDlt the thron€ now
    occupicd by his baby son. But thc allegation of trcasonable
    activity is not provcd by any cvidcncc of actions done by
    Damodar Pande. He had alwrys stood lo) al to the baby
    king. Even against Ran& Bahadur Damodar ncvcr intcnd€d
    to do bodily harm or cvcn to sce bim straDded in any scnse.
    But h€ was opposcd to iniensible bchaviour of Rana Baha-
    dur Shah.
    Anything said in favour of Damodar sbould not mcan
    that Rana Bahadur dld not bavc intrinsic worlh of his own.
    In spite of impctuous tempcr and a certain dcgrce oforro-
    gance, Rana Bahadur did posscss certain laudable qualities
    of head and heart, Sometimes hc appearcd unscrupulous'
    over indulgent and immoral but at timcs he displaycd also
    wisdom, talent aDd patriotic zcal. Hc was essentially a
    man of kind disposition, though fickle aDd addicted to a
    habit of luxurious livirg. All his vices and rrrong actions
    wcrc promptcd because of his temperamcntal imbalance.
    This ltrd to his untimely death, aDd in history he does not
    lcave a fair name.
    Having disposed of his advcrsarics Bhimsen now cculd
    in thc aftermath of Rana Bahadur's death do snything he
    likcd in thc kingdom. The yopng Thapa could lay claio
    Rana Bahadur Rctumt to N.pal 175
    to irvirciblc Eight, Hi6 position inside was atready un.
    challengcd, but aow it camc to bo cnvicd evcn by out
    sidcrs. But this crackrd during the war with the Britirhr
    that follow€d come cight ycars aftcr.his &dvcnt to powcr.
    We havc sccD that Bhimscn stsrt€d his mission wirh
    killing of eomc of his important advcrsarics, Othcrs whoo
    hc could not involve in the socallcd plot he sent to distsnt
    parts of tho kingdom. Hc retained only such persons in
    KsthEandu as wcrc amcnablc to his wishcr.
    Bam Shah ( Brahma Sahi ) was offcrcd Governorship
    of Almora and Bathatbirsinha Basnet was scnt to ths cx-
    trcme cast so that thcrc waE ow no ooc left in thc vicinity
    fron whom Bhimscn Thapa had any fcar.
    Palpa which wss r subridiary of Nepal was formally
    anncxcd to thc kiDgdom of thc Gorkhas iE lE04 subscquently
    aftcr thc dcath of its lsst Raj.. Bhimscn's fathcr Amar
    Singh bccaoe thc firit military administrator of thc rcgion
    and contioued in that position till thc cvo oI tho Anglo.
    Nopalese war.

    Bhimsen Thapa Appointed Mukhtiar


    Girvana Juddha, thc ncw king, was only nioc yerre
    old, Rani Tripurasuudari, -thc youngest widow of Rana
    Bahadur, was dcclarcd RcgB[!. She was also immaturc in
    agc. So Bhimsen controllcd thc entire adminietratioa
    having bccn empowcred by a Sanad of thc iufsnt king. Hc
    was the hcad of both civil and military, thc Mukhtiar, thc
    chicf Kazi and suprcmc commander combined. He assumcd
    thc powcrs ofthe Mukhtiar as soon as Ran& Bahadur dicd.
    But hc was formally dcclarcd so some timc latcl,. A Sanad
    of 1869 Marga sudi 13 roj 4:(Nolcmbcr, l8l2 A.D.), says
    that the appointment was rencwcd, which mcan6 that thc
    Thapa was alrcady scrving as Mukhtiar. Tho following
    wcrc tho regulatione, uodcr which hc worked.

    7.. The d&tc is trot rcgular.


    176 Modtn Ncpal

    (l) Ho was cnpowcrcd to maaagc afiairt in pcaco ald


    war and in thc itrtctcst ofhis country whilc protccting it8
    indcpcndcnce rnd iB furthcrsncc of itr wclfare.
    (2) Evcry body. Guru (rpiritual tutorr), Purobit
    (pricrt), Chautara (sollatctala), Kazi, Coloach' Captaias,
    llardsr, Subrdarr, all high aad low, wcro to work undcr
    hio.
    (3) Rcgimcnte aad companico of soldicrr wcrc to bc
    undcr his control atrd gcrvc undcr hit advicc. Any body
    not obcying him would bG pr$ccutcd, 8nd thc obcdicnt
    oncs rcwardcd.
    (4) Tresty makiag, war making and worlr in forts
    and district hcadquartcrsr wcrc all to bc rcgulatcd by hio
    and appointmcnts made according as ho wishcs. Ifcvcr
    hc fclt that tho king had to bc con8ultcd' hc wat to work
    aftcr consultation.
    (5)
    Bhimscn Thapa was to subjcct 8ny body topunish-
    mcnt whosocvcr disobcYcd him.
    The documcnt was irsucd through Udsya Giri' Faujvir
    Rana, Yadunath Purohit, Rstrganath PaDdiltaja, Prana
    Shah, Ranadhoj Shah, Dalabbanjan Pandc, Bakbat Siogh
    Bactrct, Parasuram Thapa, Bhotu Pstrdc, Jay Singh Kbatri'
    Ranabhadra Singb, Virabhadra and Balanar Singh Kuar'
    Bahsdur Bhandari, Ranadhoj ThaPa, Balhat Vir Singh
    Basoct, Jaspao Thapa, Chandrasclhar Upadhya and Bhairavri
    Singh.
    Whcn actually hc bccamc Mukhtiar is difrcult to
    guess. Hc did not surely assumc thii so soon aftcr Rana
    Bahadur's dcath, Had he donc so he rvould havc attractcd
    widc suspicion for thc murdcr of Rana Bahadur'
    Bhimscn ruled with the baby king in his arEs' Thc
    Rcgcnt Rani Tripurasuodari sas )Gt iD hcr tccns' Shc was
    not in a position to assert hcr inhcrent powcrs' So Bhim'
    s:n lorded it ovcr all thc Bharadlrs wiclding dictatorial
    powers in the affairs of the statc.
    King Girvana Juddha Vikrama wQrc sacrcd tbrcad io
    Rana Baludur Returns to Ncpal 177

    a cercmony held on VS 1865 Yalsakha sudl 10 roJ 5 (=15uts'


    day, 5 May, 1808) at thc age of ll?. He was aleo to marry
    a littlc latcr but died in YS 1873 (:1817 A.D.) some ycars
    hence.
    Bhimsen obtaincd Rl. 1Q000/ as hir aonual calary from
    scveral hcads. By rcforming tbo matc.up of thc army on
    Britich model, and raisiug thc ctandard of its disciplioc and
    codc of conduct, Bhimsen with his command could now
    claim thc most powcrful position in thc country.
    Bhimsen caused a letter to be sent to the British Govcr-
    Dor-General in the namc of Girvana Vikram informing about
    the death of Rana Bahadur. This lettcr was received on
    lSth June, 1806 and referring to Rana Bahadur's death it
    added 'a drcadful calamity has occurred, undcr the dispcn'
    sation of providence, to occasion great afriction in this
    quarter. The faithless Sher Bahadur ascisted by 4 or 5
    Sardars and scveral other individuals, trcacherously drcw
    thcir swords on my father when labouring under the distress
    of sickness and put him to dcath, to my infinite grief and
    sorrow and that of numcrous circle of friends. Howevcr,
    there is no human remedy for the decrees of Almighty.
    'The affairs of state of this Covernmcnt are now satis'
    factority conducted by Guru Raj Ranganath PaDdit, Kazi
    Bhimsen Thapa, Kazi Ranajit Pande, Kazi Ranadhoj Thapa
    and other Bharadars who with other several old scrvants
    and soldiers of the state were steadfast in their duty. lVith
    respect of those, whose conduct was marked by treachcry
    and perfidy, I have dispatched them and their families to
    the infernal regions'.
    It appears that the men mentioned as Kazis were
    ministers. Bhimsen's is not the first name mentioncd, nor
    he is referred to by himself as Mulkazi or Mukhtiar.
    Girvana Juddha in his lettor mcntiors that Guru Raj
    Pandit Ranganath and Guru Krisna Pandit were charged

    8. Itihasa Prakasa, l, P.149


    l?t I'lotlcrn Ncpal
    with rospoosibility of cotrductiDg rclations with thc British,
    apart from this no divisioD of power can be asccrtaincd.
    Pcrhaps it took some ycars bcforc Bhimscn Thapa bccamc
    Mukhtiar.
    Although Bhimacn Thapa enjoycd thc most domiDant
    it appoare that hc had to sharo autho.
    posialoa in thc rcalm,
    rity with Kazi Ranadhoj Tbapa, thc cldcst son of Budha
    Kazi Amar Singh Thapa, Almost all corrcspondence with
    Ksthnandu carrlcd by Sardars and Subac from districts
    wcrc addrcsscd jointly to Bhimscn Tbapa and Ranadhoj
    Thapa immcdiatcly after Rana Bahadur,s dcsth. According
    to tbc information reaching the English Ranadhoj vas
    as powcrful as Bhimscn.
    Thc position gained by Ranadhd might bavc bcen
    possible duc to the fact that thc Bud$a Kazi was tbe most
    popular figurc in Nepal ofthe day. Bhimscn Thapa found
    obligation to treat onc of the sons of Amar SiDgh in thc
    capacity of his co-sharcr of power just to make his regime
    acceptable to all sections of the pcople, in particular, the
    soldicry.
    But it appesrs that the joint sbaring of authority weDt
    as far as the war years of 1814-I816 A.D. Alrhough dejcct-
    Gd in war Bhimscn Thapa cmerged all the more powcrful at
    thc otrd as most of thc old guards had been killed or rctired
    from servicc out of disgust. Amar Singh himself dicd
    while on a pilgrimagc to the snow bound Gosainthan on thc
    lap of thc 25 thousand feet high peak of that name.
    At this stage the reader should be told that he should
    turn his attention to the subject of An glo-Nepalese Relations.

    N epal Bir i s h Re lations (1 803 - 1 808)


    Srikrisna Pandit was deputed by the Nepalese Govern-
    ment to Calcutta even before Rana's return home and he
    arrivcd in September, 1805. He had lcft Kathmandu on
    22nd June. He carried a personal letter of the king to the
    British Governor-Geteral, Srikrisna Pandit u'as sent wirh I
    Ram Bahadur R.tutw to Ncpal l?9
    vicw to'imprcss thc British Govcrnmcnt with I just scnsc
    of gratitudc of Raja Rana Bahedur for the hospitality'
    shown to him by thc British whilc hc was staying in Bana-
    ras as wcll as 'to rcmovc any misundcrstardiDg causcd by
    intcr€stcd parties rcspccting thc Rsja'8 vicws and intcn-
    tioDs". Hc wag also to oblaitr a sstisfEctory adjustmcnt of
    the dcpcndcncy questions 'rcepccting Bootwal and thc
    Talook of Shcoraj Bundcr' (16 January, 1806)r o.
    In a lcttcr to Krisna Pandit a Britirh ofrccr J. Mon-
    cktotr, Dcputy Pcrsian Sccrctary, whilc rcciprocatiDg scnti
    mcnts cxprcssed in thc royrl lcttcr, rcfutcd thc cl6im of
    Ncpal to the lowland arcas ofButwal on atry grouDd wbat-
    soevcr. But he notificd bis Govcrnment's desire to givc up
    their claim to Shcoraj Bundcr in casc their troops wcrc
    withdrawn from thc Zamindari of Butwal in thc lowlands.
    Thc Sccrctary cotrvcyed his Govcrnmcntt thrcat to changc
    vicws in rcgard to Sheoraj Bundcr if a spccdy scttlcment of
    thc wholc qucstion was dclayed and troops rctaitred in thc
    area.
    According to a l€ttcrof Kisben Pandit reccived in
    Calcutta on 22 Dccembcr, 1806, thc Ncpal authorilics had
    no dcsirc to rclinquish thcir right over Butwsl lowlands
    and thcy wantcd to know thc grounds in dctail, oa which
    thc British wantcd to rejcct their clairn, It was at thc
    same timc madc clcar that Nepal was not at all inclined to
    commit cncroachmcnt on thc Company's tcrritorics.
    Upto lE04 thc British administered thc arca tcDding
    farms to thc Zamindars ofGorakhpur in bcbalfofthc Raja
    of Palpa. Thc rcvcnuc wcnt to the Palpa ruler's brotber as
    hc himsclf was undcr housc arrcst in Kathmandu.
    According to a lettcr of thc Judgc Magistratc of
    Gorakhpur dated 3rd Scptember, 1804 thc British planned
    to dividc ths district of Butwal into two psrts, tbc rivcr

    9. For, Scc. Dcpt., l7 July, 1806, o. 89,


    t0. rbid.
    Ito Modcra Nepal
    Tcnavc forming thc boundary. For ono part thc
    H€od
    Policc Daroga was stationed in Nitchlout, whilc
    his assistsnt
    (Naib) rcsidcd in pali. For anorhcr, Sowton
    village in
    Tuppa Kctwa was thc hcadquarter of thc principal orhcc4
    and his ascistant an purganna Mutka. For revcnue
    adoini_
    ltrstion thc Sczawal was to bc scDt. As thc sealoD for ihc
    rcaliration of land revcnuo was ocaring the Govertrmcnt
    had ackcd the collectoru of Gorakhpur tL procccd anO
    noiJ
    thc ZEmindari of Butwal includiog pcrgunna Mutka.
    Thc brothcr and rclativcs of thc Raja of patps wcrc to
    draw thcir pcnsions out of this rcvcnu€. But tba amount
    was not settled yet.
    Thc British were trying to encouragc oew scttlcmctrt
    and meaowhilc thc collcctor was ordcrcd to pay to Nsdir
    Shah, brothcr of thc Raja of palpa tbe sunoiRs.333.5.3
    pcr month from thc first of Septcnrbcr, Ig041r.
    R.ngatrath Pandel, son of Brajanath, was lookcd upor
    by rhe British as a man of,worthless cbaracter,. Hcwas
    passing his cxile in Botia when fortunc favoured
    him to
    bccome an advisor in the company olRanaBabadurin
    Banaras. Now aftcr Rana's dcath he became forcign
    ministcr.
    Beforc wc dcal with the subject of Nepalcsc advancc
    to
    Kangra and their clash with tbe British let us describc thc
    tcnor of Anglo-Nepalese rclations which were ultimatcly
    to dev€lop into a full-fledged dispute causing war bctween
    thc two countrics.
    It xill bc of interest to know tbat the dispute mainly
    concerned thc arca on th€ present day Shcoraj Kbajabani
    border. The British had informed Nepal cven wbile Knox
    was there to come to a settlcment with the British. Thcy
    had made it clear that thcy wcre prepared .to relinquisl
    their claim on the r€vcnue of Shcoraj provided Nepalese

    ll, Allahabad Records - Corakhpur collcctorate, Bssta n. 12.


    Lcttcr, 27 Decembcr, 180r, For. Sec. Dept., 16 Jtnuary, 1806, ,lO,
    'I.
    Ram Bahadur Relurns to Ne7al l8l
    troops are withdrawn from that part of the Zamirdari of
    Butwal, which is subject to thc British'. The British were
    complaining that therc wcre rcpeatcd incursions into thc
    territorios by Nepalcse soldiers. Obviously Nepal claimed
    thesc territorios falling within the Zamindari of palpa by
    virtue of thcir conquest of that ctato. We havo already
    touchcd on the problem in the last chaptcr.
    Thc British were pursuiog the case wirhout any dimi-
    nution of intcrest. In a communication of 6th January,
    1806 the Governor-General wrote a lattcr addressed to King
    Girvana Juddha saying that 'if any claim by Nepal ir prc-
    ferrod in the spirit of harmony and conciliation this would
    bc investigatcd and justly decidcd'. Thc letter said that
    the British Government sincercly desircd .to maintain
    utmost harmony and good understanding with the state of
    NiPaul'ta.
    In a lettcr to the King of Ncpal written on the lgth of
    January, 1808 (n. 110) theBritish Governor-General informcd
    that Colebrook was going to explore the source of the
    Ganges, and thc British dcsired that utmost attention bc
    given to his comforts during the journcy.

    12. For. Sec. Dept., 17 July, 1806, n. EE.


    ' aluPer lI
    ADVANCB TO SATLAJ AND BEYOND

    Wc havc secn thst whilc Rasr Bahadur had rcturncd


    to Kathm8odu tho Ncpalcsc arDy x,&s again on thc war path
    and trying to cxpand to thc wcst gr far as it could.
    At first thoy had to strcngthcn their position in Kumaon
    and Garhwal. Tbc lsttcr was yot a principality rulcd by
    itr own king, though subsidiary to Ncpal. ID lhe 8tmo8'
    phcrc of distrust this poeition was anomalous. Thc Gorkbas
    thercforc strovc to end thie aaomaly as thc first stcp.
    For at least a decqdc thc Gorthalis could not sdvancc
    bcyond thc bordcr of Kumaon. Thc rivcr Ganges was thc
    fronticr Iinc. The Raja cnjoycd thc status of a fGudatory
    and no Gorkba troops wctc stationcd. Garhwal had
    to bo rclinquished in 1888 on account of war with Tibet'
    But physical occupation of Garhwal wos contcmplatcd itr
    1803. Garhwal was in a much sorrowful plight in this
    ycar. There was visitation of faminc duc lo dtaught aDd
    earthquakcs rockcd the couotry intenscly morc than oncc,
    aod all thesc causcd much loss of life and ProPcrty. Thc Raja
    Pradyumna Shahi was by tcmpcrament le85t fittcd for the
    task of mcctiog tbc challcngc of natural calamity and which
    came from within aad invasion from without. Hc was
    effsminate and supcrstitious. The circuDstances rcally had
    favoured advancing Gorkha troops and thcy took advantsSc
    of the situation to grab Garhwal in its most distressful
    h our.
    tn Garhwal the Gorkhalis I'accd the cDcmics on the
    blak of thc river Mandakini and defcatcd thcD. As was
    natural, tbc Garhwalis put up a wcak resistancc. Soon
    after Srioagar fell to the invadersl. In hot pursuit to gaia
    1 Thc Nepalosc chloniclc spcaks of a fight with PratiEatr
    58hi.
    Advance to Satlaj and Beyonil 1E3

    the occupation of Srinagar thc Garhwal ruler's Kazi onc


    Sitaram was killed in an cngagement at Chillabhetr, Suba
    Hastidal and Kazi Randhir w€re put in charge of thc city
    and the r€ct advanccd towrrds the rivcr Alakananda. Somc
    of the victors rcturtred through Dev prayag to llardwar.
    Ia thc hilly rcgion those who had takcn the route of Timal-
    kot werc cncamping at Gurudvar. Meanwhile, thc Raja of
    Garhwal, his brothcr Pratiman Sahi and his collatcrals and
    ministors took rcfuge in the plaiDs ncar Hardwar in thc
    Dun Vallcy (October, 1803).
    In Dun one Gajur Raja of Landhaura actively iclpcd
    thcm to collcct mcn and moncy in a bid to recovcr thcir
    lost tcrritory. Now the Garhwalis with llp00 mcn from
    Gujar madc a despcratc attcmpt to cncircle the thrcc
    companies uoder Jaya Rokaya in Khudaghat that werc to
    wstch the movcments of thc enemics, But in thc meaotimc
    reinforccment had reached thc Gorkha contingeits. Thc
    chronicle says Amar Singh and RaDjit Kunwar arrivcd on
    the scene and put thc €Demics to rout. But earlicr thc
    Gorkhas were dcfeatcd by Dalvir Rana who was io thc
    cmploy of Garhwal. In the second battlc thc Garhwalis
    wcre heavily routed. According to thc lettcr quotcd abovc
    thc battlegroutrd was in a placc called Kanday, Thc Raja
    of Garhwal was killed, and Dalbir Rana sho was scrving
    the encmy was boheaded and the two princes scnt to Nepal
    ss hostagcs. The wholc of Garhwal thus came under the
    Nepalis. Rivcr Jamuna was now thcir fronticr linc. Kalu
    Pande and Bhagu Khawas wcrc s€nt st tbe head of an
    additiotral force and these togcthcr witb Jogamalla and
    Bhakti Thapa werc to take charge of the administration of
    thc newly acquircd territories with five companiee of
    soldiers. Bhakti Thapa wa6 promoted to sardarrhip with
    an annual salary of Rs. 5000r.

    2. Thc kiog's lettcr ro Bbakti TbsDa, d8tcd yS lE6t Xar,ik


    7.-l Octobr., 1804. Bur thir day is Surday,
    tcdl I toj
    101 llodem llepal
    Io a lclter writtctr to Gururaj Visnu Pandit' dated
    vS lStit Pausa wtti5 /oj 6 (:wcdncsday' 14 Deccmber, 1804)'
    thc king wanted hio to inform the Sahcbs (British authori-
    tics) that Sriuagar was just capturcd and on Kartika 12'
    Dehradun had also been surrendcrcd to thcm ond a boun'
    dary was ffxed, on the Jamuna. He furthcr 6taled that
    whilc about 200 men of the Ncpalese atmy wcr€ lillcd in
    rction, thc Raja Parakramshsbi unablc to bcar thc loss toot
    shclter in Kheda in thc Terai,
    Garhwal becamc a separato utrit of administration. In
    thc beginning Amar Singh himself supcrviscd thc utril' but a
    ycar &ltcr Chandravir Thapa arsictcd by Vijananda Upadbya
    and Gajesimha was lcft to administer thc area. In 1805
    thcrc wcre fourofrccrsof the army who ruled over Garh'
    wal-Hastidal Thapa, Rudravir Shah, Kazi Ramadhin and
    Parasuram Thapa, Bctween 1807 and l8I0 the adminig'
    trators w.re Bhairab Thapa, Bahadur Bhandari and Dassrsth
    Khatri. For the duration ofthe years till 1814 sincc l81l
    Faujdar Paramaram's name is listed. Kazi Bakhtabar
    Barnct looked aftcr Garhwal in timcs of the Anglo-Ncpalese
    war.
    While thc Gorkhas msde thcir first entry into Garhwal
    in l79l A.D. th€y allowcd it to exist as a vassal state of
    Ncpal uotil it wasfinally anncxed in 1806 A.D' Thc final
    consolidation of Gorkha powcr in the rcgion took place in
    1806 while thcy pushed their fronticr line to tho rivcr
    Jamuna.
    Numismatically Garhwal is important in the sense
    that it was the only placc outside Kathmandu to have
    minted coins by thc Ncpalcsc. But the AR coins nintcd
    in Srinagar had special featurcs. Thcy contained Hizri
    Era and name ofthc Moghul Emperor along with th€ namc
    of thc ruler of Nepal and dates of Vikrama Bra all iascribed
    in Pcrsiau script. Somo coins, however, bcar no datcs yet
    a fcw oore bear Nagari script both for the lcgend and datcs
    rnd tbcse for the latcr issucs.
    ldvance to Satlaj and Beyond 185

    Thc coins known as Timasha:3 .mashas wcighing


    approximately AR 2 gm. but fall below standard. All
    these are deposited in thc Lucknow Museum (India).
    It appears that the Himalayan region west of the
    present day Nepal came under the rule of the Moghuls
    sincc tho timo of Akbar. The AR coins minted in Srinagar,
    Garhwal, appear for the first timc in tbe year A.H. 1183:
    1769 A.D. in the namc of Shah Allam II (1759-1806). This
    particular coins bears thc name of the Nepalese ruler indi-
    cating that the piece mintcd by the ruler of Garhwal before
    the Gorkha conquest had cbviously acknowledged Moghul
    suzerainty.
    We find somo undatcd coins with Girvana Juddha on
    onc side and Shah Alam II. This is definitely of the
    period betwcen the death of Shah Alam (1806) and 1800,
    the year of Girvana's accession to the throne. But the piece
    was minted by the ruler of Garhwal. It is to show dual
    allegiancc. But at this time the Moghul Impcrial rule was
    completely shattercd, and no physical presence of their
    powcr is cstablished by this coin. But probably thc Garhwal
    rulcr intended to convey to the Ncpalese that hc still was
    a vassal of the Moghul Emperor. He might have desired
    thc Nepalese to understand that they were not alone the
    arbiter of their destiny in this rcgion. However, evcn as
    though feasible the Moghul Bmperor exercised a little sway
    as he could excrt some influence in the himalayan region
    as yeta.
    Shah Alam II died in 1806 A.D. and ho was succeedcd
    by his son Mahammad Akbar (II). Thc Srinagar coins
    minted in his time bears the lcgend Akbar Shah or thah
    Akbar Shahan Shah Bhah Jalaluddin Akbor on one side and
    Girvana Juddha Vikram on the other. Thc coins are of
    different datcs. But thc Hizri Era is missing and is replaccd

    3, By oourtosy of Mr. Valedittoro.


    4. Ibid.
    Ig6 llodcrn Nepal
    by Yikrama Era 1810. Thcrc is a thickcr coin with thc
    lcgend ofSri Shah Girvana Juddha. This bcars no date
    and it appears thst thc Gorkhalis had now totally forgotten
    thc Moghul Emperor in Dclhi. By lSll cvon the myth of
    Moghul suzerainty had €ndcd.
    Poct paint€r Molsram (1740.1833 A.D.) who wrotc his
    cpic in pootry c led'Garh Rajayamsa Ka ltihasa' 6 complains
    sgairst what hc calls unjust and cruel rulc ofGorkhalis.
    His picturo presents extremely devastatcd and cxploitcd
    Garhwal, whose peasantry bad been tefiibly suffering. Thc
    Garhwalitr according to thic poet, livcd in a condition of
    cnslavemcnt and somc of thcse were litcrally sold as slaves
    in thc markct, Jamcs Baillic Frascr has drawn an equally
    lurid account of Garhwal as ruled by thc Ncpalesc. He
    also complained ofcrucl ttcatmcnt of thc local populacc
    at thc hauds of the ofrcials. They were obligcd to pay
    hcavy taxcs and render unpaid labour to thc victors. Thc
    Garhwalis werc also subjected to slavery. Frascr sals that
    in his journey through Garhwal conductcd immediately
    boforc thc Anglo-Nepalcsc war hc actually saw Garhwali
    childrctr being sold itr the market at Doon snd othcr placer
    in thc plainso.
    It appears that conditions in Garhwal werc not in any
    way dissimilar to thosc obtaining in Kumaon in those days.
    Tho charges of maladmitristration and maltrcatmcnt are
    surely sxaggcratcd. In abnormal time6 such as the ycsrs
    the Nepalcse passcd in Garhwal, somc kind of rcprcssion
    was bound to occur, But this was insignificant compared
    to what was happcning in scvcral statcs in India of thc
    period. If thc Ncpalcsc omcers were at all guilty of cxccss

    5. RahulrsdlrityayaD, HiEal Parichay!, Grrhwal, pp. 213.14,


    6- James Baillic Ftasat: loartsl of toat ,htoagh pattt of Saowy
    tunge of thc Eimalaya moantaiLt and to the spacet ol the riyer larnno
    and Gangos, Londot, 1820, Pt. I, p. t-48 (Histolical Stctchcs of N€Dal),
    chaptars I to 4.
    )dvance to Satloj and Beyond iS?

    it has to bc sdmittcd at thc same time that the guilt laid at


    their door was comparativcly lccs in magnitudc.

    Attack on Slmour
    After their victory ovcr Garhwal, the Gorkha rcgi-
    ments continucd their march to Sirmour,
    Thcy had already conqucred Dchradun, and wcre on
    thc way to Nahar, the capital.
    From Garhwal thc Gorkha troops procecdcd lowards
    west of Jamuna falling in Sirmour but this principality camc
    undcr tho ioflucncc of Nepal without rcsistancc. Howcvcr,
    it took somctioc bcfore thc occupation took placc.
    Sirmour was ruled by a family of thc Rathor clan ;
    thoy had a proud record of wsr with thc Mohammadan
    rulers of thc plains. A youthful king of this family fought
    with thc Raja of Bilaspur and succeeded in acquiring thc
    ovcrlordship of the Bahra (twclvc) Thakurais. He €vcn
    attcmpted but in vain to capture the Dun whero itr a battle
    at Kalsi with thc Raja of Garhwal he breathcd his last.
    His cldest Bon Jagat Prakash who was bardly 16 wasmarricd
    to the daughtcr of Sansarchand of Kangrs dcspitc thc
    refusal of thc Bilaspur rul€r to give him passagc to Kangra
    and through his hclp fulolled th6 wish of his farhcr to lay
    a siegc on the Dun which hc forcibly occupicd, but hcre
    again his untimcly dcath put aD ctrd to further consotida-
    tiotr (p.304 Hamilton). Hc died at the agc of 28.
    Jagat's brothcr Dharma Prakash camc to ascend the
    thronc on his dcath. His rcigo was disturbed by continuous
    acts of dcprcdation and warfare bctween ncighbouring
    countrics, in one of which having persusadcd himsclf to
    offcr a stiff fight to Sansarchand ho was heavily defeatcd
    sod tillcd. Hc had joincd thc 6old to rhc csll of thc Rajas
    of Mandi end Bilaspur and Dharma Prakash was otrered in
    licu of military aid a sum of Rs. 2,00,000.
    Karoa Prakash placcd himself undcr Gcncral Amar
    Singh to ward ofr furthcr dangers o! that account, as
    l8g ltodqn Nepal
    Sansarchandin asrociation ivith thc Raja of Hanur sccmcd
    to plan out his dcstruction. Sansarchand promised thc
    Raja of Hanurtomakchim master ovcr the Thakurajs if
    hc won thc battle. Hanur waswith Bilaspur becauoe ofa
    dcsire to reap rich harvcst in timcs of war. But the wcathlr
    proved bleak. Hanur was defeated by Bhaktidal Thapa as
    thc Raja camc into clash with thc Nrpalcse army. Hamilton
    says that Kazi Amar Singh did not pursuc him to Palasi in
    thc interposition of Gcncral Ochtcrlony. At onc timc thc
    Ncpalese commandcr Deonidhi Pant cntered into an agrce-
    mcnt with thc Raja of Sirmour, by wbich the Jumuna was
    fixed as thc boundary bctwccn Ncpal and Sirmour. But
    Sirmour had accept€d Ncpal's sovereignty. Thc lattcr had
    also to go to thc sidc of thc Gorkhalis if the ruler of Garh-
    wal did not lurrcndcr to him the promiscd amount of
    mon€y, The income of Sirmour wss about Rs. 2,70,000, of
    which the Dun alone contribut€d Rs, 20,000.
    Karma Prakash was under th€ tutelage of bis minister
    for a long timc but in VS 1857-1800 A.D. he became de
    facto ruler having attained majoriry. Earlier Naban was
    plundcrcd by thc Raja ofHindor. Karma prakash shifted
    his hcadquartcr to thc fort of Narayanagarb. r.Now the
    Gorkhalie also desccndcd to Dchradun aDd controllcd arcss
    in thc doab of thc Jamuna and Gangce, Karma prakash
    complained that this movc w8s against tbe provisions of
    thc trcaty. But thcy rcfrained from capturiDg Nahan and
    all places to thc north of it. Thc Sikhs also wcrc active in
    this part and thcy had capturcd Pinjorc. South of thc Dun
    across thc river lay Patiala's terfitory, but on th€ north
    thcrc was a fort of Sirmour well guarded ; Raja Karma
    Prak8sh w8ntcd to give a fight from this fort. But his
    brothcr Ratan Singh joined a rcbel Sarder Kusal Singh by
    namc, who was cncouragcd by thc Sikh Sardar Jodha Singh.
    As a result of thc rcvolt the fort ss wcll as NahaD fcll to
    worst disorders, Thc Raja's own s€rvants carried tho loot
    without mcrcy. Karma Prakash was compcllcd to abandoD
    Advancc ,o Satlal and Beyond 189

    Nahan ia Karadun as his fighting mcn rcbcllcd against him


    at thc instigation ofRatan Singh who wantcd to push bis
    conquest as far as Kangral. It is said by ond of tho Raja's
    Bucccssors writiDg in 1908 that Ratan Singh wae jutt a
    Donilal ruler dominatcd by onc Kisan Singh who hcld ths
    roi!! of powcr. But all the tiEc Karma Prakarh wao not
    slttlngidle. Ho approached Amar Singh Thapa for hclp
    ptomising to pay a tributo to Ncp8l. Although Naban
    wss itr R8tstr Singh's handr, somc othcr partr of Sirmour
    wcro still undcr Karma Prakash. Tho Gorthali coEDandcr
    had allowcd him tho cDjoymcnt of his rcmaining posscs-
    sions. Thoy had, howcvcr, thcir cyco on Nah.n and wcrc
    looking forward to wrcsting it from Kisan Singh who had
    provcd to bc a worthless ministcr givcn to tbc babits of
    plundcriog common pcoplc.
    From a lettcr of YS 1865 Aotna Yadt I0 RoJ S(-Thuje,-
    day, l5 Octobcr, 1808) addrcsscd from Nahan it appcars that
    Karma Prakash had acccpted to becomc Ncpal's varsal and
    had plcdged to pay an annual tributc. He bad alro signcd
    a dcclarstioD to thc cffect that tbe Gokba rcgimcntr could
    bc rtationcd in Nahan. By virtuc of this dcclaration Aoar
    Singh Thapa war tryiDg to capturc Nehar, whcrc he actually
    did later,
    Thc Raja of Sirmour yiclding to thc Gorkha atracl iD
    thc bcginning sccmcd to have his own designs. He u,ant€d
    to get himself restorcd with their belp, but was not willing
    to part with an inch of t€rritory to his hclpers. Tbe quarrel
    betwecn thc Raja of Sirmour and thc Gorkha commandcrs
    afole on that accoutrt.
    A letier (addressec not mcntioncd) from Nahan writtcn
    by Chumu Bhandari, Tikaballabh Pandc and JogaDarayan
    Malla on KarllkavadiSrojSSamya, 1866 (:6g1s6.r 1ggr.
    Thc datc is irrcgual) gives thc following fscts about
    Gorkha advance in that scctor upto that datc; it is
    now known that Kszi Ranjorc Thapa, Sardsr Balabhadra
    1- Ta$)arukhi Stnorf by th€ Rrja (in Urdu), 1912.
    l9O Modcra Ncpal

    Kuar, Serdar Ram Sundcr Thapa arc statioDad in an


    outpost about 2 milcs €ast of thc Morani fort ; as it was vcry
    nccessary to mect thc Raja of Sirmour thc Malla Sardar has
    beca dircctcd to procced to Jaituk; what transpircd in thc
    talk bctwcen our Oftscrr and th€ Raja, they havc not infor-
    mcd us, But wo learn that thc Raja, though promisiDg to
    rurrcndcr thc promiscd amouat of Eoncy, is ptcparing to
    trroot our forco with strcngth ; ho has alrcady startcd collcct-
    ing his dispcrscd troops in thc fort whcr€ thcrc are alrcady
    1,000-2,000 mcn ; as s precautionary mcagurc hc has also
    sent 6way his wifc and ladics; wc hevc writtcn to thc
    Budhakazi atrd Ranjorc. 'If you want to coDqucr Sirmour,
    you mu8t immcdistcly,go to Ajmergarh, and lrom thcrc
    summon Raja Karma Prakash and othcr membert of thc
    nobility. If thc Raja docs not turn up, the noblcmen will
    ccrtainly do, and this will ccrtainly creatc s split in their
    ranks and prevcot thc posribility of their coming togcthcr
    against us.' Subedar Saktiballabh carrics the lcttcr; se
    hovc also scnt thc samc suggestions by Bhimraj Thapa who
    had comc here to takc moncy ; Bhimraj tclls us tbat thc
    Budhakazi intendcd to capturc Sirmout. But it seems tbat
    our suggcstion for immcdiatc capturo of Sirmour wst Dot
    cBrricd out a! thc scpoys werc a bit tircd, and it was oot
    possiblc to start thc caopaign without somc delay. Now
    four days aftcr thcir arrival in Morani site, wc rcccivcd a
    lctt€r from Kazi Amar Singh informing us that Kazi Ran-
    jore, and Sardars Chandravir Kuar, Birbhadra Kuar and
    RSmsuudcr Thapa havc bccn dirocted to deal with Sirmour ;
    Kazi Amar Singh is encampcd in Subathorc Killa (fort) on
    thc bordcr of Baghat. Thc writer of tho carlicr lcttcr
    complains of thc shortagc of mcn, and as thc soldicrs
    wcro not gcttiog thcir rations in timc thit was crcating
    a situation. Thc lcttcr added 'Kahlur and othcr Barha
    Thakuraits arc afraid of thc dirturbcd condition in
    Jallandhur. Somc irrcgulars from Kumaon and Garhwal
    wcrc cxpccted in Nahan to rciaforcc thc contingcDts i4 thst
    Ailvanc. lo Sollal and Ecyond 191

    arca. Tho writcr also strcsscs thc accd of strong dcfcncc of


    Sirmour as Fattcban was trying to creatc troubles from thc
    bordcr haviog escaped from Tchra. He was collectiog
    soldicrs from the msrccnarics livirg in thc Plsirs. He $as
    aleo trying to forgc a united front with thc othcr Rajas of
    thc hills and norrby plains. Thit war th€ rcport of Sardar
    Kirti Ratra End Subo Ghamand Thapa. If tho Rajar
    combincd, thoy wcrc ruro to distutb Pcaco of thc arca nor€
    particutarly in Sirmour and Handur. The Ncpalesc arms
    and moncy were safely dopositcd in Jcuragartin' ID addition
    onc ffeld gun was put thcrc.
    In thc routh thc Sikh rulcr of Patisla bad actcd to
    plcase Lord Minto ia pcrsuancc of the earlier trcaty by
    prcscntiDg I horsc, I nccklacc of pcBrls, and I plume
    through a vakil and Kharitapatra. It was said that Patiala
    was gcttiog fcarful news of thc march of Ranajit Singh to
    Bhsratpur in aid of the Jat Raja. The Englirh sent to
    Patiala 5 Europcan ofrcers, 1000 nativc soldicrs aad 300
    gunr. Thcy stayed 3 days in Patiala, aDd started to mect
    Ranajit Singh. The lctter addcd that thc Raja of Patiala
    was opcnly hclping Ranajit Singh.
    At thc timc the lettcr was written tb€ Gorkha troops
    hod not crosscd tha Satlsj.- But they wcre dctermined to
    do eo. Thc British action might bc intcrprctcd as an
    indirect hint. But it might not havc bcen so. On the
    othcr hand thc statc of Kangra becausc of its weak condi-
    tiotr attractcd tbc notice of the Gorkhas for an attack.
    Kangra's rulcr was dislikcd by all rulers of the rcgion.
    Thc Rajas up to thc river Ravi wcre hostile to Sansarchand
    who had timc and again haraescd thcm. Thc Raja bimself
    was not strong enough to meet thc Gorkha sttack. Thu6
    thc Gorkhsr not only werc tempt€d to cross the Satlaj but
    also to establish their protcctorate over tbe principalitics
    betv/een thc Satlaj atrd tho Ravi. They had approached
    the Raja of Jammu who had sworn loyalty to them agaitrst
    Sansarchand,
    192 Modern Nepal
    Tho Gorkha aiE to cstablish a Himalayan Kingdom
    from the statc of Jammu to Bhutan was, bowcvcr, bound
    to bc shsttcred on account of thc hostility displaycd by
    two rising country powcrs, Ranajir Singh ard tho EDSlish
    from acrou tho occan.
    Arta Thapa who wae latcly disEisscd from rctvicc
    aod wus biding time in tho Gorkha caop in Srinagar
    wrotc to Ranadhoj Thapa and Srcstha Thapa undcr datc
    ch na vadi 7 ruJ 3 YS 1866! to tcll thcE that thr old
    Kaji Amar Singh was in Sugathorc havitrg coEplctcd his
    work on this sidc of the rivcr Satlaj, Kazir Amrit Siogh
    and Pande ( Jagajjit Pandc ) wcrc in Srinagar from Phaguna
    13 to 27, but hod thcn rcachcd Dehradun.
    Thc wholc ofSirmour had becn coptured aftcr Karma
    Prakash had lcft his statc to takc shclt€r in thc territory of
    tho Bast India Company.
    But until thc Gorkha forccs actcd ia carncsa he was
    intriguing against thcm, and cvcn tryiDg to allign with the
    Sikhs.
    Karma Prakash had provcd insincerc with brokcn plcd-
    gcs. He figures ia gcncral correspondcnce of thc timc wbich
    thc Ncpalcse commandcrs had cxcharged *ith the centre.
    Thc Raja of Sirmour wss trying his lcvcl best to oust the
    Gorkhac from Nahan. His wifc mct Col, Ochtcrlooy in
    'Ludhcana seeking rcltoration of her husband in Nahan'.
    Yogr Malla, on€ of thc Gorkha commandcrs in tbat arca,
    writcs to ray that when Karma Prakash rcacbed Morvi from
    Trilokpur he dismisscd all his old servants. But latcr hc
    seems to havc rcaliscd thc worth of pursuing his objectivc of
    beiog rcstorcd as thc Raja in his formcr principality. To
    Yoga Malla's irformation Karma Prakash was calling to
    audiencc all his old scrvants includiDg Yajir Maujiram who
    was with thc Gorkhalis within their camp. Hc was cvcn
    thinking of attackiog ttatcs r cst of thc Satlaj.

    8. Tqorday, 28 March, 1810,


    Advancc to Satld and Bcyond 193

    With Sirmour vanquished, Gorkhalir had now imme-


    diatc control ovcr the twelvc rulers of the Thaluraits,
    who wcre thc Raja's feudatories. The principalitics 'Fete
    each small in area and population and their incomc cven in
    total wes ncgligible. But they certainly added strcDgth to
    tho invaderr in those abaormal days. Hamilton lirtcd tbo
    following ia thc group of Bara Thaluraib: Dharaopur
    (Dhami), Arki, Kothar, Mahalok, Bhajji, Kconthal, Kumar.
    son ( Kaniyan ) and Borbhakan9. Another authority adds
    to thcse Baghat, Koti, Kiyari and Kotigurut0.
    Strategically Sirmour and thc Tbakuraits gavc tbc
    conqucrors a foothold on thc territories west of the river
    Jamuna. This foothold later on cnabled lhem to cxtend
    their fronticrs up to the river Satlaj and thcncc to Chenab.
    Hamilton says that Amar Singh had proposed to thc Sikh
    king to organise a joint march against Kashmir.
    Hill states beyond the rlver Satlai
    From Sirmour to Barha Thakuri and then to Bilaspur
    ( or Kahlur ) this was the march forward of thc Gorkha
    army under Amar Singh Thapa. Bilaspur occupied the
    arcas all south of tho Thakuraits but balf of this across thc
    Satlaj or Satarudra as the Nepalesc callcd it. Wc shall
    know a little latcr that the Raja of Bilaspur who was oftcn
    harassed by Sansarchand, the Raja of Kangra, was first rulcr
    of these states to contact Amar Singh Thapa. IIc inf,uenced
    all those affectcd by Sansarcband's aggreesion to join hands
    with him in sccking the aid of tbe Gorkha aroy.
    Kangra or Trigarta was the most important and an-
    cient principality of the arca having territories on both sides
    of the Satlaj.
    The cxtent of influcnce wielded by Nepal in thic arca
    w€nt as far as to cover all areas west of Jammu.
    9. Hamilton, pp. 306-07.
    10. J. Hutchinson and \ogel, History of thc Punjab Hlll Statcs in
    2 vols.
    194 Modert Ncpol

    Thc housc of Sonsarchaod cl&imcd to bavc desccnded


    from the Chandclla dynasty, Hamilton, however, says tbat
    they wrre called. Katoch Raja Yamsa, Thc dynasty of San-
    sarch&nd was, howcvcr, old ; Dot vcry much is koown about
    its origin.
    Trigarta was an atrciert Fingdom. It caEc into pro-
    minence cinco tho vcry early Christian Era. Inscripticns in
    thc Brijaoatha, sonctuary not far from the fort of Kangra,
    bring out rcigns of thc timc of the Kushanas. Later thc
    Kashmiri rulers also extcndcd tbeir influeDce ovcr thc area.
    The Muslim influence was not felt in tbc bcginning of thc
    period. But Moghul Bmperors rulcd over Kangra.
    Trigarta was so callcd bccsuse th€ country w8s situalcd
    in a land comprising thc basins of the threc rivcrs.
    It appcars that Kazi Amar Singh and others had some-
    how or other formed an impression lhat tbe British ncre
    indirectly supportirg the Sikhs. But we must takc thc fact
    of British friendship rvith the rising Sikh power in the ligbt
    of the latt€r's strcngth. The Britisb support to Ranajit
    Singh during his conflict wiih thc advancing Gorkhalis was
    not all forthcoming. For their own sake Ranajit was dis-
    trustcd a! much as tbe Gorkhi tis and thc Sikhs had fought
    on at their own. So thc Gorkha suspicion of British support
    to Ranajit was unfoundcd. There is no doubt that thc
    Nepalcsc were defeated in the conflict becausc oftheir own
    inher€nt weakncss,
    According to J, Hutchinson and vogel thc followiog
    states werc satellites of Kargra, known as Trigarta :
    ( Yol. l,/p. 50 ).
    ) Guler, Separatc sincc 1405 A.D.
    3. Kotla
    4. Jaswan separated oiccc 11?0 A.D.
    ( Siba
    since 1557 A.D.
    6. Datarpur
    7, Nurpur ruled by a Rsjput siacc 1000 A.D.
    E. Sukct
    ldyance to Satl4J aad Bcyond 195

    9. Chamba
    10. Mandi
    ll. Kulu rulcd by a dcscendaat of Sukct
    12. Kutbhcr
    13. Bangohal
    Upto thc llth ccntury Trigarta occupicd ell thc
    countrics b.tw(cn thc Ravi and Satlaj crccpt Xulu rnd
    also Jalandhar plaiDs. Aftcr thc Mahammadsa invarion
    th6 plaios wcrc lost, Nagarkot or Kangra bccaEc thc
    capital of the stete. The first Moghul invarion of thc
    fort took placc in 1572, Thc Sikhs wcrc thc ncrt invadclr.
    But Chamba, Mandi and othcr statcs bccamc fr€c vhcn
    thc Mabammadan power bccamc weak asd did not cooc
    under thc Sikhs, This was not so in thc casc of othcrs,
    Most of thcsc statcs fcll to thc Silhs. Chamba was undcr
    Kashmir till thc l2th ccntu.ry. The rulcrs cxcept tbose
    of Chamba belong to Chandra Vamei or lunsr dyDasty.
    The principality of Nurpur was oftcn rcvolting against
    tho Moghul Emperor. in 1758 Raja Ghamand Singh of
    Kaogra was appointcd Governor of Jalandhar Doab by
    Ahmad Shah Durrani, But thc latter exerciscd nominal
    suzcrainty. Thc last invasion of Durrani was in 1767. But
    about 1770 Ghamand Singh was e tributary to Jaesa Singh
    of Ramagarh misl. Yet the fort was still occupi€d by a
    Moghul offi.cer, and Ghamand Singh himsclf was undct
    thc Muslim Govcrnor of Lahore. Sansarchannd who ruccce-
    ded his fathcr at thc agc of ll fouud thc fort in thc hands
    of thc Muslim Govchnor of Durrani. When hc attaincd
    Eaturity, Sansarchand attacked Kaogra with thc help ol
    Jassa Singh but the fort fell to Jaisingh of Kanhaiya misl.11 -

    But thc' fort along with other areas came to bc occupied


    in 1786 by Sansarchand who now became the mastcr of
    the whole of Kangra. Sansarchand's invasion crtcndcd to
    Jullandhor in th. plains but ho was defcated at thc hands

    ll. Atr sdministrativc utrit io thc Punjab uodcr I Sikh landlord,


    196 llodcn Ncpa!
    ofRaaaJit Singh, Thcn hc attactcd Bilarpur and gcizcd
    thc tcrritory on thc wcstcrn bank of Satlaj lying from Bilirs-
    pur to Nurpur. Hc thcn marched on Jammu in l7g3 after
    clocsio8 tho Satlaj. Thc Bilaspur army st tbc timc Forstcr
    viritcd wsr 300 horrer and g0O0 footmcD. Tbcy rcpulred
    SrElrchaod but could aot gct back tcrritory io th. *.rt
    oltho Srtlaj, Ho arkcd from Cbaoba tbc placc Riblu, on
    fofu.rl tho couotry war attackcd uut thc n o.la was rillco
    whilo thc RaJa of Maodi was madc prisoocr. Both
    -
    Mandi and Chamba wcrc rcquircd to ccdc 6omc tcrritory.
    Seararchand gavc a villagc cach ro Kuiu and Sulct earlilr
    acquircd from Mandi,
    According to Mootcraft,s Travclr ( I, p. (6 ) hc coutd
    aot capturc Kaaalagarh, Sansarchand tricd to anncx slt
    thc rtatcr of thc hilh, Hc also tricd to scizc plains in thc
    dircction of Hoehiarpur and Bagwara, a big Katocb king-
    dom but wa! dcfcrtcd by th€ Sikh ruler in t803-04. Iic
    thcn Earchcd agaiDlt Kablur. But tbis provokcd tbc
    chicf to unitc and invite thc Gorkhatis to cioss Sarlaj and
    invadc Kangra-assuring tbcn of thcir participation. Ssn_
    sarchsndrr rrEy coDsisted of Rajputc, AfghaDs and Robil-
    ler, but undcr advicc of thc dcposcd Nawab of Ranpur,
    Ghulam Mahammrd, ho had rcduced thc numbcr ofthc
    formcr two. This wcnt to cmbittcr thc Rajputs and Af-
    ghans! I, It iE said tbat this wac one of thc reasons which
    lcd thc Rajput stetcs and thc pcople to go agsinst him
    whitc thc Gotkhali army marchcd on to his tcrritory,
    Mandi is situatcd in thc middlc of Bias vallcy rbis
    ;
    rivcr dividcs thc ltatc into two portions. The formcr Mandi
    State wa8 bounded on thc north by Kulu and Kangra, on
    thc south by Sukct and on thc west agaiD by Kangra, The
    Tibctans called it Zohor. Guru padma Sambhavs visited
    Zohor a! thc r€qucst of king Srong dc btzan, Thc holy lstc
    of Rawal wag visitcd by Tibetans evcry ycar aud ir known
    12. P. 183 (type scripr), S. L. Suri ; rranslated by V. S. Sori.
    Adwnce to Satlaj and Bcyond 19?

    as Padamacan, The capital stands on thc lclt


    batrk of
    the rivcr Bias near its junction with the SuketiDala. Tbc
    total arca is 1200 sq. miles with a populatioa of 207,465
    ( Ccnsus, 1931 ). Sukct and Mandi bclongcd tothcsamc
    dynasty. The sepnration took placeinthc llth ccntury
    4..D.
    Kulurt milcs occupying thc subdivisiotr
    10,000 eq.
    of the samc name in Kaogra in thc uppcr Bias vallcy,
    Ratang pass to Bajanra with Lahaul and a portion of thc
    Satlaj valley was an old kingdom in Brahma or Kharoth
    country. Hiuen Tsang callcd it Kiuluto, ll8 milcsnorth
    of Jullandhar. Bilaspur was in thc lowcr Satlaj vallcy oa
    both sides. Kotekahlur in Naiqadcvidhar wat thc capitsl.
    Thcrc is a famous tcmplc. Thc Raja had undcr him thc
    pctty chiofs of Baghal Kumihiar, Bcja, Dhami, Kcoathrl,
    Kothar, Jubhal, Baghat, Bajji, Mailog, Mangal sDd EalnD.
    The ycarly tribute was Rs. 7,800 paid by cach ofthc6.
    But Hamilton said that thcae faudatorics owcd loyalty to
    tho Rajs of.Sirmour.
    Raja Dcvichand of Bilaspur, 174l-1778, was an iEpor-
    tsnt figurc. His soo rnd succcsEor Mohanchand born in
    1772 who had succccdcd at thc agc of 8, His nothcr, r
    Kotoch princcss, wa8 thc Rcgctrt during his childhood.
    Whilc young ho helpcd thc Mahammrdan Govcraor of
    Kangra in 1786. A lettcr ia Tankan from thc RrDi ol
    Bilaspur to Raj Singh of Sirmour asking his hclp aad
    protcction to hcr infant son Mohan Raja ie availablc. Wo
    kEow that Sansarchand ettackcd Chanki Bclwal. Thc
    Raja of Sirmour camc to hclp hcr but hc was killcd. Tho
    12 Ranas rcnounccd thcir allcgisnce to Bilaspur in 1793.
    Raja Ramchand of Nalagarh (Ilindur) allo clsshcd pith
    Sansarcband. IIc capturcd 3 forts of Sangarchand. Hc
    appcalcd to two Sikh Sarders but again dcfcat followsd.
    Thcn Mohrnch8ad turncd to thcm for hclp. The Gorlhag

    13. P.413 typescrip!. Translatad by V. S. Suri.


    198 Modcn Ncpal
    crostcd thc SstlEj at thc cnd of l8(X, whilc all this intcrnc-
    cinc warfare was being waged.
    Down Kangra but on thc high hille was situatcd Gulcr
    paying tributo to Lshorc. It wac fairly a largc statc caro-
    itrg.by tsxatiotr about Rs. 250 thousand in a year. Farthcr
    west was Nurpur 'posscssing part of thc hill!, thc Dun
    snd part of thc plains', Pathankot wa8 uDder thc Rajs of
    Nurpur. North ofNurpur along sidc thc rivcr Ravi lay
    thc Chamba state, which comprised a large tcffitory but
    a .rmall population,
    Bccausc of Sansarchand's ambition to form a hill
    empiro hc had earncd thc hostility of the many princi.
    psliti€8 both to th€ cest and wcet of thc Satlaj. Most angry
    of thcm wcrc thc Rajas of Bilaspur and Mandi. The
    lattcr was bcitrg dctaincd in thc fort of Kangra and it fcll
    to thc Gorkhali commdndcr to frce him.
    Karma Prakaeh in his days of exilc wac playing a
    similar role in rcgard to the hill statcs. Taking rcfugc
    in the plain hc was tcrrorising thc hill principalitics and
    this he continued until hc was ruthlessly cuppresscd by thc
    Gorkhalis. Thc l2 Thakuritcs w.rc also quitc itrtimidatcd
    but they wcre under thc protection of thc Gorkhg kiogdom.
    Thc Raja, howcver, was to create troubles in the regioD
    during thc Nepal-British war,
    Lct us now dcscribe tho cvcnts rvhich led to rhc invol-
    v€mcnt of'Nepal ioto the disputc betwccn Sirmour and
    tho twclve Thakuritcs. Jhuppal, one of thc l2 Thekuritcs,
    wos attacked by one of his (Raja of Sirmour) young Sardarr
    with 2000 men. Thc Gorlchalis hsd bcen hcaring com-
    plaints against Karma Prakash. Thc Raja of Jhuppal and
    his minister Pritamdas Banagiri ( a monk expresscd a
    dcsirc to join thc Nepalcse sidc to cscape from Karma
    Prakash's mischievous activitics). Wc gct this information
    from Yoganarayana Malla's lcttcr dated l,,S Asadha sudi
    /.I ro7 1 ( - Sund ay, 23 l y, 1809), which was rvri6cn fron
    Nshau.
    Advance to Satlal and Beyond t99
    In SaEvat 1866 (:1809 A D,) on Kartika t6 (:carly
    Novcmber, 1809) Mian Bhuri Siogh, thc ruler of Mandi,
    had addrcssed a lctter to Kazi Amar Singh.Thapa, Kazi
    Ranajit Kuar and Ramadac Thapa acknowlcdging tbc
    gratitudc of Ncpal, and plcdgiog that Nepal and Mandi
    w€rc one against thc third party whocvcr he happetrcd ro
    bc. Thc lctter further said that the Raja always dcpcndcd
    or Gorkha for his wclfare and protcction,
    A similar l€ttcr was addresscd to Amar Singh Thapa
    by the Raja ofKahlur or Bilaspur in which he aasurcd him
    of his rcadincss to hclp the Gorkha forces agatnst tbc
    aggression of Ranajit Singh in areas acroos thc Satlaj.
    It might be notcd here that Kahlur and Mandi werc
    thc two ltates, which had stood by Ncpal in tho war with
    thc Si.khs, The rulcr of Kahlur did Dot descrt Ncpal also
    during thc war of l8l#18t5. But his support was lukc-
    warm,

    Slege of Kangm
    Io thc advanco of the Gorkha army Kangra war thc
    Dcrt tcrgct after crossing th6 Satlaj. This tiBo Ncpal hsd s
    trcaty of alliancc with Sirmour, From KathDandu they
    r€ccivcd morc regiEctrts of 1500 men and a host ofcaptblc
    oftccrs to lcad, which includcb Kazi Nain Siogh Thapa aad
    Serdar Udatta Sahi with thrcc compatrics and Subba Ranga-
    nath Gurung rnd Prahlad Gurung with 4 companics. Thc
    Gorthalig commsndcd also forces of thc Thakuritcs who
    joincd hands with tbcm. Hindur (Nalagarh) was caprurcd
    at thc first stroke. Kccping Sardar Indra Singh Thapa in
    chargc of thc arca thc army crosscd tbc Satlsj towards tho
    cnd of 1805 gnd bcsicgcd Kangra aftcr capturiug thc hcight
    ofJwalamukhi and Sumcruput as wcll as Gatrccha ka ghati.
    But in thc rcar Kangra,s ruler Sansarchand attcnptcd
    invasions of the Jullandhar Doab and was roputsed.
    A lcttcr datiag YS 1863 Ko ka vdi /J roJ 7 (-gg1ur-
    dry, 20 Octobcr 1805) addrcssed in the name of King
    ,@ ltodcn Nepal

    Girvara Juddha to Ssrdsr Bhakti Thapa acknowlcdgcs the


    rcccipt of an information sett oa Asyina vadi 3 and, reccived
    in Kartlka wdi 7 thst many ofrcers and men had lcft to fight
    at Ksngr& lcaving Bhakti Thapa to sicze Tehra. Thc lattcr
    ws8 thcn cagagcd in fightiDg from tbc sidc of thc besicgcd
    fort of Tehra. The enemy had madc an attack on thc
    Gortha position but hc was vanquishcd aod for this succcas
    thc king had sent hic congratulations. Kazi Amar Singh
    Thapa and Nain Singh Thapa were cntrustcd with the main
    responsibility (Mukhtiari) of conducting war and peacc,
    Bhatti Thapa war askcd to work in consultation with thc
    two Kazic. Tho information givcn furthcr statcs that
    Bhakti Thapa had incrcaecd the strcngth of the armcd forccs
    fron 9 to 12 companics.
    A royal lcttcr to Jayakrishna Joshi_ of Samta, 1E65
    Clullra vadi 9 roJ 6 cxprcsscd hopc thet affairs in Kargra
    would turn right ar was dircctcd in his astrological forccast.
    Jayakrishna was appointcd to thc post ofKharidarlr draw-
    ing a calary of Rs.475l- ycarly. He was an astrologer who
    war consultcd by thc commander about suspicious momcDls
    ia thoir pcrsuits. Jayakrishna Joshi obtained frce holding
    for giving a corrcct tiEe to attack thc cnemy. His grant
    of laod lay within thc prcscnt Dhading district (No I wcst)
    and was an inhabitetrt of that area,
    It appears that Kangra was bcricgcd about March-
    April of 1809. Amar Singh Thapa had not only command-
    cd ao uncheckcd psssagc, but he also obtained assistoncc
    froo thc rrspcctive forces of the statcs, such as Kahlur,
    Bhomar, Kattahar, Datarpur, Siva Guler and Nurpur. He
    passed through these states as he marched crossiDg thc
    Srttaj- Thcsc historisDs write (Vol. l, p. la3) rhst Amsr
    Singh commanded a force of 40,000 whilc the lattcr had a
    united force of 10,000t!. Yigne states (Travels, Vol. I, pp.

    t4. Pututott..Wtn sahgruha,lll, Dp. 15 fr.


    15. But boib these fig!tcs arc inffatcd.
    Advance to Satlaj and beyond 201

    117.33), "All of tbese Rajas took oaths of fidelity to thc


    Gorkha Chicf on the understanding that he was to rctsin
    Kangra and they were to be left unmolested". Cbamba scnt
    a force to assist thc Gorkhalis and this was commandcd by
    Yajir Natha of thst statc.
    Sansarchand's firct encounter failcd at Mabal Morian,
    upon which thc Gorkhalis marched towards the wcst libcrat-
    iog Mandi whosc Raja Isvariscn, was frced aftcr l2 years of
    ioprisonmcnt. Thc Gorkhalis accostcd Sansarchaod for
    the s€cond timc in Tira-SujaDpur, but once again thc laltcr
    sustaincd defeat. Sansarchsnd at the last momcnt dcfcnded
    himsclf from inside the fort of Kangra. J. Vogel statcs that
    in this hour of trial hc was dcsertcd cvcn by the Guler
    chicfwho was hil ncar collatcralr6. Thc sicgc of Kangra
    lastcd for four ycars, J. Yogel describcd thc plight ofthe
    refugee in these words: "For a timc supplics werc obtaincd
    from Palam but thc Gorkhalis cut ofr thesc by blocking thc
    rivcr gatc ofentrancc..... , snd tbe garrisoos wcre witbout
    food, and subsistcd for 4 months upon littlc elsc than the
    lcavcs of vegetablcs". Sansarchand had meanwhile sent
    emissaries to Lahorc but Raoajit Singh was not inclined to
    hclp him in thc initial stagc. So thi! w8s thc crucial hour
    for the ruler of Kangra.
    Accordiog to J. Hutchinson and J, ph. yogel, ,Hkrory
    ofthc Punjab Hill States', Sansarchand, thc Raja of Xangra
    had riscn to bc a powerful rulcr from a nominal potcntate
    and had seizcd all lands from thc rivcr Ravi to the rivcr
    Satlaj exactiDg tributes from thc Rajas ofChamba (N.E. of
    Kangra), Mandi (east) and Suket (furthcr cast and north of
    Bilaspur). The Raja of Bilaspur who had his territorics cut
    in two by the river Satlaj found that thc portion lying on
    its west had gonc out of his hands. But tbis was thc timc
    whcn thc Gorkha army war in advaucc in that arca. He,
    therefore, organised a confcderacy of all thc aggrieved

    16. Ilistory of the punjab Hilt States,l, p, lA4.


    202 Modetn Ncpal

    Rajas and rnvited Amar Singh to gotothBiraidr? who


    immediately rcsponded. In the Umdat-ut-Tawarikh Dafterr 3
    which is a diary kept by Ranajit Singh's courtier Sohanlal
    Suri, it is said that Mian Fatahchand brothcr ofSansar'
    chand ncgotiatcd military asristance in Lahore. Hc rcpor-
    ted that Amar Singh Thapa was in thc vicinity of tho
    K&ngra fort with a view to attack it. Kazi Nain Singh
    occupied thc surrounding areac, and assaulted the outcr'
    wall of thc fort with 500 soldiers. Thc defeDders fought
    with swords and muskcts killing maoy' Gorkbas atrd the
    commandcr Nain Singh was hit with a bullct and dicd
    somctimes later. Then it was Amar Singh's turn to assault
    the fort. He killed many soldiers of Kangra but thc fort
    had not b€cn surrendercd. Thc Gorkha army contemplatcd
    a long sicge but Sansarchand was not able to tcsist aDy
    longer. So Fatahchand had becn sent to seek thc assistancc
    of Ranajit Singh. He promised tbat Kalgr8 would pay
    an annual tributc to Khalsa Darbar in the evcDt ol tbe
    repulsion of the Gorkha forccs from the 8rea.
    Howcver, a little later thc Sikh King had wanted to
    come as far as Jwalamukhi, but hc had an eyc on Kangra
    which, howcver, Sansarchand would not hand over will-
    ingly ( Prinsep ). According to Said Abdul Ali ( Histo-
    rical Records Commission, Lahore, 1925. Notes on thc life
    of Ranajit Siagh ) he was promised only 5 lakhs of rupecs
    ( also see Dewan Amarnath, Calcutta Review' Dccembcr
    1858 ) by Sansarchand. Amar Singh Thapa bad also off-
    cred Rs. l0 lakhs but Ranajit refused to accept saying that
    he had alrcady promised help to Sansarcband'
    Later he came to Sansarchand's help on promise ol'
    surrendering Kangra and 66 villages that otrce formed
    17. Tho Rajas wero: Bhupasimha (Culcr), Vikramsimha (Kullu),
    virasimha (Nurpur), Mabcodrasiflba (visauli)' Jitsirnha (Chamba)
    atrd Vrkrama6imha (Sukot).
    18. Translated from the Persian inro English by V' S Su!i,
    Part I.
    Advance to Satlaj and Beyond 203
    the Moghul Empcror's demesnc. He was, however, dclay.
    ing to advance until the position was assured. This kept
    the activity of the Gorkha troops very much alive. Thc
    Nepal army with 12,000 troops attacked Hindur with a
    view to cut off tbe main flank engaged at Kangra as the
    Raja had revolted. As Sansarcband would not surrcndcr
    inspitcof alongsiege, this went to lower the reputation
    of thc Gorkhalis in the cyes of thc local princes as to their
    invincibility. In the battle Kazi Nain Singh was severely
    injurcd ( later, Saka 1728 he died ) but the Gorkhalis had
    hiumphcd in th€ battlc.
    Kangra was under sicge for 4 years. Kangra was
    blocked on thrcc sides: to the south at Gaoesh Ghati
    waited 3 companics under Sardar Gandharba Singb, ro the
    west at Sumerupur waitcd 20122 companies led by Kazi
    Amar Singh and Ranajit Kuar and to thc cast the force
    was offcered by Sardar Bhakti Tbapa. The first e[couDter
    was made by Bhakti Thapa as Kangra s€nt a wing ofits
    army to meet the siege, but was repulsed. The Nepalese
    attached great importance 10 the invasion of Kangraand
    uDder orders of Kathmandu, further reinforcement of g
    companies from Kumaon and Doti rea.ched tbe battlcfield.
    But at last the Raja of KaDgra showed earnesttress to sue
    for peace and promiscd to pay a tribute of Rs. 9 lakhs
    annually and also give his daughter in marriage to the
    King of Nepal. On getiing the information BhimseD
    Thapa readily acceptcd thc terms and rccalled Dalabban-
    jan Pande for consultation. But it proved a device laid
    by Kangra's ruler to gain tim€. Thc sicgc, contitruing
    however, Sansarcha d was hard pressed to ask for liftin!
    the blockade for 22 days otr thc terms of thc Gorkhalis so
    that he could takc away his wife and other valuables
    before surrendcring the fortr€ss, Thc Nepalese comman-
    ders out of sheer chivalry agreed to his suggestion ald
    Sausarchand left disguised as a peasant but the Iortress
    was not surreudered. He took his position atTira SujaDpur,
    204 I odern Nepal

    J. Yogel ststcs that Sansarchand negotiated tbrough his


    minister Naurang and persuaded the Gorkhalis to opcn
    thc route on the side of the river. He could thus obtain
    supplies stealthily at night ( see also, prinsep, I, pp. 301-02 ).
    Sansarchand was a master intriguer. But tbis time
    his intrigucs proved ofno avail. He had no doubt appea-
    lcd to the Sikh ruler, Ranajit Singh to come to his sid
    in his fight against tbe Gorkhas. The lattcr was a formi-
    dable warrior commanding immense resources. But Rana-
    jit with 8n cye on Kangra would dot rest coDlent just
    mcrely becoming a simplc benefactor. He also kDew that
    Sansarchand was a trickster. Ranajit's entire resources
    wcre now dirccted to wrest KaDgra from Sansarcband.
    Chapter YII

    NEPAL AND TIIE SIKHS


    Nepalcse Defeat at Kangra
    Thc Sikh rulcr with his deeign oo thc fort of Kangra
    was procccding in the mattcr with coDruDDatc tricls and
    adroitncos. Therc was a rumour that bc wsr now on bir
    way to Kangra. \Yriting on yg lg66 Awlna sudl 2 roJl
    (:Wednesday, 21 Scptember, tg09), Sardar Rcvant Kuar
    said that if Ranajit Singh had expressed his willin2lcse to
    go to Ranitsl for talks with hill princes, he would surcly
    not go to Patharkot but thcre wcrc chanccs that hc would
    likc to takc thc advantagc of thc protracted ncgotiation
    bctween thc Ncpalcse and Sansarcband ovlt tbc issuc of
    the fort and Esrch to thc arc8.
    Actually Ranajit was not thc nran h gct involvcd in
    stray talks. Thereforc he contacted Raja Sansarchand wbo
    had expresscd a dcsire to come to terDs with biD for aesis-
    tance to enablc KaDgra to cxist as sn autonomous statc; in
    lieu of this hc would acccpt Ranajit's 0uzeraitrty short of
    partiag with territory.
    Meanwhile the Gorkialis werc advancing alotrg tbo
    tcffitories ofKangra and had almost surroundcd rhc fort.
    They were negotiating with Sansarchand with dcnands for
    thc surr€nder of the fort of Kangra.
    While promising to handovcr the fort to thc Gortha
    commander Amar Singh, the rulcr also expresscd o dcsirc to
    part with the fort in favour of the Sikh rulcr. This hc did
    in utmost secrccy. But he secmed to try to gain timc with
    that and none could guess, becausc be was outmatched by
    both oppotrents. He wsntod to manocuvre so that both
    Sikhs and Gorkhas w€re dcfeated, If it was hir i[tcntion
    to exploit the mutual entagonism between the Gorkhas and
    Sikhs, hc was in illusion. The rivalry was ov€r tho possor,
    206 Mothm Nepal
    sions ofthc land w€stof thc Satlaj. In thc cvent of aDy
    party gaining victory, Sansarchand's causc was lost for cver.
    But he continued to manoeuvre betwcen two rivals with
    tho hope of a success,
    Itwas at this timc that Sanrarchand's son Aniruddba
    Singh became a captivc of Ranajit Singh who stsrtcd bar'
    gaining with the Katrgra rulcr ovcr the princc's lilc.
    According to a lcttcr of YS 1866 Pausa 8 which was
    sent in reply to that of thc ccntrc dated Pausa sudi 4 rcceivcd
    on Pausa sudi 7 Rbzkti Thapa had informcd that Surajgarh
    was captured on 16 Marga and carlicr to this the fort of
    Bagarwala. Ranjorc Thapa wrotc that MoraDSsrh came to
    bc occupicd on 27 Marga. Kathmandu had informed thst
    Budha Kazi Amar Singb, Kazis Amrit Singh and Dala'
    bhanjan Pande wcre instructcd to protcct thc Bahra Ths-
    kursit against Sansarchand initially and agaitrst thc Sikhs
    later ; it was rcportcd that Sirmour had to be eaved and
    also Kahlur from any sttacking party. The datc linc of
    this letl.cr is missing'
    Another letter, this was also written to Kathmandu in
    acknowledgcsent of the latter's corrcspondence ofiDter-
    cal*y Aeadha ladl ll (rccci\ed ot Asadha rrdi.l,l ) declatcd
    that the fort of Kargra was soon to surrcDdcr, its rulcr
    Sansarchand having bcen subjected to bloctade and conse'
    quent harasrment. Tbis lctt€r announced also thc sDneratioD
    of Nalkanda and thc tosn ofNagarkot into thc kingdom
    of Nepal. Th€ victory was celcbratcd all over the forvald
    aroa. Sangarchand wantcd 8 days to cYacuatc the fort as he
    thought he rcquired suffcicnt time to take out bis movable
    property. Thc Ncpalcse wcrc gcncrous cnough to allow
    psssage to and from the fort through Ganeshghati. But
    this stcp was resentcd by thc feudatorics, who sccm to
    havc joined the Sikhs out of disgult.
    This vcry tcttcr givcs additional informstion 8nd this
    is about Ranajit Singh who wae clepoping at Jwala with
    l4-15000 trooPs,
    Nepal and the Stkhs 207

    Other details given by thc lett€r in this conncction


    are thc srmc as givenby the follosiDg letter written by
    one Ramachandra Khstri. It rcpeats thc samc dcscription
    ofthc chango ofattitudo shown by vassal $tatcs of Ranajit
    Singh's hand beiog 6trcngthcned becausc of that factor.
    Although Amar Singh had threatencd to use force to
    capture thc fort he was unable to do so, and Kangra was
    surrendercd to the Sikhs as soon as the Sikh ruler appcarcd
    bcfore its gate even before he d cfeated thc Nepalese,
    Thcre was a lull beforc thc Gorkha regiment camc into
    clash with the Sikhs. Sansarchand was out of station, and
    aftcr hc was gonc without knowledge of the invadcrs the
    bridge ovcr thc ditch was dcstroyed, but thcr€ was no firing
    from insidc thc fort, which cluded tbe Nepalesc as to the
    whercabout of Sansarchand,
    The dismisscd Jamadat Ramachandra Khatri is pre-
    ssntcd hcrc as thc man wbo had visitcd thc forward arca to
    collect his ncws to dcspatch ibc samc to 88m Shah aDd the
    thc central govcrnment.
    According to this lctter and thc following writtcn by
    Bam Shah Nepal had maintaincd informcrs in Hardwar,
    Bareilly, Dclhi, Kangra and other places.
    Thc Mahila Guru who was thcn on a visit to thc
    forward area writing from Nalkanda to Kazis Bhinscn
    Thapa, Randhwaj Thapa, Balanarasingh Kuar and Ranajit
    KuariD the intercalary moath of lsadha in 1866 on wdt 9
    toj 5 \:8 October, Thursday, 1809) statcd that knowing of
    thc movemcnt ofRanajit Singh the Budha Kazi dcspstchcd
    a vakil with a spccial message to him. He further wrotc tbat
    Sansarchand was not surrendering thc fort but the Rajas of
    Guler and Chamba pcrsuad€d him to bcfriend thc Sikhs
    cvcn to the extent ofmaking a gift of Kangra to Ranajit
    Singh who tlad tben arrived at Pathatrkot with t0,000
    troops. Sansarchand's son Aniruddhachand contactcd
    thcre thc Sikh ruler. It was said that Aniruddha promiscd
    to surrsnder thc fort to thc Siths if thc lattcr crmc to thc
    20t Modcm Nepal
    aid of thc rulcr of Kangra, All varsal ltatcs bad gone over
    to Sansarchand but Kablur and Mandi werc still with Nc pal
    Patch Singh's vakil had just arrived and hc brought a
    mc$sgc that thc rulcs wa! dctcrminld to uphold lbc caule
    of thcir fricndlhip at atl co!t. Otrq of thc valils who had
    bc€n scnt to weit oa Ranajit Singb, Abhayi Strgh Karki,
    wai still in Patharkot whilc Dclhiwala Vaidya had comc
    back. Ranajit wantcd to dividc thc rphcro of influcnce
    betwccn Lahorc and Kathmandu.
    Amar Singh h8d suggcstcd that hc would likc to
    rctain Krogra and adjaccnt placcs so that all wcst of it
    wcnt to thc Sikhr, Thc Budha Kazi fclt stroDgly about
    it bccauso hc kncw that Gorkhalis had lost hcrc thc v8lu-
    ablc serviccs of Nain Singh snd thousand othcrs and
    considerable amount of money,
    Writing to Amar Singh Thapa ( Bhimrca's father )
    in Palpa about thc drvclopncrls on thc wcstcrE frotrt
    Chautara Bam Shab, Govcrnor of Almorg infolErd thst
    on a report from Dclhi ncwspapcrs it appeared lhat San-
    sarchand had surrcndercd thc fort of Katr8ra to Ranajit
    Singh aftcr l0 days ofthc Ncpalcsc attack. Chamu Bban-
    dari had appr8iscd Bam Shah that thc Sikh rulcr bad
    alrcady rcachcd Jwalamukhi. His mothcr-inJaw was also
    with him thcrc passing lhrough Guler. Thc vassal ststes
    had flockcd round Sansarcband and werc helpirg the Sikhs.
    From Bareilly thc Nopatcse informcr Mukundaram wrotc
    to Bam Shah that thc Gorkha forccs werc srouDd tbe fort
    of Kaogra without bcing able to ford it. Bur Ranajit
    Singh was still in Jwala. Itr thc meantime Amar Singb
    prcssed hard Sansarchand to vacatc thc fort of KaDgra
    within 8 days, to which thc lattcr bad agrced but the pro-
    misc. was not fulfilled. Thcreaftcr Anar Singh thrcatcncd
    to use force to cxpel Sansarchand from his possession of
    thc fort. At this ststc Vajir Nauraog and Nawab Gulam
    Ali Khan iotcrvened to say that thcrc \}crc still some arti'
    Qlcg lcft and thcy would comPlctc the cYacuatigD withiD
    Nepal and the Slkhs 2W
    3-4 daysi Bam Shah furthcr wrotc that thc latcst news
    of that quarter was brought by a Havildar of Srinath
    Company, who told that thc bridge connccting tbe fort
    was removed, which mcant that trobody could now
    ncgotiatc it, The Havildar aleo hcard tbc rumour thst
    the fort '*,ill bc capturcd by Ranajit Singh in accordancc
    with thc tcrms of surrendcr agreed to by Sauoarchand on
    lE66 Asvina sudi 2 roj 4-Wcdoesday, 3l Seprembcr, 1809'.
    Mcanwhile Ranajir Singh though hesitating to act
    had now to h€lp him and merched on to Kangra in
    May, 1809. This time he was promiscd total occupation
    of thc Kangra fort. Earlier aftcr a month,s discussion
    an a.grccmcnt was reachcd at Jwala to thc cffcct that
    Kangra would be surrcndcr€d to the Sikhs after the
    Gorkhas had bcen driven away. But Sansarchand was to
    dcclinc doubly bccause hc was also negotiatiDg with the
    Ncpalcsc. Amar Singh warned Ranajit against Sansar-
    chand's duplicity. Hc even promised to ofer considera-
    ble amoutrt of moDcy.l But Ranajit Singh sent word lo
    Amar Singh to retreat. Ranajit Singh was after his own
    gamc. He wantcd to capture Kangra for himself. But
    Sansarcband was in no mood to implemcnt the treaty in
    rcgard to thc surrclder of any part of his teritory. In
    thc mcantime Ranajit Singh caught the pcrson ofAnirud-
    dha, son of Sansarchand, kept him dctained wbilc thrcalen-
    ing to continue to kcep him as a hostage uDtil tbe post was
    surrendercd. Ranajit Siogh acted cuoningly. He deptoy-
    cd his forces away so as to impress thc Gorkhalis that
    hc was confrontiDg thcm. Sansarchand could not resist
    thc demand, and the fort surrendered to the Sikh ruler.
    With timc gained there appeared a conti[gent of
    Sikhs to hclp thc defenders and besieged Kangra which
    obtained also rations of food to stand the blockade. On
    the l2th of Bhadra of 1880 (Saka), 1809, 10-12 thousand
    l. Suri, p. 10 (Typcscript).
    2ro Modcrn Nepar
    Sikh soldicrs commandcd by Ranajit Singh himselfreachcd
    Kangra and etrcamped at Daulatpur. The Sikh ruler was
    now no longer afraid of the British, because he bad con_
    cluded a ueaty ( of Amrirsar, in April, lg09 ) of friendsbip
    with them. He had engaged whatever forcc was available
    tofightout thc GorLhalis in that region. According to
    the Chroniclir Suri lhe Sikh ruler had with bim 12,000
    sawars ( cavalry ) and infantry. Tle Gorkbalis wcre brave
    enough not to lose courage. Ranajit Singh had posted his
    mcn at a height opposite to Ganesbgb.ati where the Gor-
    khalis wcrc statiooing ; finding that Ganesh Kot was not
    well guarded, they setrt more men to lhis area ard there
    was actually a fight and though the attack of the Sikhs
    was repulsed, yet it took a toll of some valuable lives
    including tbat of Gandharba SiDgh.
    Thc war with the Sikh is the subjcct of a letter written
    to Bhimscn Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa by Revanta Kuar.
    Rcvanta had beard that Ranajit Singh, the Sikh ruler, was
    encamping at Patbankot where Amar Singh,s vakil had
    waited on him- All this information and Ranajit,s reply
    werc conveycd in a mcssagc to the addressre. Thc Sikh
    rulcr's mothcr-in.law had advanced to Champagarb. .Thcrc
    was a scrious attempt to iavade tbe suburb of Kangra by
    the enemies.'The writer suggests that his facts ar€ supported
    by Virabhadra Kuar and Jaya Krisna Lokala writing from
    Taragarh and by Sardars Ghamand Thapa, Kazi Chamu
    Bhandari, Tika Ballabba Pande, Suba Kirti Rana and Sardar
    Joganarayaoa Malla and Subedar Thakur Kazi Amar Singh.
    Thapa's letter with similar corrrent had reached Re\anta
    Kuar on Kartika Sudi 8. He thought that Ranajit Singh was
    iostigatcd by the vassal principalitics in the Jallandhar
    Doab. Ranajit Sinph's 3 Sardars and 3 regiments resched
    Sumeruon or Bhadra 3. They were waiting on the bank of
    tbe river Badh Ganga. The Nepalcse had tried lo altack
    them but a heavy rainfall at nigbt swelled the river pre-
    venting the Gorkhas from pushing forward. For tbe intcn_
    Ncpal and the Siklra 2ll
    dcd sttack evcn troops posted at Jalladhi bad becn with-
    drawn and lalladhi itself now was attacked by Ransjit
    Singb who had passed through the lake. Ganesh Gbsti
    was dcfcnded by Sardar Gandharba with 15 comparics,
    Kazis Jaspao Thapa and Sardar Chandravir Gurung with
    3 companics were also scnt to defeod Jalladbi. But on the
    day Ranajit arrived at Jalladbi thc gatc of thc fort of
    Kangra was opcned to lct him in dcccptivcly ald lhus tbe
    fort ofKslgra surrcndered to the Sikh rulcr. With him
    was also Sansarchand though csutious and fccling sorc.
    From thc next day i.c. Bhsdra ll field guns wcrcputiato
    action atrd all rouod thc fort therc was firing and thc Sikh
    corps also marchcd ahead. In the town tbe Nepalesc had
    maiotaincd in a housc a st8tion of thcir company R&Dadal
    by namc and hcrc thcrc was an exchaoge offiro bctwcen
    the two sombatant groups. The Nepalese scnt 4 platoons
    of Gorakhdal and 4 platoons of Barkhavaradal. This ras
    to forcstall thc Sikh rulrr in ao area just occupicd. Rana-
    jit Singh and Fatehchand also arriled. The Gorkba platoons
    wcrc deployed around the Kot (i.e. court) and the Sundari
    hill. The Sikh cncmies had advanced furtber to lhc Batc
    of Ghodoghati. Thc Purano Gorakb company wss dcs-
    patchcd for hclping the already warring company ofsoldicrs
    who had, howover, found it too difficult to continue fight
    rt thc sitc. Thc encmy came under fire and attack of swords
    aud as a result thcy flcd and ware drivcn back to the luburb
    nearly half thc distance. The hot pursuit, howevcr, could
    not be cffcctive and the enemy halted as Ranajit collccled
    his forces. At this point they fought from mid-day to 3
    o'olock in thc aftcrnooo. It was said that 500 mcn were
    killcd on the cn€my side and l4-15C0 of them wounded, Ou
    Ncpalcse sidc Thakur Subedar of Gulmi, 4 Jamadars of
    Naya Gorakh company werc killed in actioD, and altogcthcr
    2l mcn lost thcir lives, whilc 8l werc woundcd, On tbat
    day again firing was started also inside the town. One
    Kazi, 2 Ssrdars and 18 companies of soldiers were in the
    212 Modem Nepal
    front. Bhakti Thapa was being sent therc wirh 2 companies
    but figbting had started before he reachcd. At first the
    cncmy attack was repulsed, But tbey thrcnged around
    thc Kot (i,e. court) and planted tbeir flag at the top of tbe
    building. Sardar Ghamand Singh with his men rusbcd
    forward to meet the enemy force and be cut l}itb swords
    two of the enemies but was himself killed. Howerer,
    bccause of dash shown by the Nepalcse, the eneII)y took to
    heels. Later there was a flarc up also in Ghori-ka-tila.
    The encmies had cntered the outpost wher€ they bad a hand
    to hand fight with Bhakti Thapa, but reinforcemcnt came
    from Gaoesha-ka-ghati and thc situation was saved. Thc
    Ncpalcse claimed to bave killed 400 en€mics and the loss on
    their side was said to be the minimum. The enemy was
    now encamping in a lawn having lost courage. The
    Nepalese wantcd to bcsi€ge the lawn atrd encircle lhc cnemy
    by bringing in soldiers from Ganesh Ghati aDd Sumerupur.
    Thc Gorkhali companies came as far as Sukot but they
    did not cross thc BanagaDga. The enenry though surroutr-
    ded, did not move. But as thc news of Taragarh being
    surroundcd by thc Sikhs reacheri Malakanda, rhe Gorkba-
    lis left to defend the position in that s€dor. Tben it was
    rcported that two forts in Hitdur were subjected lo sevcre
    altack, Any slow action at this hour would have led to
    the loss of forts as well as tbis would have resulted in
    cutting off the area from the base camp. So the Gorlhalis
    rushed to retrieye the position. Gbamand Thapa had
    already deputed 6 companies in Nala Jaema Garbi. Some
    mcn of Kahlur were also there. The fight again broke
    out and the enemies ran away not being able to stand
    against it. In Hindur the enemies had capiured Champa_
    garh. The Nepalese had also rushed ft.rces to attack lhesc
    forts for reoccupatioD. Karma Prakash had proDised to
    send help, but he did not do anything ; instead he srarted
    to contact the rebcl Rama Singh of Il indur.
    It appears that Karma Prakash had to be put under
    Nepal and the Sikhs 213
    strict coutrol but as the situation stood r€occupalion \ras
    beyond the capacity of the Ncpalese commanders. Of
    course, they had not abandoned without further efforts.
    For this purpose l8 companies of soldiers undcr
    Kazi Ranjore Thapa had been sent on the day of Vijaya
    Dasamit. Ranjore had asked to persuado the Raja to be-
    havc correcrly and if hc accept€d the advice he was to be
    assigned a jagir in his fornrer domail, which would be
    sufficient for his upkeep and liviDg. But be refused to
    abid€ by the advice and io conscqucncc the whole of Sir-
    mour was captured and atrnexed to the Nepalcsc tcrritory.
    Aftcr dealing with Sirmour the companieswere to proceed
    to tackle the problem of Bosahr in Matga. Garhwal had
    also to be taken care of, as its strategic position needcd
    and the Suba was to be guided as to deploymcnt of
    soldicrs,

    DeJeal of the Nepalcse


    Parasuram Thapa writing from Sudhathor Garhi to
    Chautara Bam Shah on VS 1866 Marga tadi /I ruj / (:Sun-
    day, 14 November, 1809) giv€s details of the transaction
    betwccn the Nepalese and Sikhs over thc issue of Kangra
    and subsequent military co!flict betwcen them. Th(se
    confirm what we wrotc in thc last two paragraphs based
    on Revant Kuar's communication. Parasuram Thapa had
    bc€n dcputed to mect Ranajit SiDgh to settle matters after
    the fall of Kangra. He writes ..on Bhadra 1I (:1"r, *."*
    of August) Ganesh Ghati was attacked and in the (ownlct
    thcre was a fight and tbe Nepalese officers who participa-
    ted were Kazi Jaspao Thapa, Sardar Bhakti Thapa, Cbardra
    Vir Kuar and Gandharbha Singh. Two of them shiftcd
    to Dhungya Garhi. So far thc Ncpalcse were victoriouc.
    From Dhungya Garhi tho enemy force came to tbe tippa
    of Bairaghodi, The Delhiwala Vaidya (probably he \r'as
    2. The 10th day of th. briSht fortoiaht of Klttika.
    214 Modern Nepai

    at one time in Dclhi learning medicine) was earlier scnt


    there for talks and he rvas joined by Nadir Khan. The
    Nepalese in Malkanda were advised by Ranajit Singh to
    give up fighting as he said hc enjoyed the support of the
    Rajas in the area. He suggested talks over the dispute
    between Sardars of thc two parties. The Budha Kazi did
    not reject the proposal and scnt 2 Sardars including Para-
    suram Thapa to meet him. His initial proposal was that
    the Nepalcse should abandon all lands west of the Jamuna'
    and he would let them go with all their money' ammuni'
    tion and arms. Thc Nepalese Sardars pleaded that although
    the Sikh ruler was in possession of the fort it was actually
    tho Nepalese who were entitlcd to have it. They put
    forth the view that the Gorkhalis had fought there for 4
    years and blocked the fort to the dismay and almost total
    collapse of Sansarchand, who was so harassed that hc had
    no option but to submit to thc demand for surrcnder to
    the invaders. This was a matter for Ranajit Singh to
    consider. Why Sansarchand had not delivcred the fort
    to Ranajit Singh up till now ? This was a big question
    mark, to which an answer was needed. Therefore if Ranajit
    Singh claimcd the fort of Kangra thc Gorkhalis must get
    Tihcra.
    "But the proposal was not acceptable to thc Sikh
    ruler. He had become extremely vainglorious becausc
    of the capture of Kangra". Parasuram wrote further on
    Magha l0 "he celebrated his son's marriage with grcat pomp
    and show. He gave the English a splcndid rcception.
    Twenty-five loads of sweets and bread were scnt to Col.
    Octerlony and his 4 subordinate offcers. All. these gentle-
    men had como to attcnd the ceremony. Ranajit Singh
    went half the distance te rcceive them at the he ad of a
    large retinue with 3 field guns' 500 matchlocks and Rupees
    3,00),000/. Kazi Amar Singh Thapa also received an invi-
    lation card. The Kazi Stlbedar Prabar Sinlh Thapa with
    100 jawansstationed at Jwala were to join the wedding
    Nepal and the Sikhs 215

    cerGmony. Ranajit Singh spent about 7 lakh oI rupees on


    the ceremony just to distribute money to his forces accom-
    panying bim to Kangra".
    It appcars that within 6 months or a year of this event
    tbe military conflict with RaDajit Singh 1,!as iDcvilable.
    The flght in the town is describcd also by parasutam
    Thapa, But at long last the only place they could gaitr
    was Malkanda.
    As Earraied in the carlier letter reinlorccmcnts camc
    from Taragarh and Bhakti Thapa also arrived from Supa-
    mahal. The enemies bad, however, pcnctratcd into tho
    surrounding hills and thoy werc seen hcre and thcrc from
    the lowlaud. Tbe Gorkha Paltaos werc all tbc same firmly
    lodged in thcir position but against heavy odds they wer€
    to fight.
    Writing from Srinagar to Amar Singh Thapa of
    Palpa Kazi Srestba Thapa on YS )866 Asvtna wdi 7 roj 6
    (-carly October 1809 but thc datc is irregular) statcd tbat
    all that happened in the forward area in regard to thc entry
    of Ranajit Singh into thc fort with the hclp ofthc vassal
    statcs ofKaDgra was conveyed to him in thc carlicr lettcr.
    Hc stated furth€r that on Bhadrd ,10 th€ Sikh forccs
    spread hcre and there try_iog to surround the Gorkhali
    positions and came to Dhungya Garhi inthchcartofthc
    Jullandhar doab. On the llth therc was a fight in Gancsa-
    ghati, in which the writer's side came out victorious,
    the figures of casualties were ths same as givcn by Revanta
    Kuar or Parasuram Tbapa. Hit hard by Gorkba'E couDter
    attack, the Sikhs went back to Dhungya Garhi from rvherc
    they launched an attack at Sumerupur where 4 companies of
    Gorkha soldiers wcrc stationcd. The Rajas o, the locatily
    had gone over to the Sikhs becaure they had a coasidcrabts
    force. After all tbe wcak always look to thc victors and
    side with them. Now Malkanda was under cordition of
    siege. Therc was a shortage of food not oEty i! this sectot
    as well as in Taragarh, Kahlur and Hindur. To add to
    216 Modern Ncpal

    this Rama Saran was creating troublc in Hindur. Nahan


    also secmed uncasy. This might be clear from the lettcr of
    Chabu Bhandari, \r'ho says that Kisan Singh and the Josbi's
    son wore cotLecting 5000 to 6000 men contcDplating thc
    capturc of Dchraduo and block the routc to Jamuna. How-
    evcr, the place was adequately defended. The u'ritcr closcd
    his correspondence by saying tbat condilicns in Kumaon
    and Sirmour wcrc also unsatisfactory and comPlicattd.
    Thcr6 arc many moro sources for thc account of Ncpal-Sikh
    confiict in Kangra. These sources as w€ undtrstand are thc
    letlers of omcers who wrote eithet from lhc battleficlds or
    from thc zonal headquart_cr time to time.
    Their defcat at the hatrds of thc Sikbs is the subjcct
    ofan cnquiry by Bam Shah in a lettcr, which was replicd
    on YS 1866 Pausa vadi 9 roj I (: Suoday, I I Dccembcr' 1809)
    from Nahah by the local commanders Chamu Bbandari,
    Durga Singh Bhandari and Tika Ballabha Pandc. They
    wrote "thc enemy wcre pouring in grcat numbers and press'
    ing Gorkha positions. Wc were surrounded from all sidcs
    and therc was a bcavy shortage ofrations. It vassuch a
    hcavy odd which was beyond cur capacity to cope with.
    All thesc must have bcen submitted to you by Parasuram
    Thapa. Ao agreement was signed with thc Sikhs and our
    inability to defend our positions dctermin€d our attitudc.
    Thc Sikh ruler conscnted to accept th€ Satlaj as comlnon
    boundary. Thc Sikhs arc watchiDg whether Amar Singh
    Thapa's commitmsnts are also followed by Kathmandu
    authorities. The agrcement must be observcd both in lcttcr
    and spirit, otherwise they would thiDk tbat the bigh
    omcers in Nepal are not united"'
    It miSht be that somc ofrcers wcrc in favour of duping
    the Sikhs by opcning a ncw war to thcir surPrise' But
    seoior men s6em to have discouraged thc idea and the
    move was dropped, Tbis is evident froro rhe above letter.
    Perhaps it struck them that the Sikhs were too por crful to
    be dcfeated at tbat hour.
    Nepal and the Sikhs 217

    From yet onc morc officcr we get an account oI thc


    Ncpal-Sikh war of Kangra in 1809 and his lettcr givcs more
    dctails about the last phasc of the fipht since the Sikbs
    shiftcd to Daulatpur.
    Thc letter writtcn to Kazi BhimseD Thapr and Rana-
    dhoj Thapa by Chandravir Kuar bears thc datc line Sudbs'
    thor Garb i YS 1866 Marga wdi 1l roJ I (:Sunday, 14
    Novcmber, 1809).3 The writer bad been rsked to go lo
    Garhwal earlier but had not left his post otr accouDt of war
    with the Sikhs. Hc writes that the lines werc writteD at
    the time whetr he was rcturning from Taragarh aftcr bidding
    goodbye to Amar Singh Thapa but as thc flame of war
    had engutfed the whole of thc rcgion Malkanda was under
    sicge, and hc found himself unable to abandon his post even
    though undcr ordcrs of transfer.
    Chaodravir Kuar claios that hc had gone to thc assis-
    tancc of thosc dcfending Ramtee against thc Sikbs, Ar thc
    l€tter had come to Daulatpur thc commanding officcr Jaspao
    Kazi with Srinath Company was thcre. Chandravir Kuar
    had been asked by the Kazi to go to Gancsaghati to strcDg-
    thcn the dcfcnder's position, and he wcnt thcre on thc loth
    of Bhadra with 20-25 meD recertly rendered uncmploycd in
    thc aew paj6ni. On thc llth there was a fight with thc Sikhs
    both in Ganesghati and the town. Thcre wcre 4 attacks
    conductcd by thc 25,000 stroug combined forcc of the Sikhs
    and subordinate Rajas. Ficld guns freely op€rated on
    Gorkha's sidc, aod as a rcsult 4.500 cnemy soldiers werc
    kiUcd. Chandravir Kuar further told that thc encmy
    shclled the Gorkha outpost situated at a lower altitudc a,nd
    had begun climbing the hill ncarly by-passing the Gorkha
    outpostr.
    The 6ain liac of defsnce lay in Gorakh'ka-tila. As
    the oneuy dcsccnded into thc decliviry thorc was a flght on

    3. 8ut lhis da),, rha rilhi 10, is ol shott dulatioa rad ibc tilbi had
    atlrtcd by qoo!.
    2r8 rrodern Nepal
    a hill whcn Gandharbha Sardar, Subedar Ripumardala
    Thapa, Jaspao Kazi along with Srinath company gav€ a
    good account of themselves. Many on the enemy,sside
    fell to their swords and several were shot dead. Each
    oftcer took a toll of enemy life in quite a largc number.
    The fight resultcd in favour of thc Gorkhalis.
    But the enemy who was approaching Gorakh-ta-tila
    succeedcd in capturing 2 thanas. In the meantime Jaspao
    Thapa rushcd to the place and was able to drive awsy the
    enemy. As he advanccd close to Goiakh-ka-tila the sun
    was about to set and thc enemy also lookcd fatigued. From
    Malkanda rcached Bbakti Tbapa with reinforcement at tbis
    time, which would have turoed the table if thc samc was
    allowed to go into action. Thc strength ofthc defenders
    had matched with that of rhe sikhs..
    The writcr adds that thc facts must have been knowu
    through Jaspao Thapa's commuoication. Tbc fight went
    on till 3 parts of the tright. Thc siege of Malkanda had
    continued but it was thougbt by the Kazi, Sardars and
    Panch (the gcncral body) that if thc dcfcndcrs did Dot march
    in the early hours and cross thc rivet BanagaDgs at that
    timc thc encmy would pursue them and block thcir way
    with all the conceivable results. So the main portion or
    the defending force of Malkanda left the placo lcsving
    behind Bajudal company with Subcdar HaDsafian. As thc
    march bcgan ther6 wcrc rumours about onemy activitics
    spread around and thc mon halt€d. Thcy had not crosscd
    the river, But all around on thc hills the cnemy units were
    sighted. It was ncxt to impossible to march shcad in that
    6itu&tion.
    It wss suggcsted that the Gorthe forces as stationcd io
    Taragarh, Ashapur and SupaEshal were still considerable
    and they should bc call€d to defend Maltanda; But the
    uoits from Supamahal reached latc, and thcrefore eneDy
    pressure on Malkanda incrcac€d, All stteDpts to uogotiate
    the rivcr Benaganga provcd unBucccssful. The Gorkhalis
    Nrpal and the Sikhs 219

    werc almost trappcd. They could not even re treat without


    h indrance.
    Writing on Pausa vadi 14 roj 5 of 1866 (- 16 December,
    1809, but the day is Friday) from Gurudwara Parasuram
    Thapa continued the thread of account of the negotiation
    with the Sikhs, which he had earlier given adding 'the
    proposal that if the fort of Kangra should be with the Sikhs
    and Tihira must go to Gorkha was rejected by Ranajit
    Singh'. The Sikh ruler further said that'except Kahlur all
    the Rajas in the region were with him'. He was just telling
    me 'you are disowned by the Rajas. So get out from here'.
    But I persisted in my argumcnt. Later I came to Amar
    Singh for consultation and went back with the proposal
    slightly amcnded. Now they agreed to fix the Satlaj as
    the boundary. The Sikhs relinquisbed the idea of
    pushiug the Gorkhalis beyond the Jamuna. The Budha
    Kazi sent a message promising to evacuate Malkanda
    next day and thc cntire Gorkha force marched back to the
    Satlaj on Bhadra 29 (:middle of August) and they crossed
    the river finally with tears in their eyes.
    Meanwhile Ranajit Singh left for Lahore in triumph
    over the discomfiture Nepal suffered at his hands.
    Now evcrything was over. The Sikhs seized all
    Gorkha positions. They however, did not press thc Gorkha-
    lis to return any longcr, and allowed them to take their
    own time to cross the Satlaj. All their soldiers were grant-
    ed safe passage, whatever property they had with them was
    carried across the river without hindrance. The Budha
    Kazi and his followers came to Bilaspur, and thereaftcr
    Kazis Ranjore Thapa and Virabhadra Kuar wcre dcaling
    with Sirmour. They commanded l8 companies. The
    affairs of Besahar would bc looked into in the next month
    i.e. in Margasirsa (November-December). Troops were
    being collected. Padmanidhi Pandit, Major Bhavani
    Shanker, Padne Deva Dottel, Bhima Nidhi Vaidya, Deoni-
    dht Kangryal and Jayakrishna Joshi, .all Kumaonis, had
    220 Modern Nepal
    dcserted the Gorkha side ro join hands witlr Ranajit Singh.
    Across ,he Satlaj to the East
    After evacuating Kargra tbe old Kazi deployed the
    units in thc following way :
    Rev&nta Kuar came to Bilaspur in command, Jaspao
    Kazi took charge of Rajgarb, Sardar Bhakti Tbapa was
    allotted Surjgarh, Kazi Ranajore Thapa, virabhadra Kuar,
    Sardar RamsunCer, all three of them were stationed in
    Morani. Thc Budha Kazi livcd in Sudhathore.
    The aftermath of thc crossing over to th€ east bank of
    the Satlaj was no less distressiDg, Chamu Bha.rdari and
    others wrote from Nahan in a lctter datcd, YS 1866 Paasa
    Yadi 9 roj 1(:Sunday, Decembcr 1809),
    "Ranajit Singh is tryitrg to push his influence in
    Kahlur. He baj sent a Sardar to negotiate with the rulcr.
    The Phirirgis have also strong ties with the Sikbs. Colonel
    Octorlooy is residing in Ludbiana with 2 regiments ol
    soldiers. He is shortly to collect 20,0C0 troops, Ranajit
    Singh of Charauuei is also in contact with thc Lahore ruler.
    Jodha Singh might disturb peace in the region ro the east of
    the Satlaj. Ramasaran of fIindur and Karma Prakash of
    Sirmour are trying hard to put their troops at different
    places. We are getting such information almost daily.
    Karma Prakash is useless and bis Vazirs are making cflorts
    to persuade him to abdicate in favour of his son. He is a
    spendthrift, His ministers want him to bc frugal. Th€y
    are expected to join in a talk with us soor. But today tbcy
    sent a message that the Raja and Kisan Singh are collccting
    troops despite their advice. Therefore you are requ€sted
    to setrd us further reinforcemeats.
    "Thoso who have r.turncd from tho forward area of
    Kangra are all sick, somc are woundeC, soEle are unhappy
    mentally. The compaties are just in name as their number
    is thinning fast. Thus we n€ed fresh rcgitlcnts from the
    east if we are to survive.
    NePal ancl the Sikhs 221

    "sansarchand's daughter was married to


    the tbird
    son of thc ruler of Garhwal, all this might h€lp thcm to
    be together. Our ally the ruler of Kahlur is dissatisfied
    as the old Kazi has not given him charge of Barha Thakurai
    and he also seems to bc sceking this oPportuDity to be
    against us.
    "Amar Singh has furtber made the position worse
    Tbe Vajir of Kimdol, Rama Singh, 3 otbe rs and 8 morc
    had come to the Suba at the headquartcrs ald they waDted
    to tho Budha Kazi but the latter arrcsted them and put
    see
    thcm to dcath. Tbe l2 Thakurs are very much displeased
    and are consulting to fiPht out our soldiers' P'cpsrations
    are going oo both tbe hills and in the plains to this cnd"'
    This much description from the Nepalese sources'
    From the Sikh sourccs howevcr dctails cf the figbl are not
    available. But Sobanlal Suri, Ranajit Singh's court his'
    torian, has noted down all that he saw rcgarding tbe events
    ofKangra and be admits that the Gorkbas gare a stiff
    fight to the Sikhs and at times they displayed formidablc
    couragc to thc coDsternation of the Sikhs. If tbe fqrt of
    Kangra had fallen to Ranajit Singh it was b€causG Santar-
    chand had acted to that end. He surrender€d tbe prize
    of Gorkha conquest to thc Sikbs while hc was coDpletely
    exhausted and was almost submitting to Kazi Amar Singh
    Thapa. The initial advantage Ranajit Singh gaincd had
    cncouraged him to press the Gorkhas to accept th€ Jamuna
    as tbe intcrnational frontier linc. Later being himsclf
    hard pressed and having expcrience of thc enemy's valour
    he was content to scc thc Gorkhas crossing thc Satlaj' But
    anyway, Nepal was defeated by thc Sikh rulcr'
    According to Sikh history Amar Singh delsy€d hi!
    departure evcn at tho time ofhis defeat and on one pretcxt
    or anothcr he want€d to continuc to maintain Malkandar
    But Ranajit Singh knew the dangers of such a movc' Hc
    was not preparcd to allow tbe Gorkhalis to live on thc
    we$tcrn side of th€ Satlaj evcn temporafily. Hc had
    222 Modern Nepal
    realised his own weakncss. tf the Gorkha forces had only
    resistcd the prcssure for sometimes more, lhe result would
    havc been otherwise. But they had becn outnumbercd and
    also lacked provisions.
    But Amar Singh was not surc ofhisstrengtb. His
    organisation bad becn in disarray. At this psychologically
    yr'eak moment it was impossible to stand and stay.
    Now to pursuc thc thresd of account of the Sikh-Ncpal
    war from British aod allicd sourccs.
    Tbe war with thc Sikhs did not continue for long, as
    thcir rulcr expressed a desire for pecae cn rhc ground that
    their common enemy was the East India Company. But
    this was a pretcnsion to'avoid further conflict in rrhich
    both sidcs werc cxhaustcd. Probably thc Gorkba corrlman-
    der act€d in faith, But he could Dot do anything clsc.
    Ranajit's forces cntercd thc fort on the evening of I I Bajab.
    Ranajit Singh was also being helpcd by some hill Rajas
    but matry had not left their ally Amar Siogh. Two lettcrs
    kept in thc Chamba muscuml show thatAmarSingh was
    asking for money. He war pleading that Cbamba, Kablu(
    and Nepal wcre one. The ruler of Chamba was adviscd
    to k€ep a part of his troops in Rinlu ard send the rcst to
    Kangra. Amar Singh had informed thst Sansar(hand bad
    attacked Palam but wss defeated. Tbe Raja was furthcr
    asked to contact Jammu and other princes to rcinforce hjs
    rank. It took somc timc bcfore tbe Sikhs could occupy
    thc town of Kangra. The Gorkhas had Dot yielded wilh-
    out a stiff fight. Ranajit attscked Cancsaghsti but wbilc
    both sides suffered casualties no gain went to lbe Sil.bs. It
    appears that as the Sikbs pressed the Gorkhalis felt tbat
    contiruance ofwar wilh them was not possible. No belp
    came from Chamba. To add to tbeir difficultics some hill
    princes wanted to harass them just to humour thc Silbs.
    It is reportcd that some of thcm attackcd thc Gorkba settle-
    4, E\hibit n. 57 and 58
    Nepal ond the Sikhs 223

    ments in the area. Amar Singh's forces r€acted to lhis Isith


    fury killing a host of their enemies and with lightning
    speed mct thc Sikhs and their hclpers in the bsttlefield.
    But ultimately they had to evacuate tbc to\f,n. But Ganesh-
    ghati held on. Amar Singh ignored the Sikh ruler's call
    to cyacuatc, Although cut off from his allies and bard
    pressed for want of food Amar Singh waitcd for sometime
    more in the hope of Betting reinforcement from acrcss
    thc Satlaj. Ranajit Singh showed determination to wipc
    out the enemy fixing 4 canuon and shovels agajDst th€ fort.
    The Gorkhalis were facing hard time. Rarajit Singh
    warn€d that if he did not cross the Satlaj right now he
    would forfeit thc facilities of a free passage. But his cara-
    van was lootcd and the hill Rajas did so. Amar Singh
    went to Mandi and the Raja advised him to dclay his depar-
    turc, He wrotc to the Khalsa that he was stsying at
    Pathias. According to V. S, Suri, "The Sarkar on account
    of thc change of climate did not watrt to wagc war. There-
    fore he reprimanded th6 hill Rajas and asked them to
    compcDsato the Gorkba troops. The goods wcre returned.
    Amar Singh then left Pathias and went to Mandi. The
    confidcntial agcnt of Amar Singh visited tbe Sarkar and
    it was agrced tbat cis-Satlaj hill areas would remain witb
    thc Gorkhas and rans-Satfaj hills would go to Ranajit
    Singh, Kceping the fort of Kangra the Sikhs left all Breas
    to Sansarchand".
    Amar Singh Tbapa, thc Budba Kazi as he was called,
    had becn askcd to increase the salary of Bhakti Tbapa to
    Rs. 5,000 annually. With the Budha Kazi's direction he
    was to command under him 5 companies of sepoys guard-
    ing also Kumaon and Sirmour, Three men, Iudravir Bas-
    net, Chandravir Kuar and Shamsher Rana uere promoled
    to thc post of Captain, and these flled as usual the thrce
    posts of Captain in Garhwal. The Budha Kazi was to
    inform the King of Bhakti's willingness to accept the arran'
    gement so that a regular.lawal (regulation) could be issued.
    224 Modcrn Ncpal
    Thc Kathmandu authoritics said tbat Bhakti Thapa had
    becn well treated because of his graccful coDdu(t. But if
    ha wanted to retire from the forward areas, hc could do
    so and bc back in Kathmandu,
    It appears that Bhakti Thapa bao prefcrrcd to stay
    on. So a Sawalpatta was issued to him addressed as Pra-
    tap Thapa's grandson and Ambar Singh Thapa's son and
    of Punwar castc and an inhabitant of Lamjung. According
    to this Sowalpat a (i.e. servicc order) Bhakti Thapa was to
    occupy a position of importancc just below the Budhs
    Kaji.!
    By 18ll things werc Bettlcd in thehillrof thc doab
    ofthc Jamuna snd thc Sbtlaj. Aoar Singh Thapa was in
    chargc of forces beyond thc Jamuna. He bad to look
    aftcr a strctch of territory east of Satlaj whilc Bhakti
    Thapa latcr hcaded thc military command ofGarhwal and
    otharr had lsken €ommand ofthc forccs guardiDg KuDao!.
    In a lettcr to the King of Nepal writtcn on Bhadra 27 and
    recciycd in Kathmandu on Asvina sudi Il Bhakti Thapa
    wrote that hc was bercavcd of his son Sarvvajit Thapa wbo
    died ot Asadha 27, Hc had arrivcd in Garhwal on the lOth
    of thc month, His wifc had also expircd on the 8th ol
    Bh4dto. This bcr.avcmeDt was tragic and Bh0kti Tbape
    was fceling vcry sad. Hc was also beiog pressed by thosc
    who had bccn dismissed from scrvice itr the annual pdlni.
    Thc Governmetrt in Katbmandu replied in tbc name of thc
    King to Bhakti Thapa's letter to acknowledgc the reccipt
    of the Ead ncws. It also informed that Dehradun was sepa-
    rated from Garhwal. Kazi Bahadur Bbandari and Suba
    Dasarath Khatri h8d takcn lcave of thc king and they w.r€
    going to Garhwal. Each of thcm was to ctrjoy a salary of
    Rs. 500i- with thc rank of Captain of Kaliprasad paltan,
    this post was upto this timc being occupied by Chandra
    Yir Kuar, The income uscd as salary camc from land
    5. Hirhavqt Sa/4.,kriti, l. 3, pp. 16-17
    Ncpal and thc Sikhs 225

    termcd khet khuwa to bo dcmarcatcd by rcvcauc authoti-


    tiesofthcurea, who would also apportion land to yicld
    iocome cnough to pay the salarics of thc 25 comp8nics
    ofscpoy in Garhwal (Samvat 1868 Bhodru wdi 6 roj 7:
    25 August, 1811, This day, howcvcr, is Sunday).
    By l8l0 tho situstion had dcvclopcd thue: Thc ambi-
    tion of thc Ncpalcsc to purh for*ard to wcat bad bcca
    frustratcd with limits fixcd at thc Satlaj. On thc wcstorD
    frontisr while thcy had bccn chccknstcd by tha Silhr,
    thc southern bordcr was complctoly scalcd sgaiast thcm
    by thc British throughout froE thc wcet to thc cost. As
    Nepal had comc to fecl stabilising it8 occupstioa with
    boundary at Tista in the crst, thcre was no queation of
    expanding thc line on this ridc,6 Nepal thus was confincd
    to a defined strctch of t€rritories about thir time with no
    opportunity to cxpand oD cithcr sidc.
    Thc Ncpalesc dcfoat io Kangre doos not come a6 a
    surpriso to a historian. This was bound to bappen in vicw
    of thc fact that they werc fighting against heavy odds.
    They wcre fighting far away from home with resources
    meagre, with haphazardly asscmbled guerilla troops, poor
    rations and odd ammunitione. So far thcy l!4d to dcal
    with focs who were very much smallcr thsn Ncpal in sizc,
    populalion and resources. Those who werc dcfeatcd by
    the Gorkhalis werc comparatively less warlike and poor
    in stamina and commandcd little rcsources as onc English
    report suggcstcd. In the Chinese the Ncpalese had caught
    & Tartar in the rcal sensc. In Ranajit SiDgh and the
    Sikhs thcy found again a tough cncmy who outmatched
    them in numb€f and organisation and pushed thcm to
    defeat, The same kind of defeat was awaiting thcm in
    their war with thc British in l8l4-15. But no matter they
    were defeated, the Gorkbalis had establishcd their

    6. Royal letter, 1369 Sravana sudi J ,oi 2 ( for Tista bouDdary) :9


    August, Monday, lB l2 A,D.
    226 Modern Nepal
    bravcry, valour and cndurance in the battles, and their
    advcrsaries ad mitted this fact.
    All the local feudatories had joined rhesiths. But
    Kahlur had stood by thc Gorkhas. By a lettcr written to
    Amar Singh Thapa in VS. 1866 = 1809 A.D, rhe Raja Maha-
    chanda pledged all out support to the Gorkbalis in their
    conflict with the Sikhs, Mahachanda said in th-e letter
    that he had sent a mission with his brother parma Singh
    who was to carry his messagc to the Gorkhe commandcr
    aDd join the partics in nrutual consultation. Mabacbanda
    cxprcssed his obligation to Amar Singh for protcctiDg
    Kahlur, and hoped that in future Kahlur will coDtinuc to
    be protected by him. The Kablur Raja added, .,A Raja
    came to me and gave false statemEnts. But I rcfused to
    listen to him to rise in revolt. The Sikhs brag that aftcr
    the capture of 128 talukas thc frontier betwecn thc Gorkhas
    and Sikhs would be thc Jamuna. But they forgct that
    therc is Kahlur on both sidcs of the Satlaj and Kahlur
    belonged to Gorkha as a friend".r,
    Mahachanda concluded his letrer by asking the add-
    ressees to despatch the mission back without delay.
    This letter was probably written aftcr the defeat in
    Kangra but before Amar Singh crossed ovcr to the other
    side of the Satlaj. It appears that in spite of Kahlur's
    support Amar Singh was compelled to cross the Satlaj.

    Actit,ities in the west of J amuna ofter crossing the gatlaj


    Compelled to retreat beyond the Satlaj the Nepalrsc
    were now cngaged in
    consolidating their posjtion lo the
    immediatc east ol the river where their defencc was vulner-
    able,
    Some of the ex-rulers of this area c,cre hostile against
    the new occupants.
    They were surely being guided by rlie British. But all

    7. Foreign Omce Archivcs (Kathnr6ndui


    Nepal and the Sikhs ZZ7

    out hclp to them from thc British was yct to coDc. How-
    ever, thcy were crcating troublcs even with thcir negligible
    forces.
    It was complaiaed that Ranajit Singh was also cncour-
    agirg the feudatories of thc region to move agaiDst the
    Gorkhalis in occupation.
    Therefore throughout I809-ll thc Gorkhalis expctienc-
    ed a disturbed condition in this scctor.
    Raja Ramsarsn of Hindur bad now takG! his quarter
    in the protcction of the British. Hc was advised to cotrfinc
    his posscssions to the plsins aDd not to look for rcstoration
    of gains on thc hills where hc had earlier lost to thc
    Gorkhas.
    Angad Sardar writing on YS 1867 Yaisakha wdi 30 roJ
    5 (: 14 August, 1810. This is, however, Friday) gives addi-
    tional information in this conuection. "At the fort of
    Pslasi wherc thc 3 English ofrcers wirh 3 field gutrs,200
    cavalry and 300 soldiers camc, Ramsaran waitcd on thcm
    presenting gold coins." The English tcok oDly onc coin
    and return€d 10. Ihe Rajas of Jallandhar doab, all impious,
    arc with Ranajit Singh who is now iD Multan besieging thc
    fort, Their Yakils are with him, Ramsaran is also secretly
    assisted by Ranajit Singb. Dcva Singh ol Ropad, Fateh
    Singh Aluhwala and Jot Singh of Rangarh arc eDtrench-
    ed in Bangai, 1000 men at Bangai arc stationed with Dewatr
    Chumhadamal as leadcr. But Champagarh is still besieged
    by the Gorkhalis. Thc force is reported to be marchiDg
    towards us.
    Angad Khawas wrote that Ramsaran's title s'as exa-
    mined by the English and they rej€ctcd it but his associa-
    tion with Ranajit Singh pos€d a threat to Gorkbas,
    Champagarh was situated on the border of the bills
    and plains. The enemy attached much importance to the
    dcfence of this fort and thosc guarding it were mcn of
    calibre and good fighters. They had enough of ammuni-
    tion. The defender were fighling with mlskets and match-
    2Zg odnt Ncpal
    lochs. Thcy had shown least rcgard for
    the prcseure
    Gorlhali soldiers applicd to assault tbe fort. 'Th.; thc
    trying to negotiatc with thc fo ";;;
    adoprcd e diff"."ot ,""o, i'ot ::r,1i";:lt;:tT":ffii
    placcd pickcrs in all directions of fort
    and tf""t.i ii--ii
    was found that thc hill above was rocky and
    full of stonc6.
    The Gorkhalis attomptcd to use cxplosives
    fro, tn. iroo.i
    which rhey had dug aod this thcy got lo u tu.g. quuJty
    from Amar SiDgh snd Kahlur.
    Thc abovo information is givcn in I lettcr wri en
    by
    Kazi Ranajit Kuar and othcrs on VS lg67 Jyestha
    2 (:Monday, l8 June, l8l0) from Champagarh. "oai
    i ,ii
    Thcy addcd .,our casualties bavi been listcd.
    Thc
    expcnses for mortuary rites and fo, th"
    t.aut."nt of tha
    woutdcd werc givcn to somc but maoy have not reccived
    any. We havc not bcen able to pay adequatcly all thcse
    who wcre either doing spy work or digging thc tunnel,
    We
    havc also to pay to Halkaras (carriers). Our sepoys
    are
    going without food. Wc havc added 2 platoons
    to Sarak-
    hadal company, Although you advisc us to add 4 platooDs
    nothing has be€n donc to maintain the two even for
    thc
    ycor YS 1867. Thcse want to lay down arms and
    resign.
    "As for the news from thc south Ranajit failed to
    capture Multan and be bas returned to Lsgor", The English
    are rot cncouraging the Raja of Hindur, They bave bcen
    telling all the Madhesia feudatorics that rhe hills belong to
    Gorkha, and therefore they should maintain friendsbip riith
    them. The English will see that Gorkhas do not encroach
    on the plains. This advice was tendered by Octorlony also,
    who hadjust left for Ludhiana. Ramsaran of Hindur is
    apply i ng pressure on Cbampagarh.',
    Ranajit Kuar and his friends wrote anolher letter on
    YS 1867 lyestha vadi roj 3 :May, lgt0 from Champa giving
    i.nformation about Ram Singb, Fateh Siogh, ard Jodhi
    Siogh (of Ramagarh) who wcre dilturbing peacc rvith the
    assislance of Ranajit Singh, They further inform€d that
    Nepal and the Sikhs 229

    the siegc ofChampagarh was completc atrd the tunnel was


    also nearing completion.
    Champagarh was crpturod on Asadha 17. The infor-
    matioa is given in a letter of Kazi Rcvanta Kuar, Sardar
    Ranamardan and others datcd I/B 1867 Dhadra yadi:!810.
    August-Scptember.
    About this timc the Ncpalcsc suspicion ofa British
    supporled movemcnt of Sikhs in Mandlah Bhadauli vas
    conccrned, as thcy had clashcd with thc Sikhs in that srca.
    It was found that the Sikh Raja was to harass thc Ncpalccc
    forccs and actually thc Sikhs]camc into conflict with Ncpal
    forces who pushcd them out oftheir statioD, But Mandlah
    Bhadauli was dcmandcd as British protcctorate by Col.
    Octorlony. Kazi Amar Singh mct thc coloncl in Taksar in
    that conncctioD,
    Sardar Angad Khawas mcntioned all this in his letter
    of Pausa vadi 10 toj 6 from Nalapani in Dehradun. Thc
    date corresponds to Friday, 2t Dcccmber, t 812,
    But the British werc sccrctly cncouragiag thc Sikhs
    to fight thc Gortha power. patiala with its territory in
    thc cis-Satlaj arca wac one of such statcE, which proyolcd
    thc Gorkhas quitc oftcn. Tbis statc latcr pourcd cnormous
    amount ofgold and silvcr into British coffcr8 to bc utiliscd
    to wagc war to dislodgc thc Ncpalcs€ from this rcgion,
    Wc do not hnow much from other sourccs about the
    fight at Mandlah Bhadauli, But thcrc arc two NcpalcsG
    lettcrs on the subject.

    Nepali version ol the frght in Mandtah Bhadauli


    For thc Nepali versiotr of ths sccount of thc fight in
    Mandlah onc should look into thc corte8t of I lcttcr of date
    YS 1870 Pausa yadl 11zoJ 3:Thursday,3l Dcccobcr, t8l3s
    sent from Nahan by Chaodra Vir Kuar.
    Chandra Yir Kuar claims in the lctter that CaptaiD

    8. The d&ta rs irlctular rs ir ir publishcd


    230 Modern Nepal
    Bhakti Thapa was misleadirg Kathmaodu by his own ver-
    sion of the story. If even truth was cstabliehed Bhakti
    Thapa would say that his brother did it and himself escapcd
    from shame.
    Chandra Yir claims thst his account is based ott thc
    version of those who had actually participated in tho fight,
    thc Subedars and Jamadars of Ranagur Sardar's company
    atrd othcrs.
    According to Chandra Vir Kuar 'Thc fact of the mattet
    was that as the enemy was advanciog to seize Mandlab,
    Bhakti Thapa was in Tipati after stockading the place. It
    was Sardar Ranasur Thapa who had advanced to Mandlah
    and compelled the enemies to retrcat, But they camc
    in a whirl to th€ place bclow thc hill of Tipati, where
    Bhakti Thapa lay. Sardar Ranasur Thapa, Balabhadra
    Kuar and others had to def€nd thc position from 3 sidcs.
    But Bhakti Thapa did not movo out of his stockades and
    satisfied himself by firing sray bullets now and thcn.
    The encmy retired bccausc hc was ovcrpowered by those
    who had attackcd the ihvaders. If it was left to Bhakti
    Thapa the cnemy attack would have bcen successful.
    'Bhakti Thapa's performance was not worthy ofapprc'
    ciation also whilc hc had fought in Jumla and Gancsh
    Ghati in Kangra. He exaggerated his actions but did very
    littlo by way of proving couragc and bravcry. But he had
    been able to propagat€ that his wss thc most aPPrecialcd
    and glorious part in these battlcs.
    'As for the fight in Mandlah tho enemies had eYcn
    suspected that the Captain was killed for the reason that hc
    was not ablD to come in the open and Sive s fight' But
    Bhskti Thapa conducted hiEself to givc an impression that
    ho had disappcared'.
    Another letter written by Subedar Cbamu Basnet and
    other omcers ofjuaior ranks to Bhimsco ThaPa aDd Rana-
    dhoj Thapa oo YS !870 Paus'a sudi 2 roj 6-4 Janvry,l8l4
    from Naban about Bhaktl ThaPa's Patt in thc battle of
    Nepal and the Sikhs 23L

    Mandlah corroborates the statement of Chandra Vir Kuar


    above given.
    The report they provide is as follows: "On Asvina 11
    past lj ghati at night 50.60 men of the enemy came to
    Mandlah and we were ready to fight. Early morning the
    enemy came to launch a surprise attack with 7000 mcn,
    3 field guns and 25 flags. It appeared that they would .a

    forcibly capture Mandlah Garhi, which along with our out-


    post was nearly besieged. There was a noise. But we met
    the enemy bravely keeping our flags high and drums beat-
    ing. Thc attack was repulsed. For 32-33 times tbe enemy
    rushed to attack our position. From the west of Mandlah
    the Gorkha soldiers of two companies of Captain Kuar
    were firing at the enemy, but we were bearingthe main
    brunt of the fight. Bhakti Thapa had written to Bandeo
    Thapa that he was instrumental in winning the battle and
    his fame had reached even the foreigners. It was understood
    that Bandeo Thapa had submitted similar report to His
    Majesty. Now, Kaz.i General Amar Singh also wanted to
    know the truth, and Bakshi Virabhadra Kuar had writtcn
    to his son to this effect. Therefore Kazi Ranajore Thapa,
    Captain Bhakti Thapa, Chamu Bhandari and Sardar Rana-
    sur Thapa sat together and with good intentioos towards all
    drafted a petition, which was scnt to Katbmandu in their
    name. As the petition reached Kathmandu we have rcceiv-
    ed fresh enquiries about the incident and as tbose who were
    in the fight wc give the correct version".
    Thc Kazis and Captains werc asking us the same tbing
    again and again. Actually it was not Bhakti Thapa who
    had sent soldiers in Mandlah as the fort was attacked by
    Mian Maldeo Narayana. But the men who did somcthing
    were led by Dhanavara Jamadar. It was initially proposcd
    that Gauridatta Sahi, Kuar Captain of Durgabox company,
    Subedar Bahadur Gurung, and others werc to meet the
    attack launched by Mian Narayau Das, Mauohar Ajab
    Siugh of Patiala and Raoajit Singh. They bad with them
    82 l4od*n Nepal
    400 soldicrs, For 4 hours thcre was a fight and thc encmy
    w8s routcd. Many of their soldiers and horses fell desd,
    The letter gives details of the fight, with which we
    are not so much conccrncd, The purposc s€ems to countcr-
    act thc claim of Bhakti Tbapa who had tricd to artogate to
    himself all cr€dits of tbe fight.
    But Mandlah Bhadauli could not be retained in the
    hands of the Gorkhalis for a long timc. From anothcr
    lctter writt6D only a fcw months lster it appcars that thc
    placc had to bc cv&cuatcd duc to prcssure from tho Britisb.
    Chapter VIII

    ANGLO.NEPALESE CONFLICTS' I8I2.I4

    Thcre werc so many bordcr areas causing clsins and


    counter claims by the two parties.
    Wcst of Jamuna a fcw hill arcas and low lyiag tracts
    just bolow them wrested from Ram Saran led to a disputc
    betwc€n thc Nepalesc and thc British in vicw of the lattcr's
    involvcmcnt on bchalf of the Raja of Hindur' As wc
    shall know later thc Ncpalese also had to often quarrel with
    thc British over thc plot of land on thc northertr bordcr of
    thc district of Shahjchanpur adjoining thc tcrritory of the
    formcr rulcr of Kumaon now under Gorkba occupation.
    From here right up to Shcoraj Khajahani no lands came
    under dispute. But many Parts of Sheoraj Khajahani werc
    undcr dispute. So wcrc Butwal and Palhi-Majhkhand.
    Across the Gandak some villagcs in the border of the
    Rautahat district werc bcing pcrsistently claimcd by tbc
    British. This was thc most complicatcd dispute, and be-
    caIne the immcdiat. causc of the war of l814'16'
    Some morc villagcs on thc border ofthe districts of
    Darbhanga and Purnia gavc rise to disputes as to claims by
    both thc parties on account of thc chaudharies playing
    double rolc. Thc samc lands wcrc bcing passed on cvidencc
    some timcs as British and at other timcs as N€palcse.
    At this time the EDglish wcro not thc same Power as
    they uscd to be two dccsdes carlier. They wcre now the
    unchallenged m.sters of thc Deccan. They had not only
    eliminated thc kingdoms of th€ region but also had brought
    under subsidiary alliance the Nizam of Hydorabad and a
    number of Mahratta States, aithough tbe latter were
    frettiog ard fumiqg at their defest' The Diwani of Bengal
    had become a permanent political Etat€ of thG British with
    234 Modem Nepal
    the present day Bihar and eastern U.P. as one unit. Tha
    Banaras state had been reduced to a small size within thc
    framework of tho subsidiary alliance. The Nawab yajir
    was a puppet in their hands. The Mogbul Emperor lived in
    Delbi in luxurious apartments retaining just nominal
    suzerainty, now that Allahabad and oth€r districts having
    been annexed to the vajir's domain under the ovcr-all
    supervision of the British. The Sikh ruler Ranajit Singh
    who rose to bccomc the ruler of a largc kingdom of tbe
    Panjab thr€atened to meoace their ascendancy, But lhe
    British had limited his movcmcnts to thc west of the Satlaj
    by the treaty of Amritsar ncgotiated by Mctcalfc, which
    envisaged British protection over ths cis-Satlaj 6tate8,
    Earlier Ranajit's advance was checked by the Scindia, with
    whom he hed made peace by promising to withdraw to thc
    west of Satlaj. The British having defcated the Scindia
    werc now becomc the master of that region. But Ranajit
    Singh had attcmpted resumption of his control in the
    interregnum, He actually sent in 1807 a contingent of troops
    to help a section of cis-Satloj Sikh states against othcrs
    in thcir internal fcuds. Ho had almost succcedcd in annex-
    ing the territory to his kingdom but for British diplomatic
    pressuro, to which he yiclded, Ranajit was at that time
    fighting battles on his western fronticrs, As appears from
    onc of thc letters written by Nepalcsc oncers to Kath@andu
    Ranajit's march was halted at the Indus and he was defeatcd
    both in Multan and Attock by the Afghanel. In this condi-
    tion he could not think of opcning asecond front in tbc €ast
    agaitrst the English. Eventually he accepted the British
    demand to withdraw from thc occupation of the cis-
    Satlaj states. Thus the British could ext€nd their control
    from the Jamuna to the Satlaj, The Ganga-Jamuoa doab
    was already under their occupatiou. Thc prescnce of the
    British in the area had coincided with Nepal's victorious
    l. Both those places he c.aquel€d later, ald hc occupied Pe6ha-
    rvar and adjornrog regror.
    Anglo-Nepalcsc Confri.ts, 1812'14 235

    march along thc Himalayas in thc uppcr belt of the vallcys


    of the Ganga and to Jamuna. The Nepalese, however, werc
    confined to thc hillt, and thcir movement in the PlaiDs
    was madc imposeiblc bccauso of the contiSuity of the British
    border line near the mountainous range iD thc Terai' Therc
    was not much left to Nopalclc to grab in th€ south lrom
    thcir mountain fastness.
    There were yct strags' Ranajit Singh was a powcrful
    kingof North India' The Rajput princes wcre y€t active
    and enjoyed freedom to determine their course. So was
    Hotkar. The third Maratha war was yet to come and the
    rcbcllious Pindaris and Pathans had not ccased to harass
    thc British in Rohilkhand and Malwa. Io the East€rn
    India the Burmesc were creating tloublcs by invading
    Assam and ther€ wcre statcs still challenging the might of
    thc British in Ea6t India where tbey had just penetrat€d.
    Tbere was, however, nothing to cause the British to
    get frightened for thcy knew that tbe rulers who till th€n
    enjoyed indcpcndcncc had not becn wiscr erough to forge
    unity amongst themsclvc! to meet the threat from lhe
    Eoglish. They had not bctrefited by expcriencc' Tbc British
    had to dcat with thcm individually, and there was ro doubt
    that thcy could beat any onc of thc remaining country
    powcrs in diplomacy or warfare.
    The British were not disposcd to think of the Gorlba
    advancc on that scale as salutory to their intclest as a
    country powcr. Thcy kncw as evcnts developed that they
    were one day to come to war with Ncpal, which had so far
    defied their attempt to thrust their imperialist begeEoDy
    over the strategic Himalayas. The British were waiting for
    time, so that they could strikc a blorY with coDfidence
    of victory. Perhaps thcy wcr€ not wholly prepared for
    th6 war at this time. But cxcept Raoajit Singh in the
    Panjab no otr6 was left to cause diversion ofatteDtion in
    the eveot of a war agaia;t Nepal by opeuiog a new frout.
    Ranajit Slngh, however, \ras uot evctr mentally equipped
    236 l1o&rn Nepal
    to fight thc British in collaUoration with the Gorkbalis aud
    the British knew his position very well. If there was a war,
    Ncpal would havc to fight alone and it was bcyond this
    kingdom's capacity to withstand thc military prcssurc of
    thc British. Thc kind of thinking led the British to stsrt
    provocative actions on the Indo-Ncpal border as the ycar
    l8l4 began. Wc have to vic\v thc cntirc gamut of.Ncpal-
    British r€lations in this cortoxt.

    Far West
    Although tcnsion was mounting i'n the middle sector
    of Butwal end Champaran thc far wrst retaitrcd a coElpara-
    tivc tranquillity aftcr thc British had ccased to openly
    encoursge the Raja of Hiodur.
    Whatever might be thqir intcrnal manocuyrcs, thc
    British wcre trying to bcfricnd the Nepalese at this quarter,
    although this posc was abandoned soon aftcr.
    It had so happened that hardly the troubles with
    Ranajit Singh were ovcr Ncpal camc into conflict with the
    British, aod the Ncpalcse did not secm dcstined to enjoy peace.
    We have alrcady said how thc Rajas of Hindur and
    other fcudatorics owning their estates in the plains under
    the protcction of the British adoptcd diffcrcnt tactics to
    harass the Nepalese. Thc petty Sikh Rajas of thc rcgion
    also tried to annoy tho Gorkhalis as was thc case in
    Mandlah Bhadauli,
    It was in conncction with thc affafus of Mandlah and
    for a close understandirg bctwcen Nepal and thc Britirh
    that Kazi Amar Singh and Colonel Octorlony had met,

    Amat Singh meets Octorlony


    According to a letter of e ldcr Amar Singh and Ra'ma-
    das to Gen€ral Amar Singh in Palpa, dated ZS 1870 Marga
    sudi I roj 3r written from Baghcl the Budha Kazi Arar
    2. The datc cbrrcspoad! to 5 D€cedbor, lSl3butas Dublishcd
    thc date is itrcgul&!. Thi6 ii Thulsday, aod lot Tucsday a! giysD,
    Anglo-Nepalete Confllcts, 1612-14 237

    Singh and Ramadas mct Octorlony at a placo bctwccn


    Panjore and Taksar, the lattcr lay within thc jurisdiction
    of Baghel, Thc meeting took plac6 on 27 Kartika, Wcdnes-
    day. Coloncl Octorlotry was rcsiding in Parjorc with
    Europe&n companics, He sent in advance Munshi Barkat
    Ali Khan. From the Nepalcsc side Sardar Nirbhaya Singh
    Thapa, and Krishns Munshi weDt to rcccive tbe party,
    Octorlony had to travcl four miles to reach his dcstinatiotr
    whcreas thc Nepalcse rcached thc placc ralting just I mile.
    Octorlony was accompaoied by bis son and Captain Bhore
    with 6 clcphants, l0 horses, and peons aDd scrvarts, Thcre
    wcrc no soldicrr, This was thc rcason thc Nepalese side
    also did not proceed with 100-120 soldiers but only with
    4 oftcers, Ram.das Thapa, Arjun Thapa, Lachhvir Sahi
    and Revanta Kuar. There was no cxchaDgc of prcsents.
    Octorlony emphasised thc nccd for continuing the existing
    friendship. On Gorkha sidc it was complaincd thst the
    British had helpcd thc Sikhs to disrcgard the Gorkbalis
    claim to Mandlah Bhadauli. But it was said tbat thc
    Gorkhali claim to 4 villagcs out of l2 could bc supportcd
    but not to others. Octorlony promiscd Amar Singh to be
    always friendly and by no actions injurc the intcrest of
    Nepal, Hc said that thc 4€ctiog b€t$ecn the two com-
    manders was proof of their fricndship and it would promote
    smisable scttlement, The Ncpalesc also gave assurances of
    fidclity to thc eristing friendship. They said that lhcy had
    hclpod
    -thc British by driving Nawab
    Mahammad Gulan,
    Ali Khan of Rampur and Ujir Ali of Lucknow from thc
    Nepalcse Tcrai whcre they had taken rcfuge, The British
    owcd e debt of gratitude to them.
    It was thought that a metc meetiDg with the Colonel
    would trot add to their prcstige as thc formcr was going
    about from placc to placc mecting rulcrs of different
    principalitics. Rccently he had bcen to Lahot€ and Kangra
    and he was also seen by Rama Saran of Hindur. The
    Ggrkha officers felt that thcy must make the mcrting
    238 Modun Ncpal
    cvcrtful unlikc Octorlouy's mccting with thcae rulcrs, Thus
    a proposal was put forward that Octorlony's son would
    cxchange turban with Ramadass. By this act thcy bccam.
    friends corcmonially. Both parties took it as a symbol of
    fricndship betwecn th€ two countri€s, Both sides th€re-
    aftcr exchangcd presents with Oclorlony's son. To Rama-
    dass was givcn I turbao, 2 shawls, I picce ofKinkbab, I
    Cochin, I malmal, I gold coin and I Tajik horsc. Ramadass
    salutcd Octorlony, But Octorlony's son was advised not to
    s&lute Amar Singh on consultation by Barkat Ali Khan.
    But on the Coloncl's ordrr the Captain salutcd thc Budha
    KazL At this stago 3 spottcd dccr,9 musk packcts and 2l
    partridgcs wcrc prcs€ntcd to Octorlotry.
    At Panjorc again on 28 Kartika tbc oftccrs and 1200
    soldicrs of thc Gorkha rcgimcnt waited on Octorlony who
    wantcd to prcsent gifB, Amar Singh and Ramadass did
    not acccpt any gifts.
    Nor any indication was madc as to thc prescnts sbarcd
    by the ofrcers, Bhakti Thapa, however, got I turban, I
    shawl, I Kinkhab and I malmal as he had carried a good
    quantity of his own prcscnts. For the EDglish cfficers 4
    horscr wcrc scnt trext day from Aoar Singh's aidc.
    It was rcportcd .by Amar Singh that Sikhs and the
    rulcr ofPatiala were under the protection of the British
    whose troops were stationed in Ludhiana. The Sikhs had
    dcmandcd British hclp as against Ratrajit Sitrgb. Mandlah
    bclonged to Bhaga Singh wbo had rcccivcd Rs,3lakbs in
    the first year and was beiog paid Rr. 300 cvcry ycar by thc
    British. As thc Gorkhalis had defeatcd the Sikhs in
    Mandlab, snd the spot was restorcd to them by thcinfluence
    of the Britlsh, the latter carried much ioflucnce in the
    region including Patiala.
    Kazi Amar Singh furtber rcportcd that the British had
    assured the Gorkhalis of their neutrslity if Ncpal tricd to
    expand in the western region of the Satlaj. It was said that
    ,hc British cvcn talked ofjoint action in Kashmir.
    Anflo-Nepalesc Conntus' 1812-14 239

    Of course, Octorlony did not mcan what he said, and


    Amar Siogh would have committed a mistake if hc had
    crosscd the Satlaj. But thc British had also in mind balalc-
    ing the Gorkbas and Sikhs. They would bavc silenced thc
    Sikhs if the Gorkhas w6re attacked. The matter would
    have rcstcd therc. It wag also truc thc British did nevcr
    xish thc Sikhs and Gorkhas to joia bands. I think it was
    for this rcason that Octorlony dissuadcd Amar Singh from
    trying to wrcst KaDgra, He warncd that Rsnajit Singh aad
    Sansarchand wcrc fricnds at thc time.
    Octodony also said that unity betw€en the Sikhs and
    thc British did not posc any thrcat to Nepal, and the Got-
    khali commauders should pay no hccd if tho feudatorics
    across thc Satlaj and thc cxilcs had actcd to causc suspicion
    to that effect, Octorlony rcmarkcd that thc fcudatorics
    who wcre cvcn boasting of capturing Kumaon were fools
    living in an clusivc paradisc.
    As for thc British rclation with Ranajit thcir rcadirg
    was that thc Sikh ruler was not so happy with thc prcscncc
    of British troops in Ludhiana. Thc English had deprived
    him of thc annual rcvenue of th6 lands bctwccn thc Jamuna
    and tho Satlaj.
    Tho British appcarcd to thc Gorkhali commandcrs to
    havc humourcd tbcm by dcnigrating Ranajit Siogh. Accor-
    ding to Amar Singh'e imprcssion thc mecliDg went to
    promotc the goodwill b€tween thc English and thc Nepalcsc
    and thc formcr were jubilant.
    Wc do not know bow Amar Singh got this imprcssion.
    Buthchimselfwas living in illusion, Colorcl Octorlony
    was not surely playing hidc and scck bctwecn the Gorkhas
    and Sikhs but hc ocant to promote thc Eait India Com-
    pany's interest. Hc had no intention to let the Gorkhalis
    live in peacc in tbe quartcr, He likc any othcr EDBlishman
    wanted Nepa[ to bc cut to its own size.
    With all thc pledges of fricndship the British and
    Ncpalese worc supposed to pull on togethcr. At least it
    24O Modern Ncpal
    was hopcd that thc British would not disturb Ncpal on thc
    hills. But thcy had thought otherwisc. Thc followirg
    paragraphs will show that Oclorlony hjmrelf was plaoning
    to dislodge thc Nepalesc from thc arcss they occupi€d io
    that regioD.
    On the lsth of May the British Govcrnor-Gcncral
    addrcssed a letter to the King of Nepal drswing his att€n-
    tion to the fact that lowlands st thc foot of the hills bctwcco
    the Satlaj and Jamuna belongcd to thc Sikh6 and thst latrly
    Amar Singh Thapa's soldicrs had occupicd a hillofthc
    adjoining lowlatrd consisting of 4 villagcc under Sikh Sar-
    dars. It was said that the arcas involvdd bclonged to Raja
    Ram Singh of Nalag.arh, strd AEar Singh claiucd it on thc
    groutrd that it was formerly a part of thc taluk of Balow.
    beg but situated in the plain bolow thc hills, (For.. Pol.
    Dept., n. 39, l5 May, 1813).
    By this note the British wantcd to kecp the disputc
    alive in that quartcr and add to thc gcnersl state of hostility
    cnlarging its dimensioD.
    That Octorlony was not sincerc would appear from
    this notc. H6 was iD chargc of ovcrall coomaud of lbis
    srea, Not only that but he was entrusted fully with thc
    framing of policy in regard- to thc formcr R&jas of the hill
    statcs. It was duc to Octorlony that lhcsc Rajas dispossess-
    cd on. thc hills were finding themsclv€s in occupation of
    tho lowland tracts Dear the Nspalesc boundary. Thcy
    carricd depredations inside the hilly areas and provokcd
    thc guarding Nepalesc soldicrs. Octorlony cncouragcd thsm
    oft6n pleading with the Ncpalcse on their behalf.
    Octorlony was playing thc samc game itr this scctor as
    Bradshaw was doing in thc middlc $cctor on Gorrkhpur-
    Champaran borders.
    At about thc same time it must bc said thst thc Budha
    Kazi and Amar Singh tried again and again to cooc to
    terms with the British in rcspect of their claims. This was
    gntircly different from the attitud€ of thc Britisb.
    Anglo.Nc?mle* Confltcts, 1612'14 241

    Thc Kiog of Ncpal wroto to Govornor.'Gcncral (recciv-


    ed in Cslcutta on 5 August, lEl3) about thc troublcs crcatcd
    by Hindurs who was dislodged from thc occupation of3
    villages now a subjcct of disputc bctween Ncpal and thc
    Britiih. In 8 noto it w88 tsid that in 1862 thc Gorkha army
    roachcd thc bank of tha rivct Satlaj' Thc hill Rajas who wcrc
    not wcll dispoccd tow8rdE 'NGPaI such as tho rulcr ofHindur
    w6re cxpcllod fron thc hillg whcrcae frioudly Rajao abiding
    by thcir cngagcmcnts such ar Kahlur wctc allowcd ao livc in
    security atrd confirmed in thcir posscssions"' Raja Ram
    Singh having takcn illegal posscssion of thc said villages
    from onc Sivadatta Raja war scnding raidcts to disturb thc
    pcac€ up atovc the hills. Latcr he wae expellcd and Amat
    Singh occupicd the lands. The Ncpalesc notc dcfended the
    sction of thc commander Amar Singh on the principle of
    conqucst on which thc British sovercignty over the plains
    of Hindusthan was based. Thc Governor'Gcncral had con-
    tetrded that partics in disputc ehould accept tho principle of
    limitation on a gcographical basis so that thc hills were in
    poslession of Nepsl and thc British govcrned the plains'
    Thc notc rcjccted this contcntion' and said that for any
    priaciplc to bc binding on both sides it must havc prior
    conscnt also of thc othcr party conccrncd. Th€ unilateral
    cDutrciation of 8ny principle in international affairs was not
    valid,
    Thc notc challcngcd the vcry basis of limitation and
    maintaincd that proPrictorship was the right basis of suc'
    cession whethcr thc successor was Nepal or British' Ram
    Singh was a hill Raja and so is Raja Babsi of Jullandar and
    both werc utrder Ncpal. So by right of conquest the villagc
    was justly occupied by Kazi Amar Singh.
    But in spite of all this Nepal agrecd to hand over thc

    3, 22 Octobsr, 1813, Pol, Sac. Cons., n. 39


    4: Ibid.
    242, Moden Ncpal
    villrgcs to thc British if it wrs prov€d that the British had
    hcld thcn prior to Gorkha occupation,

    Ga *yal ta 187 I
    Captain Chaodravir Kuar dicd eoon after. A lcttcr
    writt€n by thc King to Kazi Ranjorc Thapa acknowlcdgcs
    tho rccoipt of tho nows writtcn on Vaisakha sudi Z atd
    rcachcd Kathmand! on Jlertha sudt 2 that thc Captain had
    dicd and onc of his two sons h8d takcn charge of thc
    dcfcncc of Nahpani and arothcr ia thc forward srca. The
    King crtoDding his condolencc of Chandravir's dcath and
    cxprcsscd his plcasurc that his son Balabhadra was now
    cngagcd in th. importatrt work of constructing the fort of
    Nalapani, which was lhc hcsrt of thc old principality of
    Garhwal. Thc lcttcr suggcstcd that Balabhadra was new to
    thc ta3k, snd though thc ordcr for fortification stood for
    somctimc past, it was not carricd out and thcrcforc Rana-
    jorc himsclf rhould oftcn visit thc spot in ordcr to ensurc
    its quick complction. The letter writtcn by thc High
    Comm8nd in thc name of the king addcd, "you know thc
    sttitude of thc Sikhs and Phiringis. We havc informed
    your fathcr of thc devclopments regarding our boundary
    disputcs with thc British and you will kuow the dctails from
    him. Ifthc tcnsion grows, we do not y6t know how to
    envisage the consequences. If the dispute is not settled,
    cvco tbcn wc arc assurcd of our position in that quarter
    bccausc Sardar Amar Singh is in Baghel and you arc in
    Nahan. It is possible that thcrc will bc a fight in Dun if
    disturbances took placc in Nahan. Thcreforc we bave
    suggcsted that you should kcep in readincss a contingent
    of troops io that arca. If the forccs are deployed at
    differcnt points, thcy should b. coltcct€d togcthcr in Dun.
    You should also sec that there is a regular flow of news_.
    to Katbmandu from therc.'' The lctter is dated VS 1871
    Jyestha sudi 4 roj l,
    In a letter to Bam Shah thc wcst had asl(ed him to
    Anglo-Nepalesc Confllcts, I8t2'14 243

    write if Sudarsan Sahi had tendcred chargc to kcep alert


    the officers in Garhwal as wcll as to kcep correspondence
    with the Budha Kazi of thc forward area. In his reply
    addressed on ZS 1871 Asahda sudi 3 roj 2B from Almora the
    Chautara assured Bhimsen Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa said
    thot ho had always donc his duty in alcrting thc ofrccrs
    kecping watch ovcr thc Garhwal and kcpt himsclf in touch
    with the Budha Kazi. Hc had also lct theo know thc oxact
    financial position of his charge and hopcd that thcy might
    make adequatc provision to mect his necds and if there
    was delay, they should now comply with his requcst with-
    out further loss of time.
    Bam Shah also wrote that he was trying to build forti-
    fications in Garhwal, but for want of money this has not
    bcen complctcd. Thc company i.c. the soldiers undcr him
    had not given him the moncy realiscd out of thc ffncs
    imposed as punitive measuros against the offcndcrs. He had
    seen the copy of the order under Red seal sent by Ranjore
    Thapa which empowcrcd the company to deal with thc
    judicial aspcct of five crimcs. Ranjore Thapa had added in
    his lettcr that the Chautara should perform important
    actions of state subject to the consultation with the Sovcln'
    ment and the forward. command ( mabuda ) of Amar
    Singh.
    Thus far the company had not arrangcd to send men
    in its arca to realise fincs on five crimes. Once or twicc
    some were deputed for the purpose. But no realisation ofl
    fines was madc. Now that thc Kumadu command could
    not do anything without the permission of the wcstern
    command this had deprivcd him of a source of income,
    which was necessary to finance projects in the building of
    forts in Kumaon.
    Bam Shah appcaled to the addressees to issue warrants

    5. Shahkalin Eitihasik Patra Sangraha' I, pp.53ff.


    241 Modcm Ncpat
    to thc Amalis to rctrder hclp by way of forccd labour in his
    task of building forts aI over thc arca.
    It appcars from this lcttcr that Garhwal aud Kumaon
    wcrc not givctr thc rcsourccs adcquate cnough to stringrhen
    thcir dcfcncc linc, yct thir was thc arca which nccdcd
    utnott vigilaacc oa thc part of thc dcfcndcro. Thc lettcr
    shows that thc authoriticr in Kathmandu had aot rcaliscd
    thc strotcgic importancc of thc arca.

    British claims Kumao sector


    From Vikrsm Sahi's lettcr to Bhimgcq Thapa and
    Ranadhoj Thaps it is undcrstood that soEc tcrritory was in
    disputc on thc border of Shabjchanpur district. Thc
    collcctor had dcmandcd evidcncc from thc Nepalcec Faujdar
    of thc contiguous arcs on thc Ncpalcsc side about disputed
    villagc. It was found that about 6 coss south ofthc disput_
    cd villago thcre \[,as anothcr village callcd Majhubo, which
    was grantcd to'a Brahmin as I gift by thc rulcr Hari Sahi.
    Th€ fact of a gift is inscribcd on a coppcr platc, and a copy
    ofitwassentto thc collector for his scrutiny through a
    Chaprassi. It was rcported that the communicatiotr had a
    good rcccption but the collector was not inclined to abaD_
    don thc village. Hc was also putting forward unrcasonablc
    argumcnts. The Collcctor was also erecting a building at a
    sitc just l0 coss south of the disputcd village.
    Yikram Sahi reported that all weapons of Samarjit
    company as wcll as of those companies earlicr had bcen
    kept in Silgarhi. He wrote .,they wcrc prcparcd to hand
    over to us wea.pons of Samarjit company, but we could not
    accept this, as weapons of other companies arc lying in
    disarray, and thcy are not willing to surrcnder the cntir€
    stock of weapons. Subedar Java Gharti said that Hastalal
    Shah had ordercd thcm not to hand over weapons of com_
    panies othrr thaD that of Samarjit, I bear that Hastalal
    olaims that thc Doti company helped to arms with
    Anglo-Nepalesc Coaflicts, 181714 245

    Rs. 52,0fi) from thc arca is to rcmain utrd€r bim, and hc had
    rcqucstcd thc Govcrnment to this and.".

    afitith Attempt to Estsblish Trade Conlact


    \trc shall find later that the British had a stretcgic
    dcsiga on Kumaon to cut ofr thc far wcst from thc crpital;
    Sincc sometime earlier they were trying to dircctly
    establish tradc contacts with thc Bhotiyas of notthcrB
    rogiou of Kumaon.
    On thc cvc of the war the British with th3ir cycB otr
    Kumaon wanted to cstablish tradc contaets with thc Bho-
    tiya6 of the Himalayan bordcr. In a lcttrx datcd YS 1870
    Phalguno wdi j roj 2 (:Monday, 8 February, lEl4) which
    Bam Shah wroto to the Palacc thcre is a rcfcrcncc to
    his carlicr statemcnt thst if th€ Eoglish succccded in dir€st-
    ly cstablishing contacts with thc Bhotiyas thc ryots both
    in thc hills and thc lowlands living in thc dominioa of
    Gorkha would suffer. In reply thc court had also approvcd
    of his answcr to Mr. Hoarscy's lettcr, and of bis corr6-
    pondcncc with the Bhotiyas who had also rcccivcd Eoncy
    from him. The court suggcstcd that thc smugglcrs who
    had carricd thc cntrcpot trrdc clsndcsti!€ly should bc donc
    away with physically. The arca of tradc lay bctwecn thc
    hills and thc lowlands, and it was impcrativc that thc par-
    tics ootrccrncd, thc Bhotiya and those of thc tradcrs living
    in thc territorics undcr Ncpal should havc fixcd sharc of
    tho profit, Thc ratc had to bc dctcrmincd by govcrnmcnt
    agcncics, and for this a dcpot had to bo Bct up. Bsm Shah
    wantcd scparato ordcr as this $as not includcd in thc usual
    rukka. Ba,m Shah now adviscd to call a mccting ofthc
    Ncpalesc tr.dcrs and cvolvc an arranscncnt with thcir
    consrtrt. Hs was askGd to scnd his draft for tho approval

    6. Tho lott{ datsd yS lE7 1 atadlq Sadl J ,o, 2- Monday, 20 Ju.!.,


    1814.
    246 l$odern Nepal

    of thc Govcrnmcnt in Kathmandu. Thc arrangcmcnt


    should fix up thc sitc of sale or purchase in thc Bhot hills
    and lowlands and as well as profit in the dcal from a long
    rangc point of view so lhat the Ncpalesc fiaders did Dot
    sustain a loss to cnsurc th€ir livelihood from their profcs-
    sion. Thc court had also inquired whcthcr Moorcraft and
    Hcarscy had comc to travcl in that rcgion after the movc-
    ment towards Tibct was intcrccpted and thcy were com-
    pcllcd to rctrcst. Bam Shah in his rcply said that thc
    tradc arrangcmcnt bctwcen English and Bhotiyas had bcen
    madc while Moorcraft had visitcd thc bordcr. As to price
    of articlcs it dcpcnded oD thc comparativc volumc of
    dcmand and supply, cvcn whcD things werc greater in
    numbcr, and if thc demand was lcss, thc pricc went down
    and thc pricc wcnt up if comparativcly therc wcrc things
    lcse in rclation to dcmand. Hc was to call a mecting of
    tradcrs, marchants and landlords on the d8y of the first
    of Magha. Thc Bhotiyas wcrc also expcctcd to attend,
    and hc hopcd that some conclusion would be rcacbed
    rcgarding this mattcr and this would bc forward€d to thc
    Govcrnmcnt.
    Bam Shah Baid that in Srmvat 185t (:1811 A.D.)
    hc had a schemc to found a marketing ccntrc whcrc thc
    Ncpalcsc tradcre would gct adequate profit as articlcs pass
    acro8s the bordcr into British tcrritory. Uptill now the
    tradors wcrc paying to thc wholcsalcr Rs. 2/- per each
    itcm of articlc, and sold at the mauy points sct up by the
    British on the border. Thcsc fetchcd no ccottomic bcnefit
    to the rctailers, In 1868 thc attcmpt to set up a mandi or
    markct ocotre did not succeed bccausc this could not bc
    done without thc consetrt of thc Bhotiyas. Later a mcss-
    cDgcr was scDt to gct tbcir conscnt. Bam Sbab srnt also
    some moDcy. In Dhikuli on thc valley of Kota the work
    actually startcd and the forcst was ncarly cleared. The
    Gorkhalis otrered 4 annas extra ovcr rud above what those
    of Kota had received in 1867. But the landlords of Kali
    Anglo-Nepalese Conflbts, l|l2-14 2{l
    Kumaon? sold Bclhari to thc markct ofthe phiringis, Bam
    Shah adoonishcd thc lendlords and askcd thcm to scttlc
    the markct within the tcrritory undcr Nepal. Thc rcvcnuc
    collcctors on Gorkha sidc were furthcr instructad to set up
    a markct ccntre in Kilroad. Bam Sbah reportcd that hc
    was trot surc if any profit would accrue from thc tradc this
    year, but hc would try to achicve thc cstablishmcnt ofa
    tradc mart by borrowing moncy from the moncy-lcndcrs.
    This would cstrangc the Bhotiyas from the Madhcsias
    who livcd in the plains down below the bills as thcy would
    not bc physically linkcd. Perhaps money in plcnty would
    come into thc hands of thc native tradcrs, If this happcncd
    they would buy Snlrcgs from thc mcrchatrts in Bhot and sclt
    to local traders asking them to rcrell at the depot at a fxcd
    price. The dcpot must bc in a placc whcrc a ncw forcst arcr
    bad becn clcarcd and a new settlcmcnt of inhabitants had
    come up. In such a situatiotr Bam Shah pleadcd that thc
    tradc would yield adequatc profit. But thc scttlcment must
    be encouragcd by giving thc scttlcrs somc assistance. Yijaya
    Singh was callcd to Almora on thc prctext of collcctiDg
    Suhag, aod, he had arrivcd therc at thc timc of writing thc
    prescnt lctter. He was thc man who war hclpirg thc
    Bhotiyas of Juhar to establish direct contact with thc
    British. It was rcported that hc rcc€ivcd moncy from thc
    Bhotiyas who had got it out of diroct cotrtact with thc
    British. Vijaya Singb, howcvcr, dcnicd his responeibility
    and pleaded ignorancc of thc arrengcmcnt. Hc said thst
    thc Budha Kazi had summoned him to thc forward arca.
    Bam Shah, howcver, dctaincd him io Almora and at tbc
    samc timc hc scnt a messagc cnquiring ofthc Kazi if what
    Vijaya Singh said was truc. The concerncd Bhotiya tfadar.
    wcrc also callcd to hic audicneo.
    Thcrc is auothcr lcttcr which givos tLo io{orartlrr

    7. Thc patt of KuEtoD adjoiBist th. rivc! Kali.


    8. Botax.
    245 trlodem Nepal

    thst Moorcraft wa3 arrcstcd while on his way to thc Bhot


    parsing through Kumaon. It was reportcd that hc was otr
    a epy mission. Ho had contacted the Bhotiya tradcrs of thc
    Kumaon border and pcrsuadcd them to directly dcal with
    thc mcrcbents on British !ide. Thc subjcct of his arrcst was
    rofcrrcd to thc cctrtrc, but aD order was issued from Kath'
    mandu for bis rclcasc. Hc was scnt back beyond thc bordcr
    ia eafc coadition.

    Easrern Seclor
    By the castern scctor wc mcan thc contiguous arcas of
    thc pr$cnt day Darbhanga, Saharsa and Purnca bordcr of
    Bihar in India, The British had practically no disputc
    farther cast.
    Thc bordcr disputc bctwccn Ncpal and East Iodia
    Compauy in thc eastcrn sector rclatcd to thc land tound
    Bhimnagar on the fronticr of thc Zills Purnca. It n'as
    allcgcd by thc British in 1807 that the Zsmitdar of
    Bhimnagar was deprived of 600 bighas of land and 3 villagcs
    by thc Ncpalesc ofrccrs, and thcy complained'two ycars havc
    clapscd lvithout any redrcss' on thc contrary thc Nepalese
    again grabbcd 100 bighas' and dcmandcd 'restitution of
    lands and moncy.'o
    The Govcrnor-Gcncr&l intimated thc king ofNcpal by
    his lcttcr of 5th June, 1809 that th€ 'British .occupicd thc
    lands of thc Zamindar of Bhimnagar by force as Nepal
    showcd disregard to thc rcPrcscntation of thc M&gistrato
    ofPurnca'.lo Butthcyhad no intention 'to commit any
    hostility and thcrefore they werc prcpared to discuss lhc
    prccisc boundary of Bhimnagar' by accrcditcd rcpresetrta'
    tivc8 on both sidcs.
    Moanwhile it was allegod thst dacoits from thc NcPalcsc
    sidcs wcre roceiving eDcouragcm€ot from a Gorkhali

    9. lsr Malch, 1807, Fo!. Pol. Cons.,5 Marcb, u' 105.


    10, For. Pol. Co[s., 13 Juoc' !.72'
    Anglo-Nepalcse Conflbts, I8l2'14 249

    Gomastha, Bachhan Chaudhary, aod wcrc infcsting thc


    Parganna of Baikunthapur within the district of RaDgpurlt.
    Thc Ncpal Govcrnmetrt was rcqucstcd to iostruct its Suba itr
    thc arca not to give any quarter to thc robbcrs.l z
    From a lcttcr of thc Kiog of Ncpal reccivcd ia C.lcutta
    on thc 5th of Dccembor which camc ia rcPly to thc lcttcr of
    Govcrnor-Gcneral dated 5 Junc, 18091! it aPpc&rs that thc
    land allcged to havc becn occupicd by thc Ncpalcsc lay iu
    thc Ssptari parSanna of Morang. It informcd tho British
    Govcrnor-Gcneral that I suitablc pcrson would bc dcputcd
    to dcmarcatc thc bordcr of Bhimnagar aftcr thc rainy
    SGtSOn.
    Sardar Gaj Singh from thc Ncpal€sc sidc and Mr.
    Braddcn from the Britisb sidc wcre to mect oo thc bordcr
    for dcoarcating thc boundary in Bhimnagar. AccordiDg to
    the British thc lauds allcged to havc bcen occupicd by thc
    Suba of Morang which bclongcd to thc Zemindar had bccn
    clearly shown ss south of thc bordcr by mutual consent.
    But the Nepalese had again forcibly takcn posscssion of thc
    land. So the British wanted that thc king'issucd a Pcrcmp'
    tory ordcr to his ofrccrs to withdr&w from thc occupicd
    arca', But Ncpal disowncd any kind of cotrscnt' Thcy put
    forward thcir claim on the disputcd tcrritorics aaying that
    thc boundary finding showcd thcd to tho north of thc
    border. Thc king exprcsscd unawaren€ss ofthc adjustnent
    made between Gaj Singh and Bradden and a$ured that once
    thc cleim of thc British was cstablishcd 'th€ Ncpalcsc royts
    will bc displaced' (letter receivcd 25 April, 1810)la.
    By anothcr lcttcr datcd tl May, l8l0 thc vicc-Prcsidcnt
    of thc council furthcr complaincd of fresh aggrcssions, aod
    informed thst the British euthoritios in Purnea would

    lt. Fot. Pol. Drpt, 14 Novoobor, 18Q9, Co!., D.26.


    12. rbid.
    13. Fo.. Pol., Dept.,5 Dcc., l80t
    14. For. Pol. DcDt., 15 May, 1810, r.35.
    25O Modcrn Nepal
    procced in the reitrstatcment of the Zemindar of Bhimnagar
    in the land 'he was unjustly cxpelled from'16
    In 1810 a new Governor-Gcueral was apPointed and
    thc Nepal Government sent a message of grecting through
    their Vakil Raj Guru Krisna Pandit who was also to wait
    on him (rcceived on l2th June, 1810)16.
    In anoth€r lotter (23 July, 1810) NoPal informed that
    thcy had scnt a verbal communication to Guru Krisna
    Pandit rcspecting Sardar Ranajit Singh of Lahorc (probably
    Maharaja) which arc calculated to Promotc the intcresls
    ot both countricsl ?. On behalf of thc king the following
    prescnts to the Govcrnor-Gencral were sent along with the
    mcssengor:
    2 Elsphants
    2 horses
    8 Chowrics
    2 picccs of Numboo cloths
    I picce of Malda cloth
    String of maskleads
    I Chhata (parasol) with silver ball at the top
    I piece of toos cloth
    I Khunda (daggcr)
    Prcsents which are to follow :
    8 piec€s of cochin cloth
    4 cups made of agate
    1 Khukri (dsggar mountcd with gold)
    2 clephants
    2 Wholc skins of thc Ahoo antelope with musk bags.
    Thc Ncpalesc addressed a separate letter about Bbim-
    nagar (reccived on ll July, 1810).r" They said that General
    Kewctt had bccn 'apprised of particulars of this affair'. The
    lettcr suggcstcd that 'rcport and discussion was of the wit"
    15. For. P6l. Dept., Con., l5 May, rEl0, n 38.
    16. For. Pol. Dept., 12rb October, 1810, D. 151.
    17. For. Pol. Dcpt., l2th Octobc!, 1810, n. 15:.
    18. For. Pol. Con., ll July, l8!3, tr. I5tl'
    Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1812-14 251

    nesses transmitted to his Government by Gaj Singh that a


    great differcnce exists between the boundary formerly scttl'
    ed by Mr. Ducarrel and that which has bcen marked by the
    offi.cers lately employed on this day, although on sevcral
    placcs the old land marks set up by Mr. Ducarrel are still
    standing and the lands are held according to those marks
    by thc subjects of the Government'. The action of thc
    Company's Govcrnment thcreforc in proceeding to occupy
    Jaswantpur i.e. the land said to bc forcibly occupied by the
    Gorkhalis was unjustified and arbitrary. The British
    Government should have waited for a full invcstigation.
    Nepal requested the British authorities to instruct their mcn
    in Purnea to consult the Ncpalesc Amin in this matter. The
    Mauza Jaswantpur lay in tb:e Zilla Saptari and Mouza
    Bhimnagar in the Pargana of Dupper of Morang, and both
    were in dispute. Gajraj Singh had intimatcd his Govern-
    ment that the British wanted to scize thcse lands by sending
    troops and restore thc Zcinindar. The Nepal Govcrnment
    immediately protested against occupation, and warned
    that any usc of forcc would spoil the existing peaceful and
    friendly relation. Thc Nepalese thought Datters of this
    kind should have been properly settlcd bctwecn the two
    parties bcfore an actioa was taken. They plcadid for status
    quo and asked the British to agrcc to it.
    In his mcmorandum Gajraj Singh had submittcd that
    the examination of thc boundary was conductcd only with
    reference to Mauza Jaswantpur otherwise known as Mauza
    Chomikha. Mr. Ducarrcl had set up bamboos in the
    Bhimnagar area, and also in a part of Jaswantpur. So
    bamboos had to be set up with respect to the remaining
    part of Jaswantpur. Gajraj and Braddon had procceded
    to demarcate the boundary with common understanding.
    Their main purpose was to sct up bamboos at the site where
    Mr. Ducarrel had done. So witnesses had to be examined
    on both sides. Kutha Chaudhary, fotmer Zouindar of
    Perganna Dhapper, Kann Mandal, Bhola Mandal, Kuktu
    252 Moden Nepal
    Mandal, and others wcre examincd after bcing 'Sworn on
    (tama) coppct Lr.d tulasi in the prcscnce of the agent of
    Dhola Chaudhari, Zemirdar of Bhimnagar, and Madham
    Ram Chaudhary. There wcre depositions from witnesses
    from the other sidas. Thc former dcposed that'Mr. Ducar-
    rcl had set up bamboos in Bhimnagar, Parganna Dhupcs
    and Zill& of Saptari in Morang, and thc British offcer
    succccding had scttl.d boundary after Mr. Ducarrel's bam-
    boo linc'. LaEd was measured and 500 bighas were found
    north of thc bamboo set up by Mr. Ducarrel. But th€re
    wcrc discrcpancies in thc dcposition of thc party opposing
    the Nepalcsc. Gajraj Singh insisted that Mr, Ducarrel's
    boundary be followed, but Mr. Braddon declared his inabi-
    lity to d€oid€ the issue on the spot.le
    The British had moved their troops to tho bordcr, to
    which Ncpal cxprcssed epprchcnsion of the brcach of friend-
    ship bctwccn the two partics. Ncpal euggested as beforc
    that a boundary line be fixed along thc bamboos sct up by
    Mr. Ducarrel. In a lctter the King requested thc Calcutta
    authoritics to talk to his Vakil who was empowered to
    deal with the subject (Received on 6th December, l8l0).,0
    He informcd the Govcrnor-G€neral through another lctter
    ( rcccived 19 April, l8ll, Con., n. 48 ) that his Vakil in
    Calcutta had instructed the Suba of Morang to dcsist from
    molcsting the subjects of East India Company.

    Dulwal
    A letter written on thc l6th January ( For. Pol. Con.,
    n.77 ) of 1809 said that the British werc drawing Nepal's
    attentioB to thc correspondence of 1805 about the occupa-
    tior of thc Tersi of Butwal by the Nepalese forces. Thcy
    repeated the rcquest that Nepal should vacatc thc arcs

    t9. For Pol. D€pt,, Co!.,8th November, l8l l, o- 69.


    20. Pol. For. Dept,, Coo.,?th DoceEbcr, 1810, o. 74.
    Anglo-Ncpalcse Confllcts, 1812-11 253
    bcfore anything unplessant occurrcd to disturb thc good
    relation bctwcen thc two Govcrnmcnts.
    Vishtrupandit aod Mir Munshi Rajakhan werc arked
    to go to Kathmandu for consultation with the GovcraDcnt
    about Ncpal-British rclatio[s in regard to thc bordcr qucr-
    tions, Vishnupandit had bcetr in Calcutta to fulfill ccrtliD
    formalitics,
    Thc Palpa coEmand wsntcd to add to tho luEcrical
    strcngth ofthc Sabuj company; But thc ccntrc had incir-
    tcd on the formation of a ncw company undcr Amar Siogh
    Thapa from Srinagar. Palpa recciving thc suggcstio!
    wrotc that a ncw compaDy would iDvolvc thc cxchcqucr
    in an addltional cxp€nditure ofRupccs 9,000. But 8ddi-
    tional I00 guDs to thc Sabuj company would bc achicvcd
    with Rupccs 5,000.
    Amar Singh was writing to Kazis Bhimren Thapa and
    Randhoj Thapa on YS 1868 Sravana sudl g toj 2 (:Monday,
    29 July, l8l l).
    Hc also informcd his son and thc othcr ministcr at
    thc court that Mr. Scott had ordcrcd a policc outpost in
    Palhi district to bc shiftcd to Sunarct, Tbe place wasjust
    on thc bordcr, aEd it was so oear to the place whcrc a
    Nepalcsc thana was cstablished, Amar Singh Tbapa bad
    instruct€d his licutcnant Mahadcopadhya lo opposc this
    movc of Mr, Scott. Amar Singh also had askcd Mahadco
    to assurc Ncpalcsc subjects of thc arca that nothing would
    happen to thcm. The Faujdar and thc local Thanadar
    had been ordcred to take steps if any attcmpt was madc
    to cncroach on thc land bclonling to Ncpal.
    Amar Singh also instructcd his men to be careful not
    to encroach on thc land of the East Iodia Company.
    But the lotter stated that the prince of palpa had gonc
    to Banaras to contact the British officcrs.
    In his lcttcr to th€ Govornor.Gencral, Amar Singh
    Thapa, the Governor of Palpa, had complaincd against
    British stationiDg of poliDc outpost within Nepalcso torri
    254 Modern Nclml

    tory in Butwol and Shcoraj. He said that Shcoraj in perti-


    cular which belongcd to Piuthan was undcr Gorkha for
    28 ycars. Although Palpa was govcrned directly by
    thc Gcncr&I, it rotain.d thc depcndcncy stalus even
    Garlior. Lstcr scvcral ritcs in thc Tcrsi, includiDg Butwal'
    Prrganna Kanchatty withiE Argha' Bhutdarch witbin
    Khenchi aad Daolig Tuppa itr Gulmi wsrc occupicd' But
    clght Doatbs lstct thc Pargannas of Paly Nitrowl and
    Tuppa Bhaawar wae takon porccsoion of by thc British
    oficcr against cstlblishcd tulc. Sidc by sido a claim was
    advanccd for Shcorajpur, Parganna Bhito' Dholia TupPa,
    Nikots tnd Nitrowl formally bclonging to thc Raja of
    Piuthan. Thc British also cstablishcd Thanas (police out-
    polt ) in Shcorsjp ar on tho 2gth ol Yatsakha as well as in
    Boorcc in Butwal district on thc 16th, This information
    Kazi Amar Siogh gavo also to Octorlony, who politely
    prooiscd to trsnsEit his arii ( pctition ) to thc Covernor'
    Gcncral though it camc within the Provincc of Major Brad-
    shaw. To thc Govcttror'Gcncral ald Octorlony an aPpcsl
    was madc to withdraw thc Thancdats. If it was oot donc
    'thc flomc ol discord will not carily bc cxtinguirhed" hc
    w&rncd.
    It appcals that what thc British had failcd to achicve
    round thc ocgotiation tebtc thcy now wantcd to gain by
    othcr Ecans.
    ID short thcir intcntion was to capture by forcc all
    that th€y wcre claiming so far,

    Parsa Rautahot
    The other disputc involvcd lands on what are now
    callcd in thc contiguous bordcr district of Parsa and Rau-
    tahat,
    For the long timc two Tuppas of Rautahat and Pach-
    routtcc of thc Simraongarh Pargaana wcrc hcld by onc
    Abdulla Beg undcr thc Sanad gmntcd undcr a coppcr plate
    Anglo-Nepalese Confltcts, lBI2.l4 255
    charter of Samvat 1743 of the Mackwanpur Raj. Accor-
    ding to T. Princep ( i, p. 65 ) the Raja of Betia in the bogin-
    ning contestcd the right of Mackwanpur to grant such a
    Zemindari tenure, as he himself claimed owuership of thore
    tracts, but after somctime yielded with himrclf iosuing
    a diffcrcat sanad to tho Muslim holdcr. Thue was,Mack-
    wanpur's suzeraiuty established though in an indircct wayr
    because Bir Kishorc could not producc any cvidcncc of his
    title and Prithvinarayana Sbah found it easy to grab thcsc
    areas in 1765, but it was allcged tbat in addition hc also
    occupied 22 adjoining villages on the side of Nunnore. T.
    Princep writes that in 1781 when an investigation wag madc
    it was recognised by the British that Rautahat and pach-
    routtee bclongcd to the Mackwanpur, and Betia had no
    claim over the areas. At the same time the Nepalese did
    not make any attempt to continue to occupy thc22 villagcs,
    which were since thcn till I8l1 treatcd as partq of thc
    British territory under Betia and in that year thecQ wcre
    attacked by the Gorkha officers. The controversy was
    rcvived in 1811. But thc Maharaja,s nolc contradicts this
    infoimation.
    Wc shall scc thst the evcnt that followed was to com-
    plicatc the situation all the more.
    Thc Suba of Bara-Parsa, Laksman Giri, had a skirmish
    over tho disputcd villages of Nunnore with thc Raja of
    Betia at the border, and on a night attack by thc latter
    ( 19June, lSll-Princcp ), this ofrcer was killed straight-
    away. Then two or three Nepalese battalions ( Fli ) frcm
    the adjoining command invadcd Bctia and plundered thc
    town, and the Raja was forccd to go to Calcutta to seek
    tho aid of the British, at whose intcrcession thc Nepalese
    Vakit Mahila Guru representcd the case to the Government
    in Kathmandu.
    Meanwhile Ncpal complained through a letter ( re-
    ccived in Calcutta,26 August l81l ).that the Zamindar of
    Champaran, Bir Kishore Singh had sent a force of 1600
    256 Modcrn NePal

    armod mcn to Parlanna Rahtul in thc Nepalesc Terai, who


    killcd thc Suba of thc arca' Laksman Giri, Chaudbari
    Bakhta Raj, Bcchoo Singh Jamadar atrd 9 scpoys' Thcy
    also woundcd gricvously 8 pcrsons and looted tbe property
    of thc Subs and thc trcasury of thc Govctnmctrt' Thc
    ZEnindor's mirconduct would havc invitcd punisbmcnt
    and thc Gorkhatir woro capablc of punitivc sction' But
    thcy had actcd modcratcly and rcfcrrcd tbc Datter to thc
    ccntrc. Thc Ncpalcse Govcrnmcnt urgcd oa thc Gov€rnor-
    Gcncral to takc up thc casc himsclf and award due punish-
    acnt to the Zamindar.
    In dcmanding punishmcnt to Bir Kishorc thc Nepalese
    authoritics said that this wa8 a precondition for any talk
    thcy would hold with thc Britisb about thc disPutcd tcrri-
    torics on thc border.
    Thc British werc bacling Bir Kishorc's claims' So
    thcy wcrc unwilling to rcccpt Ncpalcsc deDalds'
    But Bir Kishorc claimed that 'hc was dcprivcd of Rs'
    15,000 annually which wa8 the net incomc of thc 22 villagcs
    said to havc bccn occuplcd by thc Ncpalcsc officcrs' Hc
    also allcgcd that his ryots werc plundcrcd' aDd thc Gorkhas
    had killcd 9 pcrsons and woundcd l0 or 15 morc"el In a
    frash lcttcr addresscd ( rcceivcd on 13 January, l8l2)in
    rcply thc Maharaja of N€pel cxprcrscd his detcrmilation
    to hold thc tcrritory against all odds chould rhc British try
    to protcct Bir Kishore Singh thc aggrcssor'
    On thc British sidc one Mr. Young ascertaincd thc
    faot of Laksman Giri's death, but not being satisficd' thc
    Govcrnor-Gcncral deputcd Col. Bradshaw' Thc lattcr
    was allowed to occupy the twenty'two villagcs on condi'
    tion that they wcre to bc subjcctcd to exaEination bcforc
    bcing anncxed to ary sidc ( Moira's letter, 2nd August,
    1815 ). Immcdiatcly &fterwatds Guru Ranganath and Kazi

    21. For. Pol. Dcpt, 15 January, 1813, Co[s. D 62'


    Anglo-Ncpalete Conflcrt, 1812-U 257
    Dalabhanjan Patrdo toured thc border arcas froE Gast to
    wclt up to Pslpa to scttle thc boundary lincs.
    From thc King of Nepal a notc was rcceivcd in Cal-
    cutta o! l0 October, lSll by thc Govcrnor-Gencral rcgar-
    ding the disputcd boundary ofthc Tapps of Rsurabat ald
    Porganna Nuccnarc' both claimcd by rhc Britioh as thcir
    owtr. ln thc [otc it was caid that .tho disputc is an old
    oao bctwocn Ncpal and Raja Bir Kishorc of Bctia., But
    s sottlcmcnt was almost rcaohcd as pcr thc Raj8,8 wishcs
    on thc brsis of documcnts 'in the prcsencc of Chowdrics
    and Kanungocs of both partics' if Bir Kighorc had not
    adopted dilatory srtitudc failing ,to estsblish his right
    on the land'. Suba Laksman Giri, who .hcld thc samc
    situation undcr this Government' was murdered with seve.
    ral of hb pcoplc by Bir Kishore Singh who also set frc to
    thc villages and carried away plunders,. The note furthcr
    said that on lcarning thc news of the murder Ncpal dcmsn-
    ded rcparation and punishment consequent to the cvil dccd
    pcrpctratcd by the Zamindar, but thc British put lorward
    s condition bcforc doing anythitrg tbat Nepal should with-
    draw its troops from thc disputed villagcs. Bir Kishorc was
    so cmboldcncd by thc British attitude that he carried anothcr
    raid into the area 'on his own accoun!'.22 The Ncpalcse
    authoritics in tho locality wcre ordercd to push out Bir
    Kishorc whencvcr hc attempted his pcssage. Nepal claimed
    that the said disputed land bclonged to the Tuppa of
    Rautahat, which bcfore the Gorkhali invasion was a part
    of thc old Mackwanpur territory. It was argued that
    aftcr thc conquest of the principality, Rautahat with other
    arcas in Bara-Parsa were lookcd aftcr by Shivananda
    ( Shconand ) Upadhya and ( Hurrybar
    )Harihar Upadhya.
    Purjaput ( Prajapati ) Upadhya collected revenue in lhc
    capacity of thc Faujdar. Sardar Narabir SiDth acred as
    thc Suba of thc whole territory, and collectioDs of rcvcnue
    wcre made by othcr agencies also under him.
    22. For. aod S.c. Dept.,l3 March. t812. D. 38.
    258 Modcm NcPal
    To scttlc thc disputc about lands in rc88rd to ShGoraj
    and Butwal it was dccidcd to dcpute commissioncrs from
    both sidcs. Major Bradsbaw rcpresentcd rbe British sidc,
    whilc tbe Ncpal GovernmcDt had scnt Dalabhanjan Pande.
    Ncpal plcdgcd to honour thc vcrdict of thc invcstiSaticns
    if thc samc wa8 acccptcd by thc Govcrnor'Gcncral.l r
    In another lcttcr of 3 January, l8l2 tbe GovGrnEcnt
    ofNepal agrccd to thc Propossl of an crquiry iDto thr
    dirputc by a joint party and assurcd the vice'Prcgidcnt in
    council in Calcutta tbat Ranavirjang Pande and Parasu'
    ram Thapa werc proceeding to Rautahat for that purposc.
    Later th€y wcrc to bc joined by Ranganath and Kri6htra
    Pandit.
    Wc havc already made our observation sbout thc
    investigatioD. It scrms that thc Nepalcse sidc was tot
    satisfied with thc British sttitude.
    The Ncpal note furthcr statcs thst cvcn in rcgard to
    NuDnorc thc Raja of Betia was unable to Produce proof of
    the fact of having collectcd rcvonues 'in lbe mouias of
    Becjyc Burwa and othcr disputed lande' in thc Parganna
    of Nunnorc. In rcgard to Rautabat 'tbe right ofNcPal
    was acccpted by thc Kanungoes and Chaudbarics of both
    sid€s and the commissioners in thc disputE had not repu-
    diatcd thair statcmcnt'.e1
    The plea of thc Nepalesc Governmcnt was that as tbc
    question of Rautahat was already settlcd, the Britisb
    Govcrnmcnt must not bc influcnccd by Bir Kishorc and
    'if thcy disregard tbe agrcemcnt this would cventually
    spoil thc good relation subsistitrg bct$een tbc two countrics'.
    As regards the disputcd land around Bijapurwa the
    qucstion should bc lcft open. Nepal will withdraw its
    outposts, etc. if its right could not bc establisbed. Bir
    Kishore should not be allowed lo establish himsclf in lbe

    23 For. Pol. Dcpt, l7 May, 1811.. Cans n.70


    rbid
    Anglo-Ncpalesc Co4fllcts, l8l2-14 259

    possession until thcn. Tbc Nepalcse notc suggeeted a fresh


    investigation by commissions of both sides.
    Thc Maharaja in another lctter begged of the Gover-
    nor-Gcneral to release Guru Krishna Pandit from Calcutta
    pcnding the invcstigation. Hc was to bc represent€d by a
    trusted man of the Ncpalcsc Government. But meanwhilc
    if the Guru's prcscnce was needed in Calcutta thc certre
    would dircct him thcre ( For. and Scc. Dept', 13 March,
    1812, n. 39 ).
    Guru Vishnu Pandit in his letter of Pausa wdi I tccei'
    ved on Magha vadi 4 ( :Sunday, 4 Jauuary, l8l2 ) at Kath'
    mandu had reported that the collector of Gorakhpur had
    come to Banaras accompanied by thc cxiles cf Palpa and it
    secmed that the latter were conspiring to make the British
    hostile against Ncpal. The Guru baU talks with the authc-
    rities in Banaras. Ho had written to Calculta about the
    need to achieve closer Anglo-Nepalese unde rstanding. The
    royal letter of I/.S 1868 Magha 28 vadi J ( -Monday,l4
    January, 18t2 A.D. ) in reply to the Guru's submission
    informed that in regard to the areas in dispute on thc bor'
    dcr of Bara-Parra and Rautahat one Amin had arrived and
    Guru Krishna Pandit was sent to meet him. AU this shows
    the anxicty of the Nepalcse to avoid a conflict with the
    British.
    Ranganath wrote from his quarter in Kachroa on
    Phalguna vaili 12 roj2 of 1868 ( :Monday, l0 March, 1812
    A.D.) to his Govcrnment.
    "Thc British do not sccm to intend to return us the 22
    maujas. They may rcturn thc 7 maujcts previously looked
    after by Bir Kishore, and tle locality whcre Laksman Giri
    was killed. We have met the Amin. He is not empowered
    to dccidc himsclf. We have pleadcd our case. The Amin
    is proceeding to Chhapra to meet the judgc IMagistrate".
    Writing to Bhimsen Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa in
    Kathmandu Amar Singh sent a letter from Butwal on l/S
    1868 Maghavadi i roj 4 (:Wedncsday, l8 December, 18il )
    2@ llodcm NcPal

    in rcply to thcir lcttcr of ]lragha vadi 5 rcccivcd by him on


    vaili 9, He wrotc that the disputc rcgarding the bordcr in
    Sheoraj had not becn scttlcd. The Captain ( English officer)
    had called MuDiraj to his presence and demanded of him
    papcre signed by TaraPati Faujdar and Judarvan Cbau-
    dhary. From Gorkha'e eidc no papcrr worth thc nanc
    could bo produccd. Thcy, howcvcr, claimcd tbat tho fron-
    ticr scttlcd along thc Kurra rivcr was not acccptablc to
    thcm. Muniraj informed Amar Singh tbst he was askir g
    thc Mahtos to search for truc documcnts, but hc was Dot
    hopeful of thc find. Amar Siogh fiad asked Muniraj to
    approach the Chaudbary and Mahto of Sbeorai for thc
    true papcrs.
    Amar Singh Thapa bad irformcd thc centrc that Suba
    Muniraj had approved of the shifting ofbamboo pillars
    to the south to makc tbem agree with the old linc.
    In another lcttcr datcd YS 1868 Magha sudi 5 roJ 7
    ( :18 January, saturday, l8l2 )written from Butwal Amar
    Singh acknowledgcs the receipt ofa royal lctter writt.D on
    Magha vadi .I4 and rcccived by him on sudi 4. 'fhe ceolre
    had ordered him not to provoke tbc Englisb otherwisc
    exccpt to persuade them by reasons. The argumcnt froD
    Ncpal's side must be based on documents. Amar Singh
    had said that Muniraj and Mahadco bad been instructed
    to that effect. Gurus Krishna Pandit and Ranganath Pandit
    had mct the Amin or were likcly to meet him. In regard to
    Sheoraj border, thc ncwly appointed British officer shifted
    thc pillars to the north. Thc Captain ( the concerned Eng-
    lish ofrccr ) asked the Gorkhalis not to eDcroach oD tbe
    boundary. They argued tbat tbe Nepalesc did not possess
    any documents in this regard. The Nepalcse Faujdar
    Tarapati atrd others did possess a documenl. about thcir
    title on the border land in Bansi. But the document was
    cxecuted l6 years ago and belonged to a pcriod before the
    arrival of the East India Company itr that a,ea. Aftrr a
    tour of the border land the British were told that the docu-
    Angio-Nepalese Conflicts, l|tz-|4 26L
    mcnt was in possession of Tarapati Faujdar. But tbc
    English rejccted thc plea and warncd that any attcmpt
    to
    shift thc pillars would not bs tolcrated. According
    to thc
    English officcr thc pi[ars wcrc crcctcd by mutual consent
    on the linc agrecd to after cxamining tho
    documcDts of
    both sider.
    Amar Singh furthcr wrote tbat Muniraj and policc
    Daroga Tahir Ali worc approached to do the o.idful. - Th"y
    werc told that tha old linc of thc pillars was standing with
    their acccptance, The rsiyats of thc arca barvested thc
    crop in thc land on that basis. But thc EDglish oftcer had
    shiftcd the pillars without consulting thcm. Thc omcer
    had ignorcd thcm. So the disputc stsrtcd oncc again.
    Amar Singh furthcr su8gestcd to them rbat Munirsj
    and Zahar Ali should undo whst thc n6w Sahcb had done
    in rcgard to the pillars.
    _ Thc police Daroga bad acted in thc way Amar Singh
    had suggcstcd. The pillars wetc rcmovcd .and somcwbere 400
    cubits, somewhcrc 300 cubits and elsewherc 100 cubirs and
    ell south, The pillarr wcle set up at the lilc jurt to show
    that this was the rcal boundary, and to this the Chaudha-
    rics ofboth sidcs had agrced. Judaona Chaudbary from
    the British ridc and Faujdar Muniraj from the Ncpalesc
    sidc appendcd thcir signalure to the agrcement. Tbc
    boundary pillars wcrc shiftcd cven to thc 6outh of tbe linc
    and acceptcd by Tarapati, Rangavir Khawas was sent to
    Kathmandu with thc lottcr8 of approval by thc Captain,
    thc police Daroga and othcrs. But tbc dispute stili was
    Eot rcsolved.
    In thc armc lcttcr Amar Singh writcs tbst hc had
    scoldcd Mahadeo Padhya for not informiog him of thc
    Palpali princo accompanying thc EDglish ofrccis to Calcutta
    and of his rGturn sftor a stsy of a month therc.
    In Butwal thc bordcr dispute stood as ususl, Th€
    Phiringis had given land to tho prince of palpa, who had
    6o[t his Faujdsr to tako poeccrsio! oI tho Mahtos of tho
    262 Modern NePal

    thres concerned villages across thc river Tinau' Those


    who resisted were being takcn away to their headquartcr'
    But thc raiyats appealed to Amar Sirgh for redrcss'
    Amaisingh had writtcn to thc policc Daroga on this
    subjcct. He claimed that Palbi and Nacharbal (Nawalpur )
    belonged to Ncpal. These had been forcibly taken
    poss€ss-

    ioo of by ths Eoglish since 1804 A.D' Before that time


    thc Nepalcss collected revcnuc from this arca' Amar Singh
    threatcncd to take similar action and srtest lhe Mahlos on
    Corkha side but thosc detaincd by the British wele Dot
    rclcascd in time. As a result of this thrcat thc Mahtos
    wcrc frccd,
    In Sheoraj thc Gorkhali Faujdar Muniraj was cxpcctcd-
    soon about this time and arraogcmcDt for a settlemcnt
    of
    bordcr dispute would bc made whcn hc camc'
    Mcanwhile Amar Singh himsclf wanted to bc in
    Kathmandu fot 2O-25 dayswith the Sabuj ComPany' But
    he was not able to leavc his station as thc shootiog war
    had begun along tho bordar.
    T-hc question of the Terai part of thc Butwal district
    was raiscd by the British in thc communication of Major
    Bradshaw, commissioncr of the Gorakhpur division dcs-
    patched on 2l MaY 1813.26
    Thc fact of the iDvcstigation of Butwal bordcr is alco
    mentioned in a letter to J. Adam by P' Braddon (23 May'
    l8l3).!6 Thc lctter says that thc party from Nepal consietcd
    of Kazi Dalabhanjan Pande, Ranganath Pandit 'Dd Krisn&
    Pandit, the Yakil. The talks n'crc onalised in Butwal' Thcy
    had lcft on the l8th ot May. Braddon who reprcsctrtcd thc
    British was held up due to hcavy rains for two days, wbich
    had causcd heavy flood in the Tinau rivcr' Braddoa bcgs
    apology for the culsory Doturc of thc report and says that
    this was due to the attitude of the Gorkhali commiesioncrs
    'who came prcpared rather to evade thc dcmand of tbc
    25. I bid.

    25. Foreign Arcbives, N.Pal'


    Anglo-Nepalese Conficts, t8l2-11 263
    British Govcrnment of tbe surrendcr of its right lhsn to
    invcstigatc the claims ofthc respcctive statcs'. But Braddon
    addcd that'ifthe Gove rnor-Gcneral accepted thc proposal
    of the Nepalcse, thc East India Company would noi losc
    morc than li3 of the t€rritorics under disputc'.2? Accordirg
    to him "from Sheoraj irclusivc Butwal along the hills
    eastwardly, there arc 7 tuppas ( 3 koes may in gencral bc
    takcn for half a tuppa in mcasurcment ), thercfore tbc plan
    of relinquishmcnt would give thc Raja 3 Tuppas atrd half
    of land in a quarter thc most valuablc to bim." Measure-
    ment of thc locality for the entranccs to the hills by othc,
    means was deemed to be not a mattcr of difrculty.
    Thc Govcrnor-Gcncral howevcr, was trot in a mood to
    listcn to Braddotr, and part with the tcrritory as commendcd.
    Thc British did not bclievc in compromisc solution.
    Thcy wcnt to the negotiation table $ith str intcnt ro iDpress
    thc Ncpalcse with their cvidence, and have thcir claims
    acccpt€d by. them.
    Mcanwhilc another complaint was scnt to Ncpal
    about the allcgcd Gorkha invasion ofBctia by a party of
    2fi) foot aod horscmen who had plundcred and dcstroyed
    thc villegc of Niooya in thc Hotrourablc Compaoy's
    posscssions in Bctia and carried off 7 ofthc iohabitaots'.
    Tho British claimcd rcdrcsr and throatened to .havc rc-
    cogaised rights and propcrty of itc subjccte without any
    referencc to the Ncpal Govcrtrment'.rs
    From two lettcrs of VS 1870 Vakakha vadi g roJ 6
    (:Friday, 23 April, l8l3 A.D.) and yaisakha vadt t2 roJ 3
    (:Tuesday,27 April, t8l3) writt€n by Gencral Amar Singh
    from Palpa to thc King and bir sons rcspcctivcly it appcars
    that Ncpal was prepared to part with claims on certoin
    stretch of tcrritorics, and come to pcacc with thc British
    but at the cad trying to bribc thc Amins and Kaaungoco
    ia thc Butwal scctor.
    27. Fot. Pol. Dcpt., 18 JuDc, 1813, Co!r. a. 18.
    28, Lctto! wriltcE oo 4 Juao, 1813. Fot. pol. fropt., Co[5. !.46.
    264 uodern Nepal

    It also appcarr that the ccntral authoritics in Kath-


    maodu had directed thcir mcn in diffcrcnt scctors to con€
    to tcrms with the British Gvcn if it mcant to acccpt Einor
    adjustmcnts.
    Suravir Son tho claimant to thc throac of Palpa
    rcccivcd noncy from the Govcrnor in Srinagar' Although
    thc British had assurcd him of rcstoration, hc had loet
    intcrcst in thcir support and secmcd wholly to sidc with
    Kathmandu. Thc KanunSoc descrvcd to bc takcn in tbc
    servico of Nepal. This as thc contcntio! of Amar Singh
    cxprsssed in his letters.
    Amar Singh rcportcd that thc disputc in lbc Vioayala'
    pur areas was settlcd through thc KaounS,oc of Bansi, who
    had statcd that thc pay6cnt was madc to thc British for
    lands in Shcoraj from 43 to 55 Sal (ycare) of thc Vilrama
    Ceotury 18. According to Jagdco Bhandari's lctter
    tht
    persons of Sheoraj bad coofirmcd that this
    knowledgeable
    was no annual revenue but Prcsents ( sr rtmg ) 'at mccting
    being given' But cven this was outsidc thc knowlcdgc of
    thr 6oi"ro."ot in Kathmaodu and Amar Singh doubtcd
    if thc governmcnt was bound by this kind of tra!6adiotr
    (lettcr iS 1870 Yat$kha sudl 5 roi 1\,1e Hc had accordingly
    informecl Jagdco Bhandari about thc mattcr'
    The lctters rcvealcd that both sidcs had b€cn trying to
    manipulatc cvidcncc with a vicw to avoid compromisc on
    equitable tcrms. But the British casc sccmcd wcak and
    tiorc was a gr€atcr tcndetrcy to rely on insd'quarc cvidcrcc
    on their part. As a result a clash had bccomc itrcvitsblc
    and it actualtY camc a montb lat€r'
    It has to be said in favour of tbc Ncpalcsc authoritics
    that thcy had shown a morc tohrant altitudo thsr tho
    British in the negotistion although thcy wcrc also ran'
    oeuvering into a particular position'
    Major Bradshaw was instructcd to approach thc
    Resident commandcrs of Ncpal in arcas adjoiniog thc
    29. APril'MaY' 1813.
    Angio-Nepoicsc Confiicts, 1812'14 265

    district of Saran and in thc far wcst ncar lhe Satlaj rivcr
    (J. Adam, Junc 14, l8l3).
    In rcgard to the dispute for Shcoraj-Butwal area the
    British Govcrnor-General was in no mood to reconcilc witb
    thc fect of Gorkha possession.eo Thc Governor-General in
    Council informcd Bradshaw that the Nepal Govcrnment
    bad no title to thcsc tcrritories and thc British would not
    bc a party to thc surrender of Butwal and Sheoroj to Nepal.
    All lands South of thc hills wsre to go to the British as
    thcsc wcre held by thc Rajas who excrciscd their right as
    Zcminda of thc Nawab Yajir bcforc occupation ofthe
    Gorkhas. Thc British claimcd their posscesions as successor
    to thc Nswab Vsjir. They also could producc a documcnt
    of agrccmcnt excsutcd by Raja Prithvipal Scn in 1802.
    Tho British wcrc also schcming to scizc thc territory by
    forcc ifthc Ncprl Govcrumcnt refused to comc to terDs
    with thcm. Lt. Pickergill had just finishcd survey ofthe
    orea. Major Bradshaw had ruggcsted tbc formation ofan
    euxiliary forco of the local inhabitants of the place, the
    Tharus, who wcrc acclimatised to live all the 12 months in
    tho rogion, Hc suggcstcd a forcc of 1000-1500 men with
    matchlocks, 'titrd oflight corps who might also bc utilised'
    in thc fronticr dispute across the Gandak. Bradsbaw argued
    that a loc&l guard of this type, was maintained by tbe Raja
    of Palpa in his days,8! who had in 1801.02'engaged bimsclf
    to thc collector of Gorakhpur to pay Rs. 32,000 as an annual
    ossessment'. The Kathmandu authorities dcclincd to
    cvacuatc Butwal (Priosep, Vol. I, pp. ?0-71 ; Mill and Wilson,
    p. l0), Major Bradshaw's efforts failed to achicv€ thc
    objcctive.
    According to Bradshaw's lcttcr ol 12 Septcmbcr, l8l3
    'Raj Guru Krisna Pandit had come to Chhapra otr 30th
    July, I813, to carry on ncgotiation for the disputcd area.
    Hc agaiu caEe to this place to see Bradshaw on the 22nd
    30. Lottor to B!.dshaw, l8 Juie, 1813, Cons, 23.
    31. For. Pot. Dcat., Co!, 16.
    266 todem Nepal

    Scptcmber. There wasa standing complaint at the tirrre lodg-


    ed by thc British that thc Gorkhalis had raidcd a village call-
    ed Nemoya in the district. Krisns Pandit pleadcd that he bad
    uct the Eoglish commissioncr after iavestigation of lhc
    matter and told Bradshaw that. to his vicw the alleged
    incidcnt was 'a fabrication ofthe Darogba at the instigation
    of the Raja of Bir Keshore Singh'. But the British demanded
    nothing short of 'thc surrender of every part of thc tcrritory
    in reference.'8 2
    Bradshaw made Krisna Pandit to dcccpt his suggestion
    to go to Nepal for direct consultation. He also wrotc to
    Amar Singh Thapa, father of Bhimsel, at Tanscn, and yet
    two letters more both to Ranganath Pand it aod Bhimsen.
    Thc Govcrnor-Gcner&l's letter was mcant for thc Raja
    'lctter of Bradshaw to J. Adams,24 Oct,, l8l3'. The last 4
    lcttcrs were to go by the hands of the Vakil.
    As Krisna Pandit had left Kathmandu, Bradshaw
    learnt that Amar Singh Thapa had descended to the Tcrai
    with 3000 regulars and irregulars combined. A part of
    troops was armcd with guns 'aftcr the manrcr of our troops'.
    Othcrs used knives, bows and poisoncd errows. It was
    reported that the movcmcnt of thcrc troops was occassioncd
    by 'the apprehended approach of battalions of Britieh
    ecpoys'and the Gorkhas seemed 'agitatcd with €xpeclation
    and uocertainty' (Bradshaw to Adams, Irt December,
    I8l3),3I
    Bradshaw furthcr informed the Governor-General
    that Krisna Pandit would arrive as sooD as he would reach
    the border of the disputed land.sa
    Bradshaw received replies to his letters *bich be had
    scnt to Ncpal. Hc was informed that two Ncpalesc oficcrs
    were deputcd to talk with him. Thcir namcs wcre Kazi
    Dalabhanjan Pande and Sardar Parasuram Thapa. They
    32. For. Pol. Dept.,8 Oct. 1613, CoD.;6.20.
    33. For. Pol. Dept,, 10th Dcccmber, 1813, Coas. !.92.
    34. Ibid.
    Anglo-Nepaiese Conflicts, I8I2-14 261

    were to be followed by Chuataria Prana Shah and Guru


    Ranganath. The meeting was toltake place at 'Rutihat' on
    thc Nepalese side of the border. Prana Shah and Ranganath
    were to arrive on the 3rd of Pausa (10 December, 1813).
    But the language of tbe letter did not exhibit seriousness
    on their part as to punctuality. Krisna Pandit, however,
    desircd to come along with Parasuram Thapa and
    Birbhanjan Pande.
    The British in anticipating conflicts with Ncpal had
    even from now tried to kecp themselves in a statc of pre-
    paredness. A survey of all thc roads and avenues leading
    to thc hills from thc 'Coosy to Gandak was ordered to be
    carried out by Lt. Pickersgill. The ostensible purpose was
    to bc acquainted with the topography of the area so that
    in case of a plan of attack this would help them'.
    The British complaint regarding banditry on the
    border of Purnea was long standing. In a letter of 5 Novem-
    ber, l8l3 they had repeated it and urged on Nepal to help
    to suppress it, to which thc Ncpalese authorities agreed.
    In the Far west fresh trouble arose. It was alleged by
    thc British that 4 villagcs in the possession of thc cxiled
    Raja of Hindur were seizcd by Kazi Amar Singh's troopers.
    The British asked Ncpal to evacuate these villages.
    According to Nepalese these villages had been assigned
    to Sivadatta Raja as Jagir but in the turmoil that followed
    the invasion by Nepal the Raja of Hindur had seized them.
    He had his base hcre to disturb Amar Singh Thapa's
    entourage, who 'ejected the Raja from the possession of
    these villages'.
    After sometimc the four villages of Batawly or Butwal
    were surrendercd to the British (to the Raja of Nepal by
    Governor-General, l9 Novembcr, l8l3). The Nepalese
    treated this transfer of right as a conc€ssion made to the
    British in the interest of peace aud amity. But the British
    took it as a matter of right. The Governor-General wrote
    that as Nepal had not furnishcd the date of 'Ramsaran's
    268 Llodern Nepal
    rcsumption of right as wcll as thst of his subscqucnt
    cjectment' other sccounts rclated to thc cvent werc not
    corrcct. The Governor-General further said that thc
    principle of limitation was agrccd upon mutually by Col,
    Octorlony and Amar Singh Thapa in l8l0 as they wcrc
    dcaling with thc question of thc valley of Pinjorc. Thc
    Governo r-General assured Ncpal that 'thcrc will be no
    deviation from the policy of non-interfcrencc.. &nd tbcy
    would prevent its dependents from committing 8Dy aggres-
    sion against the tcrritory of Ncpal.'
    In Bctia scctor Bradsbaw had bccn dcputcd to solvc
    thc dispute. Even otherwise he was undertaking I trip to
    the border areas. From Betia he had reachcd a village by
    namc Bhouna on the 24th of Dcccmber, 1813'aftcr two days'
    march'. Thc route along the bordcr was a diffcult'onc
    intersected by rivulcts and watercourscs, rll running in
    southerly direction', He coDtinued hirjourncy to th! cast
    arriving in Simraogarh on rhe 30th. On thc third of January,
    l8l4 he had reached the bank of thc rivcr Tcer 'which fcrme
    the boundary of the spatr in which the 22 village8 ururped,
    by thc Ncpal GovernmeDt are situatcd'(lctter to J. Adaos,
    4 January, l814).8 6
    Bradshaw rcported that he was rcccivcd at Adapur
    by a junior officcr of the Ncpalcse army dcputed by Prana
    Shah and Ranganath Pandit. Adapur was a disputed arca
    but under control of Nepal. It was at a di6tancc of 7 coss
    (14 miles) from Kuchhuroa. Here he was givcn a wclcomc
    by Krisna Pandit and thc Tbanedar, Baldcva Upadhya,
    He was given accommodation close to thc rcsidcnce o, thc
    Ncpalese commissioners. Bradshaw who had been dcnied
    hospitablc trcatment in Butwal sccms to havc bccn imprcsr-
    €d by'the attentioD shown on this occasioa'.66
    Bradshaw pleadcd that thc canrl in Bhaura village
    which formed the wat€r coursc rgprcseltiog the intcr-
    35. For. Pol. Dspt., 14 Jaa., 1814, Co!3. tr. 36.
    36. rbid.
    Anglo-Nepalcsc Confllcrt, 1812-ll 269
    national linc would not havs bcen built 'conoidcring thc
    jealous and unaccommodating spirit of tbc oficers unlcss
    the ground whcre it joins th€ Aorec Nuddy was understood
    by the partics to be rightful property of thosc who incurrcd
    thc cxpoosc and labour of diggiog it',
    Whil6 ncgotiation was going on the British 3trcngth-
    cncd thcir ailitary position stattiDg from cs6ts8rd. Tbc
    Govcrnor-Gcncrel obrcrvcd 'as thc Govcrnmcnt and
    tcrritories of Ncpal arc at prcscDt, aDd thc Commander-in-
    chicf conccivcd must coDtitruc to bc, grcster objccts of
    vigilancc and prccaution tban petty Raja of Bbutan, Hir
    Excellcncy has dcemcd it advisablc to kccp tbat circum.
    stancc in vicw, in coniidcring of the crntonments to bc
    permanently assigned to thc local corps on this fronticr'
    (Adjutant Gencral, 2 January,lSl4). Tbe Rangapur battalion
    was to stay in Fatalya. The Beria battalion commandcd
    by Captain Hay looked after the districts of Sardn s,nd
    Tirhut, Captain Hay and Major Bradsbaw wcre to sclcct
    the hcadqusrter of this battalion by mutual consultation.
    Fatslya as thc hcadquarter of Rangapur battalioD was
    approvcd tJ. Adams to the Adjutant Gencral, 28th January,
    Itl4. Also For. Pol. Dept.,4 Feb., Cons. n.,t4-45).
    In thc rcorganisation of military situation it was also
    decided that Lt. Pickersgill would ooly do survcy work,
    and his placc in the command would be takcn by Lt.
    Bileau of the2nd Battalion of the ltth Nativc RegiD€nt,
    Bradshaw had also suggestcd that thc trijunction (Triveni)
    on thc aouthward march of the river Gandak falling wirh-
    in Bctia and part of Somesvar hills controlled by Tejpratap
    ofTanhou should be occupied whencver British intcrest
    demandcd it. He spoke of its utility as an opcning of tradc
    routc or 'if cver the nccessity of war should compel an
    attack on the hill an opening is bere prcscnted for scizing
    on the road beforc the fall bctween Palpa and Kathmandu,,
    (Lcttcr to J. Adams,20 January, l814),s?
    37. For. Pol. Dept.,4 M8rch, 1814, qon!. n.5e.
    270 ttoden Nepal
    Thc British wcrs not only prcparing for thc distatrt
    potsibility of a war but it apFears tbat Bradshaw had
    suggestcd the scizurc of Butwal by force, and thc Governor-
    Gcncral had askcd the Adjutant Gcncral to provide a
    dctachmcnt of troops to that cnd so tbat thc Nepalcsc bc
    provokcd to prccipitatc thc var (For. Pol. Dcpt.,4 Februsry,
    l8td Conc. n. 50). Bradshaw had rcrchcd on tbc 3 roj of
    January in villagc of Bijburncc onc of the 22 villagcs
    atlcg€d to havc bcen seizcd by thc Gorkhalis. This villagc
    was situatcd 'on thc right bank of the rivcr Bukra 2 siilcs
    south of Simraongarh'. In tha Kuchhrso camp Bradshaw
    met ihe Nepalcse commissioners on thc loth, l2th and l3th
    of January, They had a heated discussion ovcr thc issuc3.
    Bradshaw complained of rudcness on thc part of the NePal-
    lcsc, and even thrcatened to occupy the whole of Nepal if
    that kind of bchaviour was repeated and 27 villages werc
    not vacated. Ranganath and othcrr yicldcd but said that
    thc transfcr would bc temporary' and this would ba
    followed by strothcr enquiry. AciordiDg lo Biadshaw"
    report, a joint team would tour all22 villagce and announcc
    the dccision by a beat ofdrum. Bradshaw reportcd thst
    cxccpt thc fact of the dcath of Lachhman Giri's murdcr
    therc was no basis for Ncpal's claim on thc said villsScs'.
    When Bradshaw talked to thc Ncpalesc hc gavc his fioding
    tbat the Rajbandha i.e. tbe royal canal formed tbc boundary
    between the two countries and thc fact tbat for 30 ycars
    all the 22 villages wcre undcr thc protcction of thc
    Company's GovernmeDt was admitted by the Nepalese.
    More informations were based on Mr. Young's rcport.
    According to YouDg the villages of Nunnorc, Nurhottra 8nd
    Bhunna lay on the southern side of thc canal. Hc citcd a
    document. It was argued that the 22 villagcs were out-
    side the Zamindari of Abdulla Beg of Rautahat which werc
    handed over to Nepal in 1783 by Warreu Hastings.
    Guru Rangaoath wrote Brsdshaw a lstler dcclaring
    his Goverbmcnt's intention to part eilh the 22 villapes ir
    Anglo-Ncpal.tc Confllctt, 1812-U 211

    disputc. But it was yct to be dccidcd whcther thcsc villagcr


    lay in Routahat or Nunnorc. Somc villages ncar &bout
    Adapur were also disputed, So an enquiry was to be s€t up
    before the transfer was made. Rarganath suggested tbat
    thcrc should be onc man from each side. Rangs[sth
    omphssiscd thst tho abandonmcnt of thc villagor by
    Napal wss to promotc fricndship with tho British. Thc
    lcttcr w.! detcd 19 Magha Samvat 1870 l:25 January,
    r 814).
    Mcanwhile Bradehaw wrote tbat hc had tourcd thc
    22 villages on the border to put courage into thc hearts of
    tho British subjects liviog thcre wh ich h8d thc desired cffcct,
    Ranganath Pandit also visitcd Adapur and Bhouna, and
    by thie hc sccmod to put off thc date of surrcndcr, BrodEhaw
    said that he was waiting for tho arrival of a documcnt for
    firieliiing thc discussiorr. He rcported tbat hc was mct by
    BslbbhBdra Upadhya and others on behalf of Ranganrth
    with thc dstcnsibl€ purposc of inspecting tbe place whcrc
    Lachhmau Oiri was murdcred, A trec was marked to
    havo becn th€ targct of attack undcr which the Suba wae
    shot. This lay otr thc admission of thc Upadbya and
    Ncpalcse inspcclors in villagc Amowa about 5 coss ( l0
    miles ) from thc frontier,
    Thc sa e kind of preparation was made in order to
    seizc Shcoraj and Butwal by forcc, We bave alrcady
    observed how Major General Wood expressed bis inability
    to providc I dctachmcDt from tbe contingent, But trow
    thc Govcrnor-Gencral was serious and hc wrote to thc
    Commander-in-Chicf that 'thc Gcneral should surely sparc
    a dctaohmcnt for Goiakhpur, which would march to
    occupy tbc disputed arca as wcll as to maintain the traD-
    quility ofthe district of Gorakbpur during the cvcntuel
    abscncc of greater part of our troops'. As tbe coming
    season was unhealthy the Goverror.General waDtcd to seize
    thc t€rritory before tbe spring ras over if the Nepalcse
    Govcrnmcnt cxhibited a tetrdcncy to .procrastiDatc tbc
    212 Modcrn Nclnl

    quict ccssion of lalds' ( Adj. Gcrtl. to I. Adams' 10 Marcb'


    1814 ).38
    Mcanwhils the King of Nepal w.3 informed through
    s l€ttcr hand€al over to Srikrishna PaDdit by Bradrhaw all
    about thc tituation. Thc lottcr pleadcd tbat tbc leods in
    dirputc beloDgcd to the Britisb, aad thc Bririrh wcrc aD'
    xious to get back thcse morc lo bccausc tbc coooissioncrs
    ofboth sidcs had dcclded in favour oI thc Briti6h' But
    wc knorv that thc Ncpalosc commissioners'had not sdBit-
    tcd thcmselves to support ,bc Dritish ilaim' (Adams
    to Bradshaw, ll March, l8l4 ).8c So tho British ssnlcd
    to forcc the issuo on their own intcrprctation of thc cxis-
    ting cvidcnce.
    But in rcgatd to thc rcport of Gorkhali's raids into
    the villagc of Dalip, onc of whosc inhabitaots was allcgedly
    kidnapped and killcd as made out by the Darogs of Thona
    Acterbunder (as pcr lctter of Saran magistratc, 2l October,
    l8l3)ao the wholc affair sccmcd concocted. Thc Govcrnor-
    Gcncral-in-Council was unablo to put credance to the rcport
    for the reason that it wrs just oncc mcntioncd by thc
    Magistrate, So they iostructed Bradshaw to pcrsuc thc
    matter with thc NEpalcse officers if hc had a vcry tangiblc
    evidence in support of the cootcntion. Similarly asthc
    allcgcd outrage on Ncmoza was found bascless aftcr cnquiry
    Bradshaw was to convcy Governor'General's satisfaction
    to Ncpal.
    I think that thc disputo about thc 22 villagcs wat a
    prestigc issue for the British. But as thcy rcaliscd that
    much of what thoy complaincd was rcsult of misrcporting by
    the magistrates who based their statcmcnt on thc cxaggcrat'
    cd aod tcndentious news provided by thc local policc
    officcrs, the Go vernor-General had warned that 'nothing
    38. For. Pol. Dept., ,1 March, 1814, Cons' n 3l'
    39. Ibid.
    40. J. Adams to Bradshan, 4 March, 1814. For. Pol. Dcpt.,4
    March, I814.
    Aaglo'Nepalese Confltcts, 1812'14 27'
    should be rcported to thc Government which would lcad
    to unpleasant and cmbarassing situation of founding a
    proceeding on grounds which afterwarde proved to bc
    insuEcient, and to such cxtsnt compromising its dignity
    and woakcning its causc'. But thcy stusk to thoir clsins'
    The Govortror-Gcocral discouragcd any idca of rc'
    cxamination of the issuc. Bradshaw was to declerc this in
    th: ncxt dcetitrg. [Ic was alsc instructed to toll theE that
    thc British might use atry means at their dispo$al feilitg to
    obtain pcaceful surrender of the villagcs. Hc should also
    maintain'a rcspcctable appcaronce of fort on thc 'fronticr
    and a resolute rcsistanc€ against any rcncwed pretcnce to
    the lsnd and promptly and vigorously push out any
    invadcr','1
    As for the death of Lachhnan Giri, the magistratr of
    Saran Mr. Leycester in his letter of 25th of July' 1813 had
    laid thc btame on the men of Betia, and so did the tepcrt
    of Mr. Shakcspeare wbo added that thc culprits might'bc
    tricd for nturder'. But the Governor-General-in'Council
    fclt that opinions were divided, and any punishmcnt or
    trial of those involved in the affair was far from tbeir mind'
    It was argucd that thc t€rritory lay a furlong withiD thc
    British territory' Bradshaw says that the inspection was
    done on 12 January last. But he adds that nothing more of
    evidcnce was available. Otr the other hand hc complains
    that Ranganath had not permitted thc Patwaris of the said
    villages to come forward with their statements (9 March'
    l8l4 Camp Kuchhuroa). Bradshaw had rcportcd that a
    lcttcr of Lachhman Giri was with the collcctor of Saran,
    and this might provide a clue that he was an aggreslor'
    But that lctt€r was missing (25 March, 1814)' obviously
    the British were not honest on this issuei

    British military Expedition to besiege Butual


    Thcre is a passage reproduced in the Govcrnor'
    41. Ibid.
    274 Modcm Nqtat
    Gcneral's letter, attributiDg the following ststement to thc
    king of Ncpal 'with respcct to your Lordship's obscrvation
    that the judgement pronounccd by the commissioners of
    your Govcrnment is correct and thatof my commisoners
    crroncous, I sm at a lo$ to gucas thc causc of it'. And
    thorc is aoother passrgo sscribod to the forDcr in thc lcttcr
    to Govcrnor-Generol .I request your perticular attention
    to thc lctters addrosscd by that ofrcer (Major Bradrhaw)
    to Ranganath Pandit and thc commissioncrs under datc
    thc l2th of May, in which he has both pointcd out thc
    particutar facts ntrd documents on which the cloim of thc
    British Governmcnt rcsts, complctcly demonstratcd thc
    insufficiency of the cvidcnce adduccd by thc Ncpaksc
    commigsioncrs and the faleacy of the argumeDt maintaincd
    by thcm in support of thc claim of the Govcrnmcnt of
    Ncpal',
    Although thc British Govcrnor-General introduccd
    tbcse quotations to support their claim, it is oeverthcless
    clear that the Nepalese had not acceptcd British view of
    thc boundary line. Obviously the British want€d to push
    thcir own fiodiog quite arbitrarily howcvcr much they
    might havc charactcrised this attempt of theirs as.strict
    investigation' cond ucted so as .to lcave no doubt oD the
    mind of aay impartial person of the right ofthc Britilh
    Government to the disputed laods'. The Governor-Gcncral
    warned that failing rcstitution of thcir right by pcaccful
    mcans thcy would bc compclled to take recoursc .to dircct-
    ing the Britirh troops to expcl the Gorkhali ofrcers ard
    men by force, restablish in them the authority of the British
    Govcrnmcqt' (For. Pol. Dept., ll Marcb, CoDs. n. 29). The
    Governor-oencral was replying to tbe royal letter from
    Nepal received in Calcutta on 5th February, lgl4.a,
    As the British were makiog warlike preparations, we
    do not know ifever the Nepalesc King,s lciter had gonc to
    mollify the situat ioo.
    42. tbid.
    Anglo-Ncpatese Confllcts, 1812'14 275

    According to Bradshaw thc lowland of Butwal could


    not remain undcr British occupation for more than 6
    months in a Ycar.
    J. Adam, the Secrctary to the Government in Calcutta
    had askcd the Magistr&tcs of Tirhut and Purnia to furnish
    dctails about thc cncroachments of the Nepalcsc soldicre
    on thcir rcspective tcrritories (25 Marcb, 1El4)' Tho dctails
    should cover information about'the name of caeh village,
    the Pafganna whcre it is situ8tGd, thc name of thopioprietor
    or farmcr'.
    Thc border disputc in the Butwal'Champaran sector
    is thc subject also orinc othcr two lettcrs written by Ranga-
    nath Pandit to his King. Hc refcrs to an incident in which
    spadesoftenantsofBhanwarahadbeensnatchedawayin
    *inuti and Adarpur and in response to the Amin's com-
    ptaint Prithvipal Singh and Pheku Chaudhary had been
    summooed to his presencc. Tho facts of the case and
    Amin's letter had been forwarded to Kathmandu earlier.
    Thc two pcrsons had now reached Kuchhuroa and they had
    told him that the mischicf was donc by men of the othcr
    .side.TheywcretheinhabitantsofthevillageofBhanwara.
    Thcy had forcibly occupied thc disputed territory' Ranga-
    nathrcportcdthatasthcsefactscametobeknowntohim
    he wrote to the English officer through Amin Mir Kasim
    Ali that he should provide the namcs of the persons involv-
    cd in the scuffi.e so that these could be subjcctcd to scrutiny
    in thc prescncc of the two partics. But the Phiringi declined
    to supply the names. He feigncd ignorancc but said that
    hc would writo a lctter in that conncction. Ranganath
    wrote to Kathmandu that after this he handed a draft
    reply to the Munshi for copying in clear hands and ins'
    tructed him to forward the samc to the Amin and then
    left for hunting in thc villagcs.
    Ranganath further reportcd that he had ordered to
    preserve intact the plot of lands which were full of trees.
    The plot lay within Chainpur on their (Ncpalesc) sidc of
    276 Modern Nepal
    thc Bahasi. Onc ofthcsc trees bore a bullct mark which
    had hit and killed Lachhman Giri. But taking advantagc
    of his absence thc Amin ordered to clear thi bushes an'd
    trees apparently exposiog & desiro to shift his military
    outpost to that sitc. This was, howcver, succcssfully
    stoppci
    by men bclonging ro rhe Nepalese came, tnouin aiiic
    outpost the Amin's agents fclling thc trces tricdio
    ignore
    thcm talking in vain mood, Thc Nepalcsc insistea-thot
    they would not allow thc jungle to bc clearcd witbout
    Ranganath'o order. Tbe Amin sent his
    .Munshi t. R";;;-
    nath for obtaioing pcrmission to fell th€ trees. Hc aiso
    approached the Chautara for the same purpose.
    As Ranga-
    nath was away froo his headquarter, he learnt all thiJas
    hc rcturncdr He also received another letter from the
    Amin, asking to face him to talk the matter over. Thcte
    wasalsoa line of complaint against Ranganath,s second
    brother that the latter was not pr€sent for talks,
    while a
    state reprcsentative should have always been available.
    It
    was known that the Amin from Ranganath's
    side had met
    the othcr Amia thrice and the Mahila Guru
    also had seen
    5 or 6 times. But ths Amin oftheEnglish gou..o."r,
    always behaved as ifhe was a t .

    cho urd go. rhis a t rir ud e .. ;;',Jil' j:.-l


    lJ'JJ;'r":""11
    not tolerate, and thercfore stopped going to him. It was
    clear thet the Amin's attitude was offensive.
    However, if
    he proved reasonable thc Nepalese would not hesitate
    to
    contact him and extetrd to him all cordiality.
    But uptill
    now the Amin pos:d a threatcning attitude and it was
    for
    Ranganath and bis men to be influcnced by him
    or reject
    his postures.
    Ranganath assured the government that he would
    ,-
    allow anything to happen against his country,s interest,
    not
    The letter is dated VS lA70 Chaitra vadi 7 roj
    (-Sunday, l3 Marcb, l8l4) and was addrcssed I
    flom
    Kuchhuroa.a 3
    43. Shahkalin Eitiha$ik patra san|rat&,I, pp. 40,I.
    Anglo-Napalese Conflicrs, l8l2-14 277

    Itr another letter of Chaitra vadi 8 (f4 Marcb, l8l4)


    again written from Kuchhuroa Ranganath addrcsses
    Bhimscn Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa referring to the saoc
    subjcct but with a littlc more dctail. He wrote .ths
    Phiringi was trying to shift his quartcr on a permanent
    brsis to a dispupted site withitr our jurisdiction. He had
    ordered to clear th€ jungle to the sidc of Kopova, but our
    men put a stiff resistancc, In that course ther€ wcre er-
    chaoge of hot words oD both sides, While thc raiyats of
    Mauja Bhanwara tri€d to fell off the trecs cn our side of
    Tihuki and Adapur, thc inhabitants took offence and tricd
    to snatch away thcir spades and chiscls but thc lattcr,
    however, went to appeal to the Phiringi who wrote to us
    demanding the rcturn ofthose involved in the squabbles.
    We rcplied through Amin Mirkasim Ali to send the ir men
    to examine with us if thcre werc aDy men ofthe other side
    still detaitred, we also wrotc to him again to thc samo
    effect, but instead of complying with our requcst hc wrotc
    back to us in an angry mood on Chaitra vadi 6 roi .I anoth€r
    Iettcr which is in Persian and also its translation, Both thc
    letters are cnclosed hcrewith. Io the lottcrs tho phiringi
    had suggested that Phcku Chaudhary should visit him
    to s€ttl€ about the raiyats of Bhanwara. He had also
    complaioed that 'the chautara had been lax in his duties
    rnd for thc last 2 or 3 years is being outsidc Kucbhuroa,
    and as such many business of mutual relations pending.
    The Phiringi then wrote that he would lik€ to meet me and
    talk in details as he had done so with the Vakil in Butwal'.
    Ranganath informed that thc Phiringi seemed to bc
    relenting but he did so by underrating thc Vakil in both
    thc lcttcrs enclosed herewith, The Phiringi camc into
    conflict with the Amins aDd we havc to talk to him about
    thc 22 villages. I have consultatlons with Virabhanjan
    Pande as to what reply should go to the Phiringi. Th€
    subject matter of thc Vakit conccrned the Goversor and
    you have written to us that wc should oot meet thc Pbiringi
    278 Modern Nepal

    in this conoection. But we, I and the Pandc sent s lcttcr


    to him by mutual consultations oo taking advice from
    Sivarama who prepared a newdraft. rtrIc shall not s€e him
    until your reply comcs. Thc Phiringi is adopting dilatory
    tactics. Hc does not secm to be seriour about thc business
    but bchaves in a way, which only tcndcd to incrcasc
    tcnsion. He also wants to mislead ur, Thcrcforc unlcse
    thcrc i3 a prospect of I compromise wc do not intcnd to
    scc him any more'.44
    Thcrc was exchange of notes !t the highest level
    rogarding these disputes, at every stagc oDc sidc complain-
    ing against thc other but to no onc's bcnefit. Asif both
    werc tcsting their brinkioaship, the ncgotiation dragged on.
    But thc British werc now inclined to capture by force
    thc disputed arca. They thcreforc used d€vices to protract
    the ncgotiation while prcparing for a seizure by forcc.
    Tho ncgotiation was long enough to cxhaust thr
    paticnce ofthc Nepalesc. This is evidcnt from Ranganath's
    lettcr. But worse than that from thc point of vicwof a
    pcaccful scttlcmcnt, the EDglish had compelled them to
    withdraw from the negotiation.
    The King of Nepal complained that his Gurus with-
    drcw whlle negotiation had broken down as Bradshaw
    framed a new list outsidc the limit of procccdings. Thc
    British denied that Bradshaw had ever done this. This
    was rcfuted in thc letter of 27 Chaitra 1870 (12 April,lSl4t
    written on the King's behalf. It was said that thc Ncpalesc
    negotiators had done thcir best to settle th€ dispute. Thc
    Nepalcse authorities thought that invastigation was com-
    plctc, but if aew pieces ofevidence had come to light to
    support the British case that thcsc villages were with
    Nunnore and Narkatia, then Nepal 'will answcr it in thc
    most satisfactory manner'.
    It app3ars thet io co[cspondence thc British iotro-
    duced other issues besides politics or di6putos about border
    44. Shahkolin Eitihatik patru sd $aha,I, pp.40E
    Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, l8l2-t4 279

    lands. This was probably a device to cover their real


    design, which was to cut Nepal to its old size and deprive
    it of valuable Terai lands. They wanted the world to tnow
    that thc British desired trade relations uith Nepal and
    nothing more. The border dispute was natural bur tbis
    was not as important. Thus often inquiries about prospects
    of trade followod thcir corrcspondence with Nepal carried
    on political issues. We shall know from the following two
    paragraphs how their interests in tradc facilities found ex-
    pression even at a time whilc tension prevailed on the border.
    The Govcrnor-General in his communication of the
    gth and l0th July had sought information about the possi-
    bility of trade with the northern region through the tcrritory
    of the Nepalese king.
    Col. Richardson was the commander of the expedi-
    tion. It appears that the Nepalese had not withdrawn with-
    out somc contest. But there was no fight. At Sheoraj the
    advancing Daroga accosted 100 men lcd by a Chaudbary
    'asscmbled in arms and threatcned to attack if he (Daroga)
    did not dopart'. Another party advancing to Chitwan had
    to halt at Konda, 10 miles from Chitwan 'in consequence
    of a report that 1000 men had dcscended from the hills to
    meet the British occupatio-n'. But Col. Richardson ordered
    a detachment 'to march to Simouree a situation which
    favoured the establishment of Thanas at Chitwa, Bissoria
    and Buriwah'. On the 29th of April, Col. Richardson
    advanced with the last detachmcnt to Sheoraj to help rhc
    Daroga and create confidence in the minds of the local
    people. Consequently a Thana was established in Munneea-
    ree 'the place from where thc revenue collecting Chau-
    dharics of Nepal had raised' (Martin to George Dodswell,
    Chicf Secretary to Government, Fort William, 29th April,
    1814. For. Pol. Dcpt., 27 Mar.,1El4,3t).
    Sardar Parasuram Thapa was placed in charge of the
    troops of two companies stationed in Bara-Parsa Sector.
    Muniraj, another officer (Faujdar) looked after the troubled
    280 Moilen Nepal

    spots bcyond thc Gandak in the Majhkhand Tcrai, which


    included the sector with Butwal and Shcoraj. The conflict
    started when about 100-200 policemen ofthe British sidc
    ent€red certain areas in the Palhi district (now in Majh-
    khand) to collect revenu€ from these as wcll as from
    Butwal and Sheoraj where thcy had Etstioncd police out'
    posts (Moira's secret letter, Aug. 2, 1815). Thc British
    alleged that the occupation was effected without opposition
    8nd with thc apparent acquiscence of thc Nepaltse.
    In the letter reccived in Calcutts on 4 May' l8l4 the
    Nepalese authorities disapproved of any impression if
    gained by thc British that Ncpal had agreed to surrcnder
    Butwal and Shcoraj to thcm. It was said that Bo part of
    the lands of the former ruler of Palpa which hc hcld as a
    Zemindari of the Nawab Yazir was under occupation of
    Neprl at the moment. Thcse had already gone to the
    British. As for Shcoraj th€ power of collection of revenuc
    was never exercised by the Nawab Vazir. But thc maltcr
    could be talked over with the British commissioners.
    The question of som€ villagers in Yinayakpur could
    also bc settled by commissioners of both sides. Thc Nepal-
    esc lctter made it clear that thc British demand for the
    surrcnder of Butwal was not justified, and thcrcforc'any
    attcmpt to cncroach on theso territorics on the part of the
    British wilt not bc permitted to succeed' (For' Scc. Dopt.' 23
    Junc, 1814, n. 22 ). When they had setrt tbis latter the Govera-
    ment in Kathmandu had no knowledge of Col. Richardson's
    action. But as it was already terribly hot in that part ofthe
    couotry no outsider could operate normally in this rcasoD.
    In a lettcr of May 13, 1814, R. Martin was adviscd
    to evacuate his occupation in view of the imiending utr'
    healthy season, Here thc Secrclary put forward a propoeal
    to cstablish 'a frontier Thana of Barkandajas of othcr armcd
    men from amotrg the inhabitants of the Terai who will not
    !
    suffer from the insalubrity of the climate."
    45, n.:.!, For. Sec. 23 Junc' 1813.
    Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, l8l2'14 281

    In an carlicr letter ( 6 May, l814 )J. Adams advised


    Martin to strengthcn his position so that the protcction of
    thc ncwly occupicd areas was guaranteed and if any
    attcmpt was made to reoccupy thc Thanas the advance
    guard under Col, Richardson was lo usc all forces to expel
    thc invadcrs,'6
    Thc Govcrnor-Gencral had again approached Ncpal
    vchemently urging to rclinquish lheir hold of all disputed
    arcas oD the bordcr of Gorakhpur aud Saran' The NePalese
    authoritics had actod promPtly in regard to the qucstion of
    bandits molesting British territories on thc bordcr of
    Morang but othcrwise kept their firm stand on othor ques-
    tions. Thcy had asked Uggat Thapa, Anup Singh and
    Dhaukal Sitrgh, the Suba of Morang, to punish the bandits'
    With thc sort of intcrPretation tbe British gavc to
    joint invcstigation of the bordcr, Ncpal could not protract
    ncgotiation, though thc authoritics had suggest€d anothcr
    enquiry, to which again thc British objcctcd. Thercfore
    while th:mselvcs lcaving for Kathmandu, the Nepalese
    Commissioners ask€d Bradshaw to rvithdraw 10 the frontier
    as the latter sai<t 'having rcvokcd even the conditioDal
    transfer of22 villagcs in Nunnour, to the omcers of the
    Government.' A complaint to this cffect was made by the
    Govcrnor-Gcncral in his tcttcr to the King ofNcpal written
    on thc 9th of April. His lcttcr once again called upon the
    Ncpalcsc Governmcnt to renounce its claim'to the lands in
    dispute.' The Govornor-Gencral at the end *rote'I entreat
    you not to dclay complying with this just and moderate
    demand which tho British Government will in that cas6 be
    compclled to support by its own Deans whatevor it may be
    its rcluctance to produce measutes of oxtrcmity.' Writing
    on lst Yaisakha of 1871 Samvat (=5 April, 1814 ) which was
    received in Calcutta on lTth April, l8l4 the Kitrg cf Nepal
    said that in accordancc with the wishes of Lord Minto,
    reti.ed Governor-Geoera l, he had deput€d commissionets
    45. Ibid.
    282 ldodcn Nepal
    but uofortunat€ly for the strangc sttitudc of the British
    commissioncrs no cooclusion was arrived at cven after the
    lapse of 4 months. Thc King said tbat the conduct o[
    Major Bradshaw had been reprchensiblc and his'dccision
    was the rcyerse of the principlcs ofjustice and cquity.'
    In reply to thc Governor-General's lctter th€ King of
    Nepal rejected outright the former's statement that rho find-
    ing of Bradshaw wac admitted by Ncpalese commissioucrs.
    The King said that hc hsd intimatad thc rejection of such
    a finding much earlicr. The King plcaded 'thc lands for
    which the Raja of Palpa paid revenue to the Nawab Yazir
    are still in the occupstion of the omcers of your Excellency's
    Governmcnt, while the lands ivhich have from of old becn
    in tbe possession of tbis state and appertain to tbe hills are
    still held by my oftcers. In rcgard to Sheoraj, the lands bc-
    longed to Nepal from a rcmote pcriod, and theGovcroment
    collectcd its revenue. All these, Butwal Sheoraj, ctc, are
    parts ofthe hill kitgdoms- Tbe King asked the Governor-
    General to instruct his omccrs not to eocroach on tbcse
    tcrritorics any more,'any attempt of that nature on th€ir
    part will not succeed'.
    Admitting that a little territory in Vinayakpur was
    disputed thc royal lctter said why the commission was spec-
    ially concerncd with this arca. But not only that thc British
    com mission had 'crcated a fresh dispute rcgarding the lands
    of Sheoraj-Khunchunce (Khojahani ) and Mutkabandar,
    which have no connrction with Vinayakpur'. The lctter
    ended by saying that Nepal was still prepared to talk about
    disputcd patch of lauds in Vinayakpur if the Governor-
    Gcneral so desired (For. Pol. Dept., 6 May, 1814, Con., n.39).
    Replying to the Governor-General's letter of 9 April
    the King explained that 'because Bradshaw had treated
    without respect and consideration' the Nepalese commissi-
    oners had withdrawn. But thcy went to his tent 2 or 3 timas
    afterwards keeping in vicw the relation subsisting belween
    the two Governucots, They were conveying a message from
    .Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1El2-14 283

    thc King to formally announce 'thc delivcrancc of 22 villa-


    gcs in trust agreeably to the suggcstion of the Guroos'. But
    Bradshaw showcd a too partial attitude and a stay of 4
    months in'lowlaods by the Nepalcsc officers was of no avail.
    The King further rcmindcd thc Governor-General tbat
    Raoganath had'proved to your Exccllctrcy's commissioncr
    thc fact ofthc villages beiog within Rautahat by evidcnce
    of sanads and proccedings in his lctter of 1870 Samvat (or
    23 of Februory. l8l4) whilc thc British commissioner was
    unablc to prove that thcy were situated in the Tuppa of
    Nunnorc'.
    Thc disputc could have beeD settled by judging the
    truc circumstances and manncr of thc usurpations and such
    othcr particulars as may form the basis of the mcasurcs
    which may bc adopted by thc Govcrnmcnt or briDging the
    question to the decision.r ?
    J. Adams had instructcd thc Magistrate ofGorakbpur
    R. Martin on ll March 'to occupy the wholc of thc lands
    in thc Terai of Sheoraj-Butwal up to the bills exc€pt tbc
    tow! of Butwsl.' But R. Martin wrote bsck that although
    it was not nccessary that hc should havc bccn appriscd of
    circumstanccs and rcsults of thc joint iovcstigation, he did
    not know aoything about thesc ( lE March, ltl4 ), Rcplying
    on 7 April, l8l4 J, Adam informcd Martin that Major
    Bradshaw had bcen adviscd to'furnish you with a copy of
    thc proccedings of the commissioDers together with the
    copics of such of thc documcnts produced by the parties
    and of the corrcspondcncc as may bc necestary for that
    purposc.'
    Why Martin was not informcd about thc proccc-
    diogs of thejoint itrvestigation ? Why was thc N€pslese
    aidc madc to appcar to have acquiesccd in what tbe British
    persuadcd agaiost their wishcs as if they themselvcs wcre
    kccn to hand ovcr thc arca to thc Governmcnt of the East

    47. Ibid.
    284 Modern Ncpal

    India Company ? Bradshaw had not acted herc in the spirit


    he was wanted to do. The Nepalese commissioners had
    thcir own proposals. One of such proposals was to fix a
    border line to the south of thc hills .at a distance of
    3 cos,'
    A letter of Sri Krisna Pandit reccivcd in Calcurta on
    25 April, 1814 gives the version of tbe story from Nepalesc
    view point. It says that an agreemcnt had bccn reached by
    mutual coosent but subsequently as the Guru returDed from
    Kathmandu and mct Bradshaw at Gorakhpur the lattcr
    'refused to acknowledge the obligation of the lkrarnama'
    which was now sent to Lord Hastings. Sri Krisna Pandit
    further ssys that at Kuchhuroa he had cxccuted safai nama
    ( a written <iischarge from the obligation of the cngagcment
    exccuted 8 months ago )in responsc to Bradsbaw's wishcs.
    Hc laid the blame on Bradshaw for the ultimate brcach of
    the lkrarnama ( engagement ).
    Srikrisna Pandit says that Bradshaw wanted his report
    to bc accepted by Nepal against what he ( the formcr ) him.
    sclt wanted, The former had informed Bradshaw that hc
    was going to Ncpal for a decision in thc matt€r. Bradsbaw
    however informed that tho Guru's prescncc was wantcd iD
    Bctia. Bradshaw had also written to Kathmandu rcquestitrg
    that Amins should be sent to Betia for demarcation,'in
    couscqucnce of wiich Kazi Beer Bhanjan Pandit and Sardsr
    Parasuram Thapa were appointed Amins and procreded to
    Kuchhuroa.'
    The Guru wrotc that therc wcrc pcrsonal clcmcnts in
    Bradshaw's behaviour. The Guru's Munshi Mir Kashim
    Ali, was summarily dismissed from his camp. His own
    Munshi had also written the Guru a lcttcr in cxchange, It
    appaared that he was no morc continuing in his prcsent
    office.
    Later hc had gone to receive Bradshaw at Adapur 7 coss
    westward of Kuchhuroa but he, 'declined to see me ( Krisna
    Pandit ). He tried to meet the Major once again as hc
    Anglo-Nepalesa Confilcrt, l8l2-14 2t5
    arrivcd in Bcogleenncc bccausc thc intsrcst of the two stater
    dcmanded it. In this intervicw Bradshaw sdvised thc Guru
    to hand over thc possession of22 villagcs .in trust pending
    thc dccisioD of question' which hc convcycd to thc Govern.
    ment in Kathmandu.
    Fro6 thl! lottrr it lppcsr! thst thc 22 villagct wcro
    Eado ovcr to Bradahaw's chargc for toEporary occupationi
    Krisna Poodit layr that tho Major var of harsh aod
    disagrccablc tcmpcr. Hcrc 'hc talkcd of a loan which hc
    had carlicr takcn fron thc British Govcrnmcnt on promisc
    of rcturn aftcr 3 months but was uEablc to pay off due to
    circuastanccr, but he will at any rste psy his debt.'
    Thc lcttcr of protcst against Col, Richardson's oarch
    into rhc Ncpalcse soil was dared 28th Yahakho, t87t Samyat
    ( : 9 May, 1814 ) which was rcccived in Calcutra on 30th
    June. In this thc Maharaja warncd that'the officcrs ofany
    Govcrnmcnt who arc stationcd on thc fronticr will adopt
    measures to thc British aggression should lhc request for
    withdrawal of Richardson's troops be notimmediatcly with-
    drawn' ( For. Sec. Dcpt,, 23 lu,[,c, 1814, n.24 ),
    It does not appcar that Kathmandu kncw of Richard-
    son's march bcfore thc 9th of May. But on tbc l0th May
    onc Byjoo Chaudhary had attackcd the Thana of Sbeoraj
    with 300 sepoys wounding two BurkaDdazcs, onc ofthem
    seriously 'with a ball and another with a sword,, The
    report was given by Martin to George Dodwell in his letter
    of 13 May, l8l4 from Gorakhpur. According to Martin
    'this attack was made previous to the arrival of Richardson's
    dctachmeDt'.
    Martin further wrote that the Nepalese appearcd in a
    mood 'to resume the occupation of the land' and proposed
    to station a police establishment in Loton,30 milcs South
    of the hill, which was always under Brltish control ,though
    some of the Thanas on the resumcd lands are at a greater
    distancc for the purpose of aflording support'. The Magis-
    trale of Garakhpur felt that'the presencc of troops thcre
    286 Modcrn NePal

    would probably havo thc cffcct of Prcvcoting any atlack


    bcing madc upon the m'.43
    Even though succcesful oncc again ir occupying tbc
    land under Nepalesc control, thc incidcnt of Sheoraj occurr'
    iag on thc 10th was indicativo of Ncpalcss attitudc towards
    thc British movc. Thc British senscd this but wcrc ioform-
    ed by Bradshaw that thc K&thmandu authoritics did not
    wish to hazard & countor movc to ouot thc British bcforo thc
    season. So thcrc was no iEmcdistc sction towsrds cffcctiDg
    an assemblago of a lerger numbcr of troops But thc
    proposal of Martin to havc policc cgtablishment at Loton
    e
    was acceptcd ( May 27,1314 ) by the Govcrnof'Gcncral'4
    But before thc rainy scason startcd thc Ncpalcsc made
    a counter attack on thc British and occupicd tbc land'
    According to Prinscp thc Gorkbalis 8t first rctired io
    the hills but once the collcctor of Gorakhpur rcturn'd to
    his headquart€r with all the forces of 3 companics Col'
    0
    Richardson led carlier, the arc& was again occupied'! This
    happened on 29th May, 1814. Altogethcr 22 mcn on the
    British side werc killcd including thc Daroga and 6 othcrs
    wounded6l and these s'crc outright killcd onc midnight by
    the Nepalesc guard! who madc a :urprisc attack' Thc
    Gorkhali coomandor at first askcd thc policcmcn to
    withdraw, but th€y ilaimcd that thcir fronticr line touchcd
    places bcyond Butwal, Thc rcsolt to forciblc occupation
    had to be madc for that reason.
    According to the lettcr of R. Martin ( 31 May' l8l4 )
    thc Gorkhalis attacked all tbe Thanas cxccpt Sheorai and iD
    the early hours of thc morniog of 29 May occupicd thcm.
    Kashinath (Cassceneth) Daroga of Chitwan had becn killed
    aftcr being taken prisoner, Muniraj Feujdar Person&lly
    commanded thc party attacking. Thc Gorkhalis wcrc
    48- For. Pol. Dopt.,27 May, 1814. !.40.
    49. Ibid.
    50. Also s€r Moirs'r lotter' Ibid, Prinsep' i' p' 77.
    51. Two Thrtr8s, Hsstings (P' 7l).
    Anglo.Nepaletc Confllcts, 1812-14 2t7
    approaching a border town of British occupation callcd
    Furdauee. As the attack took place th€re w8s wide panic
    among thc population on thc border but this subsidcd
    immediatcly asthc Nepalese did not push forward bcyond
    the frotrtier line. But for thc protoction of thc arca somc
    ocasurcr had to be takcn. To rcstorc cotrfidcncc R. Martin
    wae going himsclf with two companics of sopoys comman-
    dcd by Lt. Jcukins so that he might also study the situation
    on th. spot.
    Thc casualtics wcre as follows:
    At Thana Killed Wound ed
    Chitwan 7 I ( losing arm )
    Bissowrcah J 2
    Sowrah E 1

    IE 4
    Itwas the view of Martin that no attcmpt should be
    made to rcoccupy the abovc Thanas but 25 Burkandaz€s
    wer€ to bc stationcd at Loton under the Thanedcr.6 e
    Writing on the same day ( l0 o'cloc[ at night ) Martin
    stat€d to Richardson that Loton was dcsetted and thc
    Thanadar had reached Foolwareeah to carry a sorrowful
    tale of thc incident. The collector of Gorakhpur 'bad
    passcd orders placing all thc Darogas uDdcr the Thanedar
    of Lowtun ( Loton )'. Meanwhilc the Nepalesc were assem-
    bling fast ncar Furdance. The refugees had slartcd coming
    back and it was Dot possible to enforce thc order. At
    Furdani from whcre he wrotc another letter on I June thc
    Mrgistrate found that the report of the Nepalcse approach
    to thc area was baseless and the refugees had returned. But
    those who wcre advised to go to Lowton h8d Dot done
    their job, Thc Daroga of Lowton who had bccn asked to
    move to dcfend Bisso area had escapcd quitting his own
    Thana. He was on his way to Gorakhpur'on a false alarm

    52. For. Pol. Dept., l7 Ju!e, lt14, n. 56.


    2tt Modcn NcPal

    of thc approach of thc Nepalesc'. Martin informcd Richard'


    sotr thaitho' Naik commanding 30 sccburdcs was asked
    to
    go to Shcoraj. Hc did not know whcthcr this placc also
    iar undcr attack. But for rcinforcemcnt hc had dircctcd
    wholc of thc
    'tho Thaoadar of Choskco Eorah and thc
    NlzsEut !opoys to prococd to ShcoraJ"
    R. Martin in iis lettcr of 4th Juoc also rcportcd to his
    Govcrnmcnt that the Ncpalesc had uscd poisoned arrowr
    while attackng thc Thana. Thc poison'was so virulcnt that
    it causes immcdiatc dcath'( 4th Junc, l8l4 )'
    Thc British wcre strengthening their positioo but
    without awatctrcss of thc couDter attack' Thcy had' how-
    cver, 'misundcrstood the situation" On thc 3rd ofJunc
    Martio got the information that thc Thanaof Shcoraj war
    bcseized, Col. Richardson wantcd to withdraw and w88
    sccking permsssion of Martin ( For' Pol' Dcpt', l7 Junc'
    1814)i who all6wed thc Thana to withdrsw' As thc
    pcrsonnel
    countcr attack camc thc withdrawal had saved thc
    of the Thana from falling into thc hands of thc Ncpalesc
    ( For. Pol. Dcpt., 17 June, 1814, n' 1l )'

    Cessat i on o f rcial i ntercourse


    comme

    Unable to movc towards a policy of retaliation 8By


    furthcr the British took lecoursc to cessation of commcrcial
    intercourse between thc two countri€s' Mr' Ruthcrford
    was advised to intimate thc many Magistratcs on thc bordcr
    to withdraw British propcrtics and mcn and this fsct wac
    brought to the noticr of Major Bradshaw,the commissioncr,
    who was askcd to cooperatc with thc local suthoritics'to
    the utmost of your powcr' (Junc, ll, lEl4letler by tbe
    Socretary to Government, J. Adam )'
    The Magistrates of Saharanpur, Barcilly, Gorakhpur,
    Tirhut, Saran and Purnia wGrG also addrcssed similarly
    from Calcutta on the sauro day. Each Magistrstc wa6 to
    53. Ibid, n.56.
    Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1812-14 289

    declare thc proEulgation for thc district spccificd. Thc


    date was also to be fixcd by tho conccrncd Magistratc. Thc
    proclamation was issucd on thc llth of Juno. This war to
    convcy the conscqucncc of the trcachcfous attsck on thc
    policc Thsnas of th€ British Govcrnmcnt in Butwel by thc
    troops of thc Ncpalcsc Govcrnmcnt and of thc gcncral
    spirit of hostility msnifcstcd by the Ncp8lcsc agaiDst thc
    British Govcrnmcnt'. Thc Govcrnor.Gcncral-in-Council
    had bccn 'pleascd to prohibit all thc subj€cts of thc Hon'blc
    Company from holding any commcrcial intcrcoursc or
    otherwisc corrcsponding with thc inhabitsnts ofths Ncp!lcse
    tcrritorics. Thc inhabitsnt8 of thc district of.............. arc
    accordingly hcr€by rcquestcd stricly to obcy the prohibi
    tory ordcrs of Govcrnmont abovc rcfcrrcd to...............and
    it is hcrcby uotificd snd dcclarcd that all goods, mcrohan-
    disc or propcrty ofany dcscription whatsocver whicb may
    bc attcmptcd to bc cxportcd from Hon'blc Company's poss-
    essions to thc Ncpaulcsc tcrritorics or imported from tbc
    lattcr to thc formcr, will bc seized and held at thc disposal
    of Govcrnmcnt and that all subjccts wbo may be conccrned
    in such Fansactions will bc prosccutcd and punished accord-
    ing to thc laws snd rcgulations of thc British Govcrnmeot'.
    Thc time of dcclaration in particular was to be fixcd
    taking in vicw thc fact whether thc propertics and mcn of
    thc British Government had bccn propcrly withdrawn. The
    promulgation was to follow thc withdrawal ( J. Adam to
    Col. Brooks, ll June, l8l4 ). At this timc rhe British had
    resumed landl also in thc Nunnorc sector and the Ncpalese
    werc probably tryiog to oust them.
    Withdruwol fiom Wesk points and War Prcparation
    A lctter addressed by Bradshaw to J. Adams from Ghora-
    san said that hc had withdrawn th€ contingcnt of troops
    scrving undcr Capt. Sibl€y from across thc rivcr Bagmati
    following reports of the arrival of Dasarath Khatri in Sim-
    raongarh. It was fcarcd that similar occurrences as took
    290 Modern Ncpal
    place in thc Butwal Tcrai would occur here. All thc British
    forces wcrc asscmblcd at Ghorasan u,hcre Bradshaw stayed.
    At Adapur wcrc also collectcd Sibley's detachmcDt along-
    with Lt. Smith's, which had lcft Bhoura'whcrc thc force
    with their officers lie 3 companies and 160 barkandazes'.
    On thc morning of the I lth Captain Hay's corps had joincd
    him, Bradshaw thought that thc concentration of troops
    iD Adapur and Ghorasan had dissuad€d Das8rath Khatri
    and Deorikhi Upadhya, thc local officcr, from launching
    an attack on the British territory.
    Thc Governor-General in council had elrcady ordered
    the shifting of a cavalry to Butwal scctor. Bradsbaw,
    however, complained that the Europ€a.n dctachmcnt from
    Danapur with thc dctails of artillcry had come with two
    mcn sick ( For, Sec, Dcpt.,23 June, n.7 ).
    Bradshaw again writing from Ghoragan to his Govern-
    mcnt ( 15th June, 1814 ) informed that Dasarath Khatri
    commandcd about 400 men and Parasuram Tbapa 2fi).
    These intimidate thc villagers in the low Iand. Thc com-
    manders were made of stcrn stuff barbarious to the dcgrcc.
    Bradshaw further reported that Prana Shah Chautara was
    also expccted to rcach Pachhroala. He askcd wh€thcr in thc
    evcnt of attack thcy wcrc only to be content by rcpelling
    or should it bc considered ss justifying 'the seizurc ofthc
    whole ofTerai bcyond the border to relieve thc border from
    the alarm incidental to thc presencc of the hostile forces'.64
    As Bradshaw utrdcrstood hc was only to carry dcfcneive
    operations'not aoticipating hostilities or frustration by a
    movement into the Tuppa, the design ot the Chautara'.
    Bradshaw thought that Parasuram Thapa mitht occupy thc
    eastern external of Nunnore, if Captain Silby's detacbment
    bad not becn transfcrred back from Murpa Surpal'.66
    In Bradsbaw's letter to Adams, 22 June, 1814, therc is

    54 For. Scc. Dcpt., 23 June, n. 7.


    55 rbid.
    Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts' 1812'14 291

    a complaint thst Dasarath Khatri had poisoned thc welk.


    It was said that s chickcn aod a fowl had bccomc victim,,
    and specimen of watcr was sent to Calcutta. It was allcgcd
    that thc Ncpalesc troops wer€ bcing rcinforced and a furthcr
    packct of poisou, t00 arrows and 200 archcrs had also
    arrived ( Junc 18, l8l4 ). Thc rcport was paescd by Byjoo
    Khan and Nurtin Khan Tharu, two spics. But it was latcr
    fouod that such complaints wcrc lodged by both sidcs and
    thcre was little truth in thcm.56 Writing on 25 August
    from hic quartcr at Ghorasan Parir Bradshaw said that thc
    opcration was conductcd by JiYalal (Jewlal ) Rai and his
    barkandazes ( thc irregular carricrs )r Thcrc had thc advaa'
    tagea of local knowlcdgc of thc villagc and were also
    acquaintcd with individual8. Thcy could also bo dctachcd
    to movc without suspicion.
    Thc British raised disputcs cvcrywhcrc on tho bordcr
    from thc lowland of thc Satlaj to Tista to provokc a war.
    Io Tirhut thcy showod 8 villagcs involvcd, some of
    which werc supposed to have bccn freed from thc Ncpalcse
    and many wcrc still undor thcm (For. Scc. Dcpt., 16
    August, 1814 n. 20 ).
    Kazi Amar Singb's lctter to Col. Octorlony reccivcd
    on 6 July, 1814, statcd tbat as Guru Krisna Pandit had bcen
    rccalled duc to some reason, thc two countries werc going
    without cKchargc of Yakils on cithcr sido, and thereforc
    he had madc reprcscotation of thc matt€r to him so that
    thc Coloncl might coovey it to Calcutta. OctorloDy
    rcplicd thrt the mattor conccrncd Bradshaw and thcrcforc
    the corrcspondeoce might bc directed to him. Octorlony
    reports the fact of British encroachment in thc Valley of
    Karda, and also thc fact that they had withdrawn to the
    right sidc of thc Satlaj. Thc ordcr was passcd to Captain
    Webb to withdraw his soldicrs and rcmove thc trees cut. In
    thc rcport he discusscs at length th8 possible allies, who

    56, For. Scc. Dcpt.,5 July, tr.4.


    292 Modern Nepal
    would join thc British in tbc cvcnt of their attack on Nepal.
    According to Octorlony all lhc dispossesscd Rajas who
    had takcn shcltcr in British tcrritory would provide escorts
    'acquaintcd with rosdg and passcs'. Thc Rajas cxpected to
    join the British wcrc Raja Sansarchand, Raja of Nahan, and
    all Rajas of Brra Thakurites. Thc first gcntlcman was keen
    to av€nge his dcfcat in Kangra and as soon as Metcalfc, thc
    British agent in his Darbar would inform him, he would
    rirc to the occasion. As for thc cotntry east of the Satlaj
    thc Nepalcsc had just taken it and thcir rule had not takcn
    roots It could bc assailcd easily at any point cvcn with
    thc help of thc local pcople.
    Octorlony suggestcd that at thc very initial stage the
    Valley of Karda could bc takcn from onc cnd to another
    witb a few pioneers. Thc Valley of Dchradun should
    be simultaneourly attocked. Thc conquest of the vallcys
    would mcan cooqucst of thc arca bctwccn thc Jamuna and
    Ganga in that regibn.
    From thc abovc two facts appear as clcar as day-
    light. One is the attitude oftbc Nepalcse officcrs seeking
    contact with tbc British cven while thc ties were soappcd
    on account ofthe ban on thc cxport of goods from eitbcr
    sidc. This ban was imposed bytheBritishand thcyhad
    done it as a reprisal against Ncpalcse succcss in bordcr
    skirmishes, The other is thc British attempt to make tbe
    Gcrkhalis app3ar as aggressors wbile pleading tbcir own
    iojurcd innocence as if thc Gorkbalis had started thc offcn-
    sive. Sincc early l8l4 minor bordcr disputcs bad becn
    exaggerated. The act of omission and comission, howcvcr,
    minor done by the Gorkhalis were much higbligbted to
    their detrimcnt while their own performance in that dircc-
    tion was minimised, and retricved. It appcars that tbe
    British would use only thc Butwal and Rautshat dispute
    for the comiog war against Nepal, for this was thc area which
    was under disputc since quite a loDg time. We havc seen
    how Octorlony had tried to bid€ the fact of encroachmcnt
    Anglo-Nepalese Confricrs, l|l2.l4 293
    by asking his troopers to withdraw from a particular site.
    This was done not to afford the Gorkhalis an opportunity
    lo lodgc a complaint. But otherwisc Octorlony was ctrga-
    ged in kceping his side in full peparation for thc contin-
    gency of a war in the plains and on the hills against Nepal.
    He was collectiug his allies, cxploring possibititier of rcbc-
    llion io the tcrritories of thc formcr hill Rajas and choosing
    weak spots to deploy his force if occasion so demanded.
    Aoar Singh suggestcd that from thc very bcginning
    if tbe British had consented to make adjustoenls on a
    ccrtaio determioed reot to bc paid by the Nepalese Govern-
    IDeoti so far the Terai lands of thc Palpa Raja was conccrned
    thc mattcr would havc bcen settled satisfactorily. 6 ?
    Whatcver might bc thc fecliog of the Ncpalese Govern-
    mont as to the devolopment of their relation with the
    Britisb at this hour thc British werc keepiog themsclves
    in a state of preparedness for any eventuality. They were
    also provoking thc Ncpalese by seiziog thc disputcd arcas
    by force. The lettcr of Col. Octorlony written from
    Ludhiana to J. Adams, Secretary to GovcrnmeDt on 9 July,
    1814 is a proof ot the British prcparatiotr for war against
    N6pal without the latter's provocation. This is nothiDg but
    full suggestion and counter suggcstions for o full sgalc
    war against Ncpal aftcr thc raioy sealon was ovcr at a
    time whcn the British wcrc etill ncgotitting aDd Nopal bsd
    not realiscd thc implications of Britieh claims so pushcd
    sgainst catablished focts,
    Octorlony advised the Govcrnor-Gelcral,s proclama-
    tion to be issued at thc end of the Septcmber and not in
    August as origioally proposed.
    Everything likcly to provokc a clesh with Ncpal was
    wcll ahcad. Thc British wcrc insisting oo thcir rights oycr
    thc disputed areas with gr€ater fury. Thc Nepalese thought
    thst yieldiug I poiot hcre and therc would satisfy rhcm,
    57. For. Scc. Dopt.,9 Arrurt, l8l,t, Conr. n. 8j.
    294 Modcn NePol
    But this was not to cfroct thc gcneral attitudc of thc British
    towards Nopal. The dcvclopments showcd that their aim
    wss to wcakeo Ncpal and destroy for cvor its potential
    strongth likely to bG a thrcst to Britieh colonial cxpansion.
    Whcrcas thc British wcrc prcparing for the war and
    for aggresrion, for forciblc occuPatiotr of ccrtain arcas on
    thc border, thc Ncpalcsc on thc authority of Captaia Lattcr,
    a British commandaot in chargc ofthc Rangpur battalioD,
    wcrc elarmcd 'by thc report of thc intcntion of th€ British
    Governmcnt to intcrvcna in Morang and thercforc wcrc
    incrcaring thcir force but this wos lot to attack Britith
    tcrritory',!8 CaPtain Lattcr informed that he was askiog
    thc Suba of Nagrcc and Biiapur to seDd a confidant of his
    to Titalya !o that hc could cxplain thc British position
    vis-o-vis the hostility 'it had ooly refclcncc to thc
    protcction of our own districts oI which thcy cxp€cted
    coopcration of the Suba'.! s
    Thc Govcrnor'Gcocrat, howcver, was not in favour of
    this kiod of approach by an officcr 8t thc levcl of Captain
    Lrttcr atrd wrrncd not to procced in thc dealing for'a
    oondition of hostility existcd betwccn thc two countrics'.60
    Thc Govcrnor-Gencral fctt that only 'a scnsc on thc part of
    thc Ncpsles: Govcrnmcnt ofour ability and dcterminalion
    to enforcc thc dcmands, which was thc subjcct of di6cus-
    sionr'. Thc Govcrnor-Gcncral on the other hand had hcard
    of Ncpalasc preparation for war carricd in tbc capital and
    clscwhcrc (J. Adams to Adjutant Gcncral, 29 July, 1814).
    Facts had becn supprcsscd to advancc credcncc to
    fumours.
    The British wcrc now dctcrmincd to opcn a full scalc
    war. Acccssiblc routes wcte bcing sought snd instructions
    issued to go tbrough the rcports of Kirkpatrick and

    58. Plx, Pot. DGDI., l6 Au8ust, 1814.


    s9. rbid.
    60. rbid.
    Anglo-Nepalese Confiicts, 1812-14 295

    Buchanan Hamilton, which were to be checked and


    rechecked.
    Regarding these disputes Lord Moira wrotc in his
    diary of 26 June, 1814, 'Those from Ncpal having not a
    shadow of protection to substantiatc against our irrefra-
    gablc proof of right, went off suddenly.'61
    We have already observed about the areas of disputes
    on the border. We have found that while Nepal was
    prcpared to withdraw from some it was not all.-willing to
    withdraw from other areas and contcsted its claims firmly.
    About December, l8l3 a new Vakil by name Chandra
    Sekhar Upadhya was appointed but had not proceedcd to
    Calcutta. According to the letter of Bradshaw 'the erst-
    while Vakil Pandit Srikrishna was of a questionable con-
    duct, who tried to draw pecuniary advantages out of
    cvcrything in hand.' Bradshaw complains that when he
    had agreed to determine the boundary to 3 kos south from
    thc foothills, Srikrisna had also agreed but lattcr backed
    out, and not only had his paper unsigned, but giving an
    impreesion of acceptance carried also the copy signed by
    Bradshaw on a plca that he had left his stamp in his quarter
    and would return the copy,next day, 'which he never did
    and on otre prctcxt or another will hold it for a longer
    time. This was in 1813. Hc had immediatcly left for
    Palpa. But as hc appeared in Kachhroa, Srikrisna said
    that the papcr was missing. (Bradshaw to J. Adams, 15
    August, l8l4). But we do not koow if the Pandit was
    rcplaccd because of Bradshaw's reports.
    The British had found that thc Terai to the south of
    Kathmandu was left without defonce. The British had
    used sevcral men both Ncpalesc and outsidcr to collect
    intelligencc for them as to'avenues and routes.' Thc monks
    and mahants had been employed in particular for tbis job.

    61. For. Soc. Dept., 15 Soptcmbcr, 1814, u. 12.


    62. Privsto jouroal, pp. 70-71.
    296 llodem NePal

    Therc were professional spies. Bradshaw talks of onc such


    professional wbo had safely conducted the wife and son of
    Damodsr Pande to thc fronticr through Sindhuli Garhi'
    In a despatch of 23 August, 1814, Bradshaw talks of having
    met a youth of Nepal Ranbam Pandc whom he wanted to
    do the work ofinformcr. Thc latter, however, was not
    committal, though hc wished th€ downfall ofthe present
    Govcrnmcnt. Bradshaw wrotc tbat he was in conlact also
    with Udayapratapsen and Dharmarajscn, sons of Digban-
    dhansen 'the last Raja of Mackwaopur.' Tbey were 'tbe
    only surviving children of tbe family though young, the
    clder was hardly 22" They bad met Bradshaw in Gorakh-
    pur to present a petition to the Governor'General. The
    youlgmen werc repeatcdty asking Bradshaw about Gov-
    crnor-Gcneral's rcaction to their offcr of assistance. Brad-
    shaw was informed that a person of knowlcdge who happen'
    cd to bc a son of their grandfather's ministcr and living in
    Kirat was being called to see them. Bradshaw thought
    that the two princes could be of service if the war started.
    Their adherents on the hills knew the vorious thorough-
    fares. The British had taken fancy to the route via Harihar-
    pur, taking thom to Sindhuli and thonce to the Valley of
    Nepal. Thus the exiled princes of Mackwanpur w€re lo
    redder important servicc at least in rcspect of the routes.
    Il was proposed that the Raja of Ramnagar was ttr
    supply the British hampcrs (dokas) and bammc,cks (dolies)
    as wel[ as carriers (coolics). (Bradshaw to Adams, 25 August,
    l8l4). A modcl pair of shoes worn by footmen on the hills
    was for thc approval ofthe Govcrnor-General in council.
    Thc Raja of Ramnagar, bowever, was Dot a reliat,le ally.
    He had bcen maintaining contact with Kathmandu'

    Direct Ptovocations
    FioD Ghorasau Bradshaw informed Calcutta autho-
    rities that bs had occupied the Thara of Kacbhroa across
    thc border catchilg hold of the persoo of Bhikhu Chau-
    lnglo-llepalesc conflicts, 1812-11 297

    dhary and cight othcrs. But thc Govsrnor-Gcneral bad


    advised him to rclease thc men, and it was said that this
    had a salutary cffcct in as much as Parasuram Thapa him-
    sclf had rclcascd,'thc scpoys of Bradrhaw's cscort capturcd
    during the attack carlicr'. Bradsbaw intcrprctcd thc Ncpal-
    csc attitude as motivated by fcar. He rcports that in
    releasing thc scpoy he sent his hatkaru witb an unsigncd
    lctter written in a soiled papcr saying'your rcpoy is scnt
    back, with his articlcs, ro rclcasc my pcoplc with thc pro-
    pcrtics plundcrcd by you'. 'Two or threc long and cxag-
    gcratcd lists of propcrty plundcrcd' wcrc also produccd by
    thc Harkara.6s In thesc circumstances thc Ncpali loldicr
    was rclcascd. But Bhiku Chaudhary continucd tq bc
    dctaincd.
    Bradshaw wrote to J. Adams thst 'thc irrcgular cavalry
    arrivcd in Ghorasan, and thc Nepalcsc fcared that thc
    British intcndcd to march ahcad into across thc bordcr with
    a vicw to capturc thc fcrai.' Bradshaw's intclligcncc
    informcd him that Psrasuram Thapa was scndiDg mcs$ges
    to Kathmandu and was preparing to rctirc to M8ckwaDpur.
    Parlsuram had statioocd his forcc at a diEtancc of a day'a
    march from Ghorasan. Bradshaw sought Govcrror-Gcoc.
    ral's conscnt for hcadlong march to thc intcrior to 8 or l0
    kos. Thcy wcrc to advaucc from lhrcc ptaccs wbich werc
    to covcr 48 milcs from wcst to cast. Bradshaw addcd
    'Thcse positions might gcncrally bc Burhurwo on the right,
    Baragahi on thc ccntrc and Garhparsa on thc lcft. Burha-
    rwa on the brnk of thc rivcr Bagmati war 9 kor from thc
    forcst, r hilc thc other two placcs wcro iust about 2 or
    3 kos. Burharwa wal thcrcforc a suitablc phcc for st.tion-
    ing troops for, climatic raasoa!. Hc suggcrtcd that .thc
    road to Hariharpur coldd be cxplorcd from hcrc,,6r
    Similarly Mackwanpur could be oetotiat€d via Garbparsa
    aud Baragarli.
    61 For. Sec. CoDsulr, 15 SoptlBbcr, l8l4 !. 12.
    64. rbid.
    298 llodcm NePal
    In viow of thc approacbiDg hsrvesting season in
    Dcccmber ncxt Bradshaw watrtcd to act quickly in seiziog thc
    Tcrai. Hc wrotc that most of tho Chaudbarics on the othcr
    sidc wcrc williog to comG under British protcction as soon
    a! thcy kncw that thc Tcrai was to be co[quercd by thcm'
    Thcy would surcly surrcnder their rcvcnuc to the British
    collcctors, It was suggestcd that th€ wholc mattcr of
    collcction of thc rcvcnuc should bc smooth aod 'dcvoid of
    anything causing alarm.' Hc rcportcd that thc capturcd
    Chaudhary in Kachhroa was a man of.influcncc in his area
    and should bc won over.
    In vicp of thc immcdialc prcParations for war Brad-
    sha.v had cmployed himsclf to securc intclligcncc about thc
    roads to the valley. Hc produccd tbrce altcrnatives: l) vis
    Chispanigarhi, 2) Mackwanpur and 3) Hariharpur and
    Sindhuli.
    As alrcady rcportcd thc British authorities at this
    time dcclsrcd that nooe of thcir subjects sbould maintain
    any kind of dcaling with thcir neighbours on thc othcr
    sidc ofthe bordcr. Thie had causcd inconvcDicncc to tbc
    pcoplc oo thcir side, for thcy wcrc engagcd in carrying
    farming and also urcd pasturcs in thc junglc on thc foothills
    for thcir cattle. Brsdrhow rcports thst in sPitc of such
    hardrhip thc p€ople wcrc looking to thc British for protcc-
    tion, snd wcrc all ready for rcndcring assistance'
    Thc war was not dcclcared, but on British side iDtcnsc
    prcparatioas wcre sfoot. The Ncpalcsc' howcvcr, we'c not at
    all prcpared for war. Thcy werc thinking that bordcr inci-
    dcntr wcrc tcmporary and could b€ scttlcd with a spirit of
    compromiac on both sides, Thcy wcrc evctr prcpsrcd to part
    with ccrtain territorics in disputc 6uch 8s tbosc on the
    border of Gorakhpur and Soran. Nepalcsc had Dot lost
    hopc for Peacc.
    Writing oo l4th SePteobcr, l8l4 Bradshaw had repor-
    ted that Chandraackhat Upadhya who so far bad held
    thc port of tho Eint Eastcr h8d arrivcd on thc bordrr
    )nglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1812-14 299

    and was soon going to takc up the job of Nepal's Vakil at


    Calcutta. He carricd with him presents and a letter for the
    Governor-General. Hc was searching for a large clcphant
    also to bc prescnted to the Govcrnor-General. He was
    accompanied by a rctinue of 30 persons. He was reported to
    'a confidant of Bhimsen Thapa, the controller of thc Gov-
    ernment of Nepal, and it is known that upon former occa-
    sions he exercised vicws and intercsts at variance with
    those pcrsucd by Ranganath Pandit'.
    Bhikhu Chaudhary had not been released, and there
    was a demand for rcleasc made by Parasuram Thapa.
    Parasuram Thapa had been told that the matter of rcleasc
    had been under consideration of the Governor-General in
    council. He was also asked to punish all those from his
    side involed in the alleged plunder of villages in Bctia and
    attcmpts at poisoning wclls supplying drinkiug watcrs.
    The new Vakil applicd for passage when all this was
    going on as Bradshaw wrote on 28 Septembcr from Ghorasan.
    This matter was also referred to thc Govcrnor-Gsneral's
    corisideration. Bradshaw enthusiastically penned thefew
    lines to say that Parasuram had sent to him on 25 Septcm-
    ber an ar7 (petition) along with an address of Bhimsen
    repeating appeals for thc relcase of Bhikhu Chaudhary who
    was a Tharu zemindar.
    Bradshaw as he rcports was in no mood to act in
    deference to thc wishes of Bhimsen.o6 He had lately heard
    from Lt. Smith posted at Adapur that two Nepalese soldiers
    belonging to the mountains had bccn captured by 5 unarmed
    men of thc village of Mahadeoa. The men in the plains
    wcre supposed to be terribly afraid of thc Nepalese. But
    this fact disproved the usual theory whicb Bradshaw built
    that the Gorkhas were not feared but were detested by the
    plainsmen. Bradshaw attributed this kind of fearlessness
    on the part of the plainsmen 'to the support derived from
    65, For. Scc. Dcpt.,4 Nov. 1814, o. 13.
    300 Modcm Nepal
    the presence of the British force stationed on thc border'.
    Furtbermore Bradsbaw had obtained route maps of tbe
    Bhimpcdi, Mahankal and Sindhuli mountains as well as of
    Butwal and Papla. He wrote that a number of'descrters'
    wcre coming to Ghorasan. Thc Karati Ch ief whose name was
    Sobhan Singh, the son of a minister of Mackwanpur', had
    arrivcd. All thesc psrsotrs werc demanding money to
    collcct men in their area to revolt against the Governmcnt
    in Kathmandu.o6 But the convenient routes were still
    to bc traccd, Bradshaw had recommcnded almost in
    cvery lcttcr cxploration of rout€s in his rcgion. H€
    was askiog for furthcr exploriog more thorougbly tbe routq
    to Tanhou through Somesvar ranges and Chitaun and
    Dcoghat, so that the British force could penetrate iDto the
    principality of thc formcr Tanhou ruler. Similarly the
    link road to negotiate Sindhuligarbi from Hariharpur was
    regarded as importatrt, The later was to be reacbed via
    Thungccn and Pavus, The loutc was drfierent [roru thc
    (Bradshaw to Acting Sec., 3l October, l8l4) one raversed
    by Captain Kinloch in 1767 ard surrounding regions. The
    latter was supplied by RattrascD, brothcr of the lat€ Raja
    of Palpa.
    Thc passport of thc Upadhya was dclaycd, Meanwbile
    Bradshaw reported rumours of immediat€ troop movement
    froo Kathmandu. All routes to the Ncpal valley had also
    becn blockcd. It was also said that the Nepalese would not
    descend to the Tcrai but'would prefer to dcfend the moun-
    tains,' Bradshaw confidently wrote that no credit 'can be
    put to rumour of their opposition in the 'ferai.' There
    was, ofcourse, an attempt to win over zemindars bythe
    Nepalese, Bradsh.w rcported that r.ccntly Raja Tcj Pratap
    of Rtmnagar was visited by some Nepalese officcrs. Inter-
    viewidg the Raja the Ncpalesc returned accompanied by
    the Raja's mcu: Thc Ncpalese also purchssed 100 maunds of

    66. tbid
    Anglo-Nepalcsc Conflicts, 1812-14 30t
    paddy in that area. The Raja of Betia was, howcvcr,
    doubtlcssly cooducting himself to sidc with thc Britfuh.
    Also thosc engagcd in thc bartcr tradc wcrc continuiDg to
    do thcir work as usual, pcrhaps, lhc dctrimcnt of thc British'.
    Bradshaw, however, sounded a notc of optimism.
    Rcsidcnt Baillcy in Lucknow was asked to contact thc
    rcfugcc princes of the wcstern part of Nepal who wctc
    cxpectcd to provide ioformation as to passes and thorough-
    farcs. Baillcy wrote that the Raja of Tulsipur on th€ bordcr
    of Bahraich suggcsts p.nctration from hi3 own tcrritory. Thc
    Governor-Gcncral wbilc guaranteeing r.storatioD of biB
    rights to thc Raja al6o promiscd suitablc arms for bis
    formcr subjocts itr that part of Nepal (For. Sec. Dcpt.,6
    Dcc. 1814, n.25, lotters,9 Scpt. and 20 October). But thc
    qucstion was whcthcr British troops should march through
    Tulsipur or Gorekhpur border i,c. Butwal. The Raja
    was to be told that wh&tcvcr might do to help tbc British,
    thc march of thcir army in this scctor would go to
    str€ngthcn his position. But Gencral Wood who was
    deputed to launch attack hcre wac not advancing bcforc
    15 or 20 Novcmbcr. General Marlcy took as much timc to
    prcpare himsclf, and he rcachcd thc bordcr at about the
    samc timc.
    It might bc notcd hcre that thc Government had
    cxpectcd of Marlcy to achicye thc priDcipal objcctive of
    the war which was to capturc thc Vallcy of Ncpal.
    Bhiku Chaudhuri was rcleascd on thc 5th of Novcmbcr
    l8l4 and so wcre many othcrs. But Kuchhroa w83 not
    returncd. Bradshaw informcd J. Adam that Bhithu Chau-
    dhary was imprcsscd with rho gonerosity of ths act of
    rclcasc but Ncpal thought that this was motivatcd. Thc
    Ncpllcsc officcrs failcd to apprcciatc and instcad accutcd 'the
    Chaudhary ofpurchasing pcace sacrificing the honour of
    his Raja.' Bradshaw, however, hopcd that fhis &ind of
    suspicion will vanish in coursc of timc. Chandrasckbar
    Upadhya was still waiting in Burharwa unablc to obtair &
    302 Modcrn Nepal
    paslport tosnablc him to go to Calcutta to wait on thc
    Govcrnor-Gcncral.
    Bradshaw rcport€d that Amar Singh Thapa, fatber of
    Bhimscn, had dicd rcccntly atrd the Gorkha csmp was
    poorer without hi6,
    At this stagc wo read that Gillespie had attackcd the
    fort of Nalapani haviog penctratcd into Debra valley
    tbrough th€ Timli pass.
    Ia Bradshaw's area hie Govcrnmcnt wos yet normally
    working for pcacc, Thc only hostilc act war'thc scizura
    ofsomc articles of commercc, viz. borax, block chaurics,
    and ghec, all ofthc valuc of Rs.300 which wcrc handcd
    ovcr to thc Judgr Magistratc of Saran,'6 7
    As in othcr scctort thc Gorkhas had not shown any
    tcnd€trcy to provokc a war. Bradshaw himsclf rcported
    "No sdditionel troops had dcsccndcd from thc hills on
    thc fronticr of Champaran siucc thc datc of my last dcs-
    pstch and exccpt th€ lcvy of onc half of thc rcvcnuc in
    grain, no evidencc of the encmy's intctrtion to ssscmblc
    bclow the hills appcars anywhcrc in this quartcr.
    So why was all this military prcparation going on in
    the British camp ? Bradrhaw's rclrort has coincidcd with
    Captain Lattcr's rcport rcgarding thc Purnca and Ranaga-
    pur bordcrs. As wo havc alrcady writtcn carlier Captain
    Latter had apprised his bosscs in Calcutta about his convic-
    tion that thore was no visible activity of any sort on thc
    othcr sidc to give cyidcnce of prcparations for war evcn on
    a minor scalc.
    As ahovc statcd Ncpal was trying to scnd Vakil
    Chandrasckhar Upadhya to calcutta. But the British did
    not want to talk to thcm. Thc vcry fact that a rcprcscn-
    tativc from Ncpal was on thc wsy to mcct thc Govcrner-
    Gcncral shows that thc Nepalcse wcrc amcnable to rcason-
    abl€ tcrms of pcace if thc British had carncstly wantcd so.
    67. Bradshaw to Adam, Ghorasan, t4 Noyembcr, 1814. For, Scc.
    Dcpt,6 Dec. t814, n. ll7.
    Angh-Nepalese Conflict!, l8I2-14 303

    Tns zz villagcs round Rautahat baring bocn'clcated,


    there was no reason for thc British to continuc to fecl
    provoked. It is on record that the Ncpalese desired vcry
    much to comc to terms with the British also io rcgard to
    thc disputed territories on thc Saran and Gorkhapur bordcrs.
    Thcy had cxpreescd their intention to abandon their claim
    if the same was found unreasonable.os
    The obvious conclusion is that Nepal was facing a foe
    who was determined to fight it out, and achieve the ends
    sought.
    No amount of concession by the Ncpalese could havc
    helped thcm to avoid this war.

    68. lbid
    INDEX TO VOL, I

    Ach8ry. Brbur8o, 20, 21,23,3r, BalDalt 14 Bslcnt


    46, 49, l0r, ll3, lt6, l8l,2oo, Batoot Abhim&! Siag, 237, 239,
    25t 1fr, 214, 245, 247 , 251, 27 t, 217 ,
    AchrryE BslbhEdrs,292 218, 1t1,318, 32n, 326, 56X
    Acharys GrlSEnaads, 246 BaEtrGt Abivarna, 360
    Adhikari llativsEsapadhys, l?6 Brslot BaD8!, 164
    Adhitsli Kslu (Jaisi) 103, 104 Basttct Dbauksl Sinha, 2$, 271,
    Abtrnd Kh8!, 76, 8l 283
    Ajit Sidgh, 242 Bqllet CsDgs Simha, 280
    Ajodhy&tsE,560 Baslct I!d!s88oi,286
    Akbsr, EEpcror, 19, 23 Bssoct Iadnvir, 361
    AEbsD Ms[ta!i!, 460 Ba.lct Jshrr singh, 566
    AEbiks Pr8!ad, l5 Bsslet Kchar Simha, 162, 164, 229,
    Anrndavsrdhsre, 36 nt
    Ao-Hui, 501, 50{ Brslet, Kosh8ri SiDg,12r, 129, l5l
    Arjyal, Bh8tru Jorhi, 50 Basaat KirtimaD, 566, 593
    Arjyrl NsrEya!, 30, 317 Ba!tret Nahar simha, 164
    Arjyrl Shsltibrllsbha, 27 3, 292 B.sDet Sivaram, I14, 2,l4
    Ar&fudd.ula, 482, 556 Be8 (Mirja), Abdu a, !50, 3(D'
    AlaarErl8, 85 311,521,558
    Askaii, Prol, l7 Bhaju Taudhik, 198
    Atkioro!, 343, 349 Bhaktavira,5T2
    Aunrgzcb,7l Bhaodari, Asa, 164
    BteDderi, Bhalu, 183
    Eshsdur, Lsl, 336 Bhandari, Chamu, 571, r95
    B&ba.ud.dcen, 550 Bhaodari JrswEtrt, 355, 358, 439,
    B8iragi, Ramda.s, 231 444,571
    Bsju Sh.r, 528 Bhatrdari Joya Singh, 30,1
    Banr, BhsgrYati, 201 Bh&trdsri, Parthr, 245, 247,718,
    Banr, Durbala, 201 320, 326, 32't
    Batrs, Jogorvara, 201 Bhckh Siag, 9t
    E8Dr, Kamala, 201 Bhim Sahab, 470
    Bcns [rksm.na,20l Bhoprl Rao, 19
    B![ia Bsli'245, 247 Bhora, Kesrva, 30
    BsEia, Joga, 145 Bhuiya!, S. K., 369
    BsDia Ksnak Simha, l6l Bhuvatraswat, 243
    Birwcll, 19l Bi3ta Rscchu, 328
    z0
    306 Motlem Nepal
    Bohra, VaEridharr, 233 Edward, Captsiut 380
    Boglc, 381, 382,383, 388, 390,403
    Blook,407 Fa!.akshiar, Emperor, 64
    Brunnert, H. S., 499 Faudya, 299, 300
    Buddhimatr,20 Foxcraft,407
    Fu-K'ang-an, 437, 448, 452, 454,
    CbsEullng, 170 49t,504,505
    CbrEdraprabhsvati, l0l
    ChaBdre, Shumshsr, 487 Gaiadhsr, 170
    Charzu Cusho, 39t Celvali, s. B, 3l
    Chatterjec, Nandalal, 166 Ohimire Siva, 232, 253
    Ch'oos-te, 437, 504, 505 Choolam Mahummad, 556
    Chcrry, G. T., J3l Ciri Bhim, 266
    ch'ietrJuDg, 415, 501, 509 Giri Puran, 391, 392, 418
    Chiog-shih lich-chuan, 435 Giusepp. Rovato, Fatherr 205
    Chung-pa Hututhtu, 440, 501 Gohair Brajsnath,368
    Chu-sh.tr-pao,5 Golding, 184,279
    Corrwallis Lord, 372, 530, 534 Gosain, Kao.alabo[a, ll8
    Crrrzon Lord,4E7 Gosaio Rakhampuri, ll8
    Gosain, Rebab, t 18
    Das Prabodhq, 78 Crim, 299, 300
    DEb Judder, 37o, 375,376,382, 426
    Dcochaodra, l4 Hai-latr-Chh, 45d 504. 505, 506
    Dopctr Padcsal,43l Hambila, 34,41, fl, 85
    Devrdatta,4,l4 Haoiltotr, 3, 9, 10, ll, 15, @,23&
    Devidasa Kazi, 170 240, 256, 334 , rls, 365, 367 , 370,
    Dbalal, Kulalaod, 1]9, 176, 178 383
    Dhanav&ota Kazi, l7O, 17 l, 175 Harasiohadeva, l0
    DhaDa sankar (Major), 434 Harikrishoa Kha!, 309, 348
    Dharaoidhar,22 Harris George, 55
    Dharmadeo Raia, 380 Hastings Wa.rctr, 250, 372, 376-
    Dhewn Deo, 385 378, 382, 383, 390.391, 407, 520-
    Dhireodra Natayah, 176 52?,538
    Dhurir Kazi, 465 Hemaksror, 92, 255
    Dickinsof,,379 Ho-Lin,504
    Dotin Kazi, 436, 437, 464 Hui-Ling,504
    Duncan, J. (CaptaiD ), 410,4t l,412, Hydet Ali, 222
    470, 324, 526, s36,540,5sO
    Dutta Bhavani, 286 Indu Dvare, 572
    Dvare Indu. 572 Ito Kazi, 464 , 465
    Dipchandrs, 323, 339
    Du[e Duodub PheDjc, 434 JaSamalla,315
    lndex to Yol, I 307
    Ja8st, 2,() 549, 552, 561,561,569
    Jagatprakash, 348 KhEo Ali Ibrahih, 413
    Jaisi, Balakrishtra, 176, 245,248 Kh8n, GurgiD, 16l, lA-167,174
    Jaisi, Kulanaoda, 122 Khad, IDdr8bhuprl, 348
    hma Khan, 22 Khro, Faizullah, 447
    Jayabhadra,3T KhargatrsrayrD, 376
    Jayakrishna,339 Khstri, RaDsvir, 321
    Jethi MaiyaD,293 Khatri, Ssshidhar, 321
    Joseph Farher, 179, 199, 2O3 Khatri Siby., 326
    Josbi Ballabha, 286 Khatri, SiveDarayane, 297, 327-
    Joshi, Chaodraman,59T 330
    ,oshi, Harkadeva, 34O, 343, 349, Khswas, Ajap, 326. 359
    352,353,36t Khawae, Aagad, 326, 358
    Joshi, Nilkatrtha, 132 Khawat, Balbhad!8, 455, 468
    JuoS RaEa,283 Khaw$, Bhairava Simhs, 459
    Khawas, Bhuat, 164
    Kalid^'a Kezi,Zl2 Kh&wss, BhirD, 279, 306, 307, 315,
    Kalotr, Dorias, 433, 4t4, 435, 437, 315
    469,470 Khawas, Golrin, 463
    Kroadatta (Raja), 238, 239, 240, Khawss, Golaioa!, 321
    242,243 Khawas, ltrdra Simha, 360
    Kampu SyaDg Su Faa8, 461 Khawas, Jsskarna, 572
    Kenchi Maiya!, 49 Khawas, Juthya, 317
    K'aD8 Hsi (EDrpcror), 441 Khaw.s, Kirti SirDha, 245, 247
    Katoasem, 240, 242, 520 Khawas, Murti, 30
    Kaouogo Haricba.ar, 563 Khawas, Saaya, 360
    Karki, Dilaram, 304 Khawss, TribhuvaB, t7l, 358,
    K8rki, SwErup Sinha, 274, 278, 5(6,, 551
    285,292,305,318 Khswas, Bh8gu, 350
    K.siorth (Padhya), 279, 280 Kbeochc ThogEcd, 436
    KashiE.th,595 Khilji, Allauddin, l9
    K.siraE, 172 KiDIoch (Caprail), 184, lE6-191,
    Kaur, Kuldip, 597 193, 194, 2fi,
    249, 197, 538
    Kaur, Kudan Singh,5JE Ki(tpatrick (Crptsitr), 3, 5, 256.
    Kausaly& Dcvi, 47, 90 372, 4t4, 1t5, 42t, 446, 45t,452,
    Khadauri Pstrdit, 357 466, 467, 483, 485, s23, 5)5-528
    KhEdka, Ajit, 57 Kirtibao (Rajr), iloj
    Khadko, Dhaoya, 227 Kolen Yuthok, ,132, 437, 470
    Khadka, Hari, 170, 172 Kuat, Padma Simha, 362
    Khadka, Katu, 215, 231 Kuar, RaE&rishua, 158, 164, 166,
    Khao, Abdul K.dir, 413, 452, 463, 170, 175, 178, 181, l9r, 2m, 235,
    529, 531, 534-536, 538-542, 5{4- 244,218, 288, :.95, 298, 57r
    30E Modcrt Nepal
    Xua!, R.rjit, 431, 432,439,44 ?d1, 20p, 2tO, 213, 215, 217, 219.,
    KusDg-h.u.Hui-ti€tr Shih'liD, 435 3199, ,l0l
    Kul Bahdur, 470 M8lla, JitaDitt., 45
    MaU8, Kirtib&E, 304
    Lsl SiDg, 3,0, 159 M.lla, Mahcndrs, 147

    Le0a Dalri, f88, 427, 4&, 441, Mslls, Nsrs, 36


    449, 452, 462, 469, 502,503, 5ll, Mella, Nsrsttama' 359
    550 Malta, NrflysEa, 294, 329, 354
    fama, Djigarchs, d57 M&tla, Nripcndrs, 45
    Lam8, Jaaso, 391 Mallr, Prabhu, l7 6, 229, 2T
    lrm8 Panchad, 382, 429,437' 452, Maua, Rsq6jit, 113, 132, lr3, M,
    469, 501, 212, 213, 214, 216, 211
    IrEs, Potrla,'03275 Mella, Sitru, 321
    Laoa, SyamatPa (Shi'm8-!h'Pa)' Msua, sursj, 359
    436, 439, 455. 459, 46r, 46\ 468, Malh, Yoga, 327
    481, 501 Mrlliksveti,43
    L.ma, Tsshi, 379, 381, 388'392, Matrjusri Bodhhatwa, 494
    4O4, 479, 438, 445, 446, 459,4@ Marcp Dolls Tomb., FrtbGr, 205
    Ir[dotr, Pcrcival, 19l M8xwcll,558
    Lis Tse.Ksu, 500 Michscl AnSelo, 116, 119'2O5'2M,
    Logan Jalres, 399, 400, 4Ol 215

    Logan ScrgcaDt, 195 Michatha!, 20, 22


    LuEsdoD, J,, 54J, 546 Mir KasiE, 98, 16l,162, 16/.,166
    Mirza Sadat Ali, 556
    Macartn.Y Lord, 483, 509 Mirzapath Satda, 5@
    Madhesia Jam singh' 283 Mist., Babutaj, 571
    Madhests, La18ji, 280 Mists, Gajsraj, 27 3, 288, 292, 359,
    Madho Budha, 325, 32? 41O, 413, 414,524-526, 528.530,
    Mahab.t Jang, 249 517, s46-549,5A
    Mahaot Bhagsv.ntDatb' 12' 231, Misra, Nalda, 36
    232, 236,237,252 Mi.ra, Sriharsa, 2,l()
    Mahadutta. 17,333,334 Misra, Visvamitlta, 201

    Mahendrrchandra, 343 Mohatr Chsndrs (Mehsmjadhiraj)'


    Malla, Eatabhaojan, 137 34\ 3A
    Malla,8hi(n,434 MohaDta, Kamal, l17
    Mrlla, ChaDgunarayan, 359 Mohants, LachtnaDpuri, ll7
    Malla, Gancsa, 304 Muhammad Toki, 98
    Malla Catudadhvaja, 234' 303 Muktaoatrda, lE5
    MaIla Haridava, 153
    Malla Jayprakasb, llE'r20' 129' NaDdu, 164
    133, r34, 139, l4l, 15l-153' 157, Narabhupal,269
    168-170, 172, 176, 182, 185, 198- Naradhve,3l
    Index to ttol, i 309

    N.rsrdlr Lattmi, 271 326, 328, 347 -350, 358, 439


    Nrwab SiD8h, 10 PaDde, Kcs8r, 464
    NayrDavati,34 P!Edc, Latshmiprti, 322, 328
    NGw.r, Dhrneduttr, 201, 202 Patrdc, Nsr&yana, 127
    NGw8r, Nayso Simhr, 280 Paqde, Raroachandra, 359
    Nihdhsj, 286 P.odey, R.nsjil, 446, ,165
    Nizlm Ali, 353 Paadoy, Ranskcrar, ,144, 571
    Patrdo, Ralssura, 230
    O-hui,,{37 Patrdcy, Rattan, 469
    Oiha, R. B. Geurissoksr H8ri. Psnda, Ssrvsjit, 285, 571
    lsntar, 19 Peode, Sridhar, 157
    O-lcacrgpro, 454 Pardc,Srikrilh!8, 3,O
    Pudc, TulrrsE, 122, 123, 124, 129,
    Pa-chusg, 43?, 440, ,142, 5011 502 176, fi&, m3
    P8dEEprti,553 Prndit, Btihaspari, 240, 266
    Padmsvrti,49 Pandit, Haridevs, 306
    Pagan, 370, 426, 525 Psndit, Rsjivalocbsda, 108, 130
    Pardcy, Ero$rrj (VaEsrr8j), 161, Pandit, Rambh8dra,282
    164, r78, 2t3, 214,229, 230j27 3, Psathr, Bali, 173
    275,217, 278, 28r',, 285,297, n5, Paqths, thrk&, 297
    305,312-316 Psot, H8rky8, 164
    P8nde, Bhotu, 274,286, 432, 444, Pa[tha, Gutraoslds, 409
    445,458, 46t,465,47t Psotha, Mahcswara, Kazi, ,18

    Pande, Broj8b8si,294 Partha, Sribsrlhs, 230, 3'10


    P8trdc, Droodsr, 12, *5,3m, 426, Paathr, Sripati, 340
    43t, 432t 4X4, 439, 444,44, 465, Prut, Va8udro, 324, 360
    466.,472 566, 567 Parrlrrroa, 339
    Pardc, DsfiErso, 3,lO Psthsk, Srikrishoa, lW, 210, 212
    P8odc, G&kulavilsEa, 46, 50, 121 Paothi, 437, .14O, 504
    PsEdo, Gatrolha, 30 Psudcl, Brojol8th, 272, n3,276,
    Patrdr, Gtngsdhs!, 227 289, 290, 291, 296, 291 , 369
    PaDdc, Oouriraakar, 205 Paacock, Franci!, 242, !$0, 520
    Pandq Gourirwr, ,14 Phayo Lhaka!8, 470
    P.ndG, Hrrka. 432 Pi- lcDg, 507
    Pardcr Jr8at, 157 Pirjrdr, ,143, 463
    P8!doy, Jrg&tjit, 274, 3m, 324, Prat.p SirEhs,255, 27 l-27 4,276, 277,

    !12, 34t,3A,343, 349-351, 354, 279, 28t .284, 289-292, 296, 51 I


    432, 463 Prav&vati,9l, 93
    Patdc, J8gdharr, 277 Prithvip&I, 324
    P8DdG, JasaksllE, 155, l5? Purlilg, 379
    Patrdc, K!lu, l0l, 137, 139, 196,
    191 , 221 , 228, 231, 234, 250, 123, RajsodralaksEi, 49, 21 l, 27 4, 21 6,
    3t0 Modern Ncpal
    285,289,292, 293, $\ !16-319, Srna Bhim, 335
    52A, 522, 564, 565, 571, 572 Setra, Bigsantsr, 239
    RqjetY8ri Debi, 594 S€n, Damodara, 64
    Rai, Budhskarm, 23t, 239,241, Sco, Di8vijaya, 64
    2A,245,248 SGr,,caodharbha, 63
    Ra6 Shsh, Captai!, 432, 511 Setr,Harodutta,66
    RaEe, AEsrtiDSh, 3m Srn, HarishcaBdts, 8
    Ratrs, Bahcl, 522 Sen, Jagat,79
    Retra, BeDdu, 298 S9n. Jayamrlgal, 79
    R.[a, Bhaskara, /l44 Setr, Kamrrsjadutb, 64
    Raoaji Bhsprti, 19,2l Seo, Karaa, 78
    R&88, Fakir, 185 Seo, KuoeradutE, 65
    Rao8, Jasodhar, 326 Sc!. Marik, 79
    Rstrs, Jayatrta, 104-106 Seo, Mukutrda, 62, 85
    Ratra, Prabal, 306: 3m, 323,327- Son, Prithvipal,62,63
    3!0, 355, 360, 439, 444 Se!, Raghava, 7l
    Rana, Pratimaa, 298,315, 318, 439, ScD, Rudra, 61, 62' 85
    444, 468, 472, 482 Sctr. Trivikram, 64-66, lA, D7,
    Rai, RaJeudra, 563 128, 194
    Rana Sarvajit, 293, 294,296,571 Sc!, Viktama, 79
    Rsna, Sursimha, 215 Sena, Digbaodhatr&, 76
    Rai, BichitraoarayaDa, ?5 sGoa. Harihrra, ?1, ?4, 78
    Rai, Budhakaroa, T6 Spra, Hcmakartra, ?5, ?9
    Rai, Rajyapratash, 102 Sons, I!dr., 74, 78
    Rai, Satbaha, 75 soD!, Mrtrdh.ta, 75, 77, 8l
    Rai, Sital, 250 Se!a, MBDikya, 77
    Rajgiri, 266 Sctra. Visvambhar&. ?5
    Rao, Ralaji, 2l Setr HarakuBardultt, 228, 229,
    Ratnasera,325 294, 333, M,597
    RairBvati,34 Sena.Mukutrda,333
    Richald Smith, Colonel, 186 R.ghunath, 243
    SeEa,
    Ross, Cololel, 426 Shah, Bahsdur, 10,17, 49,252,
    Rupanarayana,2T9 253, 5, 280.287, 289, 29 t-
    21 2-21

    Ruobolt, Thomas, 184, 185, 187, 293, 29s-3o1, 307 -313, 3l5-32O,
    189, l9l, 193'195 331, 333, 334, 456, 520, 528,532,
    548-55q 552, 556, 565-575
    Sahi, Bhadra, 196,271 shsb. BEm, 348. 358; 365, 43 ), /r44,
    Sahi, Gajabir, 4.14 483, 526, 528, 561
    S.hi, JayaEta, 468, 482 Shah, Balabhadra, 290, 291, W,
    Sahi, Mukti. 8 3t5, ?26, 358, 432, $1,482,5O4,
    sahi, Nara, 354 561, 597,599
    Sen, Aobar, 62 sh8h, Bhupatiodra, 48
    Index lo Yol, I 3l I

    Sh.h, Blrbhrdra42,,|4 419,444,445,451,62,463,81,


    shrh, Drljit, 48, 176, 273, 214, 472,482, 526, 515, 545, 552,554,
    269,272,280,285,287,288, 294, 551,561, 562,564-56,569,570,
    297, at2, 313, 318, 319 512, 571, 576, 594, 596.598
    Shsh, Drlanrtdr!, 48, 146, 172, Shsh, LrDstudlo, 48, 131, 144,
    174, 17s, 25t, 269, 270, 219AU, ,r',5,2lt,235,269,276
    284, 286, 287, 288, 290,291,326, Shah, RrDsbhima, 9, 225,311
    571 Shrh, Sbcr Bahadut,l7l,216
    ShshDal,43,44,48 shrh,SiddhiD.nlanE,136,251,
    Shrh, DrEb.r,4l,8s 305, 314
    Sheh, Girmo Ju{dha Vikram, Sh.h, Siddhipratepo, 132, f04,
    462,593,594, 595 314
    Sbah, Dmwa,2l,27, 30-33 Shrh, Srikrilhor, 345, X47, 432,
    Shah, Jrh!!8ir,48, 51, 129 413
    Shsh Jivr, 164,286,32O,326 321 Shah, vtdur, 276, 567
    Shrb, Krilhos, 8, 9, ll, 42,291 Shah, VilsEsrdala, 217,303, fis,
    Shah, Kuldip, 569 306
    Shat, KurraE, 560, 562 SbaLtlballtbta, 292
    Sh8h, MahoddsE Kitti,90, 252, Shokh, Zabbar, 98, 260
    255, 269, 270, 213, 291, 296, 298 Shslu Khonop, 431
    Shrb, Naru,318, 326 Shcr Brhadur,565, 567
    Sbrh, PrrsklaBa, 319 Shorc Joho Sir, 203
    Shrh, PtadyuE&a, 339, 351 Silhwal K!zi, 178
    Shah, Prithvitrarayatra, 10-12, 18, Simha, Ajaya, 432
    20, 23, 31, 46,48, 49, 51, 56, 63, Simhs Ajit (Raja), ,!05
    64, 76, 83, 89,92,96, 108, 113, Siogh, Lal, 3,O,353, 363
    125, r29, t34,135, 139-157, 160,- Sirha, Abhimao (Kazi), 432, 439,
    163, 166, 168-177, 179-186, 189, 444,448,549, 55O
    190, 195-198, m0-203, 205-209, Simha, Bhrkti, 345
    2ll-216, 219-224, 226-229, 230-
    Simha, Dhaukrl, 432
    235, 237, 238, 2&-24f , 246-274. Sioha, couritrrth. 368, 369
    291, 292, 294, 327, 397, 399,,101, Sioba, Kamaleswara, 368
    576
    520, 521,559, 569, Siohs, Kirtitua,n,432, 444, 466
    323
    Shah, Raghubara, Sirhr, LaklEi,368
    Shah,Raghur!.lla,323 Silha,Mshcldrs,344,362,353
    Shah, Rajctrdrs Vikrsoa, 178,598 Sioha, Mobro, 339, 340
    Shah, Ramr8aDga,282 SiEhr, Rudra, 368
    l7l, 2,l4,
    Shth, Rate Bahadur, Si.nh8 NataysD, 470
    270, 27 6, 284, 285, 290, 301, 306, Simba, Svarutra, 57 l
    3lO, 321, 322, 323, 325, 326, 328, Sioha, Tribhuva!8, 550, 567
    329, 332, 135, 34o, 341, 347, 348, Sitrhs, Utrslath, 368
    ?52-354, 36s, 367, 369, 311, 43t, SiDhaptatap, 281
    3t2 Mod*n Ncpal

    Sir8h, 8ad!1, 358 Tskrarl N8lasitrLs, 439, 458, 461,


    Siogh, E8ghs, 176 Thap&, Perasurto, 111, ll3, 114,
    Silgh, Ksran (R&ja), 400 133, 135-137, 142-144,r1t, t12,
    siogh, Lakloi, u0 173, 255, 289, 2fi, 29t , 597
    Sitrgb, Rlonsrayto (Rrjs), 249 Thrpa, SutEvir, !43
    Smith,563 Thsps, Tular8E, 322, 328
    Stuart Mr., /97, 551 This Taslat, 457
    Sukhlal R8j!, 164 TiDu Sulis!, 555
    surs Pratap, 168, 213, 214,234, Tsopc! Dcbugpr, 435
    251,269,273 Tu Tbwslg Ta ChyaD Juag,456,
    Sylvsi! L.vi, 476, 493 4s7, 461, 4W5, 467.469, 477,
    Turoar, 384, 391, 392
    Tai-Sio P8o, 505
    Tstrcho Khcmbo, 5ll Up.dhys, Bitbhrd!r, l9O, 248
    Tandup Sskye, 434 Upadhys, Blsnullrth, Y7 524, 561
    TcEgyclitrg Dzasa, 470 Upadhys, Dilatr8lh, 249, 266.,
    Towali, KaDalanidhi, 34O 300, 301, 308, ,O8, 419,481,521,
    Thaog Th8-i-Tsu!g, 498 s22, 526, 521, 537, 545
    Thapa, Achal, 231 Upsdhys, H&ri!ards, 237
    Thrrs, Amer Sinha, 236,244,298, Upsdhya, Kirtit&jesaods, 199
    326,342,344,W,
    305, 318, 321, Upadhya, Llkrmitrer&y8n, 288
    349,359,361, 4,6, 432, 46!
    Thapa, Ambar Singh, 322, 326,, Vr ithrt, 165
    355,522 Vil.rkuDcri, 322, 323, 325, 3n,
    Th8pa, Balilaj, 354, 356, 357, 364 33r
    Thapa, Bhakti, 324,128 349,351, Yisnu Slqkrr, 434, 472
    353, 354, 356, 357, 358, 365 vilEsviti,325
    Thapa, Bhim ScD, 20, 155, 359,
    591 wrzir Ali, 556, 55?
    Thapa, Dooduttai Dcvadutta, 298, Wci YurD, it4l, 454. 455, 473
    305, 358, 439. 453, 451,459,468, wsllaod. A.. 363
    472, 482, 5i0 Wollcrloy, Lord, 368
    Thapa, Dhanaraj, 304 wodd.r, Bhotc, 305
    INDEX TO VOL. II

    Abdul Ati, Moulvi, 104, l16' 125 Bhikharilal,9


    Abdul Kadir (Q fdir)' Moulvi' Bhoro (captair), 237
    23. 27 , 41 , 64, 93, 98, 99' l0l Bhuti sitrcb Misn, l99
    Atdulla Bo8, 270 Bilerrl Lt., 269
    AdarD., J., 262, 266, 268' 269,272, Bir Bahrdut, 126, 157
    215,281,281 Birkkhoro siogh, Rej., 255-259'

    Ahmrd Sbrh Dursni, 195 266


    Ali, Ujir, 237 Blate, M;., 64, 85
    Aluhwals, Fatoh SiDgh, 22, Br.ddoE, P, 249, 25), 262

    Atrirutdba Chaod,207 Bradshs$, Mrio\ 258, 262, 264,


    21 8, 281, 282'
    Atrtotry, ll, 17,18,19' 24' 59 265, 266, 268-n 5,
    285, 288, 290, 294, 295-300, 302
    Babsi, Raja, 241 Brooks, T., 138, 139, 1'l4, 145,289
    Baillcy,30l
    Bain udhar, Psodit, I19, 124 ChaudstY, Bschhan, 249
    Bakar Lt.,99 Chaudaly, Bhakt. R j, 256
    Badagiri, PritaElda!, l9l chaudary, Bhikhu, 296,299' 3ol
    Basnct, Bhakat Singh, 176 Chaudary, BYjoo, 285
    Basrct, Bhakhel Singh, l6l Cbaudsty, Dhuts, 252
    Balnct, Chamu,2l0,23l chaudaty Jud\ran, 260
    Ba!nct, Dhoukal Simha' ?2,73 Chaudaty, Kutht, 251
    BalEet, I[dravir,88 chaudary, MadhaE RaE, 252
    Bastret, Kirtidran, 1,22, 47 ' 69-11' ChaudhatY, Phcku, 275, 277
    77 -19, 82, 83, 97, 98, 1 t2 Chitra Dcvi, 83, 84
    BasDet, Sivarama, TS Crawford, Captain, 64, 100' 119'
    Bhaktabar (Basnat), 7 l, 11, 71-8f , 120

    85,96, 98, 101, 106, 138, 148'


    149, 153, 155, 164,166' 115' t'|6' Das Ramgule!, 161
    184 DevichaEd, Raja, 197
    Bhaod.ri, B.hadur, 86' 102' 104' Dhansvara Jsmadat, 231
    16l, 164 Dharma Praka!h, 187
    Bhaod.ri, Chumu, 189' 208' 210, Dal.bhatj.E, l9
    216,220,23t Datta; Hars Kumar, 75
    Bhaodari, DurSa Sitr8h, 216 Dodsw.ll, G.orge, 279, 285
    Bhsndari. Jasdoo' 264 DouSlas, Mr.,99
    Bhaodari, Jaswanta, 74, 80 Drcaret, Mr., 251, 252
    Bhavani Sankar (Maioi), 219 DuDkary, Col., 86
    2t
    314 odon Ncpal
    bwrrt.d.$, l, 84, lO3, 147, r5l JGakl!!, Ll,, 287
    Edmoattooc, N. B., t9,35, 18,99, Jothl, Chaadrarllo, l!2
    103, t37, t4t, r,t4, 145 Joshl, Harkbs Dcva, 161
    Edward! Lt,, 100, 120 Joshl, Jryi Dcva. 16l
    Jashl, Jryatrishnr, 200, 219
    FrhcbEnd Miatr,2O2
    Frtlcr, ,rrlct Brillio, l8j K.ngryrl, DooDldhl, 2t9
    Krrkl, Abhrys glDth, 208
    OrJ.kG!!r, Krzl, 168 KarEa Prlkarh, 187, 188, 190,
    OajorlEbl, 184 192, t98,212,220
    Gaj Sia3h, Serdar, 249,25t,252 KhadBuri,Dharalidhs , l60
    G8o6rh chrti, 2ll Khadka, Subuddhl, E2, 98, ,05,
    cha!tl Java, Subod&r, 2,14 106, 107
    OillclDic,302 Kbio, Barkat A1i,237, 238
    Oiri, J.idcv, t6l Kh8D, Byjcq 291
    ciri, Laklmao (Lschhoan), 256, Khan, Mabammad Guhm Ali, 237
    257, 2s9, 270, 273, 276 Khatr, N&dir, 214
    Giri, Udsya, 176 Khatri, Dalarath, l8y',, 289, 290, 291
    ciri,Umarrao, 16l Khatri, IndramaD, 155, 168
    Gulam Ali Khar, Nawrb, 208 Khatri, Jay Siogh, 176
    GulaE MohaoEad, 196 Khatri, Ramach.odrs, 207
    Guruog, Bahadur,23l Kbatri, Ysduaath, 69
    Guruog, Nara Sin8h!, 156, 163, Kh^w,s, Antad,227,229
    168, 170 Khawas, Bh.8u, 183
    curuoS, Pr.blsd, 199 Khawas, Bhim, Kazi, 155, 168
    Gur!tr8, Ran8rDath, 199 Khawat, Gatbhu, Tl
    Khrwas, Colaiya, 160
    Ifrmilton Dr., jO, 7t, g1,ge, t(/|,, Khawas, IDdra Sioha, 7l
    105, lts, 163, 193,194, tg7 Khawas, Kanchan, 69
    Hrttidal, Chautara, l04 Khawar, Raog!vir, 26i
    Ea.tilal,D44 Khawas, Tri bhirvaD, 90, 91, 93
    IIcttinStWs.rGD, 270 Kirkparrick, 3,4,2, 10, 15, 16, 18,
    Ha3tioSs Lord, 284 21, 38, 64, 8s
    H8y, ClDtair;269, 290 Kishor(jung, l3l
    Hoar.cy,!Mr.,245,2{6 Knox, Captaitr, 3-14, l6-48, 58.60,
    Hiucn Tta08, l9? 63-65, 67, 68-70, 84_E9, 9r, 93,
    Hutchinson, J, 194, 2Ol 9s-97, 99.108, l _ 1t5, 6-129,
    IDdravir, 92 131.135, 138, t40, t42, t48, t59
    Krishns Mutihi,23?
    J8ha. Sin8h, Kazi, 84 Kuar, Balsbhadre, 164, 189,230
    J.dur Bhur, 19 Kua., Balanara SiEgh, 163, 164,
    Jtyants, 15, 165, t66, to, r7ot t7tt 176,207
    index to Yol. II 315

    Ku.r, Birbh.dra, 190 12t-122, t25, t39, t48, r'12, r13


    Kuar, ChandraYir, 190, 211, 213, Mohan, Raja, 197
    2t7, 223, 2U, 229 -23t, 242 Monckton, J,, 179
    Kuar, R.Dajit, 166, 183, 199,200, Moorcrafl, Mr.,246
    207,228 Muniraj Faujdar, 2tO, 261. 262,
    Kurr, RcvaDta, 2lO, 213, 2m, 229, 219,286
    237
    Kuar, Virsbhadls, 21O, 219, 220, Nadir Shah, 180
    231 Nain Silgh, 208
    Kuobbcditr F.o. Singb, 155 Narsingh, Kazi, I12, l17, I18, lt9,
    t26, t?9, 152, 164, 166, 170
    Laksmidevi, 157 Ncav., Mr., 135, 136
    Laksmin&taratra, 104 Nirvanatralda, Svami, I
    Lallta Tripura SuDdari, 157
    lrl Sidsb, l5l Octorlony, Col,, 192, 237-U0,254,
    Latlcr, Crpt., 302 268, 291 , 292, 293
    Layccrt.r, Mr.,273 Oldfield, 134
    Lloyd, G. Mr., 114, ll5, l,l0, l4l,
    146. 148, 171 Padma Deva Dottcl, 219
    Loksya, Jayakrishoa, 210 Padma Sam bbara,l96
    Paode, Bhotu, 166, 176
    Ma8ar, Kazi, ,70 Pande,lDalabhanj.n, l, 155, 163,
    Mabammad Akbar lI, lE5 164, 17 6, 203, 206, 257. 25E, 24,
    Mahila Guru,255,276 266
    Moira, Lord, 293 Pande, D.modar, l, 11, 22, 26, 35,
    Malla, JoSalaByana, 160, 16l, 3E, 42, 45, 47, 66, 69, 7O-7 2, 82,
    189, 192, 198, 210 a3, 87, 90.92,94, 96.98, 10"
    Maodhsr, Subcdar, 155 llr, 112, lls, tl1-120, 122, 123,
    Marlay, G€oaral, 301 125, t26, t32, 139, t42, 152-t55,
    Marti!, R., 279-281,283, 285, 286, 168, t72- t74,296
    288 Parde, J.8ajjit, 160, 192
    M€dhi, Mirza, I07, l16, ll8 Pandc, Kalu, 3l
    Mctcalfo, 292 Pande, Kur Ecer,92
    Miatr Mrld.o NarayaE, 2ll Psndc, Ranrbam, 121, l7l,296
    Mi8tr Nalryrtr Das, 2!l Paodo, Rao.jit, 71, l1l, l15, ll8,
    Mintq Lord, l9l 127, 128, 138, 139, 153, 158, 153,
    Mir Krllo All, A!!rlD, 275,277, 170
    284 P8!d., Ranskcstr, 155
    Misrs, BrajamDda, 139 Parda, RarevirjrDg, 258
    Mi!r8, Gaja!.j, 4, 1-18,21-31,38- P.trdc, Suruljir, ll2
    42, 45, 47, 48, 66, 14,78, 85, 81- Patrdc, Tikabatlabh, 189, 210. ?16
    95, t00-t06, 109.113, 115.118, Ps[dit, Bccr BhaEjaa, 261 , 217 , 2E4
    316 Modern Nepal
    Pandit, Krirhna, 117, 25O, 25E- RaDajit SiDgh. l9l, 194, 196, 199,
    2@,262, 265-268,2Es 20t, 202, 20+208, 20,-2t1, 213-
    Pandit, Padmaprni, 81, 84 215, 219-223, 225, 227, 23t, 234,
    P{odit, Padmatridhi, 219 235,238,250
    PaDdil, Rathunatb, 20,,O RichirdsoD, cnl., 219-281, 2E5,
    Pardit, Ransjit, 16,4, 177 281, 288
    Paldit Sritrisnr, 76, 178, 119, 212, Ripumardrsr,2lS
    284 Rana, Frujvir, 176
    Paqdit Srrkrisua, 76, 178, 179.272, Russel, C., 54
    2U Rutherford, Mr., 288
    PaEdit, RrDgroath, 38-4\ 46, 47,
    81, 83, 84, r38, 139, 155, 158, Sahi, Lachhvir,237
    t64t t7O, 17 6, 177, 256, 258, 26r,, Sahi, Psrakrrma. 162, 184
    262, 261, 268, 270, 27 1, 21 3-27 8, S.ktibrllabh, 190
    283,299 Sa6satchaod, l8?, 19l, f93.208,
    Pandit, Vilnu, 162, 259 n9,2tt,2t4,22t
    PaDdit, YsduDEth. 176 S&okhsdhar, 155, 168
    Pa0t, Dlonidhi, 188 Satrrsrchrtrd, REj6, 292
    ParamrraEl, 184 Sardsr, GaDdhsrva, 2ll, 218
    PiokctsAill, Lt., 265, 267 , 269 Sardar, Ramrutrder, 220
    Princcp, T.,253 Scott, Mr.,253
    Prithvip.l, Raja, 139, 172 Sh&hi, Pratimao, 183
    Proclor, Mr., 115, 148 Sahi, Udatta,il99
    Sabi, Vikram, 2,14
    Rrjakhso, Mir Mun6hi, 253 Sco, Dharmaraj,296
    Rajrrajosvlri Dcvi, 106, 109, ll0, Seo, Disbaodhao, 296
    154, 168 Sen, Prithvipal, Raja, 265, 27 5
    Rajolvati, 153 Sctr Ratna, 300
    Raj Sinsh, 197 Scd Suravir,264
    Rsmsdas, 237, 238 Sen, Udayapmtap, 296
    Famdhin. Kazi, lE4 Shah Alam tI, 185
    Raorsarao, 220, 227, 237 Shdh, B.labhrdra, 38-41, 46, 80.90
    Ram Sin8h, Raja, 241 Shaha, Bam, 7, 8, 42,45,47,65,
    Ramtv&ra, Subcdar, I6E 68, 71.87, 90, 92, 96, 97, tO2,
    Ramch.od, RaJe, 197 103, lt7, ll8, 120, t2t, t23, tz4,
    Raos BalwaBt; ll2 126, 132, t53,163, 164, 166, 167,
    Ranr, D.lbir, 183 t69, t73, l7 5,208, 209, 213, 216,
    RaDa, Kirti, l9l,210 242, 243,245-2.47
    Ratra, P(sbal, Kari, 22, 155, 168, Shah, Chiptoc (Dilip), l12, 12l
    l7l Shah, D.lamardan, 79
    RaDa, PratiEao, 69, 7l Shah, N8ltadal, t23, 126, 144
    RaDa, Sh..ushor,213 Shah, Gt.va[a Juddha Vlkra&a,
    lndex to Yol. ll 3l?

    16,33, 144, 162, 161, t15 111, Sirgh, Jol, 227


    l8t, 184, 185 Sin8h, KissD, t89, 216, 220
    Shah, Krisoa, Tl, 72, 76, 80 SiD8h, Maosha! Aj.b, 231
    Shrh, Lachtrlao, l3l siDgb, Mathabrr, 154
    Shah, Luchmcrc,92 Siogh, NriD, l5l' 203
    Shah, Pr8dyum!8, 150 SiDgh, N8tabhrdn, 175
    Sbab, Pnoa, 19,20, lJ6, 158, 163, Singh, Narabir, 257
    t64, 176,267,26[,290 SiDgh, RaE, 212, 22t, 2{,
    Sh8h, PrithviDaraysnr, 75, 255 sirgb, Rr!!bir, 139
    shah, Ransdhoj, 175 SiDgh, RsDadhir, 118, l19, 122'
    Shrh, R8Da Bahadur, l-32, 34-36, t23
    6s, 68, 7 t-85, 87, 90, v2, 96,91 , Siu8h, R8taD, 188, 1E9
    t02, to3, ll2.!115, ll?, ll8, 12l, Siogh, Sobh&D, 3m
    t23, 125.129, 132, lr1, lrs-146, Sin8h, S.Na, 168
    148-156 ls&r60, 162-167, t69, Sirha, Karbir, l3l
    r7l-!80 Sivadutta, Rrja, 241, 267
    Shah, P€mbhim8, 152 sEirh Lr., 290, 299
    Shah, RrDodyot, l0l, 105, 156, Sobh8tr Ali, 68
    163, 164 Subuddhi, 80
    Shah, Rudnvir, 7, 38, 184 Suri, SohaD lrl, 221
    Shah, saEshct, 123 s$smmeejce, 52, 54, 55
    shah, Shor BEhEdur, T, 8, 70, 74,
    76, 97, tol, ll2, ll7-121,124, Tahir Ali Daro8s, 261
    r25, 118,146,148, 150, 153, 156, Tarspati F8ujd8r, 260
    t58, 162, t54, 165r l6il, 169, l1O, Tejpratap, 269, 300
    172, 117 Thapa, AEar Sitrgh,80, t05, lll,
    sh.h, ShyaDadatta, 69 138, 145, r53, 156, 166, l7l, l7l,
    Shah, Sri Ktisaa, 22, 69, 78, 79' 90 175, 178, 183, I84, 188-190, 192-
    Shah, vidur, 69, 71, ll2, l2l, 194, t99, 2@, 202, 203, 205, 2O1.
    t50, 153, 165, 170 208, ?tO, 2 t4, 215, 217, 22t-224,
    Shahi, PradyurDra, 182 226, 228. 229, 23t, 236, 23E-2&,
    Shakcapa8rc, Mr, 273 24 t -243, 253, 254, 2@A64, 266-
    Siblcy, Capt., 289, 290 268,291,293, n2
    Singh, Amrit, m6 Thapa, AEbar Si!8h, 224
    sinsh, Aoi!uddh., 205 Thrp! Alju!, 217
    SiD8h, Bhsta, 238 Th8D8, Brldco, 231
    SiDsb, Bhrirava, E0, 176 Thepa, Bhairab, 184
    Sitrih, Dsvs, 227 Thapa, Bhstti, 183, 200, 201, 206,
    Siltb, Dwar'o Sa'rDso, 1J5 2t2, 213, 218, 220, 223, 224, 230-
    siu8h, GsEdb8tba, 203, 213 232,238
    Silgh, GbsEasd, 195 Thapa, BbieslD, l, 81, 82, 84,105,
    Si[8b, ,s$a, 195 l5!.157, 163.17t, lr3, 175.178,.
    318 Modern Nepal
    243, 207 , zt0, 2t't , 230, 243, 253, t70, 172
    259, 266, 211 , 299 Ttipurasundari, RaDi, 175, 176
    ThaDa, Bhakridal, 188 Tularam,94
    Thapa, Deodutta, 69
    Thapa, GanSaram, l6l Upadhya Balsbbsdra, 271
    Th.pa, Chamsnd, l9l, 210 Upadhya, Ealadcva, 268
    Thapa, Hioakartra, 80 Upsdhys, Chaodr8 Sckher, 9, 176,
    Thapa, Ilastidat, 184 293, 298, 301 , 302
    Thapa, Jaspso, 156, 116,2ll,213, Upadhya, DcoriLhi, 2m
    218, ?20 Upadhya, Dioatlath, 9, 19
    Thai!, Naid Siogh, 2OO Upadhya, Eldeo, I
    Siogh, 166
    Tha,Fa, Nayatra Upadhya, H.rihar,257
    Thrpa, Nirbhaya Silgh, 237 Up.dhya, Plsja9rti, 257
    Thapa, Parasuram, 213, 214, 216, Upadhya, SivaDalrda. 257
    219 Upadhya, v ij8!&!ards, lE4
    ThaDa, PraharsiD8h, 214
    Thapa, Ra6das, 237 Vaidya, Bhi!la Nidhi, 219
    Thapa, RsmsuDdar, l90 Vandarheydan, 3,4, 1, ll, t2, ti,
    Thrpa, Raladhoj, 156, 158, 163, 2l
    16!, t7 6-t7 8, 192, m7 , 2t0, 2t7, Vazir Aly Kban, 45
    230, 243, 244,253,259 Vijaya Sin8b,247
    Thapa, Rathavir, 164 Virabhsdra, 88, 92, 176
    Thara, Parasur&m, 20, 31, 74,75, Virsjavir, 170
    76, t7l, 116, 184, 258,266,267, Virtru Paodit, 253
    284,299 Vogcl, ,., 194, ml
    Thapa, Ramda6, 199
    Th&pa, RaDasur, 230, 231 Wcllasley, Lord, 4, J, [s,33,46,
    Thapa, Rao jo!e, 189, 206, 213,2 t9, 49, 59, 101,130, 134
    220,231, 24t Webb, CaDt.. 291
    Thapa, Ste.tha, 192 Wood, GeDetal, 271, 301
    T[8p8, VikrEDr, 156
    Tharu Nultin Khao, 291 Young, Mr., 256
    TribhublD, (Sio8h, Khawas), 9,
    87, ll5, l18, 163, 164, 166, t68- Tahat Ali. 261
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