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Africa Education Review


Africa Education Review
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You said, ‘Black


You said, 'Black girl’:
girl": doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early
de ele DA childhood
childhood
a b
H. Ebrahim
H. Ebrahim 2 & & D.
D. Francis
Francis º
a
2 Faculty
Faculty of
of Education
Education ,, University
University of
of KwaZulu-Natal
KwaZulu-Natal South
South Africa
Africa
b
* School
school of
of Social
Social Science
Science Education
Education ,, University
University of
of KwaZulu-Natal
KwaZulu-Natal South
South Africa
Africa
Published online:
Published online: 1919 Dec
Dec 2008.
2008.

To cite
To cite this
this article:
article: H.
H. Ebrahim
Ebrahim && D.
D. Francis
Francis (2008)
(2008) You
You said,
said, ‘Black
“Black girl’:
girl: doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early childhood,
childhood,
Africa Education Review, 5:2, 274-287, DOI: 10.1080/18146620802449894
Africa Education Review, 5:2, 274-287, DOI: 10.1080/18146620802449894

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To link to
to this
this article:
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You said, ‘Black
You said, Black girl’:
girl”: doing
doing difference
difference
in early
in early childhood
childhood
2014
October 2014

H Ebrahim
H Ebrahim
Faculty of
Faculty of Education
Education
University of
of KwaZulu-Natal
KwaZulu-Natal
15 October

University
South Africa
South Africa
23:06 15

D
D Francis
Francis
School of
School of Social
Social Science
Science Education
Education
of Kiel] atat 23:06

University of
University of KwaZulu-Natal
KwaZulu-Natal
South Africa
South Africa
francisd2Oukzn.ac.za
francisd2@ukzn.ac.za
[University ofBiel]

Abstract
Abstract
by [University

This article
This article draws
draws onon a a larger
larger study
study that
that examined
examined the
the constructions
constructions of
of childhood
childhood by by
young children
young children inin early
early childhood
childhood centres.
centres. Ten boys and
Ten boys and girls,
girls, between
between the
the ages
ages two
two
and four,
and four, from
from two
two early
early childhood
childhood centres
centres in
in urban
urban KwaZulu-Natal,
KwaZulu-Natal, participated
participated in
in
the study. The article explores the multiple ways in which young children use discourse
Downloaded by

and context to interpret differences around race, gender and other social identities.
Downloaded

We draw
We draw on on data
data produced
produced through
through observations, storytelling and persona dolls to
argue that,
argue that, although young children reproduce multiple social realities they encounter
in their daily lives, they are active subjects in constructing differences. Story telling with
persona dolls provides opportunities for young children to talk about their experiences
with regards
with regards to to difference.
difference.

Keywords: young
Keywords: young children,
children, identities,
identities, difference
difference (race
(race and
and gender)
gender) discourse
discourse

Introduction
Introduction
6RXWK$IULFDLVDVRFLHW\XQGHUJRLQJUDSLGVRFLDOFKDQJHDQGDFFRUGLQJO\WKHUHKDV
South Africa is a society undergoing rapid social change and accordingly there has
EHHQUHVXUJHQFHLQLVVXHVRILGHQWLW\UHÁHFWLQJWKLVFKDQJH
been resurgence in issues of identity reflecting this change. Singh
Singh (1997)
(1997) argues
argues that,
that,
VLQFHWKHDEDQGRQPHQWRIDSDUWKHLG6RXWK$IULFDQVKDYHKDGWKHKLVWRULFRSSRUWXQLW\
since the abandonment of apartheid, South Africans have had the historic opportunity
RIWUDQVFHQGLQJSDVWLGHQWLWLHVVKDSLQJQHZLGHQWLWLHVDQGIDVKLRQLQJDQHZXQGHUVWDQG-
of transcending past identities, shaping new identities and fashioning a new understand-

274
274
ISSN 1814-6627
ISSN 1814-6627 (print)
(print) 1753-5921
1753-5921 (online)
(online) 29 Routled Africa Education Review
Africa Education Review55 (2)
[2)
DOI 10.1080/18146620802449894
DOI 10.1080/18146620802449894 UNISA EQ nove
ra Tso
University of
University of South
South Africa Press
Africa Press pp 274–287
pp 274-287

Africa Education Review


Africa Education Review 5(2).indd
5(2) indd 274
274 & 121/08 9:45:46
12/1/08 9:45:46 AM
AM
o

You said, ‘Black


You said, Black girl’:
girl": doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early childhood
childhood

LQJRIZKRWKH\DUHDQGZKDWWKH\FRQVLGHUWREHRIIXQGDPHQWDOYDOXH7KLVLVDOVR
ing of who they are and what they consider to be of fundamental value. This is also
WUXHIRUFKLOGUHQ'UDZLQJRQDTXDOLWDWLYHVWXG\RIDFRKRUWRIFKLOGUHQIURPWZRHDUO\
true for children. Drawing on a qualitative study of a cohort of children from two early
FKLOGKRRGFHQWUHVLQ.ZD=XOX1DWDOWKLVSDSHUH[SORUHVKRZWKH\LQWHUSUHWWKHLUVRFLDO
childhood centres in KwaZulu-Natal, this paper explores how they interpret their social
UHDOLW\WKURXJKWKHGLVFRXUVHDQGFRQWH[WVWKH\KDYHDFFHVVWR:HDUJXHWKDWDOWKRXJK
reality through the discourse and contexts they have access to. We argue that, although
FKLOGUHQUHSURGXFHWKHPXOWLSOHVRFLDOUHDOLWLHVWKH\HQFRXQWHULQWKHLUHYHU\GD\OLYHV
children reproduce the multiple social realities they encounter in their everyday lives,
WKH\DUHDFWLYHVXEMHFWVLQWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIGLIIHUHQFHDURXQGUDFHJHQGHUDQGRWKHU
they are active subjects in the construction of difference around race, gender and other
VRFLDOLGHQWLWLHV¶$FWLYHVXEMHFW·LVXVHGZLWKRXUFRPPLWPHQWWRDQXQGHUVWDQGLQJ
social identities. * Active subject” is used with our commitment to an understanding
RIWKHG\QDPLFDQGGLDOHFWLFDOQDWXUHRIWKHLQWHUDFWLRQEHWZHHQLQGLYLGXDODQGVRFLDO
of the dynamic and dialectical nature of the interaction between individual and social
FRQWH[WLQWKHSURFHVVRILGHQWLW\IRUPDWLRQ2XUDUWLFOHLVVWUXFWXUHGLQIRXUSDUWV3DUW
context in the process of identity formation. Our article is structured in four parts. Part
RQHLVFRQFHUQHGZLWKDWKHRUHWLFDOGLVFXVVLRQRIWKHWHUPV¶UDFH·DQG¶LGHQWLW\FRQVWUXF-
one is concerned with a theoretical discussion of the terms “race” and “identity construc-
WLRQ·,QSDUWWZRZHSURYLGHDQRYHUYLHZRIWKHOLWHUDWXUHRQKRZ\RXQJFKLOGUHQOHDUQ
tion”. In parttwo, we provide an overview of the literature on how young children learn
GLIIHUHQFH7KHUHVHDUFKVWUDWHJ\ZHXVHGWRFROOHFWGDWDIURPWKHFKLOGUHQLVRXWOLQHG
difference. The research strategy we used to collect data from the children is outlined
LQSDUWWKUHH7KHGLVFXVVLRQRIHPHUJHQWWKHPHVIROORZVLQSDUWIRXU
in part three. The discussion of emergent themes follows in part four.
2014
October 2014

Theoretical framework
15 October

*LGGHQV  DUJXHVWKDWKXPDQDJHQWV´QHYHUSDVVLYHO\DFFHSWH[WHUQDOFRQGL-


argues that human agents “never passively accept external condi-
WLRQVRIDFWLRQEXWPRUHRUOHVVFRQWLQXRXVO\UHÁHFWXSRQWKHPDQGUHFRQVWLWXWHWKHP
23:06 15

tions of action, but more or less continuously them and reconstitute them
LQWKHOLJKWRIWKHLUSDUWLFXODUFLUFXPVWDQFHVµ6HOILGHQWLW\LVQRWVRPHWKLQJWKDWLVMXVW
in the light of their particular circumstances” s not something that is just
of Kiel] atat 23:06

JLYHQDVDUHVXOWRIWKHFRQWLQXLWLHVRIWKHLQGLYLGXDO·VDFWLRQV\VWHP´EXWVRPHWKLQJ
given as a result of the continuities of the individual's action system, “but something
WKDWKDVEHHQURXWLQHO\FUHDWHGDQGVXVWDLQHGLQWKHUHÁH[LYHDFWLYLWLHVRIWKHLQGLYLGXDOµ
that has been routinely created and sustained in the reflexive activities of the individual”
*LGGHQV
(Giddens, 
1991:  
52). 'UDZLQJ
Drawing RQ on KHU UHVHDUFK ZLWK
with FKLOGUHQ 0DF1DXJKWRQ  
[University ofBiel]

her research children, MacNaughton (2000)


PDLQWDLQVWKDW\RXQJFKLOGUHQDUHERUQLQWRDVRFLDOZRUOGWKDWKDVSUHH[LVWLQJVRFLDO
maintains that young children are born into a social world that has pre-existing social
VWUXFWXUHVDQGSUHH[LVWLQJPHDQLQJV:LWKLQWKLVFRQWH[W\RXQJFKLOGUHQ·VDZDUHQHVV
structures and pre-existing meanings. Within this context young children”s awareness
by [University

RIGLIIHUHQFHLVFRQVWUXFWHGLQDVRFLDOFRQWH[W7KH\HQFRXQWHUGLVFRXUVHVRQGLIIHU-
of difference is constructed in a social context. They encounter discourses on differ-
ence such
ence such as
as race,
race, gender,
gender, class,
class, abilities,
abilities, age.
age. Young
Young children
children read
read the
the messages
messages of of
KRZWREHQRUPDOIRUWKHLUJHQGHUUDFHDELOLW\FODVV7KH\FRPHWRXQGHUVWDQGZKLFK
how to be normal for their gender, race, ability, class. They i
GLIIHUHQFHVDUHYDOXHGDQGZKLFKDUHQRW *ORYHU ,WLVQRWDJHDQGVWDJHWKDW
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0RVW6RXWK$IULFDQVGHVFULEHWKHLUUDFHLQWHUPVRIWKHÀ[HGUDFLDOFDWHJRULHVZKLFK
Most South Africans describe their race in terms of the fixed racial categories which
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were legislatively assigned in the apartheid era, namely, $ IULFDQ,QGLDQ$VLDQZKLWHDQG
African, Indian/Asian, white and
FRORXUHG 3RVHO6LQJK=HJH\H 7KHVHUDFLDOLVHGLGHQWLWLHVDUHGHHSO\
coloured (Posel, 2001; Singh, 1997; Zegeye,2001).Theseracialised identities are deeply
embedded in
embedded in the
the South
South African
African social
social structure
structure and
and remain part of
remain part of the
the nomenclature
nomenclature of
of
WKHSRVWDSDUWKHLGV\VWHP 0F0LOODQ3RVHO :HXQGHUVWDQGWKDWWRWDON
the post-apartheid system (McMillan, 2003; Posel, 2001). We understand that to talk
about race
about and racial
race and racial categories
categories is
is to
to use
use terms
terms and
and habits
habits of
of thought
thought inherited
inherited from
from the
the
YHU\LGHRORJ\RIUDFHWKDWZDVXVHGWRMXVWLI\RSSUHVVLRQDQGPDUJLQDOLVDWLRQ (UDVPXV
very ideology of race that was used to justify oppression and marginalisation (Erasmus,
 ,WLVDOZD\VGLIÀFXOWWRWDONDERXWZKDWLVHVVHQWLDOO\DÁDZHGDQGSUREOHPDWLF
2001). Itis always difficult to talk about what is essentially a flawed and problematic
VRFLDOFRQVWUXFWZLWKRXWXVLQJODQJXDJHWKDWLVLWVHOISUREOHPDWLF 7DWXP 
social construct without using language that is itself problematic (Tatum, 1997).

,QWKHVDPHZD\OLWHUDWXUHDERXQGVZKLFKFKDUDFWHULVHVJHQGHUDVDVRFLDOO\FRQVWUXFWHG
In the same way, literature abounds which characterises gender as a socially constructed
SURFHVV 'DYLHV:DONHUGLQH /XFH\ &KLOGUHQDFWLYHO\FRQVWUXFWQR-
process (Davies, 2003; Walkerdine & Lucey, 1989). Children actively construct no-

2/5
275

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Africa Education Review 5(2).indd
5(2) indd 275
275 & 121/08 9:45:46
12/1/08 9:45:46 AM
AM
H Ebrahim
H Ebrahim and
and D
D Francis
Francis

WLRQVRIEHLQJER\VDQGJLUOVE\SRVLWLRQLQJWKHPVHOYHVLQGLVFRXUVHVRQJHQGHU,Q
tions of being boys and girls by positioning themselves in discourses on gender. In
doing, gender power operates in constructing boys and girls in different ways. Hence
doing,JHQGHUSRZHURSHUDWHVLQFRQVWUXFWLQJER\VDQGJLUOVLQGLIIHUHQWZD\V+HQFH
FKLOGUHQ·VJHQGHUHGLGHQWLWLHVDUHQRWÀ[HGEXWUDWKHUÁXLGDVWKH\EHFRPHSRVLWLRQHG
children's gendered identities are not fixed, but rather fluid as they become positioned
in and
in and by
by different
different discourses.
discourses.

,QWKLVDUWLFOHZHYLHZDQGXVHUDFHDQGJHQGHUDVVRFLDOFRQVWUXFWV$OVRZKLOHZHZLOO
In this article, we view and use race and gender as social constructs. Also, while we will
PDNHUHIHUHQFHWRUDFLDOFDWHJRULHVWKLVVKRXOGQRWEHXQGHUVWRRGWROHQGOHJLWLPDF\
make reference to racial categories, this should not be understood to lend legitimacy
RUFUHGLELOLW\WRWKHPDQ\SRSXODUFXOWXUDOVWHUHRW\SHVDQGFDULFDWXUHVWKDWDFFRPSDQ\
or credibility to the many popular cultural stereotypes and caricatures that accompany
WKHVHGHVFULSWRUV8VLQJWKHFDWHJRULHVDOORZVXVDQRSSRUWXQLW\WRGUDZRQDVWXG\RI
these descriptors. Using the categories allows us an opportunity to draw on a study of
DVHOHFWJURXSRI\RXQJFKLOGUHQWRPDNHVHQVHRIDQGFRPPXQLFDWHRXUFRQFOXVLRQV
a select group of young children to make sense of, and communicate our conclusions
DERXWWKHH[LVWHQFHRIWKHLGHDVRIUDFHJHQGHUDQGGLIIHUHQFHQRWLQJDQGUHÁHFWLQJ
about the existence of the ideas of race, gender and difference, noting and reflecting
RQWKHSRVVLELOLW\WKDWRXUXVHRIWKHWHUPVDQGWKHZD\VRIWKLQNLQJWKDWDFFRPSDQ\
on the possibility that our use of the terms, and the ways of thinking that accompany
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them, may influence our research methodology and analysis.
2014
October 2014

Literature review
15 October

6WXGLHVRQUDFLDODZDUHQHVVDQGJHQGHULQHDUO\FKLOGKRRGKDYHWUDGLWLRQDOO\EHHQDS-
Studies on racial awareness and gender in early childhood have traditionally been ap-
SURDFKHGIURPWKHYDQWDJHSRLQWRIGHYHORSPHQWDOSV\FKRORJ\6SHFLÀFDOO\WKHGHYHO-
23:06 15

proached from the vantage point of developmental psychology. Specifically, the devel-
opmental discourses
opmental discourses on
on ages
ages and
and stages
stages have
have been
been used
used to
to provide universal accounts
provide universal accounts
of Kiel] atat 23:06

RIKRZ\RXQJFKLOGUHQFRPHWRLQWHUSUHWWKHLUVRFLDOUHDOLW\ 3URXWDQG-DPHV 
of how young children come to interpret their social reality (Prout and James, 1997).
3LDJHW  LVRQHRIWKHPRVWLQÁXHQWLDOVWDJHWKHRULVWVJXLGLQJXQGHUVWDQGLQJRI
Piaget (1962) is one of the most influential stage theorists guiding understanding of
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[University ofBiel]

how cognitive stages impact on the racial thinking of young children.

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Drawing on the Piagetian framework, Katz (1976) developed an eight stage cognitive
by [University

approach to
approach to understand
understand the
the development
development of of racial
racial attitudes
attitudes from
from the
the perspective
perspective ofof the
the
GRPLQDQW(XURSHDQ$PHULFDQ*URXS6KHDUJXHVWKDW\RXQJFKLOGUHQFRPPHQFHZLWK
dominant European American Group. She argues that young children commence with
WKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIUDFLDODWWLWXGHVWKURXJKHDUO\UHFRJQLWLRQRIVNLQFRORXUKDLUW\SH
the construction of racial attitudes through early recognition of skin colour, hair type
DQGIDFLDOIHDWXUHVMXVWEHIRUHDJHWKUHH%LJOHUDQG/LEHQ  DOVRZRUNLQJIURPD
and facial features just before age three. Bigler and Liben (1993), also working from a
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GHYHORSPHQWDOSHUVSHFWLYHVXJJHVWWKDWE\DJHÀYHPRVW(XURSHDQ$PHULFDQFKLOGUHQ
developmental perspective, suggest that by age five most European American children
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attribute negative
attribute negative characteristics
characteristics to
to African
African Americans
Americans andand positive characteristics to
positive characteristics to
(XURSHDQ$PHULFDQV7KH\IRUPUXGLPHQWDU\FRQFHSWVDERXWSHRSOHRIFRORXUZKLFK
European Americans. They form rudimentary concepts about people of colour which
include labels
include labels and
and evaluative
evaluative information.
information.

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With regard to gender the developmental approach has positioned young children as
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gender innocent (MacNaughton, 2000). Within this thinking, children are viewed as
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being in a stage of ignorance. Hence, the construction of identities is viewed as a pas-
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sive process where children observe and absorb the gender messages intended for their
stage of
stage of development
development (Davies,
(Davies, 2003).
2003).

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In early childhood education, these insights have been used to inform strategies for
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Africa it is through the importation of the anti-bias curriculum in the 1990s that early

276
276

Africa Education Review


Africa Education Review 5(2).indd
5(2) indd 276
276 & 121/08 9:45:46
12/1/08 9:45:46 AM
AM
o

You said, ‘Black


You said, Black girl’:
girl": doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early childhood
childhood

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childhood teachers began to frame ideas on how to deal with race, gender and other
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differences in early childhood education (Biersteker and Hermanus, 2003). Universal
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assumptions of how young children learn race and gender were imported together with
ZKDWZDVDVVXPHGWREHDFRPPRQVHQVHDSSURDFKWRGHDOLQJZLWKLVVXHVRIGLYHUVLW\
what was assumed to be a common sense approach to dealing with issues of diversity
LQHDUO\FKLOGKRRGHGXFDWLRQLQ6RXWK$IULFD 'HSDUWPHQWRI(GXFDWLRQ 
in early childhood education in South Africa (Department of Education, 2001).

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However, the complexity of a diverse society, the recognition of the socially constructed
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nature of childhood, and legal acceptance of young children as social actors or rights
KROGHUVDUHEHJLQQLQJWRZHDNHQWKHVWUDQJOHKROGRIWKHGHYHORSPHQWDODSSURDFKRQ
holders are beginning to weaken the stranglehold of the developmental approach on
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the study of race and gender. Soudien (2004) maintains that we have to focus on dif-
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ference rather than exclusively on race. This category for analysis allows one to pay
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attention to processes, intersections of categories, discourses and context. Similarly,
7DWXP  DUJXHVWKDWKRZRQH·VUDFLDOLGHQWLW\LVH[SHULHQFHGZLOOEHPHGLDWHGE\
Tatum (1997) argues that how one's racial identity is experienced will be mediated by
2014
October 2014

RWKHUGLPHQVLRQVRIRQHVHOIVKDSHGE\JHQGHUDJHFODVVVH[XDORULHQWDWLRQSK\VLFDO
other dimensions of oneself, shaped by gender, age, class, sexual orientation, physical
DELOLWLHVDQGUHOLJLRQ7KLVLVLPSRUWDQWWRFRQVLGHUIRUHDUO\FKLOGKRRGHGXFDWLRQ
abilities and religion. This is important to consider for early childhood education.
15 October

9DULRXV6RXWK$IULFDQVWXGLHVVKRZUDFHDQGJHQGHUDVVRFLDOO\FRQVWUXFWHGDQGDV
Various South African studies show race and gender as socially constructed and as
23:06 15

intersecting categories
intersecting categories ofof difference.
difference. Bhana
Bhana (2002),
(2002), for
for example,
example, conducted
conducted aa multi-
multi-
VLWHGVWXG\RQWKHPDNLQJRIJHQGHUZLWK*UDGH7ZRFKLOGUHQLQ.ZD=XOX1DWDO+HU
of Kiel] atat 23:06

sited study on the making of gender with Grade Two children in KwaZulu-Natal. Her
ÀQGLQJVVXJJHVWWKDW\RXQJFKLOGUHQPDNHWKHLUJHQGHUHGVHOYHVWKURXJKLQWHUVHFWLRQV
findings suggest that young children make their gendered selves through intersections
RIGLVFRXUVHVRQUDFHDQGFODVVLQVSHFLÀFFRQWH[WV6RPHDWWHPSWVZHUHDOVRPDGHE\
of discourses on race and class in specific contexts. Some attempts were also made by
[University ofBiel]

%LHUVWHNHUDQG+HUPDQXV  LQDVWXG\RQJHQGHUHGXQGHUVWDQGLQJVRIVL[JURXSV


Biersteker and Hermanus (2003), in a study on gendered understandings of six groups
RIÀYH\HDUROGVLQWKUHHSUHVFKRROVDURXQG&DSH7RZQ%\SD\LQJVRPHDWWHQWLRQWR
of five year olds in three preschools around Cape Town. By paying some attention to
GLVFRXUVHDQGFRQWH[WWKHDXWKRUVFRQFOXGHWKDW\RXQJFKLOGUHQZHUHDEOHWRPRYH
by [University

discourse and context, the authors conclude that young children were able to move
EH\RQGWKHGRPLQDQWJHQGHUGLVFRXUVHDQGUHFRJQLVHELDVEHKDYLRXUDIWHUWKHLUWHDFKHUV
beyond the dominant gender discourse and recognise bias behaviour after their teachers
had undergone
had undergone training
training in
in assisting
assisting children
children to
to master
master anti-bias
anti-bias behaviour.
behaviour.
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%HDULQJLQPLQGWKDWHDUO\FKLOGKRRGLVDFUXFLDOVSDFHIRUUHFRQVWUXFWLQJRXUVRFLHW\
Bearing in mind that early childhood is a crucial space for reconstructing our society,
WKLV
this DUWLFOH
article XVHV
uses D
a UDFH
race DQG
and JHQGHUHG
gendered OHQV
lens WR
to EURDGHQ XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI
of KRZ
how \RXQJ
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broaden understanding young


FKLOGUHQQHJRWLDWHWKHLUVRFLDOUHDOLW\WKURXJKWKHGLVFRXUVHDQGWKHFRQWH[WVWKH\KDYH
children negotiate their social reality through the discourse and the contexts they have
access to.
access to.

Methodology
7KHVWXG\ZDVFRQGXFWHGIRUDSHULRGRIRQH\HDUDWWZRHDUO\FKLOGKRRGFHQWUHVLQ
The study was conducted, for a period of one year, at two early childhood centres in
.ZD=XOX1DWDO
KwaZulu-Natal, 6RXWK$IULFD
South Africa. %RWK
Both FHQWUHV
centres FDWHUHG
catered IRU
for FKLOGUHQ
children IURP
from ELUWK
birth WR
to ÀYH
five
\HDUVZHUHSULYDWHO\RZQHGDQGUDFLDOO\LQWHJUDWHG)LYHER\VDQGÀYHJLUOVIURPHDFK
years, were privately owned and racially integrated. Five boys and five girls from each
FHQWUHSDUWLFLSDWHGLQWKHVWXG\7KH\ZHUHPRVWO\EHWZHHQWKHDJHVRIWZRDQGIRXU
centre participated in the study. They were mostly between the ages of two and four
\HDUV&HQWUH$LVORFDWHGLQDIRUPHUZKLWHDUHDZKLFKLVIDVWEHFRPLQJDGHUDFLDOLVHG
years. Centre A is located in a former white area which is fast becoming a deracialised
PLGGOHFODVVUHVLGHQWLDODUHD&HQWUH%QRORQJHULQH[LVWHQFHZDVORFDWHGLQDIRUPHU
middle class residential area. Centre B, no longer in existence, was located in a former
Indian area.
Indian area.

277
277

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Africa Education Review 5(2).indd
5(2) indd 277
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12/1/08 9:45:46 AM
AM
H Ebrahim
H Ebrahim and
and D
D Francis
Francis

&RQVHQWIRUWKHVWXG\ZDVJDLQHGIURPWKHSULQFLSDOVRIWKHFHQWUHV/HWWHUVZHUHVHQW
Consent for the study was gained from the principals of the centres. Letters were sent
WRSDUHQWVLQIRUPLQJWKHPRIWKHQDWXUHDQGDLPRIWKHVWXG\DQGH[SODLQLQJWKHPHWK-
to parents informing them of the nature and aim of the study and explaining the meth-
RGVRIGDWDSURGXFWLRQWKDWZRXOGEHXVHGZLWKWKHFKLOGUHQWKH\ZHUHLQIRUPHGWKDW
ods of data production that would be used with the children; they were informed that
SDUWLFLSDWLRQZDVYROXQWDU\DQGWKDWWKHLUDQRQ\PLW\ZRXOGEHPDLQWDLQHG&RQWDFW
participation was voluntary and that their anonymity would be maintained. Contact
GHWDLOVRIWKHUHVHDUFKHUZHUHSURYLGHGWRKHOSSDUHQWVKDYHFRQYHUVDWLRQVZLWKWKH
details of the researcher were provided to help parents have conversations with the
UHVHDUFKHUDURXQGFKLOGSDUWLFLSDWLRQEHIRUHDQGGXULQJWKHVWXG\2QFHSDUHQWDOFRQVHQW
researcher around child participation before and during the study. Once parental consent
ZDVREWDLQHGFKLOGUHQ·VDVVHQWZDVVRXJKWE\GLUHFWO\DVNLQJWKHPLIWKH\ZDQWHGWR
was obtained, children”s assent was sought by directly asking them if they wanted to
SDUWLFLSDWHLQUHVHDUFKDFWLYLWLHV,QRUGHUWRHQVXUHFKRLFHLQSDUWLFLSDWLRQWKHUHZDV
participate in research activities. In order to ensure choice in participation, there was
VHQVLWLYLW\
sensitivity WR
to GLVVHQWLQJ
dissenting EHKDYLRXU
behaviour. 7KH UHVHDUFKHUV QRWHG
The researchers noted VLJQV
signs RI
of GLVVHQW
dissent, VXFK
such DV
as
ODFNRIHQJDJHPHQWZLWKSURSVQHJDWLYHYHUEDOUHVSRQVHVFUHDWLQJGLVWDQFHIURPWKH
lack of engagement with props, negative verbal responses, creating distance from the
researcher and
researcher and the
the pursuing
pursuing of
of personal
personal agendas
agendas during
during research activities.
research activities.

'DWDZDVSURGXFHGWKURXJKDQHWKQRJUDSKLFDSSURDFK7KLVDSSURDFKIDYRXUVPXOWL
Data was produced through an ethnographic approach. This approach favours multi-
2014
October 2014

PHWKRGVWUDWHJLHVWRUHQGHUDFFRXQWVRIOLYHGUHDOLWLHV 0DVRQ%ODWFKIRUGDQG
method strategies to render accounts of lived realities (Mason, 2002; Blatchford and
%ODWFKIRUG 2EVHUYDWLRQVVWRU\WHOOLQJDQGSHUVRQDGROOVZHUHXVHGWRSURGXFH
Blatchford, 2001). Observations, storytelling and persona dolls were used to produce
15 October

GDWD7KHREVHUYDWLRQSURFHVVZDVKDQGOHGLQWZRSKDVHV7KHÀUVWSKDVHZDVDLPHG
data. The observation process was handled in two phases. The first phase was aimed
DWEXLOGLQJUHODWLRQVKLSVZLWKWKHWHDFKHUV DGXOWVFKDQJHGWRWHDFKHUV DQGFKLOGUHQDW
at building relationships with the teachers (adults changed to teachers) and children at
23:06 15

WKHVHWWLQJV7KHVHFRQGSKDVHZDVGHVLJQHGWRUHFRUGWKLFNGHVFULSWLRQVRIFKLOGUHQ·V
the settings. The second phase was designed to record thick descriptions of children”s
LQWHUDFWLRQVDQGDFWLYLWLHVDWWKHFHQWUH6WRULHVKHOS\RXQJFKLOGUHQWRDUWLFXODWHWKHP-
of Kiel] atat 23:06

interactions and activities at the centre. Stories help young children to articulate them-
VHOYHVDVEHLQJVZLWKVSHFLÀFLW\DQGDVEHLQJVZKRFRQQHFWZLWKRWKHUSHRSOH 'DYLHV
selves as beings with specificity and as beings who connect with other people (Davies,
7UHDFKHU %HDULQJWKLVLQPLQGFKLOGUHQZHUHLQYLWHGWRWHOOVWRULHVZLWK
2003; Treacher, 2006). Bearing this in mind, children were invited to tell stories with
[University ofBiel]

WR\VDQGZLWKRXWWR\V,QRUGHUWRVWLPXODWHGLVFXVVLRQRQGLIIHUHQFHWKHUHVHDUFKHU
toys and without toys. In order to stimulate discussion on difference, the researcher
WROGVWRULHVZLWKSHUVRQDGROOV$GDUNVNLQQHGDQGDIDLUVNLQQHGGROOZHUHXVHGDV
told stories with persona dolls. A dark skinned and a fair skinned doll were used as
WRKHOSWKHFKLOGUHQWDONDERXWKRZWKH\XQGHUVWRRGGLIIHUHQFHLQWHUPVRIUDFH7KH
by [University

to help the children talk about how they understood difference in terms of race. The
GROOVSURYLGHGXVHIXORSSRUWXQLWLHVIRUWKH\RXQJFKLOGUHQWRWDONVROYHSUREOHPVDQG
dolls provided useful opportunities for the young children to talk, solve problems and
PDNHGHFLVLRQV DOVRVHH+DQOH\ ,QRUGHUWRUHVSHFWFRQÀGHQWLDOLW\DOOFKLOGUHQ·V
make decisions (also see Hanley, 1995). In order to respect confidentiality all children”s
names have
names have been
been changed.
changed.
Downloaded by

,QGHDOLQJZLWKSRZHUUHODWLRQVLQUHVHDUFKZLWKFKLOGUHQ0D\DOO  DUJXHVWKDW


Downloaded

In dealing with power relations in research with children, Mayall (2000) argues that
DGXOWVFDQQHYHUEHFKLOGUHQ7KH\KDYHWRDFFHSWWKHGLIIHUHQFHVEHWZHHQWKHPVHOYHV
adults can never be children. They have to accept the differences between themselves
DQGFKLOGUHQ,QRUGHUWRGLVDEOHWKHSRZHUDWWDFKHGWRWKHDGXOWVWDWXVWKHVWDQFHRI
and children. In order to disable the power attached to the adult status, the stance of
DQ´DFFHSWDEOHLQFRPSHWHQWµZDVQHFHVVDU\ +DPPHUVOH\DQG$WNLQVRQ 
an “acceptable incompetent” was necessary (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995: 99).
7KHUHVHDUFKHUSUHVHQWHGKHUVHOIDVVRPHRQHZKRZDQWHGWROHDUQIURPWKHFKLOGUHQ
The researcher presented herself as someone who wanted to learn from the children.
)RUH[DPSOHWKHUHVHDUFKHUZRXOGIRUHJURXQGWKHIDFWWKDWVKHZDVDFKLOGDORQJWLPH
For example, the researcher would foreground the fact that she was a child a long time
DJRDQGZRXOGOLNHWROHDUQIURPFKLOGUHQ3OD\LQJWKHUROHRIDIULHQGWHDFKHUDQG
ago and would like to learn from children. Playing the role of a friend, teacher and
caregiver assisted
caregiver assisted the
the researcher
researcher in
in being
being sensitive
sensitive to
to the
the needs
needs of
of the
the children
children during
during
the research
the research process.
process.

7KHGDWDZDVDXGLRWDSHGDQGWUDQVFULEHG,WZDVDQDO\VHGE\H[DPLQLQJWKHGLVFRXUVHV
The data was audio taped and transcribed. It was analysed by examining the discourses
WKDWWKHFKLOGUHQDFFHVVHGDQGWKHHIIHFWVLQFRQWH[W$WKHPDWLFVWRU\OLQHHPHUJHGE\
that the children accessed and the effects in context. A thematic storyline emerged by
tracing talk,
tracing talk, events
events and
and actions
actions of
of the
the children
children in
in their
their context.
context.

278
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Africa Education Review 5(2).indd
5(2) indd 278
278 & 121/08 9:45:47
12/1/08 9:45:47 AM
AM
o

You said, ‘Black


You said, Black girl’:
girl": doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early childhood
childhood

Discussion
:HHPSKDVLVHGHDUOLHUWKDWKRZRQH·VLGHQWLW\LVH[SHULHQFHGZLOOEHPHGLDWHGE\RWKHU
We emphasised earlier that how one's identity is experienced will be mediated by other
GLPHQVLRQVRIRQHVHOI$VFKLOGUHQLQWHUDFWHGZLWKWKHUHVHDUFKHUWKH\PDGHDSSDUHQW
dimensions of oneself. As children interacted with the researcher, they made apparent
WKLVLQWHUFRQQHFWHGQHVVEHWZHHQWKHLUVRFLDOLGHQWLWLHVPDNLQJLWDOPRVWLPSRVVLEOHWR
this inter-connectedness between their social identiíties, making it almost impossible to
ORRNDWRQHDVSHFWRILGHQWLW\DVFRPSOHWHO\VHSDUDWHIURPWKHRWKHUV+RZHYHUZKLOH
look at one aspect of identity as completely separate from the others. However, while
ZHRUJDQLVHRXUGLVFXVVLRQLQWHUPVRIWKHFKLOGUHQ·VUDFLDODQGJHQGHUHGDVSHFWVRI
we organise our discussion in terms of the children”s racial and gendered aspects of
LGHQWLW\LWLVQRWWRIUDJPHQWRXUPXOWLGLPHQVLRQDOYLHZRILGHQWLW\*LYHQWKDWZH
identity, it is not to fragment our multidimensional view of identity. Given that we
DUHGUDZLQJIURPDEURDGVWXG\WKDWH[SORUHGYDULRXVDVSHFWVRIHDUO\FKLOGKRRGZH
are drawing from a broad study that explored various aspects of early childhood, we
RSWHGIRUWKHSXUSRVHRIWKLVSDSHUWRVWDUWZLWKDQH[DPLQDWLRQRIMXVWWZRDVSHFWVRI
opted, for the purpose of this paper, to start with an examination of just two aspects of
LGHQWLW\QDPHO\WKDWRIUDFHDQGJHQGHU
identity, namely that of race and gender.

Doing race
Doing race
2014
October 2014

7KH
The QRWLRQ
notion RI UDFH VKDUHV
of race SURFHVVHV RI
shares processes of LGHQWLW\
identity IRUPDWLRQ
formation ZLWK
with DOO
all VRFLDO
social LGHQWLWLHV
identities.
´5DFHWKLQNLQJUHIHUVQRWRQO\WRWKHPDQQHULQZKLFKZHPDNHVHQVHRIVRFLDOUHOD-
“Race thinking refers not only to the manner in which we make sense of social rela-
15 October

WLRQVDFWLRQVDQGHYHQWVEXWDOVRWRWKHZD\LQZKLFKZHSHUFHLYHRXURZQJURXS
tions, actions and events, but also to the way in which we perceive our own group
PHPEHUVKLSDQGWKRVHRIRWKHUVWKHZD\LQZKLFKZHVKDUHLGHQWLWLHVZLWKVRPHDQG
membership and those of others, the way in which we share identities with some and
23:06 15

DUHGLVWLQJXLVKHGIURPRWKHUV²WKHPDNLQJRIERXQGDULHVEHWZHHQ¶XV·DQG¶WKHP···
are distinguished from others — the making of boundaries between “us” and “them”?
of Kiel] atat 23:06

0DUp ,QWKLVSDUWZHXQSDFNDOEHLWEULHÁ\KRZWKHFKLOGUHQPDGHPHDQLQJ
(Maré, 2001: 777). In this part we unpack, albeit briefly, how the children made meaning
RIWKHLGHDRIUDFHDQGKRZLWLQIRUPVLGHQWLW\FRQVWUXFWLRQ,QHIIRUWVWRPDNHVHQVH
of the idea of race and how it informs identity construction. In efforts to make sense
RIGLIIHUHQFHDURXQGUDFHWKHFKLOGUHQWRRNXSSRVLWLRQVZLWKLQWKHGLVFRXUVHRIEODFN
of difference around race, the children took up positions within the discourse of black
[University ofBiel]

DQGZKLWH7KH\PDGHH[SOLFLWUHIHUHQFHWRWKHGLIIHUHQFHLQVNLQFRORXURIWKHGROOV
and white. They made explicit reference to the difference in skin colour of the dolls
DQGWKHPVHOYHVWRHPSKDVLVHWKDWWKH\GRQRWVHHWKHPVHOYHVDVDKRPRJHQRXVJURXS
and themselves to emphasise that they do not see themselves as a homogenous group.
by [University

7KLVZDVIRUWKFRPLQJZKHQWKHUHVHDUFKHUXVHGSHUVRQDGROOVWRHQFRXUDJHGLVFXVVLRQ
This was forthcoming when the researcher used persona dolls to encourage discussion
on appearances
on appearances atat Centre
Centre A.
A.

$VKOH\ ZKLWHER\ DQG%UHWW FRORXUHGER\ SXWWKHLUKDQGVWRJHWKHUVLGHE\VLGH


Ashley (white boy) and Brett (coloured boy) put their hands together side by side.
Downloaded by

$VKOH\%ODFNDQG:KLWH
Ashley: Black and White.
Downloaded

Researcher: You
Researcher: You said
said Black
Black and
and White.
White. What
What about
about Thabo
Thabo and
and Varshen?
Varshen?
$VKOH\%ODFN%ODFN +HWXUQVDURXQGDQGSRLQWVWRKLPVHOIDQGDQRWKHU:KLWHER\ 
Ashley: Black. Black. (He turns around and points to himself and another White boy).
White. White.
White. White.

$W&HQWUH%,VKRZ'UHVKQLH ,QGLDQJLUO DQG7KDELVLOH $IULFDQJLUO WZRSHUVRQD


At Centre B I show Dreshnie (Indian girl) and Thabisile (African girl) two persona
dolls of
dolls of colour.
colour. II ask
ask them
them for
for their
their preferences.
preferences.
Dreshnie: II like
Dreshnie: like this
this one
one (dark
(dark skinned
skinned doll)
doll)
,DVN7KDELVLOH6KHNHHSVTXLHW
I ask Thabisile. She keeps quiet.
Dreshnie: She
Dreshnie: She must
must like
like the
the Black
Black one.
one. She’s
She”s Black
Black

6RZKDWGRHVWKHFKLOGUHQ·VXVHRIWKHWHUPV¶EODFN·DQG¶ZKLWH·WHOOXVDERXWKRZWKH
So what does the children”s use of the terms “black” and “white” tell us about how the
FKLOGUHQDWERWKVLWHVPDNHPHDQLQJRIWKHFRQFHSWUDFH",QVRPHLQVWDQFHVZKHQWKH
children at both sites make meaning of the concept race? In some instances, when the
FKLOGUHQXVHWKHWHUPVEODFNDQGZKLWHWRUHIHUWRWKHPVHOYHVWKHWHUPVPD\VHHPWR
children use the terms black and white to refer to themselves, the terms may seem to
KDYHIRUFHEXWWKH\ODFNGHÀQLWLRQLQWKHLUDFFRXQWV)RUH[DPSOHZKHQWKH\WDONDERXW
have force, but they lack definition in their accounts. For example, when they talk about

279
279

Africa Education Review


Africa Education Review 5(2).indd
5(2) indd 279
279 & 121/08 9:45:47
12/1/08 9:45:47 AM
AM
H Ebrahim
H Ebrahim and
and D
D Francis
Francis

EODFNWKH\DOVRWDONDERXWEHLQJ´QRWEODFNµRUHYHQGHVFULEHWKHPVHOYHVDV´JUHHQµ
black they also talk about being “not black” or even describe themselves as “green”
DQG´\HOORZµ
and “yellow”.

7KDER $IULFDQER\ MRLQVVRPHROGHUFKLOGUHQGXULQJSOD\WLPH7KHROGHUFKLOGUHQ


Thabo (African boy) joins some older children during play time. The older children
DUHVHDWHGLQWKHYHUDQGD7KH\DUHZDLWLQJIRUWKHLUVQDFNV7KDERMRLQV%RQJDQLDQG
are seated in the veranda. They are waiting for their snacks. Thabo joins Bongani and
0X]L $IULFDQER\V 7KHER\VEHJLQDJDPHDQGVLQJ´,·P%ODFNµ7KH\SODFHWKHLU
Muzi (African boys). The boys begin a game and sing, “I'm Black”. They place their
KDQGVRQWRSRIHDFKRWKHUDVWKH\VLQJ7REHND $IULFDQJLUO LVVHDWHGRSSRVLWHWKHER\V
hands on top of each other as they sing. Tobeka (African girl) is seated opposite the boys
DQGLVSOD\LQJZLWKDGROO6KHZDQWVWRMRLQWKHER\VLQWKHJDPHEXWWKH\UHMHFWKHU
and is playing with a doll. She wants to join the boys in the game but they reject her
SDUWLFLSDWLRQ7KDERVKRXWVDWKHU´1RW%ODFNµ7REHNDSXVKHVKHUKDQGWKURXJKDQG
participation. Thabo shouts at her, “Not Black.” Tobeka pushes her hand through and
VKRXWV´,·P%ODFNµ%RQJDQLVKDUHV7KDER·VYLHZV´<RX·UHQRW%ODFNµ$JLUOVKRXWV
shouts, “Tm Black.” Bongani shares Thabo”s views. “You're not Black.” A girl shouts
RXW´<RX·UHQRW%ODFNµ6KHORRNVDWKHUVZHDWHUDQGVD\V´,·PEOXHµ7KHER\VVWDUW
out, “You”re not Black.” She looks at her sweater and says, “I'm blue”. The boys start
ORRNLQJDWWKHLUVKLUWV0X]LFDOOVRXW´,·P\HOORZµ%RQJDQLIROORZV´,·PJUHHQµ
looking at their shirts. Muzi calls out, “Im yellow”. Bongani follows, “Im green”.

,QDFNQRZOHGJLQJDQGFRQIURQWLQJZKDWWKHFKLOGUHQKDYHVDLGUDFHVHHPVWREHDQ
2014

In acknowledging and confronting what the children have said, race seems to be an
October 2014

HOXVLYHFRQFHSWLQWKHZD\LQZKLFKLWFRPHVDFURVVLQWKHQDUUDWLYHVDERYH7KHFKLOGUHQ
elusive concept in the way in which it comes across in the narratives above. The children
ZHDNHQWKHSRZHURIUDFH2QHPRPHQWLWLVVLPSO\DGHVFULSWLRQLQWHUPVRIUDFHWDON
weaken the power of race. One moment it is simply a description in terms of race talk.
15 October

,QDQRWKHULQVWDQFHLWLVVLPSO\DGHVFULSWLRQLQWHUPVRIDSSHDUDQFH$QRWKHUPRPHQW
In another instance it is simply a description in terms of appearance. Another moment
LWFDUULHVHOHPHQWVRIFXOWXUHDQGVSDFH%HORZZHVHHKRZ9DUVKHQ ,QGLDQER\ IURP
it carries elements of culture and space. Below we see how Varshen (Indian boy) from
23:06 15

&HQWUH$VKRZHGNQRZOHGJHRIFXOWXUHDQGSODFHLQDVWRU\ZLWKSHUVRQDGROOV
Centre A showed knowledge of culture and place in a story with persona dolls.
of Kiel] atat 23:06

5HVHDUFKHU1DQGLVWD\VLQ8POD]L
Researcher: Nandi stays in Umlazi.
Varshen: That’s
Varshen: That's aa Zulu
Zulu place.
place.
[University ofBiel]

)URPWKHDERYHLWDSSHDUVWKDWWKHFKLOGUHQ·VXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIUDFHLVHOXVLYH2XU
From the above, it appears that the children's understanding of race is elusive. Our
ÀQGLQJVVXJJHVWWKDWWKHFKLOGUHQLQFRQVWUXFWLQJUDFLDOPHDQLQJVGRQRWGLVSOD\WKHLU
by [University

findings suggest that the children, in constructing racial meanings, do not display their
ZD\VRINQRZLQJLQDGLUHFWVRUWRIZD\EXWXVHDQXPEHURIFRQWUDGLFWRU\DQGHOXVLYH
ways of knowing in a direct sort of way but use a number of contradictory and elusive
ZD\VWRSRVLWLRQWKHPVHOYHVDQGRWKHUV)RUH[DPSOHLQWKHH[FHUSWEHORZWKHFRQFHSW
ways to position themselves and others. For example, in the excerpt below the concept
Black becomes
Black becomes aa position
position of
of struggle:
struggle:
Downloaded by

7KHFKLOGUHQDW&HQWUH%DUHFRORXULQJDSLFWXUH0LVV<ZDONVDURXQGWRFKHFNWKH
Downloaded

The children at Centre B are colouring a picture. Miss Y walks around to check the
FKLOGUHQ·VZRUN6KHVWRSVDW.XPDU ,QGLDQER\ 
children's work. She stops at Kumar (Indian boy).
0LVV<.XPDUOLNHVWRFRORXUHYHU\WKLQJEODFN
Miss Y: Kumar likes to colour everything black.
.HYLQ FRORXUHGER\ <RX SRLQWLQJWR.XPDU ORRNOLNHWKLVEODFNKHUHLQP\SLF-
Kevin (coloured boy): You (pointing to Kumar) look like this black here in my pic-
ture.
ture.
.XPDU ORRNVDW'UHVKQLH²DQ,QGLDQJLUO <RX%ODFNJLUO+RZ\RX%ODFNJLUO"
Kumar: (looks at Dreshnie — an Indian girl) You Black girl. How you Black girl?
Kevin: You
Kevin: You said
said Black
Black girl.
girl. Not
Not me.
me.

:KLOHWKHFKLOGUHQ·VXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIUDFHLQWKHVHH[DPSOHVPD\EHHOXVLYHWKHUH
While the children”s understanding of race in these examples may be elusive, there
DUHLQVWDQFHVZKHQWKH\GRXVHWKHWHUPVLQZD\VWKDWDUHÀ[HGDQGVWHUHRW\SLFDO,Q
are instances when they do use the terms in ways that are fixed and stereotypical. In
WKHQH[WH[FHUSW$VKOH\GUDZVRQKLVVRFLDOO\RUJDQLVHGIUDPHZRUNWRPDNHPHDQLQJ
the next excerpt, Ashley draws on his socially organised framework to make meaning
of the
of the concept
concept Black:
Black:

280
280

Africa Education Review


Africa Education Review 5(2).indd
5(2) indd 280
280 & 121/08 9:45:47
12/1/08 9:45:47 AM
AM
o

You said, ‘Black


You said, Black girl’:
girl": doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early childhood
childhood

Researcher: (holds
Researcher: (holds a
a Black
Black doll
doll in
in her
her hand).
hand). Let’s
Let's look
look at
at Kidi’s
Kidi”s face.
face. Kidi’s
Kidi's a
a Black
Black
girl.
girl.
$VKOH\ ZKLWHER\ %ODFNPHDQVVRPHRQH·VJRWWRVWROH\RX
Ashley (white boy): Black means someone”s got to stole you.
5HVHDUFKHU6RPHRQH·VJRQQD«
Researcher: Someone”s gonna...
$VKOH\7KH%ODFNVWROHP\PXP·VSKRQH«%ODFNVJRQQDVWHDO
Ashley: The Black stole my mum”s phone... Blacks gonna steal.

,QWKLVH[DPSOHWKHUHLVDWHPSWDWLRQWRWKLQNRIUDFHDVDQHVVHQFHDVVRPHWKLQJÀ[HG
In this example, there is a temptation to think of race as an essence, as something fixed,
FRQFUHWHDQGREMHFWLYH&KLOGUHQPDNHVXFKMXGJPHQWVDERXWUDFLDOJURXSVE\GUDZLQJ
concrete and objective. Children make such judgments about racial groups by drawing
RQWKHLURZQVRFLDOLVDWLRQLQWKHIDPLO\ DVLVWKHFDVHZLWK$VKOH\ VFKRRODQGRWKHU
on their own socialisation in the family (as is the case with Ashley), school and other
LQVWLWXWLRQDODQGVRFLHWDOVLWHVRIOHDUQLQJ:LWKYHU\\RXQJFKLOGUHQWKHIDPLO\DQG
institutional and societal sites of learning. With very young children, the family and
VFKRRODXWKHQWLFDWHDQGOHJLWLPLVHWKHVWHUHRW\SHV (KUOLFK 7KLVVXJJHVWVWKDW
school authenticate and legitimise the stereotypes (Ehrlich, 1973: 51). This suggests that,
LQFRQVWUXFWLQJWKHLUFKLOGKRRGVWKHFKLOGUHQZLOOOHDUQWKHSUHYDLOLQJVRFLDODWWLWXGHV
in constructing their childhoods, the children will learn the prevailing social attitudes
WRUDFH3RVHO  H[SODLQVWKDWDIWHU´GHFDGHVRIUDFLDOUHDVRQLQJWKHLGHDWKDW
to race. Posel (2001: 51) explains that after “decades of racial reasoning, the idea that
2014

6RXWK$IULFDQVRFLHW\FRPSULVHVIRXUGLVWLQFWUDFHV²ZKLWHVFRORXUHGV,QGLDQDQG
October 2014

South African society comprises four distinct races — whites, coloureds, Indian and
$IULFDQV²KDVEHFRPHDKDELWRIWKRXJKWDQGH[SHULHQFHDIDFHWRISRSXODUFRPPRQ
Africans — has become a habit of thought and experience, a facet of popular common
VHQVHVWLOOZLGHO\LQHYLGHQFHµ$VDUHVXOWRIWKLV3RVHODUJXHVWKDWLWUHPDLQVWKHQRUP
15 October

sense still widely in evidence.” As a result of this, Posel argues that it remains the norm
to designate
to designate social
social actors
actors in
in terms
terms of
of their
their race in public
race in media and
public media and inin conversation.
conversation.
23:06 15

$QGÀQDOO\WKHWHUPUDFHLVXVHGWRKLJKOLJKWLVVXHVRISRZHUWKDWDUHLQWULQVLFDOO\
And finally, the term race is used to highlight issues of power that are intrinsically
of Kiel] atat 23:06

FDXJKW
caught XSup LQ
in KXPDQ
human GLIIHUHQFH
difference. 7KH
The VWRULHV
stories DULVLQJ
arising IURP
from WKH
the FKLOGUHQ SOD\LQJ ZLWK
children playing with
SHUVRQDGROOVDQGD%DUELHGROOVKRZHGVRPHHYLGHQFHRIFKLOGUHQHQJDJLQJZLWKWKH
persona dolls and a Barbie doll, showed some evidence of children engaging with the
GLVFRXUVHRIZKLWHQHVVDVGHVLUDEOH$W&HQWUH%7ULVK·V ,QGLDQJLUO SOD\ZLWKD%DUELH
[University ofBiel]

discourse of whiteness as desirable. At Centre B, Trish's (Indian girl) play with a Barbie
GROOEURXJKWUHVSRQVHVOLNH´6KH·VP\EHVWVKH·VIDLUµ LPSO\LQJOLJKWFRPSOH[LRQ 
doll brought responses like “She's my best, she's fair” (implying light complexion).
'XULQJWKHSHUVRQDGROOVWRULHVDW&HQWUH$.DMDOLGHQWLÀHGWKHGDUNVNLQQHGGROODVD
During the persona doll stories at Centre A, Kajal identified the dark skinned doll as a
by [University

´JLUOµ6KHDFFRUGHGWKHIDLUVNLQQHGGROOWKHKLJKHUVWDWXVRID´ODG\µ:KHQ9DUVKHQ
“gir]”?. She accorded the fair skinned doll the higher status of a “lady”. When Varshen
,QGLDQER\ ZDVDVNHGLIKHZRXOGOLNHWREHDIULHQGWRDZKLWHGROOKHUHSOLHG´<HV
(Indian boy) was asked if he would like to be a friend to a white doll, he replied, “Yes,
EHFDXVHVKH·VZKLWHµ7KHFKLOGUHQDUHDZDUHRIZKLWHSULYLOHJHDQGWKHVRFLDOSRZHU
because she's white”. The children are aware of white privilege and the social power
DVVRFLDWHGZLWKZKLWHQHVV7DWXP  DUJXHVWKDWZKLWHQHVVLVQRWMXVWDERXWVNLQ
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associated with whiteness. Tatum (1997) argues that whiteness is not just about skin
FRORXUEXW´DV\VWHPRIDGYDQWDJHµWKDWSURYLGHVDVSDFHDQGDSULYLOHJHGORFDWLRQ
colour but “a system of advantage” that provides a space and a privileged location
Downloaded

IURPZKLFKWRYLHZDQGWRNHHSRWKHUVDWGLVWDQFH7KHSULYLOHJHGVSDFHDOORZVRQHWR
from which to view and to keep others at distance. The privileged space allows one to
FRQVWLWXWHRQHVHOIDQGRWKHUVLQUHODWLRQWRWKHQRUPVRIZKLWHQHVV)XUWKHUPRUHWKH
constitute oneself and others in relation to the norms of whiteness. Furthermore, the
FKLOGUHQRIFRORXULQWKHVWXG\GHPRQVWUDWHLQWHUQDOLVHGUDFLVPE\WDNLQJXSZKLWHQHVV
children of colour in the study demonstrate internalised racism by taking up whiteness
DVDQRUJDQLVLQJSULQFLSOHIRUVXSHULRULW\
as an organising principle for superiority.

,QWKLVVHFWLRQZHKDYHXVHGUDFHDVDOHQVWRVKRZKRZWKHFKLOGUHQLQWKLVVWXG\PDGH
In this section we have used race as a lens to show how the children in this study made
VHQVHRIVRFLDOUHODWLRQVDFWLRQVDQGHYHQWVDQGDOVRWRVKRZWKHZD\LQZKLFKWKH\
sense of social relations, actions and events, and also to show the way in which they
XQGHUVWRRGWKHLURZQJURXSPHPEHUVKLSDQGWKRVHRIRWKHUVWKHZD\LQZKLFKZH
understood their own group membership and those of others, the way in which we
VKDUHLGHQWLWLHVZLWKVRPHDQGGLVWLQJXLVKRXUVHOYHVIURPRWKHUV,QPDQ\ZD\VWKH
share identities with some and distinguish ourselves from others. In many ways, the
FRPSOH[LWLHVZLWKZKLFK\RXQJFKLOGUHQGRWKHLUFKLOGKRRGVFKDOOHQJHWKHSRUWUD\DO
complexities with which young children do their childhoods, challenge the portrayal
RIWKHPDVLQFRPSOHWHEODQNVKHHWVSURPRWHGE\QRUPDOLVLQJGLVFRXUVHV/LNHDGXOWV
of them as incomplete blank sheets promoted by normalising discourses. Like adults,
\RXQJFKLOGUHQVWUXJJOHWRPDNHVHQVHRIWKHPXOWLSOHUHDOLWLHVWKH\HQFRXQWHUZKHQ
young children struggle to make sense of the multiple realities they encounter when

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12/1/08 9:45:47 AM
AM
H Ebrahim
H Ebrahim and
and D
D Francis
Francis

FRQVWUXFWLQJ
constructing WKHLU
their LGHQWLWLHV
identities. ,Q
In WKH
the VHFWLRQ
section WKDW
that IROORZV
follows, ZH
we HODERUDWH
elaborate RQ
on JHQGHUHG
gendered
UHDGLQJVWRVKRZWKHSRZHUDQGDJHQF\RIER\VDQGJLUOV
readings to show the power and agency of boys and girls.

Doing gender
Doing gender
)RUFKLOGUHQJURZLQJXSLQ6RXWK$IULFDRQHRIWKHFRUHHOHPHQWVRIWKHLULGHQWLW\LV
For children growing up in South Africa one of the core elements of their identity is
ZKHWKHUWKH\DUHER\VRUJLUOV7KHGRPLQDQWGLVFRXUVHUHODWHVJHQGHUWRELRORJLFDO
whether they are boys or girls. The dominant discourse relates gender to biological
VH[ 7KRUQH0DF1DXJKWRQ $VSDUWLFLSDWLQJDJHQWVLQVRFLDOUHODWLRQV
sex (Thorne, 1993; MacNaughton 2000). As participating agents in social relations,
FKLOGUHQHQJDJHZLWKWKHIXQGDPHQWDOZD\VLQZKLFKSHRSOHDUHGLYLGHGLQWRPDOHV
children engage with the fundamental ways in which people are divided into males
DQGIHPDOHV,QZRUNLQJJHQGHUDVDFDWHJRU\RIGLIIHUHQFH\RXQJFKLOGUHQKDYHWR
and females. In working gender as a category of difference, young children have to
OHDUQ
learn WKH
the REVHUYDEOH
observable SK\VLFDO
physical GLIIHUHQFHV
differences DQG
and WKH
the VLJQLÀHUV
signifiers RI
of EHLQJ
being ER\V
boys DQG
and JLUOV
girls
0DF1DXJKWRQ'DYLHV ,QRXUVWXG\WKHFKLOGUHQGLGQRWGRXEWZKHWKHU
(MacNaughton, 2000; Davies 2003). In our study, the children did not doubt whether
WKH\ZHUHER\VRUJLUOV,QWKHLUVWRU\WHOOLQJDQGFRQYHUVDWLRQVZLWKWKHUHVHDUFKHU
they were boys or girls. In their story telling and conversations with the researcher,
2014

WKH\PDGHUHIHUHQFHVWRFORWKLQJWKHLUDFWLYLWLHVDQGWR\VWRGLIIHUHQWLDWHWKHPVHOYHV
October 2014

they made references to clothing, their activities and toys to differentiate themselves
DVER\VDQGJLUOV'DYLHV  DUJXHVWKDWQDWXUDOLVHGXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHZRUOG
as boys and girls. Davies (2003) argues that naturalised understanding of the world
15 October

DVDSODFHPDGHXSRISHRSOHFODVVLÀHGDVER\VJLUOVPHQRUZRPHQJLYHVWKHVHQVH
as a place made up of people classified as boys, girls, men or women gives the sense
WKDWRQH·VJHQGHUDWWULEXWLRQUHPDLQVFRQVWDQW0DF1DXJKWRQ  QRWHVWKDW\RXQJ
that one”s gender attribution remains constant. MacNaughton (2000) notes that young
FKLOGUHQHQWHULQJHDUO\FKLOGKRRGFHQWUHVNQRZZKRWKH\DUHLQJHQGHUWHUPVEHFDXVH
23:06 15

children entering early childhood centres know who they are in gender terms because
WKH\SLFNXSRQWKHIRXQGDWLRQDOLGHDWKDWRQH·VJHQGHULVLQYDULDQW,WFRXOGEHDUJXHG
they pick up on the foundational idea that one”s gender is invariant. It could be argued
of Kiel] atat 23:06

WKDWWKHFKLOGUHQLQWKHVWXG\DFFHSWWKDWWKH\KDYHWRUHPDLQLQRQHFDWHJRU\EHFDXVH
that the children in the study accept that they have to remain in one category because
LWLVDQDWXUDOZD\RIGRLQJJHQGHU
it is a natural way of doing gender.
[University ofBiel]

This does
This does not
not mean
mean that
that children
children are
are passive in constructing
passive in constructing their
their gendered
gendered identities.
identities.
7KH\DFWLYHO\HQJDJHZLWKJHQGHUDVDFRPSOLFDWHGFRQFHSW 3DHFKWHU ,QOHDUQ-
by [University

They actively engage with gender as a complicated concept (Paechter, 2006). In learn-
LQJJHQGHUDSSURSULDWHEHKDYLRXUWKHFKLOGUHQLQWKHVWXG\HQJDJHGZLWKDUDQJHRI
ing gender appropriate behaviour, the children in the study engaged with a range of
VW\OHVRIPDVFXOLQLW\DQGIHPLQLQLW\,QRUGHUWRVHHWKHPVHOYHVDVGLIIHUHQWIURPJLUOV
styles of masculinity and femininity. In order to see themselves as different from girls
DVZHOODVIURPER\VZKRGLVSOD\TXLHWHUIRUPVRIPDVFXOLQLW\VRPHER\VDFFHVVHG
as well as from boys who display quieter forms of masculinity, some boys accessed
WKHWUDGLWLRQDOGLVFRXUVHRI´ER\VZLOOEHER\Vµ7KLVGLVFRXUVHLVHPEHGGHGLQWKHQR-
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the traditional discourse of “boys will be boys”. This discourse is embedded in the no-
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tion of
tion of being
being aa realER\ZKRVKRZVSK\VLFDOVWUHQJWKDJJUHVVLYHQHVVVXSHULRULW\RYHU
real boy who shows physical strength, aggressiveness, superiority over
girls and
girls and competitiveness.
competitiveness. Connell
Connell (1995,
(1995, 2000)
2000) notes
notes these
these attributes
attributes as
as hegemonic
hegemonic
PDVFXOLQLW\
masculinity.

,QFRQVWUXFWLQJWKHLUPDVFXOLQLWLHVWKHER\VLQRXUVWXG\ZHUHHDJHUWRVKDUHVWRULHV
In constructing their masculinities, the boys in our study were eager to share stories
WKDWSRVLWLRQHGWKHPVHOYHVDVEUDYHDQGFRXUDJHRXVKHURHVZLOOLQJWRXVHYLROHQFHWR
that positioned themselves as brave and courageous heroes willing to use violence to
DFKLHYHWKHLURXWFRPHV%DWPDQDQG6SLGHUPDQIHDWXUHGVWURQJO\LQWKHER\V·VWRULHV
achieve their outcomes. Batman and Spiderman featured strongly in the boys” stories.
7KHUH
There ZHUH
were DOVR
also VWRULHV
stories DURXQG
around IDVW
fast FDUV
cars DQG
and PDQRHXYUHV
manoeuvres DURXQG
around VKDUS
sharp FRUQHUV
corners. ,Q
In
PRVWLQWHUDFWLRQVZLWKWKHER\VWKH\VHOGRPVDWVWLOO7KH\XVHGWKHLUERGLHVDQGWKHLU
most interactions with the boys, they seldom sat still. They used their bodies and their
OLQJXLVWLFFRPSHWHQFHWRNQLWDSLFWXUHRIKHJHPRQLFPDVFXOLQLW\LQFRPSOH[ZD\V
linguistic competence to knit a picture of hegemonic masculinity in complex ways.
7KHH[DPSOHVEHORZVHUYHWRLOOXVWUDWHWKLV
The examples below serve to illustrate this.

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AM
o

You said, ‘Black


You said, Black girl’:
girl": doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early childhood
childhood

Example 1:
Example 1:
5HVHDUFKHU:KDWDUHVRPHRIWKHWKLQJVWKDWELJER\VFDQGR"
Researcher: What are some of the things that big boys can do?
Varshen: We
Varshen: We can
can do
do handstands.
handstands.
Researcher: What
Researcher: What else?
else?
7KDER:KHQZHHDWYHJHWDEOHVZHFDQEHVWURQJ
Thabo: When we eat vegetables we can be strong.
7KHER\VÁH[WKHLUPXVFOHV7KH\KRSDQGMXPSDERXW«7KH\VWUHWFKWKHLUKDQGVDQG
The boys flex their muscles. They hop and jump about... They stretch their hands and
VZLQJSXQFKHV
swing punches.

Example 2:
Example 2:
5HVHDUFKHU7HOOPHDERXWELJER\V
Researcher: Tell me about big boys.
Kevin: See
Kevin: See muscles.
muscles.
Researcher: What
Researcher: What are
are muscles?
muscles?
7KHER\VUROOXSWKHLUVOHHYHVDQGVKRZPHWKHLUPXVFOHV.XPDUPDNHVDQ/VKDSH
The boys roll up their sleeves and show me their muscles. Kumar makes an L shape
ZLWKKLVDUP6HHKHUHVHHKHUH,·P%DWPDQ
with his arm. See here; see here, "m Batman.
2014

5HVHDUFKHU ,SRLQWWR.XPDU +HLV%DWPDQ.XPDUKDVPXVFOHV


October 2014

Researcher: (I point to Kumar) He is Batman. Kumar has muscles.


.HYLQ1R
Kevin: No!
5HVHDUFKHU:K\"
15 October

Researcher: Why?
$ER\DQG.HYLQVKRXWRXW´*LUOµ
A boy and Kevin shout out, “Girl”.
23:06 15

:LWKLQWKHGLVFRXUVHRI´ELJER\VµERWKH[DPSOHVSURYLGHLQVLJKWLQWRKRZHPERGL-
Within the discourse of “big boys”, both examples provide insight into how embodi-
PHQWLVXQGHUVWRRGDVDJHQGHUHGDQGGHYHORSPHQWDOSHUIRUPDQFH,QWKHÀUVWH[DPSOH
of Kiel] atat 23:06

ment is understood as a gendered and developmental performance. In the first example,


WKHER\VXVHWKHLUERGLHVWRVKRZSRZHUDQGVWUHQJWKWKDWLVHDVLO\UHFRJQLVDEOHE\
the boys use their bodies to show power and strength that is easily recognisable by
RWKHUVDVW\SLFDORIER\V7KHSK\VLFDOHQDFWPHQWVRIWKHER\VZHUHLQIXVHGZLWKDQ
others as typical of boys. The physical enactments of the boys were infused with an
[University ofBiel]

XQGHUVWDQGLQJRIGHYHORSPHQWDOSULYLOHJHVRI´ELJER\Vµ,QWKHVHFRQGH[DPSOHWKH
understanding of developmental privileges of “big boys”. In the second example, the
XVHRIWKHZRUG´JLUOµDVDQLQVXOWVKRZVWKHGRPLQDQWGLVFRXUVH²SXVKLQJWKHLGHDRI
use of the word “girl” as an insult shows the dominant discourse — pushing the idea of
by [University

SHRSOHLQWRFDWHJRULHVDQGKHJHPRQLFPDVFXOLQLW\DVVHHLQJJLUOVDVLQIHULRUWRER\V
people into categories and hegemonic masculinity as seeing girls as inferior to boys.

*LUOV
Girls DFFHVVHG
accessed WKH
the GLVFRXUVH
discourse RI
of WUDGLWLRQDO
traditional IHPLQLQLW\
femininity, ZKLFK
which LVis UHODWLRQDO
relational WR
to WKH
the
KHJHPRQLF PDVFXOLQLW\ ,Q SRVLWLRQLQJ WKHPVHOYHV DV GLIIHUHQW IURP ER\V
hegemonic masculinity. In positioning themselves as different from boys, the girls WKH JLUOV
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VSRNHDERXWVLWWLQJTXLHWO\DQGQRWSXVKLQJLQWKHOLQHOLNHER\VGR7KH\IUHTXHQWO\
spoke about sitting quietly and not pushing in the line like boys do. They frequently
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PDGHUHIHUHQFHWRER\VDVEHLQJQDXJKW\DQGGLVWDQFHGWKHPVHOYHVIURPWKLVW\SHRI
made reference to boys as being naughty, and distanced themselves from this type of
EHKDYLRXU'XULQJSOD\VRPHJLUOVSRVLWLRQHGWKHPVHOYHVDVPRWKHUVWDNLQJFDUHRI
behaviour. During play some girls positioned themselves as mothers taking care of
VLEOLQJVDQGGRLQJKRXVHKROGFKRUHV,VL=XOXVSHDNLQJJLUOVKHOSHG\RXQJHUFKLOGUHQ
siblings and doing household chores. IsiZulu speaking girls helped younger children
RIWKHVDPHHWKQLFLW\WRRSHQWKHLUMXLFHERWWOHVDQGWRIHHGWKHP6RPHJLUOVVSRNH
of the same ethnicity to open their juice bottles and to feed them. Some girls spoke
DERXWWKHDHVWKHWLFVRIEHLQJ´JLUOLHµ5XVVHODQG7D\ORU  QRWHWKDWZKHQJLUOV
about the aesthetics of being “girlie”. Russel and Taylor (2002) note that when girls
GLVSOD\WKLVLGHDOZD\RIEHLQJIHPLQLQHWKHQWKH\FROOXGHZLWKWKHGRPLQDQWVRFLDO
display this ideal way of being feminine then they collude with the dominant social
DQGFXOWXUDOQRUPVZLWKLQWKHGLVFRXUVHRIEHDXW\DQGFRVPHWLFV,QOHDUQLQJDERXW
and cultural norms within the discourse of beauty and cosmetics. In learning about
WKHHWKLFVRIFDUHDQGSOHDVXUHVDVVRFLDWHGZLWKIHPLQLQLW\WKHVHJLUOVZHUHDFWLYHO\
the ethics of care and pleasures associated with femininity, these girls were actively
HQJDJLQJZLWKDVWDQGDUGRIIHPLQLQLW\ZKLFKFRXOGEHXVHGDVDPDUNHUWRLQWHUSUHW
engaging with a standard of femininity, which could be used as a marker to interpret
KRZJLUOVVKRXOGEHKDYH
how girls should behave.

6LQFHWKHFKLOGUHQZHUHDWDQHDUO\VWDJHRIOHDUQLQJWKHUXOHVRIJHQGHUDWWULEXWLRQWKH\
Since the children were at an early stage of learning the rules of gender attribution, they
H[SORUHGWUDQVJUHVVLYHLGHQWLWLHV7KHVHLGHQWLWLHVZHUHFRQVWUXFWHGIURPPDUJLQDOLVHG
explored transgressive identities. These identities were constructed from marginalised
GLVFRXUVHV6RPHER\VSRVLWLRQHGWKHPVHOYHVRXWVLGHWKHSDWWHUQVRIFRQGXFWDVVRFL-
discourses. Some boys positioned themselves outside the patterns of conduct associ-

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5(2) indd 283
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12/1/08 9:45:47 AM
AM
H Ebrahim
H Ebrahim and
and D
D Francis
Francis

DWHGZLWKKHJHPRQLFPDVFXOLQLW\7KHVHER\VGLVSOD\HGDTXLHWGHPHDQRXUDQGWHQGHG
ated with hegemonic masculinity. These boys displayed a quiet demeanour and tended
WRGLVWDQFHWKHPVHOYHVIURPWKHUREXVWSOD\RIRWKHUER\V7KHVHER\VDUHLQDULVN\
to distance themselves from the robust play of other boys. These boys are in a risky
VSDFH7KRUQH  DUJXHVWKDWLIER\VIDLOWROLYHXSWRWKHVWDQGDUGRIKHJHPRQLF
space. Thorne (1993) argues that if boys fail to live up to the standard of hegemonic
PDVFXOLQLW\WKH\UXQWKHULVNRIEHLQJUHIHUUHGWRDVIHPLQLQH6KHQRWHVWKDW´JHQGHU
masculinity, they run the risk of being referred to as feminine. She notes that “gender
EHQGHUVµFDQIDFHPRFNLQJWHDVLQJDQGLVRODWLRQLQRUGHUWRUHPLQGWKHPWKH\GRQRW
benders” can face mocking, teasing and isolation in order to remind them they do not
ÀWWKHGRPLQDQWH[SHFWDWLRQVDQGQRUPVWKDWFLUFXODWHLQRXUVRFLDOZRUOG
fit the dominant expectations and norms that circulate in our social world.

*LUOVZHUHDOVRH[SORULQJWUDQVJUHVVLYHLGHQWLWLHV,QGHYLDWLQJIURPWUDGLWLRQDOIHPL-
Girls were also exploring transgressive identities. In deviating from traditional femi-
QLQLW\VRPHJLUOVSRVLWLRQHGWKHPVHOYHVLQWKHWRPER\GLVFRXUVH7KHVHJLUOVVRXJKW
ninity, some girls positioned themselves in the tomboy discourse. These girls sought
WRDFFHVVEHKDYLRXUWUDGLWLRQDOO\DVVRFLDWHGZLWKWKHER\V,QREVHUYLQJWKHVHJLUOVLQ
to access behaviour traditionally associated with the boys. In observing these girls in
SOD\LWZDVHYLGHQWWKDWWKHPHGLDZDVSOD\LQJDFUXFLDOUROHLQVKDSLQJWKHLULGHDVRI
play, it was evident that the media was playing a crucial role in shaping their ideas of
ZKDWLWPHDQVWREHIHPLQLQH$QQH0DULHIURP&HQWUH$IRUH[DPSOHSRVLWLRQHG
what it means to be feminine. Anne-Marie, from Centre A, for example, positioned
herself as
herself as aa Power
Power Girl6KHRIWHQVKRZHGPHKHUSRZHUNLFNVDQGJRWDQDXGLHQFH
Girl. She often showed me her power kicks and got an audience
2014

IURPER\VDQGRWKHUJLUOVGXULQJKHUSHUIRUPDQFHV6KHDOVRFKDVHGER\VZKHQVKH
October 2014

from boys and other girls during her performances. She also chased boys when she
perceived their actions
perceived their actions as
as aa violation
violation of
of her
her rights. At Centre
rights. At Centre B
B Trish
Trish positioned
positioned herself
herself
15 October

as aa Strong
as Strong Girl6KHXVHGERLVWHURXVPRYHVWRSURWHFW\RXQJHUJLUOVIURPEHLQJSXVKHG
Girl. She used boisterous moves to protect younger girls from being pushed
E\WKHER\V6KHDOVRVSRNHDERXWKDYLQJSRZHUVLQKHUPXVFOHVOLNHER\VGR'DYLHV
by the boys. She also spoke about having powers in her muscles like boys do. Davies
 QRWHVWKDWEHKDYLRXURXWVLGHWKHLGHQWLÀDEOHZD\RIGRLQJJHQGHULVDFFHSWDEOH
23:06 15

(2003) notes that behaviour outside the identifiable way of doing gender is acceptable
XQOHVVLWLVUDGLFDODQGGLVUXSWLYH7KHQEHKDYLRXULVFDOOHGLQWRTXHVWLRQ5HD\  
unless it is radical and disruptive. Then behaviour is called into question. Reay (2001)
of Kiel] atat 23:06

QRWHVWKDWVW\OHVRIIHPLQLQLW\WKDWPRYHDZD\IURPWUDGLWLRQPD\EHYLHZHGHLWKHUDV
notes that styles of femininity that move away from tradition, may be viewed either as
DEQRUPDOIRUJLUOVRUDVHPSRZHULQJLQUHOD[LQJWKHJHQGHUERXQGDULHVGHSHQGLQJRQ
abnormal for girls or as empowering in relaxing the gender boundaries, depending on
WKHLQVWLWXWLRQDOGLVFRXUVHVXVHGWRXQGHUVWDQGFKLOGUHQDVER\VRUJLUOV6RWKHFRQWL-
[University ofBiel]

the institutional discourses used to understand children as boys or girls. So, the conti-
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nuity of transgressive identities for girls will depend on how it is perceived within the
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expectations of significant settings in their lives.
by [University

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learn about the status associated with ways of being boys and girls. Boys and girls
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created hierarchies around linguistic competence. Those who were fluent in English,
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subordinated IsiZulu-speaking boys and girls. Boys tended to use their physical strength
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to claim territory and wield power over girls. Girls also created hierarchies by position-
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ing themselves as bossy girls. The quiet and shy girls were subordinated by those who
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knew how to get their own way.

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In this section we have used gender as a lens to show how the children in the study
PDGHVHQVHRIWKHPVHOYHVDVER\VDQGJLUOV7KHHQJDJHPHQWZLWKWKHGRPLQDQWGLV-
made sense of themselves as boys and girls. The engagement with the dominant dis-
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course and marginalised discourses shows children as knowledgeable participants of
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childhood, making meaning of gender in multiple ways.

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AM
o

You said, ‘Black


You said, Black girl’:
girl": doing
doing difference
difference in
in early
early childhood
childhood

Conclusion and implications for teacher education


,QWKLVSDSHUZHKDYHH[SORUHGKRZFKLOGUHQLQWHUSUHWWKHLUVRFLDOUHDOLW\WKURXJKWKH
In this paper we have explored how children interpret their social reality through the
GLVFRXUVHDQGFRQWH[WVWKH\KDYHDFFHVVWR:HKDYHDUJXHGWKDWDOWKRXJKFKLOGUHQ
discourse and contexts they have access to. We have argued that, although children
UHSURGXFHWKHPXOWLSOHVRFLDOUHDOLWLHVWKH\HQFRXQWHULQWKHLUHYHU\GD\OLYHVWKH\DUH
reproduce the multiple social realities they encounter in their everyday lives, they are
DFWLYHVXEMHFWVLQWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIGLIIHUHQFHDURXQGUDFHJHQGHUDQGRWKHUVRFLDO
active subjects in the construction of difference around race, gender and other social
identities.
identities.

7KHYLHZRI\RXQJFKLOGUHQDVDFWLYHFRQVWUXFWRUVRIVRFLDOUHDOLW\KDVLPSOLFDWLRQV
The view of young children as active constructors of social reality has implications
IRUHDUO\FKLOGKRRGWHDFKHUHGXFDWLRQ7KHFKLOGUHQLQRXUVWXG\SURYLGHDVQDSVKRW
for early childhood teacher education. The children in our study provide a snapshot
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of contemporary social life, characterised by the contradictions and shifting ways of
NQRZLQJ,QPDQ\ZD\VRXUÀQGLQJVFKDOOHQJHWKHDJHVDQGVWDJHVDSSURDFKSURPRWHG
knowing. In many ways, our findings challenge the ages and stages approach promoted
E\GHYHORSPHQWDOSV\FKRORJLVWVZKLFKÀ[HVDQGHVVHQWLDOLVHVHDUO\FKLOGKRRG7KLV
by developmental psychologists, which fixes and essentialises early childhood. This
2014

FKLOGGHYHORSPHQWDODSSURDFKGUDZVODUJHO\RQXQLYHUVDOSDWWHUQVRIJURZWKDQGGHYHO-
October 2014

child developmental approach draws largely on universal patterns of growth and devel-
RSPHQWDOO\DSSURSULDWHSUDFWLFHLQGHFRQWH[WXDOLVHGZD\V &DQHOOD 7KHDJHQF\
opmentally appropriate practice in decontextualised ways (Canella, 1997). The agency
RIWKHFKLOGUHQLQRXUVWXG\HYLGHQFHVWKDWFKLOGUHQHQWHUHDUO\FKLOGKRRGFHQWUHVZLWK
15 October

of the children in our study evidences that children enter early childhood centres with
DUDQJHRIH[SHULHQFHVWKDWPDNHLWGLIÀFXOWWRGLVWLQJXLVKSDWWHUQVRIJURZWKDQGZKDW
a range of experiences that make it difficult to distinguish patterns of growth and what
LVFRQVLGHUHGWREHGHYHORSPHQWDOO\DSSURSULDWH
23:06 15

is considered to be developmentally appropriate.


of Kiel] atat 23:06

7KHUHDUHVHYHUDOZD\VLQZKLFKWHDFKHUHGXFDWLRQFDQHPEUDFHWKHFRPSOH[LWLHVRIKRZ
There are several ways in which teacher education can embrace the complexities of how
\RXQJFKLOGUHQOLYHWKHLUOLYHV$WWKHRXWVHWLWLVFULWLFDOWRDVNZKDWW\SHRINQRZO-
young children live their lives. At the outset, it is critical to ask what type of knowl-
HGJHVHDUO\FKLOGKRRGWHDFKHUVQHHGLQRUGHUWRUHVSRQGHIIHFWLYHO\WRWKHGLYHUVLW\RI
[University ofBiel]

edges early childhood teachers need in order to respond effectively to the diversity of
FKLOGKRRGDQGWKHFRQWHPSRUDU\VRFLDOLVVXHVWKDWFKDUDFWHULVHLW'UDZLQJRQDUDQJH
childhood and the contemporary social issues that characterise it. Drawing on a range
RIWKHRUHWLFDOSHUVSHFWLYHV5\DQDQG*ULHVKDEHU  H[SORUHSHGDJRJLHVHPSOR\HG
of theoretical perspectives, Ryan and Grieshaber (2005) explore pedagogies employed
by [University

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in early childhood education and review the arguments put forth by developmental
SV\FKRORJ\WKHRULVWV7KHVHGHYHORSPHQWDOWKHRULVWVDUJXHIRUPRUHXSGDWHGYHUVLRQVRI
psychology theorists. These developmental theorists argue for more updated versions of
FKLOGGHYHORSPHQWWKHRU\DQGUHVHDUFKDQGWKHLQFOXVLRQRILGHDVDQGFRQFHSWVGUDZQ
child development theory and research, and the inclusion of ideas and concepts drawn
IURPYDULRXVGLVFLSOLQHVWRHQDEOHHDUO\FKLOGKRRGWHDFKHUVWRGUDZIURPDUDQJHRI
from various disciplines, to enable early childhood teachers to draw from a range of
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insights, and to get teachers to recognise the validity of their personal knowledge and
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the gap between child development research and classroom practice. Whilst these sug-
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gestions are useful to shape teachers thinking about who children are and how they
OHDUQWKH\DUHPHUH´DGGLWLYH>V@µWRNQRZOHGJHIURPDFKLOGGHYHORSPHQWSHUVSHFWLYH
learn, they are mere “additive[s]” to knowledge from a child development perspective
SDJH 7KLVZRXOGEHDQH[WUHPHO\XQIRUWXQDWHGHYHORSPHQWIRU6RXWK$IULFDDVLW
(page 35). This would be an extremely unfortunate development for South Africa, as it
ZRXOGFRQWDLQHDUO\FKLOGKRRGHGXFDWLRQZLWKLQGHYHORSPHQWDOSV\FKRORJ\DQGOLPLW
would contain early childhood education within developmental psychology and limit
DQ\VLJQLÀFDQWFROODERUDWLYHLQWHUGLVFLSOLQDU\SRVVLELOLWLHV
any significant collaborative interdisciplinary possibilities.

'UDZLQJRQRXUUHVHDUFKLWLVRXUFRQWHQWLRQWKDWZHQHHGDQHZIRXQGDWLRQWRVKDSH
Drawing on our research, it is our contention that we need a new foundation to shape
WHDFKHUHGXFDWLRQIRUWKHHDUO\\HDUV7KLVDVVHUWLRQUHVWVRQWKHFRPSOH[LWLHVRI\RXQJ
teacher education for the early years. This assertion rests on the complexities of young
FKLOGUHQ·VOLYHVDQGWKHVRFLHWDOSUDFWLFHVLQWKHHGXFDWLRQRI\RXQJFKLOGUHQLQWKH
children”s lives, and the societal practices in the education of young children in the
6RXWK$IULFDQFRQWH[W(DUO\FKLOGKRRGWHDFKHUVQHHGWREHHTXLSSHGZLWKQHZDQDO\WL-
South African context. Early childhood teachers need to be equipped with new analyti-
FDOWRROVWRJUDVSWKHVHQVLWLYLW\DQGVLWXDWHGQHVVRIFKLOGUHQDQGWKHPXOWLSOHPHDQ-
cal tools to grasp the sensitivity and situatedness of children and the multiple mean-
LQJVWKLVFUHDWHVIRUWHDFKLQJWKHP5\DQDQG*ULHVKDEHU  VXJJHVWLGHDVIURP
ings this creates for teaching them. Ryan and Grieshaber (2005) suggest ideas from
SRVWPRGHUQLVPWRDGGUHVVLVVXHVRIGLIIHUHQFHDQGHTXLW\LQHDUO\FKLOGKRRGWHDFKHU
postmodernism to address issues of difference and equity in early childhood teacher

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H Ebrahim
H Ebrahim and
and D
D Francis
Francis

HGXFDWLRQ7KH\GUDZRQLGHDVRIVLWXDWHGXQGHUVWDQGLQJHQJDJHPHQWZLWKLPDJHVDQG
education. They draw on ideas of situated understanding, engagement with images and
multiple readings
multiple readings toto enact
enact aa postmodern
postmodern teacher
teacher education.
education. What
What is
is useful
useful about
about this
this
DSSURDFKLVWKDWLWGRHVQRWVLPSO\EXLOGRQFKLOGGHYHORSPHQWNQRZOHGJHGLVFRXUVH
approach, is that it does not simply build on child development knowledge discourse
EXWVHHNVWRVKDUSHQWHDFKHUV·DZDUHQHVVRIWKHVHOIDQGFRPSHWLQJPHDQLQJV\VWHPV
but seeks to sharpen teachers” awareness of the self and competing meaning systems
WKDWRIIHUSRVVLELOLWLHVIRUWKHLUZRUNZLWKGLYHUVHJURXSVRIFKLOGUHQ,WDOORZVIRUD
that offer possibilities for their work with diverse groups of children. It allows for a
PRUHQXDQFHGXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIKRZHDUO\FKLOGKRRGHGXFDWLRQPD\DGGUHVVGLYHUVLW\
more nuanced understanding of how early childhood education may address diversity
WKURXJKDOWHUQDWLYHZD\VRIVHHLQJXQGHUVWDQGLQJDQGUHVSRQGLQJ
through alternative ways of seeing, understanding and responding.

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