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Book Review: N. Bhaskara Rao, Good Governance: Delivering

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Legitimacy, Power and Subversion 459

Book Reviews Social Change

44(3) 459–492
© CSD 2014
SAGE Publications
Los Angeles, London,
New Delhi, Singapore,
Washington DC
DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536809
http://socialchange.sagepub.com

Deepak Nayyar, Catch Up, New York, Oxford University Press, 2013,
pp. ix + 213, `695, ISBN 978-0-19-965298-3.

SE
This book analyses the evolution of developing countries in the world economy
from a long-term perspective and finds that the distinction between industrialised

U
and developing economies is relatively recent, historically. One thousand years
ago, Asia, Africa and Latin America together accounted for more than 80 per cent
L
IA
of world’s population and income. However, it is found that during the period
from 1820 to 1950, the industrialisation of Western Europe was accompanied
C

with the de-industrialisation of Asia. During this period, Asia, Africa and Latin
ER

America were progressively integrated into the world economy, through inter-
national trade, international investment and international migration, and this
M

resulted in a division of labour between countries which, it is argued, was unequal

M

in its consequences for development. However, the share of developing countries

O

in world gross domestic product (GDP) stopped its continuous decline in 1962.
C

This was in a sharp contrast to the ‘Great Divergence’ and ‘Great Specialization’
R

during the period 1820–1950. In continuation of the author’s earlier works,

FO

Liberalization and Development (2008) and Economic Liberalization in India:

Analytics, Experience and Lessons (1995), this book explores heterodox perspec-
T

tives to further understanding of the development process and is convincing in its

O

exploration of an institutional perspective. The process of ‘Catch Up’ during

N

1950–2010, it is argued, was driven by the role played by the State in evolving
trade and industrial policies, developing institutions and making strategic inter-
ventions. The intersection of economics and history is explored in the context
of retreat of the State, advance of the market and increasing momentum of glo-
balisation. The book makes a valuable contribution by highlighting the role of
the developmental state, and also by emphasising the role of growth-mediated
development rather than growth as an end in itself.
The book is divided into two parts. The first part highlights the overwhelming
significance in the world economy of Asia, Africa and Latin America until the
middle of the second millennium. It then focuses on their falling behind during
the period from 1820 to 1950. The second part brings out the extent and nature
of the catch-up on the part of developing countries in the world economy during
the period from 1950 to 2010. In doing so, it considers the changes in their share
460 Book Reviews

of aggregate output, level of per capita income, engagement with the world
economy and catch-up in industrialisation, to focus on the uneven distribution
of this process between regions and within countries in the developing world. The
book is comprehensive in its analysis of Maddison data and UN data.
It finds that Asia, and within it China and India, accounted for approximately
50 per cent of world population and world income in the period 1000–1820.
However, the economic significance of Asia, Africa and Latin America declined
sharply, and by 1950 their share in world population was two-thirds and their
share in world income was about one-fourth. In a sharp contrast, between 1820
and 1950, Europe, North America and Japan, it is found, increased their share
in world population from one-fourth to one-third and in world income from
more than one-third to almost three-fourths. In a span of 130 years, from 1820 to
1950, as compared to the percentage of GDP per capita in Western Europe and
Western offshoots, GDP per capita in Latin America dropped from three-fifths

SE
to two-fifths, in Africa from one-third to one-seventh and in Asia from one-half

U
to one-tenth. This phenomenon is termed the ‘Great Divergence’. Simultaneously,
between 1830 and 1913, the share of Asia, Africa and Latin America in world
L
manufacturing production, attributable mostly to Asia, in particular China and
IA
India, collapsed from 60 per cent to 7.5 per cent, while the share of Europe, North
C
America and Japan rose from 40 per cent to 92.5 per cent, to stay at these levels
ER

until 1950. The industrialisation of Western Europe and the de-industrialisation

of Asia led to the ‘Great Specialization’, which meant that Western Europe, fol-
M

lowed by the United States, produced manufactured goods, while Asia, Africa
M

and Latin America produced primary commodities. The book, however, does not
O

engage sufficiently with the de-industrialisation debate in terms of examining

C

its causes and likely implications.

R

There is a sharp contrast, as the book analyses, between the significance of

FO

developing countries in the world economy between the period from 1950 to 2010
and the period from 1820 to 1950. In terms of Maddison purchasing power parity
(PPP) statistics, the share of developing countries in world GDP stopped its con-
T

tinuous decline in 1962, when it was one-fourth, to increase rapidly after 1980
O

so that it was almost one-half by 2008, which was close to their share in 1850.
N

It is also found that the divergence in GDP per capita came to a stop in 1980 and
was followed by a modest convergence thereafter, but as a proportion of GDP
per capita in industrialised countries in 2008 it was somewhat less than one-fifth,
which was about the same as in 1900. The three channels of engagement of the
developing countries with the world economy included international trade, inter-
national investment and international migration. This is an interesting pointer to
the plausible implications for developing countries within the context of their
‘demographic dividends’.
In addition, it is argued that there was a significant catch-up in industri-
alisation for the developing world as a whole, beginning around 1950 that
gathered momentum in the early 1970s. Structural changes in the composition
of output and employment, which led to a decline in the share of agriculture with

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 461

an increase in the shares of industry and services, were an important factor under-
lying this process. There was a dramatic transformation in just four decades from
1970 to 2010. It is found that the share of developing countries in world indus-
trial production jumped from one-twelfth to one-third in constant prices and from
one-eighth to two-fifths in current prices and, in 2010, it was close to its level in
the mid-nineteenth century. Similarly, the share of developing countries in world
exports of manufactures rose from one-twelfth to two-fifths. Industrialisation led
to pronounced changes in the composition of their trade as the share of manu-
factures (particularly medium- and high-technology goods) rose in both exports
and imports. It is argued that it was not markets that led to industrialisation
but state intervention instead. The creation of initial conditions was followed
by a period of learning to industrialise so that outcomes surfaced after a time
lag. The historically determined component of institutions and their impor-
tance in development is highlighted and this is a significant contribution to the

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development debate.

U
Nevertheless, it is premised that convergence and divergence are often simul-
taneous. Moreover, convergence is often uneven across space and over time. This
L
is borne out by the experience of developing countries in the world economy since
IA
1950, which does not exactly validate the convergence hypothesis. It is found
C
that the distribution of catch-up in industrialisation and development was uneven
ER

not only among regions but also between countries within regions. Fourteen
countries, it is argued, though latecomers to industrialisation, show evidence of
M

succeeding. These are called the ‘Next 14’—Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico
M

in Latin America; South Africa and Egypt (now Egypt with a question mark) in
O

Africa; and China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, South Korea, Thailand, Taiwan,
C

Turkey, in Asia. It is argued that these countries face twin challenges in the process
R

of catch up—they would need to create control mechanisms embodied in institu-

FO

tions that impose discipline on the economic behaviour not only of individuals
and firms but also of governments, and they would need to develop technologi-
cal capabilities in firms and in the economy which can advance the technology
T

frontier in at least a few industries or sectors. In the broader context, it is opined

O

argued that catching up is a function not only of technological opportunities but

N

also of social capabilities, which have institutional dimensions that are slow to
develop in economies, firms and individuals. Thus, all countries may not be able
to realise their potential for catching up since that depends on their social history
and initial conditions.
There is more to trade policies than the distinction between import substi-
tution and export promotion or inward and outward orientation; it is suggested,
this is an interesting argument. The large number of countries that adopted the
reform agenda of the Washington Consensus, it is argued, saw their performance,
in terms of economic growth, industrial development and distribution of incomes,
turn out to be not only much worse than other parts of the world but also distinctly
worse than their own performance in the preceding three decades. Instead that
a strategic mix of trade, industrial and technology policy led to the success stories

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

462 Book Reviews

in East Asia and parts of Latin America. Thus, in contrast to orthodox economic
theory, the visible hand of the State played a much greater role than the invis-
ible hand of the market. This is particularly relevant in the context of the role of
‘developmental state’ in the East Asian Tigers success story.
Finally, it is propounded that the process of catch-up from 1950 to 2010 was
accompanied with new dimensions of divergences in the world economy that
need to be given attention. First, inequality between countries and people remained
at high levels—most of it attributable to inequality between rich industrialised
countries and the poor developing world with some increase in inequality within
the latter. Second, the process of catch-up was associated with an exclusion of
countries, and regions within countries, in the developing world from the process
of development. Third, rapid economic growth in the developing world, under-
lying the catch-up in terms of aggregate income was not always transformed
into meaningful development which impacted the well-being of ordinary people.

SE
It is found that during the period from 1981 to 2008, the proportion of the popu-

U
lation below the specified international poverty lines (PPP $1.25 per day and
PPP $2 per day) declined steadily. However, the number of vulnerable people,
L
defined as those between the two poverty lines, doubled over this period and the
IA
absolute number of people below both poverty lines remains large. In the future,
C
it is further argued, the significance of developing countries in the world would
ER

be shaped not only in the sphere of economics but also in the realm of politics.
The book contributes to the larger development debate—as reflected in two
M

conflicting views of growth as an end in itself and growth as a means to achieve

M

growth-mediated development—by making the argument that developing coun-

O

tries can sustain the catch-up only if they can transform themselves into inclu-
C

sive societies where economic growth, human development and social progress
R

move in tandem. The book is an invaluable resource for development policy

FO

practitioners and students of developmental economics, and both will find it

immensely useful.
T

Neha Kumra
O

Assistant Director
N

Institute of Applied Manpower Research

New Delhi
neha.kumra@gmail.com

V. Nainar and Saumya Uma (Eds), Pursuing Elusive Justice Mass Crimes
in India and Relevance of International Standards, Oxford University
Press, 2013.
DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536810

Mass crimes for the purposes of this book ‘means and includes any one or a
combination of the following: multiple crimes, crimes in mass numbers, crimes

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 463

over a prolonged period, crimes in a number of places simultaneously and/or

crimes committed in a systematic and consistent patterns’ (Fn. 1, p. 21). Nine
authors in 13 chapters in the book explore the relevance of international standards
in mass crime and how justice eludes in most cases for the victims as well as the
accused and suspects and how often the accused become victims of state power
without accountability. Each chapter of the book is well researched. The book is
an important addition to woefully scarce research in the field of criminology and
criminal justice administration. Each chapter of the book contains reference to
important international standards contained in relevant UN Convention, Rules,
Protocols, Declarations, etc. It is a good resource book for all those interested
in the field of crime, criminology, international law, human rights, sociology,
victimology and related subjects.
Upendra Baxi’s Foreword sets the context of the essays when he states that
this book ‘helps us understand, in the specific Indian social and constitutional

SE
contexts, the fact that such violence is a conjoint production of forces in State and
civil society’ (p. vii). He further points out, ‘In the specific Indian conjuncture,

U
this volume illustrates how language of immunity become grammar for impu-

L
nity, cancelling the achievement of Indian Independence….’ Various chapters
IA
contained in the book fully justify this claim.
C
Vahida Nainar in her introductory remarks refers to the requirement of prior
ER

sanction for prosecuting State officials as the basis of impunity in the Indian laws.
The administrative control of the government over the investigating agencies
M

makes it harder for them to initiate action against those in position of power.
M

‘The complicity of State officials in mass violence, coupled with the State’s
involvement in the appointment of public prosecutors who often lack institutional
O

autonomy and prosecutorial discretion in the discharge of their responsibilities

C

necessarily make the criminal trial—biased’ (p. 2). The book makes a case for
R

new and effective laws to deal with issues of torture, enforced disappearance,
FO

genocide and crimes against humanity.

The first essay by Saumya Uma highlights the inhuman and degrading
T

treatment, physical and mental torture, sexual and gender-based violence com-
O

mitted by police officials on people in their quest to capture Veerappan in com-

N

plete violation of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant

on Civil and Political Rights1 and International Covenant on Social, Economic
and Cultural Rights, the UN Convention against Torture and other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the UN Convention for
Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. While many of these actions
amounted to offences under the Indian Penal Code, the IPC is inadequate as it
does not ‘reflect the widespread or systematic nature of the crimes committed’
(p. 32). The chapter discusses the doctrine of command responsibility as estab-
lished by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. It may
be noted, however, that it was not accepted by Justice Verma Committee appointed
to examine Criminal Laws in the aftermath of December Rape case in Delhi in
2013 and it has not found a place in the subsequent amendments made by the
Criminal Law Amendment Act 2013.

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

464 Book Reviews

Her second essay seeks law reform in the area of sexual and gender-based
crimes during communal violence, violence in the context of militarisation, caste-
based violence, violence in the context of development and dispossession and
violence in anti-Naxal operations. She has included analyses of the Communal
Violence Bill, the Criminal Law Amendment Bills of 2010 and 2012, as well
as the Revised Scheme for Relief and Rehabilitation of Victims of Rape. Vahida
Nainar too is critical of the narrow definition of rape, as it existed then, as

rapes committed as a part of widespread and systematic attacks are not limited to penile
penetration and extend to other forms of sexual offences such as insertion of objects,
which under the IPC cannot be charged as rape … (and could) only charged as outrage
of modesty which completely mis-characterises and undermines the nature of the sexual
offence. (pp. 394, 395)

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With the passing of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 2013, the definition of rape
has been expanded as suggested in this chapter and now includes penovaginal

U
intercourse, anal and oral penetration by mouth, other body parts and objects.
L
In her third essay, Saumya Uma has focused on integration of victim’s rights of
IA
protection, participation and reparation in the Indian legal framework along with
C
the right of the accused to a fair trial. This is an area where little is done in terms
ER

of Sections 357 and 357A of the Code of Criminal Procedure but vast remains
undone.
M

Maya Nair argues for raising the standards of accountability in severe offences
M

against Dalit as crime against humanity of ‘persecution’ as defined in the

O

Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. She takes the controversial and
C

long-debated position of comparing caste with race by examining persecution of

R

Afro-Americans in the United States.

FO

Siddartha Narrain presents a well-researched chapter on persecution of Sexual

Minorities and various developments that have taken place in the international
laws. He highlights the compromise that was needed while defining ‘gender’ in
T

the Rome Statute despite recognition of sexual orientation and the consequent
O

persecution as a ground for asylum for long. The chapter contains plethora of
N

information about various initiatives and progress made at the international level
regarding issues of sexual orientation and gender identity.
V. Seshaiah Shastri has explained in simple language the various aspects relat-
ing to disappearances as dealt with under the Convention for the Protection of All
Persons from Enforced Disappearances as the issues remains neglected in India
despite the victims’ constant fear for their lives and suffering of the family due to
ignorance about the whereabouts of their loved ones.
Vikram Jeet Batra makes a convincing case for abolition of death penalty in
India by referring to the Rome Statute of International Court of Justice which has
rejected capital punishment and the sentence of whole life imprisonment without
possibility of release even for those found guilty of the gravest and most heinous of
offences. However, since the writing of this book, the Criminal Law Amendment

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 465

Act 2013 has introduced the whole life imprisonment hitherto unknown to the
Indian Penal Code.2
In contrast is the essay on ‘Genocide’ by Priya Pillai who argues for inter­
national standards to be introduced within the municipal laws ‘to serve as a
deterrent to any future genocidaires’ (p. 377). Similar appeal for incorporation of
international laws and standards is found in the second essay by Vahida Nainar
on Crimes against Humanity in India. Nainar has analysed the selected situations
of Salwa Judum, Nandigram and Gujarat to prove that these were instances from
India of crimes against humanity and persecution as defined in the Rome Statute
of International Criminal Court and not of mass crimes, mass atrocities, commu-
nal violence, sectarian violence or targeted violence (pp. 393 ff). U. C. Jhain in his
essay on ICC and the Indian Military Justice System categorically points out that
‘the punishments authorised under the Indian military system justice system are
more severe than those under the prevailing civil–criminal justice system or the

SE
Rome Statute.’ It is unclear whether these writers are arguing for incorporation of

U
the international definitions of crimes against humanity like genocide, persecu-
tion, etc., in the municipal laws along with the prohibition of death penalty and
L
IA
life imprisonment without the possibility of release as contained in the Rome
Statute or for merely the definitions while wanting to retain the more severe pun-
C
ishments provided by the municipal laws for less severe offences like murder.
ER

Arvind Narain gives a captivating account of how war on terror has become
war of terror across the globe in America’s quest for justice in the wake of
M

the attack on the twin towers in New York in September 2011. In his own
M

words, ‘The essay explores the absence of a link between law and justice and
O

highlights a link between law and vengeance.’ Shruti Bedi in her essay on
C

International Terrorism bemoans the absence of internationally accepted defi-

R

nition of terrorism and its exclusion from the jurisdiction of the International
FO

Criminal Court (pp. 429 ff). Vahida Nainar also makes a case for expanding the
conceptual definition of torture to include torture by private actors and analyses
T

in details the provisions and conversations around Prevention of Torture Bill 2010
O

in comparison to UN Convention against Torture. She points out the contrast-

N

ing provisions of IPC in relation to public servants in the offences of culpable

homicide and rape.

Culpable homicide … is not considered murder if the offender being a public servant
exceeds his powers and causes death by an act he believes to be lawful and necessary to
discharge his duty. Rape on the contrary, when committed in custody, is considered an
aggravating circumstance carrying a (sic) heavier punishments ranging from imprison-
ment of seven years to life imprisonment. (p. 337)

While the point is well made, it may be noted that the minimum imprisonment for
custodial rape is 10 years, and not seven years.
In short, the book contains many thought-provoking and well-researched
essays seeking better recognition of mass crimes for their severity by well docu-

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

466 Book Reviews

menting the international developments and documents on the subject pointing

out why State and State actors should not be allowed to enjoy immunity and
impunity against sever atrocities and crimes committed against ordinary persons.

Notes
1. I believe that ICCPR has inadvertently referred to as International Convention on Civil
and Political Rights on p. 28.
2. Ss.376(2), 376A, 376D, 376E, as amended in 2013.

Ved Kumari
Faculty of Law
University of Delhi

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vedkumari@gmail.com

U
L
Sanjay Kumar and Praveen Rai, Measuring Voting Behaviour in India,
IA
New Delhi, SAGE Publications, 2013, pp. xv + 174, `350.
C
DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536811
ER

Of late, India has been witness to increasing importance of electoral politics

in Indian democracy; primarily due to the decline of alternative democratic
M

forums and procedures. Thus, if India receives accolades worldwide then it is

M

primarily due to the success of its electoral politics as manifested in the form of
O

appreciably high level of participation, contestation and representation, involving

C

both the classes and masses. Understandably then, how have the analysts of politi-
R

cal democracy made sense of elections that have increasingly come to carry ‘the
FO

entire society’s aspirations to control its opportunities’, becomes a key research

question. Despite the criticality of elections in an increasingly democratising
India, it is surprising that the academic writings on elections continue to reflect
T
O

two different types of extremes. Either they can be placed in the genre of ‘mind-
N

less empiricism’ or are in the form of ‘impressionistic theorisation’ without much

empirical evidence (Nigam & Yadav, 1999). Why this has been so? Yadav (1999),
a noted psephologist, attributes it to two factors namely ‘the feeble intellectual
attention given to the task of collecting relevant information and making sense
of it’ as well as the overt reliance on ‘the received conceptual frames of various
hues (that) were never designed to grasp the specificity of the path of demo-
cracy in a poor, non-western democracy’ like India. What is needed is to combine
theory with the empirical details/findings in order to not only explore the electoral
verdicts and patterns but also make sense of them.
In recent times, there has been an upsurge in the literature on elections belong-
ing to the two above genre of writings. Sifting through them one does get the basic
information like the demographic composition and nature of ethnic/communal/
caste cleavages as well as other socio-political clefts, like the regional, rural–urban

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 467

and caste–class linkages. Further, it is possible to glean an analysis of the elec-

toral outcomes highlighting differences in major issues raised, trends, alliance
formations, seat adjustments, selection of candidates and campaigns.
However, there is hardly much effort by most of the analysts to provide an
assessment of electoral verdicts in terms of opinions and attitudes of the elector-
ates, or to answer the critical questions related to the larger political picture such
as: Whether the voters have any real choice in terms of party/candidate selec-
tion? Do the electorates’ economic and political choices have any real impact over
public policies relating to democracy, development, diversity and welfare once
the elections are over, making India a fit case for ‘two-track democracy’? Does
electoral process actually legitimise particular regimes and their policies even in
the short term?
Finding possible answers to these and other related questions could enable
us to understand ‘the larger forces and long-term changes taking place in Indian

SE
politics’. Studies of elections both at the state and national level, based on Centre
for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS)–Lokniti conducted national elec-

U
tion studies (NES) and published in Economic and Political Weekly (EPW)

L
and elsewhere have been most helpful in this regard. The NES has stood out
IA
among the other survey-based studies catering mostly to the print and visual
C
media as there has been a transparency in disclosing the methodology and put
ER

all the relevant information related to these studies for public scrutiny (Lokniti
Team, 2004, 2009). The innovative method put into practice by CSDS derives
M

its input /data from the different types of survey methods such as pre-election
M

surveys, post-poll survey or exit polls. Besides the election studies, the research
findings have further been used for theorising the emergent nature of democracy
O

as well as analysing the political and economic processes unfolding in an India

C

in transition.
R

The two authors of the volume under review have long been associated with
FO

CSDS and with the NES (and other opinion polls) along with Yogendra Yadav,
the founder–director of Lokniti, who has written the foreword of the book, right
T

since the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, the first in the series of elections covered
O

under NES. Sanjay Kumar, the main author, has been in fact the national coor-
N

dinator of NES since 1998 and has played a stellar role in making this long-term
academic endeavour involving the university/college teachers and students from
all over India a success.
The book tells us in detail about conducting election surveys in a scientific
manner so that they do not merely become a futile exercise of gathering views
or opinions of some voters who are conveniently selected. Structured around
seven chapters, the book takes up different aspects of the survey methods that are
relevant for measuring voting behaviour in a ‘new’ democracy like India.
The first chapter introduces the concept of voting behaviour and also under-
lines the reasons for measuring it. The second chapter presents a survey of the
existing literature on studies on methodological aspects of the surveys related
to voting behaviour. The third chapter introduces and evaluates the differ-
ent types of survey methods and critically evaluates their respective strength

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

468 Book Reviews

and weaknesses. The fourth chapter looks at the issue of multi-stage stratified
sampling as adopted in the NES. Chapter five informs us about the different
ways of designing questionnaires, especially about the wording of the questions,
pre-testing of the questionnaire and evaluating the questionnaires. Chapter six
takes up the detailed discussion about the way data has to be collected and the
way the field investigators have to be trained during the research workshop. Here
the authors have used the narratives from the field investigators who have been
involved with the NES surveys. The sixth and the seventh chapter refer to the
way the field data/responses have to be collected and processed, analysed and
then reported either in the form of media reporting or academic writings. The
authors also refer to the challenge in translating vote estimates into seat estimates,
as every state experiences different political contexts and the emergence of elec-
toral regions having their own specificities, rise and fall of parties and alliances
as well as volatility on the part of the electorates. This part becomes very tricky

SE
as most of the surveys including the NES are funded by the media, which gives

U
a lot of importance to the prediction part about the number of seats to be won by
different parties much before the elections have actually taken place (pre-poll
L
surveys) or before the Election Commission of India declares the actual results
IA
(post-poll surveys).
C
The volume under review, which is essentially in the form of a handbook, is
ER

highly recommended for those students, researchers as well as media people who
may be keen to learn the survey method and employ it for the purpose of election
M

studies/opinion polls having a larger academic agenda. The authors bring in their
M

expertise to make the book easily comprehensible even for someone not well
O

versed with the quantitative mode of survey research.

C

The book would have been much helpful if it would have taken up in detail
R

rather than merely mention it in a cursory manner the discussion about the success
FO

and the limits of the ethnographic studies (possibly confined to a particular con-
stituency over a long term like the one attempted by Banerjee, 2014) to gauge
the electoral behaviour and attitudes. Can there be a mixed method employed for
T

the purpose, is a moot question that could have received some attention by the
O

authors. The book has come out at a time when there has been lot of controversy
N

about the authenticity and methodological rigours of the surveys being conducted
by the media. Transparency has also been an issue. The book would be able to
dispel some of these apprehensions.

References
Banerjee, Mukulika. (2014). Why India votes? New Delhi: Routledge.
Lokniti Team. (2004). National election study 2004: An introduction methodological note.
Economic and Political Weekly, 39(51): 5373–83.
———. (2009). National election study 2009: A methodological note. Economic and
Political Weekly, 44(39): 196–202.

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 469

Nigam, Aditya, & Yadav, Yogendra. (1999). Electoral politics in Indian states, 1989–1999.
Economic and Political Weekly, 21–28 August, 34/35 (21 August–3 September):
2391–92.
Yadav, Yogendra. (1999). Electoral politics in the time of change: India’s third electoral
system, 1989–99. Economic and Political Weekly, 34/35 (21 August–3 September):
2393–99.

Ashutosh Kumar
Professor
Department of Political Science
Panjab University, Chandigarh
ashutosh_chd@hotmail.com

SE
N. Bhaskara Rao, Good Governance: Delivering Corruption Free Public
Services, New Delhi, SAGE Publications, 2013, £40.00.

U
DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536812

L
IA
Reasons and remedies for corruption in public services have been well charted in
C
scholarly writings as well as official reports in India.1 Yet, precise data on the
ER

extent of corruption in state and local administration is scant and a focused

strategy for freeing the departments from corruption remains unrealised. Bhaskara
M

Rao’s work on Good Governance is a welcome addition in this connection since

M

its unique data base as well as prognosis adds new dimensions to the concerned
O

debate.
C

As founder chairman of the Centre for Media Studies and ex-CEO of the
Operation Research Group, Rao was personally involved in the conduct of
R

numerous surveys including the pioneering ‘India Corruption Studies’ published

FO

between 2000 and 2011. Based on thousands of ‘exit polls’ with aggrieved citi-
zens outside government offices across the country and elaborate interviews with
T

households on their perceptions and experiences with public services over time,
O

these reports offer a long-term perspective on perceptions, estimation and experi-

N

ence (PEE) of corruption across 29 states now. In conjunction with other national
and international reports on public services, Rao has used this voluminous data to
offer a fresh perspective on the nature of corruption prevailing in major services
(used by at least 10 per cent of the population) along with his wise counsel on
tackling the menace in this timely publication.
The first chapter of the book spells out the range of work available on corrup-
tion in India and how the present study goes beyond the top level financial scams
covered by media frequently by focusing on 19 public services used by ordinary
citizens on a daily basis. Deliverance from corruption in public services where
the masses mainly interact with the Indian state is thus seen as the principal plank
for moving toward good governance. Good governance has been defined by
Rao as efficient delivery of a range of public services including security, basic

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

470 Book Reviews

infrastructure and universal schooling, health care etc. in a corruption free, inclu-
sive and non-partisan manner. The author focuses mainly on corruption in the
delivery of major public services. ‘Corruption’ itself refers to the misuse of official
position by state functionaries to make personal gains (through pilferage, bribes
or dereliction of service) thereby harming the public financially or in service
support.
The second chapter of the book ‘Perceptions about Corruption’ spells out the
difference between changing perceptions and estimates of corruption on one
hand and the personal ‘experience’ of the same among respondents on the other.
The latter has been measured, in Centre for Media Studies (CMS) surveys, by
recording the number of bribes paid or witnessed in past 12 months by respond-
ents. ‘Perceptions’ regarding corruption have been linked to reported impressions
of the process generated by own observation or narratives from the media or

SE
hearsay. According to the author, a decline is noticeable in both the perception
and experience of corruption in many public services in the preceding decade

U
even though the estimation of corruption between the money barons and top poli-

L
ticians, in media discourses, increased considerably over the period. The decline
IA
in perception and experience of corruption in services like telecom, railways and
C
electricity bill payments, particularly, came down though others like NREGA
ER

and the public distribution system showed little improvement. Interestingly, the
slide in the experience of bribery was even more than in reported perceptions of
M

the same across services (pp. 54–57).

M

However, some methodological infirmities remain in this vital segment. Rao

has stated that the range of services, states and the sample size of successive
O

corruption surveys conducted by CMS varied from year to year (pp. 13–14). This
C

implies that shifts over time in the perception or experience of corruption cannot
R

be deduced by looking at cited surveys alone. Second, key concepts like ‘corrup-
FO

tion’ and ‘governance’ have not been defined rigorously at the outset and the gap
between the main title of the book viz. ‘good governance’ and the focus on ‘public
T

services’ appears considerable. Still, the tentative evidence regarding a fall in the
O

perception and experience of corruption in major public services when high-level

N

corruption in 25 spectrum licensing and allocation of natural resources, especially

coal blocks, from the centre generated so much hullabaloo in the country seems
significant and promising.
The third chapter of the book, ‘Corruption and the Poor’, takes a disaggre-
gated view of various government departments and offers insights into the forms
and extent of corruption therein. Some of the themes in this and the following
chapters seem to overlap. Yet, the data showing that ‘problems in redressal leave
up to 80 per cent of victims reluctant to even complain’, that 40 per cent admit
to having paid bribe(s) in 2003 while 20 per cent of the respondents, in 2005,
lodged complaints and 19 per cent of voters surveyed in 2008 declared that
they received cash for vote and that 47 per cent visiting courts admitted they
had to offer bribes is useful in a wider discourse in which impressions and lose

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 471

generalisations have abounded till now. A systematic table on year-wise and

state-wise data on each of these themes would have been ideal as also a compara-
tive chart on CMS findings and those from other reports on corruption. However,
resources and time required for such an exercise would have been clearly huge;
it is hoped that progress in this direction would be seen in future editions of
the work.
The fourth chapter, ‘Strategic Approach to Curb Corruption’, lists the pro-
blems faced by people across government departments and the measures adopted
by the state and civil society in the country to fight corruption in recent times.
As stated by Rao, a number of initiatives have been taken by the judiciary, civil
society and central and state governments to tackle corruption. Yet, the problem
persists and an analysis of best practices as well as failed initiatives needs to
be made so that ‘each state does not have to reinvent the wheel’ in the absence

SE
of systematised information on this issue. The revisions made in the Prevention of
Corruption Act in 1988, the devolution of powers to panchayats and urban bodies

U
in the 1990s, the central Right to Information (RTI) Act of 2005 and the sugges-

L
tion for confiscation of properties of convicted officials by the Administrative
IA
Reforms Commission, in 2007, as also new Public Service Delivery Acts of the
C
state governments in Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, etc., have borne some fruit,
ER

according to the author. Yet, the murder of 20 RTI activists between 2005 and
2011, the marginalisation of the citizens’ charter and dysfunctional ombudsmen
M

or Lokayuktas in many states remind us that the fight against corruption is a

M

long haul and cannot be won without an active civil society. In this connection,
O

the near silence of the book on the Aam Admi Party and cursory references to
Anna Hazare in the uninspiring section on civil society initiatives (pp. 66–68)
C

seem puzzling. Similarly, Rao’s views on the role of privatisation and end of
R

monopolies in telecom and electricity distribution in reducing corruption seem

FO

contradictory (as on page 106 and page 237).

The next chapter, rather vaguely titled ‘ICTs, Media{,} Perceptions{,} and
T

Corruption’, focuses on the new technologies and initiatives now available in

O

the fight against corruption. Rao gives considerable space to the use of infor-
N

mation technology, mobile messaging and computerisation of records, etc., in

his proposals for a ‘strategic approach’ to reducing corruption (with some
repetition across chapters). A detailed section (Chapter 6) on experiments with
e-governance, grameen e-seva, biometric records, information through websites
and digitisation of court and land records, etc. is however useful as it lists the
failures and achievements of such initiatives across states.
Chapter seven, ‘A Strategy and a Campaign for Good Governance’, turns to
a discussion of classical remedies against corruption applicable across services.
The need to simplify procedures, introduce single window delivery, curtail dis-
cretionary powers of officials and to penalise delay in services, minimise the
compulsion for repeated visits to offices and home delivery of forms, information,
attestation, etc., for the physically challenged and the disadvantaged are relevant

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

472 Book Reviews

but known. Similarly, the stress laid by the author on checking political influence
on promotions and transfers and regular collection of feedback from clients for
prompt redressal through the Lokpal or the ombudsman at various levels are also
in limelight. Two new initiatives suggested by Rao, in the same context, are the
need to attend to government functionaries’ perspectives and logics also and to
correct the inflated perception on corruption generated by media hype that proves
counterproductive and spawns cynicism.
While the theme of Rao’s book is not new, his analysis and prognosis are novel
and noteworthy. However, some slips and omissions are worth pointing at this
stage. We have referred to the methodological problem in reading temporal trends
in experience or perception of corruption from asymmetrical CMS surveys. It may
also be added here that the sample size of the surveys needs to be made clearer
in the book. Also, long-term qualitative data based on fieldwork is of immense

SE
value to any analysis. While a single scholar cannot be expected to muster varie-
ties of evidence alone, considerable anthropological work has emerged in recent

U
years on corruption in the ‘local state’.2 It is hoped that it would be found useful
in future writing on the changing dynamics of corruption in the country. In fact,
L
IA
Rao himself has appended an excellent section on the history of public services
in his own village of Munduru in Andhra. But the insights available there (as on
C
changing interfaces between the village and the administration) have not been
ER

related to the main text at any point.

The book seems to focus overwhelmingly on the financial aspect of corruption
M

and ignores the considerable harm brought to individuals as well as the system
M

by subtle dereliction of duty, delays, excessive nepotism and factionalism, penal-

O

ties on merit and entrenched inefficiencies which make the structure weak as well
C

as parasitic. Rao does enumerate significant measures to ensure better account-

R

ability in work and a carrot and stick for functionaries. However, the excessive
FO

stress on tracking bribery seems to overlook the costs of policy paralysis that
may grow with witch hunts in administration. Indeed, dereliction of duty also
needs to be viewed as a form of corruption given the huge suffering it causes to
T
O

public at large.
N

Finally, it is suggested that a detailed bibliography and a short introduction

on the international and historical context of corruption in public services would
add value to the book. Corruption was ironically the product of the modern state
which replaced the open exploits of the aristocracy with the invisible bureaucratic
cage. Democracy was expected to challenge bureaucratic dirigisme as well as
corruption. However, the trajectory of a democracy is shaped by the dynam-
ics between the political process and its socio-cultural matrix. In India, identity
politics and caste mobilisation have both helped and distorted governance in
multiple ways. In some provinces, even the response of the police to a citizen
depends heavily on the compatibility between his/her caste and the party in
power at that moment. To hope that corruption would decline sharply with ICT
or even city centred civil agitations will not be realistic in such backwaters of
underdevelopment.

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 473

Notes
1. Among significant new writings on corruption in India see: UNDP (2008), Tackling
Corruption, Transforming Lives, Macmillan; Vittal, N. (2003), Corruption in India,
Academic Foundation and Khandwalla, P. (2010), Transforming Government through
New Public Management, Ahmedabad Management Association.
2. For anthropological perspectives on corruption in public services see: Chaterjee,
Partha (2004), The Politics of the Governed, Permanent Black; Fuller, C. J. and
Veronique Benei (Eds), The Everyday State and Society in Modern India, Social
Science Press, New Delhi, 2000; Gupta, Akhil (1995), ‘Blurred Boundaries: The
Discourse of Corruption, the Culture of Politics, and the Imagined State’, American
Ethnologist; Jayal, Neerja Gopal, Amit Prakash and Pradeep K. Sharma (Eds), (2005),
Local Governance in India, Oxford University Press.

Devesh Vijay

SE
Associate Professor
Zakir Husain Delhi College

U
University of Delhi, Delhi
L deveshvij@gmail.com
IA
C
ER

Azra Khanam, Muslim Backward Classes: A Sociological Perspective,

M

New Delhi, SAGE Publications, 2013, pp. 298, `795.

M

DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536808
O

This book is a welcome addition to increasing body of literature on Muslims

C

that challenges the present trend of portraying the community as homogenous

R

entity. After India Social Development Report: Minorities at the Margins (edited
FO

by Zoya Hasan and Mushirul Hasan), Azra Khanam’s book is another valuable
contribution which brings forth culturally diverse, caste-ridden and class divided-
nature of Muslim community in India. However, the work under review does not
T
O

break an altogether new ground—the research studies on the subject can be traced
N

back to Gaus Ansari’s efforts in 1960s, carried forward by Imtiaz Ahmad during
last three decades or so. These developments in literature were also reflective of
democratisation within the Muslim community, assertion of initially ‘backward’
Muslims and later ‘Dalit’ Muslims for autonomous political space. Undoubtedly,
Sachar Committee Report gave a further boost to these kinds of studies.
Another context that makes Khanam’s work relevant is the excessive focus
on identity issues. In recent years, social science research on Muslims has mainly
focused on identity issues. It has often reinforced prevailing stereotypical notions
about Muslims in Indian society. This lopsidededness has neglected enquiry into
an entire gamut of critical issues including many social, political, economic and
developmental questions. For instance, most of the articles on Muslims appear-
ing in social science journals in early 2000s discussed madarsa education. In
fact, much of the academic attention has been paid to ethnic and sectarian issues.

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

474 Book Reviews

Right wing Hindutva forces have been constantly raising the question of fertility
behaviour among Muslims. No denying the fact that all these aspects have been
of relevance to the lives of Muslims and society at large but the point of concern
is why the deliberations on this community should be focused on these identity
issues only. This cognitive blackout of social science research denies them their
identity as labour, peasant, entrepreneur, middle class and so on. Khanam’s work
is a welcome departure from this academia’s bee-in-the bonnet approach.
This book appears to be structured in a typical doctoral thesis style starting with
introduction, followed by review of literature, origin of backward classes, Muslim
backwardness in India, stratification among Muslims, sociological dimensions
among Muslim Other Backward Classes (OBCs), internal dynamics of Muslim
OBCs, Millennium Development Goals and Muslim OBCs and conclusion. As
the titles of many of these chapters also suggest, some of them overlap with each
other and absence of proper focus leaves them repetitive.

SE
In a thorough review of literature, author often refers to writings of Imtiaz
Ahamad and also cites A. R. Momin, Sushila Jain, M. M. Siddiqui, Zarina Bhatty,

U
T. N. Madan, Asghar Ali Engineer, A. G. Noorani, Rafeeq Zakarai, Iqbal Ansari,

L
Mohammad Mozammil, among others. Instead of engaging with literature, the
IA
author prefers descriptive way of dealing with literature. She traces origin of
C
backward Muslims to the era of pre-conversion ‘Shudra’ Hindus and claims that
ER

the OBC category constitutes converted Muslims who brought pre-conversion

customs and rituals with them. In a number of places she reminds her readers that
M

Hindu caste system is reflected among Muslims also who are divided into various
M

groups having own occupational groups and endogamy. These occupations are
hierarchically arranged, so are the occupational groups.
O

The third chapter of this book ‘Origin of Backward Classes’ traces origin of term
C

‘backward’ and how it was conceptualised during different periods. According to

R

the author, the expression ‘backward classes’ first appeared in Madras Presidency.
FO

Post-Independence, the term OBC came into existence, which refers to backward
social groups other than SCs and STs. The Constitution of India provides for
T

‘backward classes’ in Articles 15 (4) and 16 (4) but unlike SC and ST, ‘backward
O

classes’ remained ambiguous. Several Commissions and Committees have defined

N

‘backwardness’ but a comprehensive definition of backwardness remains a con-

tested space. Instead of listing out criterion laid down by Mandal Commission
and National Commission for Backward Classes, a reader of such book expects
from the author to engage with such criterion on the basis of her field work and
interrogate inferential perspectives that emerge from it. For instance, both Mandal
Commission and NCBC included ‘caste and communities, the women of which,
as a general practice, are, for their family’s livelihood, engaged in agricultural
and/or other manual labour, with wage’ as one of the criterion. The author goes
without commenting on such propositions. The most distinguishing aspect of
Mandal Commission Report that it did not consider ‘religion’ as one of the crite-
rion while defining ‘backwardness’ and included communities irrespective of their
religious affiliations, should have been highlighted properly, especially in a book
on backward Muslims.

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 475

The fourth chapter, ‘Muslim Backwardness in India’, discusses the question

of ‘minorities’ and initiatives taken by the state to ameliorate their condition of
minorities at length. The author aptly notes that the Muslim community in India has
experienced extensive marginalisation and disempowerment since Independence,
which is manifested in the disproportionate representation of the community in
the Parliament and state legislatures, in Central Government, in police and para-
military forces, in judiciary and bureaucracy, in public and private sector, in higher
professions and in institutions of higher learning. While going into the roots
of such backwardness and marginalisation, the author cites the revolt of 1857
and partition of India in 1947 as two major incidents that had consequences for
Indian Muslims.
In the fifth chapter, ‘Stratification among Muslims in India: A Caste, Class
Debate’, the author refers to debate on caste among Muslims. Classic sociolo-

SE
gists such as Max Weber considered caste as exclusively Hindu phenomenon
while others stalwarts like M. N. Srinivas were of the opinion that Hindus who

U
converted to Islam continued to regard themselves as caste. Louis Dumont was

L
of the view that caste was consciously adopted by foreign, conquering groups
IA
of Muslims such as Arabs and Pathans, as a compromise which they had to make
C
in a predominantly Hindu environment. The author also describes composition of
ER

three stratums among Muslims viz. Ashraf, Ajlaf and Arzal.

It is only in the sixth and seventh chapter titled, ‘Sociological Dimensions
M

among Muslim OBCs’ and ‘Internal Dynamics among Muslim OBCs’ respec-
M

tively, that the author has presented her primary data. In the absence of a compara-
O

tive analysis, either comparing OBC Muslims with non-OBC Muslims or with
non-Muslim OBCs, this data is not much helpful. Still, it captures some trends
C

such as increasing practice of dowry among Muslims. Observations regarding

R

inheritance of property to women and observance of purdah (veil) throw up inter-

FO

esting questions about dynamics of patriarchy and religion. At one level, women
are denied inheritance rights legitimised by Islam and at another level they are
T

coerced into purdah in the name of religion.

O

In the concluding chapter, the author reiterates that Muslim community is not
N

homogenous and social stratification system among Muslims in India has deep
resonance of Hindu caste system with certain marked characteristics such as
hierarchy and endogamy. She also refers to gender disparity, patriarchal authority
and denial of rights to women.
Despite the few shortcoming flagged above, this book is might prove useful
not just for researchers but also policy planners.

Prashant K. Trivedi
Assistant Professor
Giri Institute of Development Studies, Lucknow
prashantcsd@gmail.com

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

476 Book Reviews

Nani Gopal Mahanta, Confronting the State: ULFA’s Quest for Sovereignty,
‘SAGE Studies on India’s Northeast’, New Delhi, SAGE Publications,
2013, pp. 348, `750.
DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536814

The evolution of United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and its running battle
with the Indian state has definitely received comprehensive academic treatment,
but in the form of reflections, essays and monographs. No comprehensive book
on ULFA was written till the publication of Nani Gopal Mahanta’s book titled
Confronting the State: ULFA’s Quest for Sovereignty. Both Mahanta and SAGE,
the publisher of the book, have done an important service both to the national and
international readership and researchers who have heard about ULFA, their activi-
ties and also have their own opinion on it, but not really are aware of the political
dynamics and the trajectory of the phenomenon called ULFA. An Important

SE
feature of the book is that it has located ULFA within the process of formation,

U
evolution, assertions and contradictions of Assamese identity and nationality
which will help the readers to understand how ULFA could almost monopolise
L
the domain of civil society and also could exercise coercion against its critics.
IA
After the Assam Movement (1979–85), it was ULFA which has dominated
C
Assam’s politics for around a quarter century now. Although ULFA came into
ER

being almost simultaneously in 1979 with that of the Assam Movement, it emer-
ged, however, as a visible force after Assam movement had come to an end in
M

1985 and the first ever regional party government was formed in Assam by Asom
M

Gana Parishad, a party constituted by the erstwhile leaders of the movement. With
O

the primary objective of achieving independence for Assam, a Swadhin Asom

C

ULFA took up arms and launched a war against the Indian state, which the outfit
has defined as ULFA–GOI (Government of India) conflict. The ‘war’ divided the
R
FO

society in Assam a big way. Assam movement had already generated a state of
collective passion, a passion accompanied by emotion and chauvinist tendencies
for which it targeted the progressive social and political forces for questioning
T

the irrationality in the tactics of the movement. The movement, fought on a legiti-
O

mate issue of illegal foreigners in the state, particularly the Bangladeshis that
N

had threatened the demographic composition and intensified a fear psychosis

among the indigenous Assamese people regarding its political and linguistic future,
however, had transformed itself into an obsessive movement where more than
a rational logic the manufactured emotion took the steering wheel. ULFA’s
struggle for Swadhin Asom was both a continuum to and a critique of the Assam
movement. ULFA as a force received patronage from the newly formed AGP
government and it was on this issue that the government was dismissed and
Presidential rule was imposed in Assam in 1990. Like the Assam movement,
ULFA too generated a collective passion, a passion in which the Indian state was
perceived as an enemy of the people of Assam and its resources. The struggle
generated both emotionally charged and rationally argued narratives for Swadhin
Asom. However, the struggle disapproved any critique of its objectives and tactics.

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 477

On the other hand, the India state, obsessed with national integration imposed
military operations to flush out ULFA in which it was the common people who
became more vulnerable than the cadres of the outfit. The greater society became
vulnerable to the atrocities of the both—ULFA and the Indian state. The criti-
cal voices almost were suppressed. A dark phase in Assam’s history descended.
On the other hand, the Indian state, rather than addressing the issues raised by
ULFA played two tactics to suppress them—one is to use the military means,
the other is to indulge in all manipulative tactics to bring divisions within rank
and file of ULFA. ULFA, who proclaimed to have committed themselves to
the ideology of socialism, did not really bother for a ‘revolutionary culture’,
but primarily pursued the ‘gun culture’ for which it became vulnerable to the
manipulative tactics of the Indian state. (Hiren Gohain, eminent political com-
mentator of Assam, has used these phases in his numerous writings). ULFA got
divided many times; a section took state patronage and created new terror through

SE
secret killings. In the process, inner fighting took place, lost both legitimacy and
sympathy of the people. ULFA is no longer perceived as a dedicated outfit fight-

U
ing for Swadhin Asom, but the issues raised by them are still close to the hearts of
the majority of the Assamese people.
L
IA
In the context of this significant political process, the author has his own
C
approach to the politics of the region. It may be called a critical nationalist
ER

approach. He emphasises upon protecting, preserving and promoting the identi-

ties of smaller nationalities within Indian nationalism. But, that does not prevent
M

him from analysing and critiquing the limitations and contradictions of the poli-
M

tics of smaller nationalities. As a defender of the rights of the smaller nationalities

O

the author has approached the Indian state very critically. Indeed, the Indian state
C

has remained the central reference point in his articulation on nationalities. He

comprehensively questioned the coercive apparatuses and activities of the Indian
R

state and makes it primarily responsible for sustaining conflict in the region of
FO

Northeast India. This is evident from his first paragraph of the first chapter and
the last paragraphs of the last chapter. In the very first paragraph of the first
T

chapter Mahanta quotes L. Bekowitz from his book Aggression: A Social-

O

Psychological Analysis and argues: ‘Is man violent by nature or by circumstances?

N

Psychologists and social scientists do not regard aggression as fundamentally

spontaneous. Rather they regard most aggression, including violence, as an
emotional response to socially induced frustration and sometimes as dispassionate,
learned response evoked by specific situations’ (p. 1). Mahanta comprehensively
shows that specific situations that generate both frustration and learned response
to it are mostly created by the state. In the last part of the last chapter, Mahanta
emphasises upon the responsibility of the state towards upholding dignity and
security of the people. He writes:

Agents of the state are responsible for their actions and accountable for their acts of
commission and omission towards social and economic policies which can help in
reducing poverty, mitigating fear of conflict, violation of human rights, torture, rape
and initiating and sustaining development process. (p. 334)

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

478 Book Reviews

The analysis of the book is enriched by the use of variety of sources, primary data,
interviews, local narratives, etc. The Index of the book is testimony to that.
Extensive use of literary narratives is very commendable. He used some inter-
esting sources—for example, All Assam Liberation Organization (AALO); Jopora
Gohain, Drukpa Buddhist religion, etc., which are not very common in the politi-
cal writings on Northeast India. The author, who is conversant both with
International and national developments as well as local manifestations, has made
use of these inter-dependent processes and manifestations which have made the
study on ULFA penetrating and provoking.
He also used primary data collected through surveys. For example, he con-
ducted a survey Human Security in Conflict Zones—Assam, Manipur and
Nagaland (2008–09) and the data generated from the survey has also been
used to explore the sustainability of insurgency in the region. Mahanta has
also used important UN Declarations, for example UN Declaration on Rights

SE
of the Indigenous People, 2007 to expose the crime committed by the state

U
towards bringing vulnerabilities to the indigenous communities in the name of
development and creating what Mahanta has called ‘cultural displacement’.
L
ULFA is a product of the transformation of Assamese identity. Assam, like
IA
any other smaller nationalities in the country has faced both humiliation and
C
marginalisation in the process of its interaction and integration with Indian
ER

nationalism. Mahanta, in the first two chapters, has attempted to locate ULFA
within this process. The first chapter, titled ‘From Nationalism to Secessionism:
M

Transformation of Assamese Identity’, discusses the issues like secessionist urge

M

in Assamese nationality from the moment of integration with Indian nationalism,

O

issue of language that continues to generate fear psychosis in Assamese nation-

C

ality, Assam’s reaction to the Cabinet Mission Grouping proposal, problem of

R

partition and the burden of refugees, politics of Oil, impact of India–China border
FO

conflict on Assam’s attitude towards the Union government, etc. Mahanta’s

exploration reveals that a sense of insecurity was a driving force of the Assamese
identity since the Britishers had annexed the region. Continuing humiliation and
T

negligence that Assam has encountered after India had achieved independence
O

provoked strong reactions which indeed had provided grounds for the emergence
N

of a force like ULFA.

In the second chapter, titled ‘Assam Movement: Laying Down the Foundation
of an Armed Struggle’, Mahanta shows that although continued influx was the
immediate motivating factor behind the Assam movement, however, histori-
cally the movement was embedded into the economic backwardness that Assam
has experienced over the decades. Mahanta picks up important political narra-
tives which provided the foundation of the Assam movement at the first instance
and also had laid down the foundation for the growth of ULFA in the long run.
The author extensively uses the writings of important personalities like Nibaran
Borah, Homen Borgohain and Suresh Phukan in this chapter. He is of the view that
these writers ‘have provided the much needed thought process that acted as the
platform to the growth of a secessionist movement. The Assam Movement acted

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 479

as a rehearsal to a bigger plan of confronting the Indian state by violent means’

(p. 46). It also ‘provided the means through which a new radical group could
claim an independent Assam’ (p. 47).
Over three decades ULFA has also passed through different phases and exper-
imentations. The author defines this trajectory as a journey from ‘Liberator to
War Lord’, of course with a question mark. In the third chapter, titled ‘Periodising
ULFA’s Metamorphosis: From Liberator to War Lord?’, the author explores the
predecessors of ULFA like Assam Peoples’ Liberation Army (APLA) and Brachin
National Union (BNU), which he defines as pre-ULFA phase. He also points out
to the fact that within the leadership of the Assam movement there were number
of people who were in touch with Peoples’ Liberation Army (PLO) Then he com-
prehensively discusses ULFA’ aim, organisational structure and powers, ULFA’s
views on migrants and people of Assam and also ULFA’s Committee on East

SE
Bengal People, etc. Finally, he periodises ULFA into fives phases: 1979–84:
Emergence and growth of ULFA; 1985–90: Stabilisation and populist measures;

U
1991–96: the Indian state strikes back: Operation Bajrang and Rhino; 1997–2000:
ULFA resorts back with Terror and From 2001 onward: A marked change in Terror
L
IA
tactics of ULFA (p. 72). Along with the periodisation, the author also reflects on
the dominant trends within those phases. He writes:
C
ER

The second phase from 1985 till 1990 can be said to be the regionalist phase of ULFA.
M

The phase of 1990–96 can be said to be the Parag Das phase of ULFA and from 1996
onwards, it can be said to be the post-Parag Das phase. It was during this time of Parag
M

Das that a serious attempt was made to give an ideological basis of ULFA. During the
O

post-Parag Das phase, the organization has become directionless and has easily fallen
C

into the hands of the foreign mercenaries and security agencies like Directorate General
of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). (p. 72)
R
FO

The author very comprehensively discusses the dynamics and contradictions of

all these phases supported by adequate information and relevant narratives.
T

Chapter 4 may be read as a continuum of the third chapter. In this chapter,

O

the author takes up the ideologue of ULFA, that is, Parag Das who, to quote
N

the author provided ‘a distinct ideological character to ULFA—without him,

the understanding of the organisation would remain incomplete’ (p. 110). Hiren
Gohain, a critic of ULFA wrote that the most important success of ULFA was to
receive Parag Das as its voice, who was both radical and sharp in his articulation
on Assam’s independence. An economist by training and a journalist by profes-
sion, Parag Das had extensively written on colonial character of the Indian state
and used various international covenants and declarations to assert that Assam
is a ‘non governing territory’ and therefore it has every right to demand self-
determination and independence. Apart from editing a weekly paper called
Budhbar, which he used to bring legitimacy to the cause raised and pursued by
ULFA, Parag Das had written quite a few radical and provocative books on why
Assam should ask for independence. Important among them are Swadhinotar

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

480 Book Reviews

Prastab (Proposal for Independence); Rashtradruhir Dinlipi (Diary of a State

Rebel); Mok Swadhinata Lage (I need Independence); Nishiddha Kolom aru
Ananya (Banned Writings and others) and Swadhin Asomor Arthaniti (Economy
of Independent Assam). Swadhinotar Prastab, which was published by the author
himself in 1993, was immediately banned because it gave a historical narrative
which brings legitimacy to the cause of ULFA in the public eyes. A full chapter on
Parag Das, with extensive quotes, makes the present book extra ordinary because
it is possible only for an author who is capable of appreciating the nuances of
Assamese language and at the same time able them to translate into English. For
the first time, Parag Das’s arguments have been made available to the interna-
tional readers in a comprehensive manner.
The fifth chapter, titled ‘“ULFOcide”, State Terror and Truncated Democracy’
looks into ‘the role of the Indian State in resolving one of the greatest challenges
to the survival of the State itself, i.e., secessionism and political violence of

SE
non-State groups’ (p. 140). Throughout the book the author has maintained a cri-

U
tique of the India state, but it has come out more comprehensively in this chapter.
Mahanta writes:
L
IA
The basic premise of Kautilyan statecraft, which is based on the ideal of ‘Sham, Dam,
C
Danda, Bhed’ argues that the longer the negotiations, the easier it is to wear down the
ER

rebel leaders, partly by discrediting them and partly by infusing a sense of complacency
amongst the guerillas. The crux of the argument is that most of the accords that the
M

Indian state has signed with various rebel groups have never resolved the substantive
M

issues—they have merely capitalized on the conflict fatigue of the rebels and the people
O

who have supported these movements. In most of the cases, due to longer period of
struggle and the realization about the futility of a never ending fight with the Indian
C

state, the leaders come to a negotiated settlement that also paves the way for capturing
R

of power of their respective states. (p. 142)

FO

The author, however, disapproves such a tactic on the part of the Indian state
T

and asserts:
O
N

But the Indian state must realise the fact that this will never take away the merit of the
case even if one group of elites leading the movement is satisfied, another batch of new
leaders will emerge who will come with a more vigorous battle and, thus, it virtually
becomes a vicious circle. (p. 142)

The author also reflects on the SULFA episode, Unified Command Structure and
K. N. Saikia report on secret killings extensively.
Chapters 6 and 7 deal with the issues related to sustainability of ULFA both
as a physical and also a psychological force. The sixth chapter, titled ‘What keeps
ULFA going: Endogenous and Exogenous Factors’ is indeed a critique of ULFA.
Mahanta alleges that ULFA never attempted to measure peoples’ opinion on the
outfit’s main claim for sovereignty. He opines: ‘ULFA has never attempted to take
the people of Assam into confidence’ (p. 171). Ironically, ULFA, whose legiti-

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 481

macy is derived from the sustaining discontents in the domain of civil society,
targets the critical voices from within the civil society as its enemies. Mahanta
has comprehensively documented the list of people and organisations that ULFA
has attacked. ULFA, which used Bangladesh as its safe refuge, came in con-
flict with All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) when it appealed total boycott of
Bangladeshis in upper Assam in 2005. It is pertinent to point out that some sec-
tions of ULFA openly protested against the organisation’s position on Bangladeshi
and left the organisation. Mahanta presents a comprehensive analysis on both
concrete and possible factors behind ULFA’s failure to win the heart of the major-
ity of the population and to transform it into its support base. Mahanta has gone
to the extent of asserting that ‘ULFA never answered certain basic questions that
people of Assam would have liked to ask. They never allowed a healthy debate
that can address some structural issues’ (p. 179). Mahanta brings in the wide-
spread critique on ULFA that developed over the years. For example, he brings

SE
Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti, Assam (KMSS)’s critique of ULFA for neglect-

U
ing the agrarian issue. The author extensively uses the popular voices to unmask
ULFA’s bankruptcy in this regard.
L
Despite ULFA’s failure to take majority of the people in Assam into confidence
IA
and to convince them on its main claim of sovereignty, ULFA continues to have its
C
presence in the social psyche of the state. There were different interpretations on
ER

ULFA’s sustainability as a psychological force even after surrender of thousands

of cadres as well as majority of the top leadership. Some have argued that it has
M

happened due to the middle class sympathy and some others have said that it is
M

primarily due to continued support derived from the Assamese peasantry. Without
O

completely disagreeing with these interpretations, Mahanta, however, searches

C

for more factors behind ULFA’s continued presence in the socio-psychological

R

domains and comprehensively analyses them in the seventh chapter titled ‘What
FO

Sustains ULFA?’. He mainly explores four important factors: the pride factor
of the Ahoms and Motok-Morans, two communities that dominate ULFA lead-
ership; strong feeling of anti-Indian factor; low level of human and economic
T

development and the exogenous factor, that is, patronage received from the neigh-
O

bouring countries of the region. Mahanta argues that past glory of Ahom rule
N

continues to be a reference point of ULFA’s demand for sovereignty. Tracing the

role of the Ahom Association during the freedom struggle, Mahanta also asserts
that the Association demanded a sort of sovereignty through a 1944 resolu-
tion which asserted that ‘in the event of India being divided into Hindustan and
Pakistan, Assam should be separated from India and constituted into a dominion
on the basis of history, culture and nationality’ (p. 197). Combined with this pride,
low level of economic development and human security as well as the brutality of
the security forces in the pretext of fighting insurgency helps ULFA to sustain as
a force in Assamese social and political life.
Mahanta has used important theoretical premises on conflict studies to
understand ULFA’s sustenance despite growing discontents with the outfit in
the greater Assamese society. He argues that exogenous factors have important

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

482 Book Reviews

role to play in ULFA’s sustenance. He also explores how an outfit committed to

its people gets itself trapped into macro arms networks which make the outfit
detached from the people and dependent on those networks. In Chapter 8, titled
‘ULFA in International Network: From Grievances to Greed’, Mahanta very
comprehensively reflects on ULFA’s international network and its nexus both
with arms rackets and fundamentalist forces and intelligence agencies in South
Asia. Mahanta traces ULFA’s camps in Bhutan and Bhutan’s operation against
ULFA which had forced the outfit to take refuge in Bangladesh. Then he explores
how ULFA gets entangled in Bangladesh politics as well as in international
arms network. Mahanta also focuses on the April 2004 arms case in Bangladesh
which exposed ULFA’s nexus with the intelligence and the fundamentalist
forces. Most important part of the chapter is on clash between the Chairman and
Commander-in-Chief (C-in-C) of the outfit, which reflects on the marginalisa-
tion of the political wing, concentration of powers in the hands of C-in-C. The

SE
arms network of Paresh Baruah has been widely covered. Mahanta also repro-

U
duces a conversation between the chairman and the C-in-C of ULFA which
itself is indicative of vertical division of ULFA, in the coming days between two
L
factions led by the chairman and the C-in-C respectively.
IA
Although the civil society in Assam was almost suppressed by the intolerant
C
attitude of ULFA and repressive policies of the Indian state, however, a section
ER

of the civil society remained very active both against ULFA and the Indian
state and advocated for peace and harmony even during ULFA’s heydays. On
M

the other hand, when ULFA itself got disintegrated gradually and its sympathy
M

among the masses eroded, it had to resort to civil society initiative for peace.
O

The Indian state also gradually realised that it is not easy to suppress a force
C

like ULFA only by military means, and therefore, developed some positive atti-
R

tude towards the initiatives of the civil society. However, the Indian state always
FO

maintained its manipulative act to bring division among ranks and files of ULFA
and also to create confusion among the masses on GOI’s approach to ULFA. In
Chapter 9, titled ‘Peace Process with ULFA, Civil Society and Indian State’,
T

Mahanta critically deals with the peace initiatives undertaken both by the civil
O

society and ULFA to bring resolution to ULFA–GOI conflict in the last two
N

decades and so. It is to be noted that the very first initiative for peace came from a
section of concerned people who were mostly critics of ULFA. It started under the
banner of Asom Ganatrantik Nagarik Sanstha in 1990. Apart from others Hiren
Gohain played a significant role here. The second initiative came from ULFA in
1992 when a five-member delegation under the direct initiative of the Chairman
met the Prime Minister of the country on 12 January in the year. The initiative col-
lapsed immature due to differences within ULFA. Most important initiative took
place in 2005–06 when a team called Peoples’ Consultative Group (PCG), nomi-
nated by ULFA, conducted three rounds of discussions with GOI at the highest
level of the government where the Prime Minister attended the first round of
discussion and the Home Minister attended the third round of discussion. This
initiative also collapsed mostly due to regimented approach of the government.

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 483

Then onward certain other initiatives were undertaken by certain organisations

like Asom Jatiyatavadi Yuva Chatra Parishad (AJYCP) and Peoples’ Committee
for Peace Initiatives in Assam (PCIPA), Assam. However, the significant initi-
ative started under the banner of Sanmilita Jatiya Abhittartan (SJA) under the
leadership of Hiren Gohain after most of the top leaders including the chairman
of ULFA had been arrested. SJA had held a state level convention on 24 April
2010 in which more than 2,000 people including representatives of more than
100 organisations attended and participated in the deliberations. The convention
succeeded in facilitating a dialogue between GOI and ULFA which is still on.
SJA also constituted a few Expert Committees to prepare reports on constitutional
and political, economic and immigrations issues, etc. for ULFA which it may
use to solve the GOI–ULFA conflict through dialogue. The SJA’s initiative also
made the difference between the chairman and C-in-C in ULFA very sharp. While
the Chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa and his followers endorsed the SJA initiative,

SE
the C-in-C Paresh Baruah has rejected it and alleged Hiren Gohain almost to be

U
an agent of the Indian state. Mahanta, apart from dealing with all these initiatives,
very comprehensively also uses insightful theoretical premises on conflict resolu-
L
tion as well as provides critical reflections on all the initiatives.
IA
In Chapter 10, titled ‘Confronting the State: Exploring Ways for Sustaining
C
Peace’, Mahanta again takes us back to important discourses on autonomy for
ER

Assam that took place both during the freedom struggle as well as in the floor of
the Constituent Assembly where the provincial Congress leadership took the lead.
M

Mahanta reproduces the discourse on sovereignty in Jorhat jail (1940–41) where

M

prominent provincial Congress leaders like Gopinath Bordoloi and Fakharuddin

O

Ali Ahmed etc participated. There were differences of opinion among them. For
C

example, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed proposed for ‘provincial sovereignty’, which

R

was not acceptable to some others (p. 298). Mahanta also reflects on the dif-
FO

ferences between the provincial Congress leadership and that of its national
leadership on Cabinet Mission Grouping proposal in 1946 which provoked
a mass resistance in Assam. Apart from this historical narrative, Mahanta puts
T

forward possible roadmap for sustaining peace which includes (a) fulfilment
O

of the aspirations of the smaller communities vis-à-vis the greater Assamese

N

identity; (b) proper handling of the illegal migration issue that threatens the
existence of the Assamese nationality and (c) ensuring human security and
human development in the absence of which the insurgency shall find its most
fertile ground in the unemployed, poverty-ridden and underdeveloped economy.
Mahanta extensively discusses a possible ethnic council for Assam and provides a
model for it to accommodate the aspirations of the ethnic communities.
Chapter 11, titled ‘Re-visiting Immigration and Identity: Issues of Human
Security, Development and Sustainable Peace’, may be called a continuum of the
previous chapter. In this chapter, Mahanta provides a comprehensive critique of
the notion of security pursued by the Indian state and advocates for the alterna-
tive security, that is, human security propagated by UNDP. The author also uses
important international declarations to bring home the point that the Indian state

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

484 Book Reviews

has failed to abide by its own international commitments. He also uses primary
data collected through surveys to explore the sources of insecurity of the people
in the region. With these data and perspective in background, Mahanta takes up
an important report published by the International Commission on Intervention
and State Responsibility, 2001 titled ‘The Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) and
argues ‘that sovereign states have a responsibility to protect their own citizens
from avoidable catastrophe’ (pp. 328–29). Pointing out three responsibilities
of the state—responsibility to prevent; responsibility to react and responsibility
to rebuild, Mahanta argues: ‘The Indian state cannot remain oblivious to these
issues just by giving the logic of development’ (p. 329). Reiterating this posi-
tion Mahanta concludes his 335-page book with the expression that ‘the State in
North East India has to protect, provide and empower its people’ (p. 335).
To conclude, through this comprehensive volume Mahanta has filled up a
vacuum in the contemporary political history of Assam. A critical reader, of

SE
course, will discover himself amidst discomforts while passing through the pages.

U
One may realise that the activist and interventionist approach of the author is
his forte, but it has also made the author overlook some important dimensions of
L
professional ethics of an author who writes both for academics and activists. This
IA
is evident in non-acknowledgement of sources of certain crucial information that
C
the author cites in the book, for example, the conversation between the chairman
ER

and the C-in-C of ULFA (pp. 247–48). The date and sources of the letter written
by ULFA chairman to the Bangladesh Prime Minister are also not mentioned
M

(pp. 245–46). The author has extensively used vernacular narratives, which are
M

believed to be translated by the author himself, have not been mentioned.

O

A few other issues of critical concern, which are mostly related to the author’s
C

approach and perspective, need to be mentioned. First of all, there are certain con-
R

clusive remarks which are defied by unfolding events in the state of Assam. The
FO

title of the first chapter ‘From Nationalism to Secessionism: Transformation of

Assamese Identity’ is simplistic in the sense that transformation of the Assamese
identity is not a move from nationalism to secessionism. Neither nationalism
T

has fully consolidated in Assam at certain points nor has secessionism univer-
O

sally been embraced by the people of Assam at other points. The transformation
N

has always been a mixture of the both. This is evident even from the narratives
of the book itself. In the electoral process, the state witnesses the consolidation
of nationalism; in the civil society domain and resistance, there have always
been grievances against the ‘mainstream’ India, but only a section has been
advocating and practicing secessionism. Second, while the author has compre-
hensively captured the dominant mode of Assamese nationality, however, he has
not given adequate space to the critical voices from within Assamese nationality.
For example, the Assam movement witnessed waves of critics and resistance,
particularly from the left and progressive sections in Assam and encountered bru-
tality from the movement leaders, which have found no space in the book. Third,
the author has almost rejected to positivist approach to social science research and
adopted a normative approach, consistently highlighting certain political values

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 485

and also providing a critique of the state. This is a welcome departure from the
current obsession with objectivity. But, the normative values are not embedded
into a particular ideological stand point, which could be both strength and also a
weakness. The weakness is evident from the fact that the author has chosen not to
look at nationality resistance from its multi-layered class dimensions and focused
mostly on unfolding events and critiquing them.
Finally, let me conclude by saying that the book has opened up new avenues
for serious political debates in Assam on the nationality question in general and
ULFA issue in particular. By doing that Mahanta has reiterated his commitment
to social science research.

Akhil Ranjan Dutta

Professor in Political Science
Gauhati University, Guwahati-781014, Assam, India

SE
akhilranjangu@gamil.com

U
L
IA
Hira Singh, Recasting Caste: From Sacred to the Profane, Delhi, SAGE
Publications, 2014, pp. XIX + 288, `795.
C
DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536813
ER

The book under review revives interests in ‘caste in class’ and ‘class in caste’
M

debate using historical evidences and ethnographic materials. It argues that the
M

mainstream sociology of caste and class in India has mistakenly put caste in
O

religious and cultural moulds immutable by economic and political forces that,
C

however, have played an important role in the determination of caste hierarchy,

R

the essence of the caste system. In other words, the notion of the permanence of
FO

caste structure and equating caste with Hinduism belie historical and ethnographic
evidences. Moreover, while mainstream sociology takes a sacred view of caste,
the author emphasises on profane view of caste, which is diametrically opposed
T

to the position of the mainstream sociologists.

O

The book is a an engaging critique of Weber and Dumont whose influences

N

on the mainstream sociology of caste and class in India overshadowed those of

Marx and others who were able to differentiate the economic and political from
the religious and cultural forces, and gave primacy to the profane over sacred
in their interpretations of the structure of Indian society, but the latter too erred in
ignoring the intersection of ‘structure’ and ‘superstructure’ that actually forms the
bedrock of the caste system in India.
The book is an invitation to the mainstream sociologists to revisit their posi-
tions, which, according to Singh, have serious theoretical and methodological
limitations, which are as follows. First, the mainstream sociology has erred on
the side of history and material facts by ignoring the role of economic and politi-
cal forces and giving exclusive emphasis on ideas of caste, mainly its religious
and cultural aspects. Second, the mainstream sociology has critiqued Marxists

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

486 Book Reviews

for their ideological orientation, but it too has fallen in the trap of its own ideol-
ogy that is the notion of homo hierarchicus. Marxists have shown little interests
in the study of caste as they consider it superstructure. In a way, they too are
unable to see the interconnection between the ‘base’ and ‘superstructure’, denying
historical facts and pursuing a flawed methodology.
Singh emphasises on understanding the ‘intersection of economic, political
and ideological components of caste system’, and opines that the roots of the
caste system lie in ‘hierarchical access to land rights and political power’, sup-
ported by religious and secular ideology. His position is in contrast to that of
the mainstream sociologists who interpret differential access to land rights and
political power flowing from the ideology of religion and caste and not the vice
versa. Consequently, while Singh is able to underline the intra-caste inequal-
ity in his study of caste, the mainstream sociologists remained stuck in the idea
of homogeneity of caste and the ‘myth of its immutability’ that denies history the

SE
flow of its current.

U
The political economy approach adopted by Singh in this book makes him
historically relevant and at the same time contemporary in context, while the
L
mainstream sociologists would appear to be outdated as dynamics of caste have
IA
changed fast. While the hierarchical notion of caste still constitutes the bedrock of
C
the caste system, the dominance of religious and cultural notions of caste system
ER

is under serious strain under changing economic and political forces. The notion
of purity and impurity has been reduced to residue, and is by and large a matter
M

of private belief. So has been the idea and practice of untouchability, although
M

there are still its traces in practices. But what is more important is the fact that the
O

notion of homo hierarchicus, the foundation pillar of mainstream sociology, is

C

methodologically incompetent to understand the contemporary political mobilisa-

R

tion and articulation of caste interests under Indian democracy. A major churning
FO

is visible in the pattern of differential and intra-caste mobilisation, which is essen-

tially an articulation of differential class interests. For example, there are different
political groups of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and so are of the Scheduled
T

Castes (SCs). The success of the Brahmin Dalit combination experimented by

O

Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh tears the homo hierarchicus notion of caste system
N

apart. Both the SCs and Brahmins were politically marginalised by the Muslim–
Yadav dominated Samajwadi Party. The political interests superseded ideology of
caste, and that was the main spurt behind Brahmin Dalit combination. There are
many other examples of intra-caste differential mobilisation for social, economic
and political gains. Even among the SCs, there are strong intra-caste mobilisation
like Jatavs versus other SCs in UP, Madigas versus Malas in Andhra Pradesh,
Chudas versus Chamars in Haryana, etc. These differential mobilisations are
essentially differential articulation of social, economic and political interests. The
homo hierarchicus framework is methodologically weak to explain it.
In the first four chapters of the book Singh engages with the various approaches
to the understanding of caste in India and then explains his political economy
framework and its merits. He applies his framework to three case studies which

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 487

have been described in chapters 5, 6, and 7. In chapter five of the book, he digs
the history of intra-caste and intra-kin inequality among the Rajputs of Marwar
of Rajasthan and found that an entirely new caste of Rajputs developed from
the lineage of the non-ruling brothers of the Rajput rulers. Due to the law of
primogeniture, the eldest son of the king was anointed to the throne and given
all the economic and political rights of the kingdom. He was also the owner
of the Khalsa, the crown land. His younger siblings were given rights over land
of a few villages, but as Jagir or the grantees’ land. The latter enjoyed their eco-
nomic rights as Jagirdars. All others who were given rights over land as grantees
were also called Jagirdars. However, even within Jagirdars, there were hierarchies
depending on the nature of the land rights that also determined their respective
positions in the social hierarchy. More importantly, the various associations of
landowners were formed, but all of them were governed by their specific class
interests notwithstanding of the homogeneity of caste.

SE
Chapter six of the book describes the tussle between sacred and profane in

U
a village of eastern Uttar Pradesh, and explains the challenge to the local author-
ity of the erstwhile leaders from the Rajput caste by newly empowered Yadavas
L
as they gained access to land after the abolition of the Zamindari system and
IA
political power through universal adult franchise under democracy. He documents
C
various incidents of lower caste attacking upper caste Rajputs on the issue of
ER

disputes often related to the control over a piece of land. The sacred stands chal-
lenged by profane. Moreover, the plurality of political leadership in the village
M

erstwhile ruled by three families of Rajputs has become a reality. But even if
M

Rajputs succeed in retaining the leadership of the village, ‘the nature of lead-
O

ership will change, simply because the different caste will now compete with
C

one another for leadership in which wealth, education, personal attainments, and
R

numerical strength will play a decisive role’ (p. 222). The erstwhile social hierar-
FO

chy with expected social roles has to face new challenges arising out of the forces
of profane.
In chapter seven of the book, Singh explains the phenomenon of the dis-
T

appearance of caste among the indentured Indians in Africa and other countries.
O

He finds that although most of the indentured Indians have retained their strong
N

affinity and identity of a Hindu, their occupation-based caste identities melted

into their new class identity of indentured labourer.
Over a period of time, most of the indentured Indians dropped their caste
identities and forged a class identity based on their economic position in the
new land. Therefore, he argues that if caste and Hinduism are homology, why
is it that the former disappeared while the latter remained strongly intact among
the Indentured Indians. Weber, Dumont and others subscribing to the view
of homology of Hinduism and caste stand exposed to the limitation of their
approaches.
The merits of the book lie in providing an alternative framework to the study
of caste and class in Indian society, the mainstream interpretation of which has
been mainly religious, cultural and functional. The mainstream sociology has

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

488 Book Reviews

declared caste immutable, caste structure static and caste-based relations func-
tional ( jajmani system). The undercurrents of tensions, conflicts and caste-based
exploitations have been ignored. The political economy framework of this book
not only challenges the static notion of caste, the myth of caste immutability, but
also exposes caste-based inequality and caste–class conflicts.
Undoubtedly, the book is a valuable addition to the numerous studies of caste
and class in India. However, there are many social facts which fly in the face of
his alternative interpretations. First, if class in caste is the dominant social fact,
as interpreted by Singh, then what explains the enduring phenomenon of caste
endogamy? Is it not religious and cultural? Second, notwithstanding the dilution
of the practice of pollution and purity in social interactions, the caste-based dis-
crimination continues to define socio-economic relations. There are studies which
found strong vestiges of caste in some of the most modern sectors. Third, there

SE
has been horizontal proliferation of caste-based political groups and instances
of intra-caste differential political preferences. Yet, they are mostly localised

U
phenomena.

L
To sum up, if mainstream sociology helps us in reading static, religious
IA
and cultural aspects of caste and caste system in India, the political economy
C
framework adopted by Singh is useful in understanding the changing dynam-
ER

ics of cast–class relations, intra-caste inequality and differential mobilisation

and elements of inter-caste and intra-caste tensions. Both the approaches are not
M

competitive, but complementary. Students and scholars of Indian society should

M

take note of both without getting carried away by either.

O

Ashok K. Pankaj
C

Council for Social Development

R

New Delhi, India

FO

ashokkpankaj@gmail.com
T
O

Pratiksha Baxi, Public Secrets of Law: Rape Trials in India, New Delhi,
N

Oxford University Press, 2014, pp. 433, `1150.

DOI: 10.1177/0049085714536807

Scholarly works on legal ethnographies from India are too limited to analyse
the character of judicial structures, processes and the contribution of social struc-
tures to the process of judicial decision making. Pratiksha Baxi’s topical book
Public Secrets of Law: Rape Trials in India offers a new model for a perfect
blending of ethnographic experiences of different role makers in a judicial
process of rape trials. This work uses inter-sectionality framework to comprehend
class–caste–gender (to some extent, inclusive of queer) formulations in court
room experiences. The multi-faceted and comprehensive analyses of how
certain cases of sexual violence act as a caste crime or a combination of multiple

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 489

identities constitute the crime makes this work move beyond the boundaries
of a range of disciplines like social anthropology, legal ethnography, gender
studies. Not only has this book discussed some rape trials in details to but also
offered a substantial discussion of different case laws that helps the reader in
contextualising the cases in the judicial history.
This work is an outcome of an ethnographic project in the rural district and ses-
sions court in Ahmedabad over a period of 18 months between 1996 and 1998 and
focused on the relationship between law and public secrecy. Pratiksha argues in
this book that public secrecy finds specific revelation in rape trials in India which
reinforces deeply entrenched phallo-centric notions of justice and ultimately does
not bring any justice to the rape survivor. Contrary to the commonsensical under-
standing that rape trials destroys secrets, she vividly elaborates how it becomes
privileged sites of the production, negotiation and management of public secrets

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and a cultural performance. Baxi explains public secret as ‘that we all know about
it, but find it is difficult to articulate’ and she explains it by exploring how do

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ethnographers talk about rape in the field. The focus of the work is to understand
the implementation of The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1983, in trial courts
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by analysing the everyday socio-legal process that underlie the conduct of rape
trials. One of her major observations is that law reforms have not addressed the
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existing power relationships deployed through language in the court rooms when
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the survivors testify.

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I believe that the emphasis on everyday processes of law providing accounts of sub-
jection and resistance is important as it allows us to re-think the categories that are
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normalised by the doctrinal picture of law. (pp. xxvi, xxvii)

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The ethnographic notes from different trials revealed in this book that there is
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no singular or linear or homogenous framework that brings out the ‘truth’ of the
case. Instead, each ethnographic narration of the rape trials reflects multiple per-
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spectives. This will definitely help the future research works of other scholars to
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explore how to bring multiple perspectives to understand the production of expert

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knowledge in respect of different institutional sites like police station, forensic

science laboratory, the hospital and the court. This approach imparts soundness to
an ethnographic project.
In the present day discussions on the rape cases, there is correlation between
crime and punishment, limiting the scope of understanding of rape as a pre-
ferred form of violence; whereas the author comprehends it as ‘an intentional,
pre-mediated and political violence against women’. The discussion of verity of
cases clearly communicates to the readers that how rape is a crime against female
monogamy rather than against women’s sexual dignity and autonomy.
How sexual objectification (what Veena Das [1996] calls ‘judicial pornog-
raphy’) happening in the court rooms is explained in detail. When the judiciary
categorises women as ‘good’ and ‘bad’ by looking at them through a judicial

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

490 Book Reviews

lens of past sexual experiences and affirms the findings by corroborating them
with the forensic examination results, it is trying to reinforce morality of a feudal,
conservative, reactionary and patriarchal society.

… the rape trial is not a vehicle for communicating the violence of rape; rather it
becomes an occasion for sexualizing the women’s body and re-enacting mimetically the
desire of rapist. (p. 21)

In the first chapter, ‘Doctrinal Pictures of Rape Trials: How to Do Things with
Feminism’, Pratiksha clearly exposes how the survivor’s caste, class, nationality
inflect judicial treatment of rape cases, how judges rape constitute of bureaucratic
cultures of courts and how publicity matters in the process of courtrooms becom-
ing laboratories of judicial reforms, by comparing Bhanwari Devi’s case with

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Suo Moto v. State of Rajasthan. This is a theoretically rich chapter and discusses
different categories of rape in depth.

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The second chapter, ‘Medicalisation of Consent and Falsity: The Figure

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of Habitue in Indian Rape Law’ illustrates the critical role of medical jurispru-
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dence text books (Baxi has rigorously done an analysis of major text books over
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nine decades) as medium of both pedagogy and prescription and also as a factor
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that determines the structure of questions posed in rape trials. Pratiksha claims
that Indian rape trials medicalise consent and falsity (by creating medico-legal
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categories of habituated to sex, partial penetration and technical rape) causing

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additional harm to the rape victim.

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The central contestation in rape trials revolves around the expression of consent,
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or the determination of whether coercive act of sex is rape or not. The judiciary
interprets ‘consent’ on the basis of marks of ‘resistance’ on female body to decide
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whether rape has happened or whether it was consensual sex. This has always
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been ratified by the medical opinion. The existing patriarchal values influence
the judicial understanding of what, in a woman’s actions or words, imply consent
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to sex. The background circumstances undermine the legitimacy of consent

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and are influenced by the male fantasies. The discussion on misuse of rape laws
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should be understood in the context of the debate on different types of resist-

ance. This book highlights how the forensic investigation and the notorious two
fingers test violate the concept of autonomy in case of a rape victim/ survivor with
authority. The entire medico-juridical process (Pratiksha calls it as ‘medicalisa-
tion of consent’) in the rape trial and the court room examination of the victim/
survivor is loaded against the basic principles of autonomy. Thus, in the rape
trials, multiple levels of violation of autonomy happens, beginning from the act
of crime to the medico-legal examination, and it further continues in the court
room examination as part of the judicial process to the verdict, which makes
character remarks about the victim/survivor to probe in to the past sexual history
(Arathi, 2012). Though the Indian Council for Medical Research and the con-
cerned ministry have banned the ‘two finger test’, we have yet to watch how this

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

Book Reviews 491

colonial tendency to characterise rape victim is going to stop in the courtrooms.

As Pratiksha rightly observes:

Therapeutic jurisprudence is broadly defined as those approaches to law which attempt

to institute policies and procedures that do not re-victimise the victim. In India courts,
however, the moment expert opinion leans towards therapeutic jurisprudence … we
find that expert opinion is belittled and treated as if it were not relevant to the pur-
pose of law. The adversarial trial represses any therapeutic potential by disallowing the
creation of safer conditions of testimony. (p. 98)

In the third chapter, ‘The Child Witness on Trial’, author explores the effects of
failure to identify child sex abuse as a different category of rape by discussing the
case of Noornissa. The discussion reveals how the domestic violence experience
of the child survivor acts as counter to discredit her and how the experience of

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a child witness limits the procedure till she verifies the sexualisation of her body.
The detail description of trials exceptionally brings out how examination and

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cross-examination does a metamorphosis of child into a child adult.

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The fourth chapter, ‘Justice is a Secret: Compromise in Rape Trials’ under-
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scores how compromises in rape trials are used as a tool in the hands of defense
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lawyers and in cases of love and elopement. This chapter explains the blurry fields
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of legal categories of rape, kidnapping and abduction. She argues,

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The court maintains the patriarchal authority of the father by reintroducing the practices
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fashioned outside the court and it is through these clandestine routes that the authority
of law is maintained. (p. 222)
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Chapter five, ‘Love Affairs and Rape Trials in India’, gives an idea how family
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and kinship defines and re-defines the legal categories of violence and crime; and
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categorises ‘bad’ and ‘good’ love. Pratiksha makes this observation at the end of
the chapter,
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When love and law are pitted in such a radical opposition, public secrecy is not the
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socio-legal route to imagine a future. Rather, ethnographies of rape trials in India reveal
how law fears love, how love finds justice, and how love mourns its loss. (p. 275)

The final chapter, ‘On Interpreting Rape as/and Atrocity’, discusses rape as cate-
gory of caste violence and the author argues that ‘in making a classification
between lust and atrocity, for such forms of sexual violence are seen as isolated
crimes against individual women, irrespective of their caste or class’ (p. 284). The
elaborate discussion on case laws brings out the historical understanding of vio-
lence and how Dalit and tribal women are perceived as inherently incapable of
embodying honour and hence fail to attribute social meaning of rape to describe
the humiliation. The narratives from Kavita’s case pose the questions what deter-
mines the political economy of trust by police and judicial processes and how
political subjectivity and assurance of justice is correlative?

Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

 492 Book Reviews

In the conclusion, Pratiksha Baxi argues vehemently that the portrayal of rape
trials as an offence against society in law books and, in the appellate judgments,
hides the process by which law’s injury to rape survivors is manifested; hence,
‘judicial horror’ is not given but achieved within law.

The notion of social order or social justice remains phallocentric, for the monopoly
over compromise remains contested and survivor’s voice muted. (p. 345)

Here, Pratiksha consciously discusses Bilkis Bano case to posit the work in the
contemporary political context and gives the reader an experience of comprehen-
siveness. This discussion clearly testifies why within the judicial process rape is
not seen as political violence which explicitly targeted Muslim women in 2002
Gujarat genocide. The unfolding of Bilkis Bano case evidently communicates
how courts do not recognise that the purpose of rape is not merely satisfying

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men’s sexual lust, rather ‘rape is preferred tool of sexually humiliating the “other”’
(p. 359).

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This work is going to be the pioneering one in socio-legal ethnography in India

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to understand the nuances of judicial processes in a caste-driven, communally
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segregated, class-divided and patriarchal society.
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References
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Arathi, P. M. (2012). Gendered bodies, medicine and law: A study of selected caselaws
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from India. PhD Thesis, New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru University (Unpublished).
Das, Veena. (1996). Sexual violence, discursive formations and the state. Economic and
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Political Weekly, 31 (35/37): 2411–13; 2415–18; 2420–23.

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Arathi P. M.
Associate Fellow
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Council for Social Development, New Delhi

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arathipm@gmail.com, arathipm@csdindia.org
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Social Change, 44, 3 (2014): 459–492

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