276 YARBRO COLLINS
4 'IÀc:ca-n)ptov in Rom 3:25 as a Metaphorical Votive Offering
4.1 Introductory Comments on Votive Offerings
Adolf Deissmann pointed out long ago that the most common usage of the
neuter noun iÀœatjptov in Greek, apart from the ni!l::>-texts, is to designate
votive gifts or monuments intended to propitiate or atone.16 The practice of
making votive offerings is sometimes mentioned in literary texts, but the main
evidence for it cornes from inscriptions.17 It was a widespread and important
part of persona! religious practice from the archaic period through to the im-
perial period and beyond.18 The practice also occurred in a public, political
context.19 The purpose of the votive offering is "to enter into and sustain a good
persona! relationship" with a god.20
Votive offerings "were often presented to redeem a vow previously made in
prayer." 21 Such an offering may be regarded "as a tangible proof of gratitude
towards the deity for answering a prayer or for help and assistance in gen-
eral ... In later votive inscriptions, especially from the imperial period," this
gratitude is evident in the characterization of the donor with EÙXœptcrr&v or by
identifying the gift itself as Eùxcxptcrtjptov. 22 Even though the gift is presented
in thanksgiving for past favor of the god, "the matter was still not generally re-
garded as settled." The donor of course hoped for the continuing assistance of
the deity and "was not ashamed to ask for it at the very moment when the god
was thought to be particularly well disposed towards him through his delight
at having received the votive offering."23
4.2 Debate about the Votive Ojfering as the Controlling Metaphor in
Rom3:25
In his first article on Rom 3:25, Stefan Schreiber acknowledged that &v&6l')µcx
is the usual word for a votive offering in antiquity. He argued, however, that
[Àcxcrtjp1ov is also a technical term for "votive offering" and that it is synony-
mous with &v&el')µcx. 24 After an article by Alexander Weiss was published,
16 Deissmann, "'IÀclatjpioç," 195-196; see also Morris, "Meaning of Duxatjptov; 34, 39.
17 Van Straten, "Gifts; 69 and n. 19.
18 According to van Straten, "votive religion displays a considerable number of constant
components, some of which survived in Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox circles and
persist until modem times" ("Gifts," 65- 66).
19 On votive offerings in general, see Schreiber, "Weihegeschenk Gottes," 100-105.
20 Van Straten, "Gifts; 65. Other means of attaining this goal were prayer and sacrifice (ibid.).
21 Van Straten, "Gifts; 70- 72. Italics original here and in the next quotation from this author.
22 Van Straten, "Gifts," 72.
23 Van Straten, "Gifts," 72.
24 Schreiber, "Weihegeschenk Gottes," 100- 101.
THE METAPHORICAL USE OF IAAI:THPION IN ROMANS 3:25 277
criticizing Schreiber's first article, he published a second article, revising some
of the conclusions criticized by Weiss.25
Weiss cited the six votive inscriptions and conceded that in each case
!J..cxcrtjptov could be translated with "votive offering'' ("Weihegeschenk"). Two
considerations, however, led him to argue that !Àcxcrtjptov has a more limited,
special meaning. The first is that the usual term for "votive offering" (èm~9l'J µex)
occurs in several thousand inscriptions, some of which corne from Cos and
Rhodes, where the six iÀcxcrtjptov inscriptions originated. The much rarer term
{À.cxatjptov thus does not seem to be a simple synonym for &v&el')µcx. The second
concems the temple chronicle from Lindos. Here it seems that the conjecture
is likely that tÀcxcrtjptov has a special meaning. In section B, the chronicle re-
cords a long list of votive offerings, which were donated by heroes of old, for
example, Telephos, or important historical figures like Alexander the Great, to
Athena of Lindos, including the inscriptions that allegedly or actually stood
upon the offerings. 26
The introduction to the list refers, in effect (the verb is used, not the noun),
that the following individuals brought Athena &vcxe~µcxw. This introduction
made it unnecessary to repeat the term &v&6l') µœ in the list. A few, however,
are more specifically described. A golden Nike is called a xcxptcrtjptov, so the
Nike was a gift of thanks. The bowl with a golden knob, supposedly donated
by Telephos, is called a iÀcxcrtjptov. Therefore, Weiss argued, in this inscription
iÀcxatjptov cannot be a synonym of &v&6l')µœ. It cannot be decided whether this
iÀcxatjptov is a gift intended to reconcile or to atone/expiate. The stories about
Telephos provide no evidence for this question. But it must mean one or the
other in his view.27
Weiss made a valid point, but it is doubtful that the iÀœcrtjp1ov brought by
Telephos must mean either a gift intended to reconcile or to atone/expiate.
Since the context does not specify the circumstances, it seems better to trans-
late the term more generally. In other words, the term should be taken to des-
ignate a gift intended to make Athena well disposed to Telephos or to continue
their positive relationship.
Schreiber responded to Weiss' argument by redefining his understanding
of the relationship between &v&el')µcx and lÀcxatjptov. Using a linguistic distinc-
tion, he argued that,&v&9l')µœ is the generic term ("Hyperonym" ="Oberbegriff")
for votive offering, and iÀcxatj ptov identifies a particular kind of votive offering
("Hyponym"). Other particular types of votive offering include the xœptatjptov,
25 Weiss, "Christusjesus"; Schreiber, "Weitergedacht."
26 Weiss, "Christus Jesus," 289-299.
27 Weiss, "Christusjesus; 299.
278 YARBRO COLLINS
EÙXC(p1atjp1ov, and the owpov. The particularity of the lexeme iÀctcrtjp1ov lies
in its relationship to the word-group represented by 1Mcnœa6m. Schreiber
appropriately defines the meaning of this verb as "to reconcile, or to make a
deity well disposed, favorably disposed, or merciful to oneself." He proposed
for {Àcxcrtjp1ov the translation "reconciling gift" ("Versôhnungsgeschenk") or
"reconciling votive offering" ("versohnendes Weihegeschenk"). Thus Telephos
attempts, by means of the bowl that he brings to Athena of Lindos, to make
this goddess well disposed to him (once again?). The inscription gives us no
further information.28 Given this lack of information, Carolyn Higbie's transla-
tion "supplicatory gift" may be even better. 1 use that translation below.
43 Primary Texts in Which a Votive Offering Is Identified as a {Â.aonjpcov
4.3.1 The Six Inscriptions
ln his article Weiss gives a complete list of the inscriptions that refer to a votive
offering as a lÀcxatjp1ov. There are six of them, which 1 reproduce here for the
convenience of my readers.
Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos, 126 no. 81 (27 BCE-14 CE)
6 ôcXµoç {mè:p (-r)&ç Aù-roxpa't'opoç Kcx(acxpoç, 6Eoû u!oû, I:E~cxCTToû, CTWTIJP(cxç
6Eoîç iÀcxatjp1ov.
The people (dedicated) a supplicatory gift to the gods for the well being
of the emperor Caesar, son of a god, Augustus.29
Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos, 225-226 no. 347 (imperial period)
['O o&µoç 6 i\ÀEV't'lWV - - - - - - - LE]~C((j['t']cf> Lltt I:['t']pcx't'ttp {/...C(atjptov
ocxµetpXEÛVTOÇ fetiou Nwp~œvoû Moaxfwvo[ ç <pl]Àoxcx[crcxpoç.
The people of Haleis (dedicated) a supplicatory gift to Augustus Zeus, the
commander of armies, through the tribune Gaius Norbanus Moschion,
friend of Caesar.30
BullettinodelMuseo dell'ImperoRomano (1932) 14 no. n (14- 29 BCE)
[Àcxcrtjptov 6EOÎÇ Ù7tÈp 't'cXÇ CTWTY)p(cxç T1~Ep(ou Kcx[acxpoç, ewo uloû eEoÛ
I:E~cxCTToû xccl 'louÀ(cxç I:E~cxa't'&ç lEpoq>uÀcxxEç Métpxoç I:e€v1oç Awxfou uloç
28 Schreiber, "Weitergedacht," 207-208.
29 My translation. See also Weiss, "Christus Jesus," 296, and Schreiber, "Weihegeschenk
Gottes," 100.
30 My translation; cf. Weiss, "Christus Jesus," 296; Schreiber, "Weihègeschenk Gottes," 100.
THE METAPHORICAL USE OF IJ\AI:THPION IN ROMANS 3:25 279
)CC(l 0upaoç WXctl 1\.7tOÀÀWVlOYJÇ 0EC(p~TOU <p(UCTEl) OÈ: J\.noÀÀ.wvlôou <'plÀO-
XC(lCTctpEÇ.
As a supplicatory gift to the gods for the well being of Tiberius Caesar,
son of a god, of the god Augustus, and ofJulia Augusta, the keepers of the
temple Marcus Sthenius, son of Lucius, and Thyrsos, son of Thyrsos, and
Apollonides, adopted son of Thearetes, natural son of Apollonides, the
friends of Caesar, (dedicated this ).31
SEG 54.769 (1st cent. CE)
'0 o&µoç 0 i\ÀC(CTctpVLTcXv EiÀcxatjptOV 1\.n6ÀÀWVl Ù7tÈ:p 0Euoaµou TOÛ 1\.TTcXÀOU.
The people of Halasarna (on the island of Cos) (dedicated this) as a sup-
plicatory gift to Apollo for Theudamos, son of Attalos.32
Blinkenberg and Kinch, Lindos, no. 425, from the acropolis of Lindos
(30-40 CE)
<0>Ecf> 'Ytµ[CTTcp 0pcxau/...oxoç Mo1pcxytvwç 6 lEpEùç -r&ç 1\.6avC(ç 't'cXÇ A1vo(cxç
xcxl 't'OÛ füoç 't'Oû IloÀ1Éwç xcxl 't'ol xcx't'OLXEÛV't'EÇ Èv A1vo[~ n6[À]E1 !/...cxtjp1ov.33
Thrasylochos Moirageneus, the priest of Athena of Lindos and Zeus of
the city (of Lindos) and those who inhabit the city of Lindos (dedicated
this) to God Most High (as) a supplicatory gift.34
The temple chronicle from Lindos, part B, section 8
[T~À)E<poç qnaÀcxv xpua6µq>cxÀov, È<p' aç È1tEYÉ[yp ]cxn-ro· "T~ÀEq>oç 1\.6avct1
l/...cxtj [p1]ov, wç 6Aux1oç1\.n6ÀÀ.wv EÎTCE," TCEpl -rou-rwv !CTT[ op] EÎ 8Evcxy6pcxç Èv
35
TcXL A TcXÇ xpov1x&ç CTUV't'cXÇ1oç, f 6pywv ÈV TcXL A 't'cXv m:pl 'P6oou, fopyoa6ÉvYJÇ
ÈV 't'cXt ÈTC!CTTOÀfü, 'IEp6~ouÀoç ÈV TcXl ÈTC [lCTTOÀcXl].
Telephos, a phiale with a golden boss. On which had been inscribed:
"Telephos to Athena a supplicatory gift, as Lycian Apollo said." About
these things Xenagoras reports in his investigations in the first book of his
31 My translation.
32 My translation. See also Weiss, "Christus)esus," 297.
33 Breathing marks and accents added. The lack of the sigma after the eta in lÀ.cxTijptov is due
to the Doric dialect; see Weiss, "Christus )esus,n 298 n. 9.
34 See also Weiss, "ChristusJesus," 297.
35 See n. 34 above regarding the lack of a sigma.
280 YARBRO COLLINS
Annalistic Account, Gorgon in the first book of his work About Rhodes,
Gorgosthenes in his letter, Hieroboulos in his letter.36
As noted above, there is no reason to translate lA.cccrtjptov and its equivalents
in these inscriptions with "propitiatory gift" or "expiating gift." The translation
"supplicatory gift" expresses the idea well that the donor is seeking to establish
or continue a relationship with the deity in which the god or goddess is well
disposed to the donor and will heed the particular request that is sometimes
stated.
4.3.2 The Two Literary Texts
In addition to these six inscriptions, the term lÀCCO'tjptov also occurs in two
literary texts, one by Josephus and the other by Dio Chrysostom.
Josephus, AJ. 16.182 (late ist cent. CE)
Kccl oi.'io µè:v ccÔ't'CÎ> TWV ôopuq>6pwv otEq>S&pYJ<rccv, q>Àoyoç Ëvôo9Ev Etcnoûow
ètTCCCVTW<TY)Ç, wç ÈÀÉYETO, TCEptq>O~OÇ ô' CCÔTOÇ ÈÇllEl, xcci ÔÉOUÇ {Àcc<rtjplOV µv~µa
ÀEU~Ç TCÉTpccç È7tl TCÎ> O'Toµ(~ )(CCTEO'XEUcXO'CCt'O 7tOÀUTEÀEO't'cX~ ôccn&vn.
But two of [Herod's] bodyguards perished when a blaze from within met
them as they were entering, as it is said, so he himself went out terrified
and built at the entrance a memorial of white stone at great cost to calm
his terror.37
The literary context is a report conceming how Herod the Great robbed the
tomb of David, taking many valuable objects. The wording of the text implies
that what is "appeased" or soothed is Herod's terror at the unexpected and vio-
lent deaths of two of his bodyguards. Deissmann translated in this way but also
mentioned the possibility that this is a case of brachyology ("Breviloquenz").
Since the object of {ÀccO'tjptov is usually a deity, the implied meaning may be
that the monument was a votive offering to God to avert the punishment that
the sacrilege entailed.38 In this case the details in the context are enough to
warrant the translation "propitiatory votive offering:'
36 Greek text and English translation from Higbie, Lindian Chronicle, 24- 25. See also
Schreiber, "Weihegeschenk Gottes," 101, and Weiss, "Christus Jesus," 298.
37 Greek text from Marcus and Wikgren,]osephus, 280; my translation.
38 Deissmann, "'Iùtatjp1oç," 106. On brachyology see Smyth, Greek Grammar, §§3017-3018.
THE METAPHORICAL USE OF IAAETHPION IN ROMANS 3:25 281
Dio Chrysostom, Or. 11.119-122 ( ca. 100 c E)
~Ç[ou oè: TOÙÇ l\.xcxtoùç 't'ét TE XP~!J.CCTCC OlCCÀÛO'cxt Tèt OCC7tlXVY)9Évrcc Elç TOV 7tOÀE!J.OV
xcci O{Xl')V TLVCX Ù7tOO)(EÎV 6Tl µY)9Èv &otXl')SÉVTEÇ È<T'TpCCTEUO'CCVTO ... 6 oè:
'Oou<r<rEùç, ouToç yètp È/mpfo~EuE 7tEpl Tijç Elp~vYJç, 7tccpnTEî't'o, ÈmoEtxvùç 6Tt
oôx ~nw oEop&xcc<rtv ~ 7tm6v9ccow, xcci TI)v ccMixv ÈxE[votç ètvETleEt TOÛ
7tOÀɵou ... 7tEpl oè: 't'CÎ>V XPYJ!J.cX't'WV )(C(TEYÉÀcc· µ~ yètp EÎvcct XP~!J.CCTCC TOÎÇ
"E»..Y)O'lV, èt»..èt XCCL VÛV TOÙÇ 7to»..oùç ÈXOVTCCÇ <T'TpCCTEUE0'9cxt otèt TIJV OlXOl
TCEVlCCV. TccÛTCC OÈ ËÀEYEV ètTCO't'pÉrrWV CCÔTOÙÇ TIJÇ ÈTCL TIJV 'E»..ciocc O'TpCCTElccç. El
OÉ 't'lVCC OEÎ O(Xl')V yEVfoScct TOÛ EÔTCpETCOÛÇ x&ptv, CCÔTOÇ EÙpEÎV. )(C(TCCÀEl~ElV yètp
CCÔ't'OÙÇ &v&SYjµCC xét»..t<T't'OV xcci µÉytO'TOV Tfl l\.SY)V~ xcci Èmypét~ElV, 'IÀCCcrtjptov
J\XcxtOl Tfj l\.SYjv~ Tfj 'lÀlcXOl. TOÛTO yètp q>ÉpElV !J.EYcXÀY)V Tl!J.~V ÈXEÎVOlÇ' xcc9'
ÈccU't'CÎ>V ôè: y(yvEcr9cxt !J.CCp't'UplOV wç ~TTY)µÉvwv.
But [Hector] insisted that the Achaeans pay the expenses of the war and
make reparation because they had been the aggressors ... Against this,
Odysseus, who was a member of the peace embassy, protested, pointing
out that the achievements of the Achaeans were no less than their de-
feats and was for laying the blame for the war upon their enemies ... With
regard to indemnity, he had only ridicule. The Greeks, he said, had no
means; nay, even then the larger part of the army was serving voluntarily
on account of the poverty of the homeland. This he urged to deter the
Trojans from a campaign against Greece, and said that if any indemnity
should be necessary for propriety's sake, he was ready with a plan. For the
Greeks would leave a very large and beautiful [votive] offering to Athena
and carve upon it this inscription: "A Propitiation from the Achaeans to
Athena of Ilium." This, he explained conferred great honour upon the
Trojans and stood against the Greeks as an evidence of their defeat. 39
The statement that Odysseus was a member of the peace embassy (ȵrcpfo~EUE
nEpl Tijç Elp~VYJÇ) makes clear that this passage belongs to the category of politi-
cal diplomacy. Although the terms ôtcx»..&cr<rELV and xccTcxÀÀ.cX<rcrE1v are not used,
the peace negotiations aim ending hostilities and, indirectly, at reconciling
the Trojans and the Achaeans. The discussion over the terms draws upon legal
language. The spokesman of the Trojans, Hector, demands repayment for loss
or damage, that is, monetary compensation (XP~!J.CCTcc). He also demands that
the Greeks submit to a penalty (ô(Xl')v TlVcX Ù7tOO)(Eîv) because they made war
on the Trojans without being wronged by them. In response, the spokesman of
the Achaeans, Odysseus, refuses to make compensation (xp~µccTcc) because of
39 Greek text and translation from Cohoon, Dio Chrysostom, 536-539.
282 YARBRO COLLINS
his claim that they have no money. He also claims that the charge or accusation
of fault in causing the war (cxt't'tcx) should be directed against the Trojans be-
cause París' pursuit of Helen was no mere courtship sine e he was acting against
Greek interests (the reason is given in the part of Or. n.120 not quoted above).
It is interesting that in this passage political diplomacy is combined with
the language about a votive offering of the type identified as a {A.cxo"n1ptov. Both
the translator of the Loeb edition of this discourse ("A Propitiation")4 and º In 2:17-3:8, Paul discusses the sinfulness of Jews (and possibly of Judaizing
Weiss ("Sühnemal") understand the proposed offering of the Greeks in terms
of propitiation or atonement. These translations are questionable because the
context <loes not involve an admission of wrong or guilt on the part of the
Achaeans. Rather the stated purposes of the offering are to bring great honor
upon the Trojans (q>ÉpEtv µEYcXAlJV 1'tµ~v EXE(vot~) and to provide evidence of the
defeat of the Achaeans (xcxe· ÉcxU't'WV oE: y(yvEcr6cxt µcxp't'Úptov w~ ~Tn¡µÉvwv ).
Because of the context of peace negotiations, Schreiber proposed the
translation for !A.cxcrrY¡ptov here of "reconciling votive offering" ("versohnendes
Weihegeschenk") or "gift for reconciliation" ("Versohnungsgeschenk"). The
reconciliation in question is between Athena and the Greeks.41 The expense
involved in preparing the votive offering and the acceptance of defeat are ex-
pressed to Athena but extend to the Trojans indirectly. They also represent
the payment of a penalty (ot"l)) in keeping with what is fitting (1'oil EurrpErroil~
xáptv ). The translation "votive gift for reconciliation" is a more appropriate
translation here than "propitiation" and "atoning monument."
5.1 The Literary Context in Rom 1.78-3:31
Beginning with Rom 1:18, Paul "introduces the notions of the wrath of God and
the day of his judgment as a backdrop for the exposition" of his interpretation
of the death of Christ in 3:21-26.42 In1:18, he states an important principle, "For
the wrath of God is revealed from heaven upon every ungodliness and wick-
edness of human beings who hinder the truth in wickedness:' In 1:19-32, he
argues that the wrath of God has already partially fallen upon gentiles because
of their idolatry. For this reason God has handed them over to their passions, so
that they commit every kind of wickedness and are characterized by a variety
of vices.
40 On this translation, see the discussion immediately following.
41 Schreiber, "Weitergedacht," 208.
42 Breytenbach, "Charis," 243.
METAPHORICAL USE OF IAAETHPION IN ROMANS 3:25 283
Paul makes an important reference to God's kindness, forbearance (&voxY¡),
and patience, which (should) lead to human repentance (2=4).43 He follows
that remark with a threat: the hardness of heart of those who refuse to repent
will lead to the manifestation of the wrath of God upon them on the day of
judgment (2:5-6). These remarks are made in the context of a discussion of the
final judgment at the end of time.44
gentiles in 2:17-24). Paul could say that he was blameless under the law but
knew himself to have sinned by opposing the ecclesia of God. He speaks simi-
larly of those of his fellow Jews who have not accepted the gospel.45 He sums
up his discussion of human sin in 3:9-20, arguing that all human beings are
under the domination of sin.
In 3:27-31, Paul articulates sorne of the implications of the declaration in
3:21-26.
5.2 The Declaration ofRom 3:21-26
In 3:1-6, Paul speaks about the justice of God in the context of the law, to which
he alludes as "the oracles of God" (1'a A.óytcx 1'0Ü 6Eoil).46 He confirms that God
is just in bringing his wrath upon sinners and connects that conclusion with
God's role in judging the world.
Apparently, however, Paul declares God's response to the situation of all hu-
mans being under (the dómination of) sin (3:9), "Now, apart from the law, the
justice of God has been revealed, although the law and the prophets bear wit-
ness to it" (v. 21).47 The declaration suggests that God has done something new
in order to manifest his justice or perhaps has manifested a new kind ofjustice.
In v. 22a, Paul explains this new manifestation, "a justice of God (that has been
revealed) through the faithfulness of Jesus Christ for all who are faithful (ali
who put their trust in God andjesus Christ)."48 In the elaboration of vv. 22b-23,
the themes of God's impartiality in judgment (2:9-10) and the sinfulness of
both Jews and gentiles (3:9-:--20) are evoked, "For there is no difference, since
a1l sinned and lack the glory of God." Here Paul already hints at the ultimate
goal of this new manifestation, a share in the glory of God as a result of par-
ticipating in the glory of the risen Christ. Ali of these sinners "are justified as
43 Cf. Rom 3:26a.
44 Breytenbach, "Charis," 243.
45 Phil 3:6; 1Cor15:9; Rom 10:1- 4; u:u- 12.
46 Or "the utterances of God," as Morgan translates (Roman Faith, 288}.
48
47 This general reference to the law and the prophets malees it impossible to identify particu-
lar passages, if any, Paul may be referring to here.
See Morgan, Roman Faith, 290- 291.
284 YARBRO COLLINS
a gift by his favor through the deliverance (from sin) that (occurs) in Christ
Jesus" (v. 24).
The statement in vv. 25-26a is connected to what precedes as a relative
clause with "Christjesus" as the antecedent: "whom God has displayed publicly
as a supplicatory votive offering (or a votive offering of reconciliation) through
his (Christjesus') faithfulness in his violent death49 as proof of his (God's) jus-
tice. (Such proof was needed) because he had let previous sins go unpunished
in the forbearance of God (àvoXl})."50 The identification here of lÀacrtjptov as a
metaphor from the widespread practice of making votive offerings was already
pointed out as apt by Deissmann and recently defended by Schreiber. 51 Since
there are no signals in the text to direct the readers to the Septuagint's usage of
lÀcxcrtjptov in relation to the ark of the covenant or to the sin offerings of Lev 4
and i6, it seems likely that the addressees of Romans would have understood
the term lÀcxcrtjptov in the context of the practice of votive offerings, which, as
part of daily life, were no doubt known both to them and to Paul.52
It is striking that the event described in vv. 25-26a is not characterized in
v. 24 as judgment (punishment) for sin borne by Christ but rather as a meta-
phorical ransom, manumission, or deliverance (cbroÀU1pwcrtç) from the state of
being "under sin" (3:9 ). Thus it does not seem apt to translate lÀcxcrtjptov here as
"atoning votive offering" or "propitiatory votive offering.'' The characterization
as deliverance sets the stage for an adaptation of the practices of votive offer-
ings. Human beings of course normally dedicated the offerings to the gods.
Here, however, God takes the initiative in setting up and publicly displaying a
metaphorical votive offering: the violent, shameful, and seemingly meaning-
less crucifixion of Jesus. At the same time, God chose to accept this offering
as a means of making himself favorably disposed to humans and providing
humans with the opportunity to render themselves pleasing to God.
Retuming to the theme of the justice of God, Paul declares in v. 26b, "(God
displayed Christ publicly as a supplicatory offering) for the purpose of dem-
onstrating his justice in the present time (before the eschatological judgment)
49 1 take "blood" here to signify by metonymy the violent death by crucifixion. See Smyth,
Greek Grammar, §3033.
50 For arguments in support of this translation, see Williams,Jesus' Death, i9-34.
51 Deissmann, Bible Studies, 130-135; Schreiber, "Weitergedacht," 211-214.
52 In addition to the arguments cited earlier in this chapter, see Deissmann's effective refu-
tation of the linking of D..œcro1p1ov with the ni!:!:> in his Bible Studies, 124-129. See also
Schreiber, "Weitergedacht,• 203-205.
THE METAPHORICAL USE OF IAAI:THPION IN ROMANS 3:25 285
so that he might be just and justify the one (who lives) by the faithfulness
of Jesus." 53
6 Conclusion
It may be that the hypothesis that Rom 3:25-26a is a pre-Pauline fixed tradition
has influenced scholars, including Breytenbach, to understand lÀcxcrtjptov here
in terms of the Septuagint and Jewish tradition, which they view as the main
sources for the views of the earliest followers of Jesus. Instead 1 suggest that
Paul adapted this term from his cultural context and used it metaphorically,
as he did the language of reconciliation (otcxÀÀ&crcri::tv and xcxTCÙÀ&crcri::tv) from
political diplomacy and personal social relations, the role of the nmoccywy6ç in
the upbringing of children, athletic competitions, and the practices of redeem-
ing prisoners of war and manumitting slaves. 54 1hope that this suggestion will
please our honoree.
Bibliography
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53 There seems to be an allusion to the concise and ambiguous statement in Rom 1:17.
Morgan finds the translation "the one who has faith in Jesus" of -rov È><: nta"rewç 'hJO'OÛ
in v. 26 to be "very strained." She also makes the point that, for Greek speakers, "well-
founded trust ... is by its nature reciprocal" (Roman Faith, 290 ).
54 2 Cor 5:14-6:2; Rom 5:1- 11; 11:15; Gal 3:24; Phil 2:16; Gal 2:2; 5:7; 1 Cor 9:24-27. Cf. Schreiber,
"Weitergedacht," 211.