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    Chapter 4 The Socio Economic and Political Issues in The Philippines

    Uploaded by

    Joshua Tupas

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    gow 4 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ISSUES IN THE PHILIPPINES OVERVIEW This chapter introduces the students to the governance of Spain in the Philippines. Lesson 1 presents Marcelo H. Del Pilar’s La Soberania Monacal en Filipinas (Monastic Sovereignty in the Philippines) that analyzed the political, religious, and economic aspects of friarchy or frialocracia in the Philippines during. the late 19 century. Lesson 2 explains the forms of taxes levied by the Spanish government on the Filipinos, and the revolts that were carried ‘out against these taxes and other forms of Spanish economic abuses. Although the revolts were not successful, it still caught the attention of the Spanish government that resulted to a tax reform in 1884, On the other hand, Lesson 3 discusses the agrarian reform from the Spanish colonial Philippines to the present. The agrarian agenda of each of the Philippine presidents are also discussed. Lesson 4 describes the historical evolution of the Philippine ‘Constitution from the 1897 Constitution of Biak-na-Bato to the present constitution, the 1987 Philippine Constitution. READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HisTORY er Lesson | MONASTIC SUPREMACY IN THE PHILIPPINES __J MARCELO H. )EL PILAR’S La Soberenia Monacal en Filipina. ~irat publi-hed in B.rcelona, Spain in 188, andr primed in Manila in 1898 tad from the Inay Encaem 0 Aline Quezon City. Monastic = prem_cy in tne shitippines Az enon The foll...in,, are eacer-ts trom Marcel. H Del cilars La Seber_aia M Fiipine_, sirst publisued in Barcelona Spain, in 178», and re,rinted in Manila in 1798. tsp ‘elit ation in Spain was hailedb, Spanish liberass and :oriuer Spanish adu inistracors in the Phili, pines. inci ding for » er gavernor,eneral Emilio Terrero (1885-1888) and Benigno Quiroga, .or er director jeneral of the civil ad: inistration in the Philippines. and such scholars as Migue: Mora;ta and rerdinand Binementritt Jose Rizal, the most cultured of the reformist group cailed el Filar’s worl. as one that had "no chaff; it is all grain” ‘The following translation was made by Dr Encarnacion \Izona in 1957 ITS POLITICAL ASPECT ‘The interference of the friars in the government of the Philippines is so ingrained that without difficulty the friars control the status quo of the country in defiance of the nation and the institutions. n charge of almost all the parishes, their parochial mission takes on the double character of a political organ and popular patronage. This mission gives the curate great power in each locality, and this power, as it does not lose its monastic character, is at the command of the regular prelates under whose guidance the parish priests think, preach, confess, and act with marvelous uniformity ale. Perhaps the guarantee of the moderating power of the parish priests may be self to society to balance and harmonize the interests of the people and the institutions, but the fact is that the convents are opposed to this equilibrium and harmony. The hatred and distrust between both elements constitute the life of the convents. Te frighten the government with the rebelliousness of the country and frighten the country with the despotism of the government- that is the s; stem that the friars have so skillfully evolved to be able to rule at the e~pense of everyone. 8 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY They offer the government to suppress the country’s rebelliousness and the government gives them all its autocratic support, going, to the extreme if the friars se demand, while they portray the ruler as the personification of tyranny and despotism. They offer the people to soften that tyranny and the people place its wealth in their hands so that they may defend them against official rapacity. The basis of monastic wealth is the lack of union between the people and the government and it is necessary to foster it by fanning the resentment of the first and the despotism of the second. To achieve this, they count on the diversity of languages among, the rulers and the ruled; and to preserve that diversity, to impede popular education, and te avoid at any cost that the people and the government come to understand each other, are the best way of keeping them in perpetual antagonism. In the Philippines, however, religious amortization is very conspicuous. Ignorance and fanaticism encouraged by the monastic institutions and ignoring the claims of blood relations as if they were contrary to divine law have been responsible for centuries for the immense number of disinherited families. The best lands, the best estates, thus passed to the control of monastic communities. Today the convents are the millionaires of the country; their large funds cannot be alienated.Their lands are cultivated without the stimulus of the owners and with discouragement on the part of the tillers. They are leased and the rent increases from time to time and in proportion to the improvements introduced on the land. On more than one occasion the voice of poverty has exhaled touching complaints; but who listens to the voice of poverty? Monastic properties are subject to land titles of ten percent and the increase in their income ought to favour the government treasury, but does it perchance? ‘We don't know. The government finance office relies on the sworn statement of the convents, and what official would dare verify that Olympics declaration, as in view of monastic predominance government employees are daily in danger of losing their positions? In the year 1887 the provincial government of Laguna tried to get information about the increase in the income of the lands in Calamba belonging to the Dominican friars. It found out that the annual income of five thousand pesos has been sextupled, amounting to more than thirty thousand pesos. The finance office learned about it; and _- nothing more. The Filipinos pay direct taxes consisting of the personal cedula, urban tax, industrial these, the indirect one of the markets, vehicles, horses, stamps and surcharges, slaughter exists another which, though it does not figure in the financial plan of the Philippines, nevertheless is a burden on her interests. READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY 59 This is what we would call the tax of the religious festivals. The papal decree of 2 May 1867 aimed to relieve the Filipino Catholics of this burden by reducing the number of feast days and ordering that each diocese have only one patron saint to be named by the Holy See, and in fact this was done. But it is evident that the will of the Pope is ineffective and impotent so far as the regular curates in the Philippine Archipelago are concerned. Each parish church has a tutelary patron of the town besides the patron saint of one or more confraternities and patron saints of secondary importance venerated in some churches according to the curate’s devotion. Their respective saint’s days are celebrated with pomp at the expense of the people. For each celebration are collected large sums of bell-men, curtains, altars, silver candelabra, chandeliers, candles, and the like, During these celebrations the townspeople have to keep open house, entertaining lavishly. In addition, there are fireworks of thousands of skyrockets that reduce to smoke the savings of the fervent devotee. ‘Aside from these numerous and costly festivals, in every district where fifty Families dwell, a chapel is erected at a cost of at least one thousand pesos; there are some costing five, ten, and fifteen thousand pesos. The dues of the stole and the foot of the altar are a legitimate source of revenue of the priesthood. They are not just mere alms as they think, they are a just remuneration; Jesus Christ and common sense declare that he who works deserves to eat. But the exaggerating collection of some dues without the sanction of Jesus Christ hurt the interests of the Catholics and leads them to impious reflections and to inquire in the light of economics about the productive value of this social clement whose manifestations are purely those of the consumer. ‘The Reverend Fathers are empowered to name the persons who ought to be deported: and the Government solemnly declares that the parish curate's opinion suffices so that the deportation may not be arbitrary. It is no longer fanaticism that builds this opulence, no: it is fear of the group which has been raised to the power which, with no one stroke of the pen or alow whisper, can kill the happiness of one who obstructs or does not cooperate in the development of its schemes of exploitation. ITS RELIGIOUS ASPECT In the performance of their duties, the municipal officials depend on the parish priest. To report the conduct of a citizen the testimony of one hundred members of the Principalia is not enough. The essential requirement is the curate’s approval. The signature of the curate is necessary to the census of residents in a municipality, to the conscription of eligible young men, to formalize accounts and other official documents; to everything and for everything the curate’s signature is an essential requisite. 20 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY On the other hand, there exists no ruling prescribing the conditions under which ‘the curate should grant or withhold his approval. The curate approves it or denies it, according to his will or the order of his prelates. Supreme orders are carried out if the crate so pleases. If the superior authority tries to demand an energetic enforcement of his orders, the curate informs the prelate of his convent and this one obtains dismissal of the public official. His powerful argument which produces a magical effect is that national integrity is in danger. The foundation of a building is to be laid and the curate does not like it, then ‘national integrity is in danger, public health demands that the corpses should not ‘be brought into the churches; well nothing, national integrity is in danger. And the same litany in everything. ‘The guarantee of national integrity is not the church nor can it be in the friars; it is im the same popular aspiration of fusing and identifying the interests of the Philippines with those of the country that gave her political life, that shaped and educated her to be worthy of modern civilization and sheltered her from the covetousness of foreign nations. ‘To consolidate the fraternity between Spain and Philippines is the best defense of national integrity; it is Spain's ideal; it is the dream of the Philippines. If the divisive plan of the friars offers advantages to monastic exploitation, it however jeopardizes the future of the Philippines as well as the highest interest of both countries. Even if we assume that the divisive plan of the friars succeeds and for the reason ‘the antagonism between the rules and the ruled intensifies, what means of pacification do the convents offer? They will nat be the government forces, for in the case the pawer ‘of monastic saddles would nat be necessary. Neither can they command public opinion. ‘This rejects them: the cry for the immediate expulsion of the friars is unanimous. And above all: if the friars command public opinion, from whom will come the danger to ‘national integrity? Ab, let the government consider that, let Spain consider that. As for us, we don't believe it prudent to leave national integrity in the hands of the friars. Neither it is good ‘to be the arbiter of the fate of Spain in the Philippine Islands. ITS ECONOMIC ASPECT The laws that regulate the foundation and development of convents in the Philippines are undoubtediy based on the belief that monastic life isunproductive. Numerous are the regulations pertaining ta the manner of supplying their need for wine, ail, and other things of the kind. But the abundance found in the convents makes laughable the pity of the government. The Philippine government lacks resources ta undertake public works; on the other hand. the ‘manastic orders build grand and costly canvents in Manila and in each parish of three thousand souls, they erect a spacious palace for the residence of the regular curate. READINGS IN PHIL History o1 ‘The government establishes primary schools in each town. The government houses are made of light materials, like those destined for the tribunal which hardly approximate the stable of the friar curators. ‘The government finds a thousand obstacles in collecting taxes from the tax-paying public; but the monastic orders empty without the difficulty the purse of the same public in return for heavenly promises. ‘The government worries about meeting its peremptory financial needs, but the monastic treasuries are overflowing with money so that their only worry is how to send away from the country their copious savings that foster the banking interest of foreign trade. ‘The government refrains from creating new sources of revenuein order not toburden Filipino interests, but the friars invent every day new forms of devotion, some very costly, and the public pay, not because of fanaticism, but rather, for fear of displeasing ‘the friars whose power they know has sent many innocent victims to exile. Because of this, there is a notable contrast between the poverty of the government and the opulence of the vow of poverty. Let us analyze this economic phenomenon. ‘The amortization of lands is fatal to agriculture everywhere. Experience and economics have shawn the needs far laws of disentail. In the countries where such wise measures have been adopted, capital was immediately channeled to greater and better production. The sale of religious objects that rise in price by reason of priestly blessing, constitutes a true and indisputable simony; and notwithstanding, one of the principal sources of income of the monastic order is the trade in religious objects. ‘The ready-made belt without priestly blessing costs and is sold at four or five pesos a hundred, but the moment the priest blesses it and the belt passes on to the class of spiritual things and becomes an object of papal and Episcopal indulgences, from that moment the price rises one hundred per cent at least. To the new member of confraternity, it is sold at sixty-two cents, four eights of a peso each belt, the price going down until ‘twenty-five cents minimum when the buyer is an old customer. What is true of belts is also true of scapulars of the Recollect fathers, of the rosaries of Dominican fathers, of the cords of the Franciscan friars, and of various others too many to enumerate. oz READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY. LESSON? | TAXATION QURING THE SPANISH PERIOD __] THIS IS A BRIEF DISCUSSION of the revenues enjoye-- by the Spanth ,.wvernment \.r more inn -hree centuries vf their occupati of the Philippine is .nds. Only tne ~aient fe ture. of the .entra o: in.u'_r revenue -yst_.. that h-s htosic. -ignificance wer incugelinth vis ssion TAXES IMPOSED BY THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES ‘Taxation during the Spanish period was compulsory: All Spanish colonies in America and the Philippines were required to pay taxes for two reasons: (1) as recognition of Spains sovereignty over the colonies, and (2) to defray the expenses of pacification ithe act of forcisly suppressing hostility within the colonies) and governance thereafter. Several colonial laws on taxation were made by the Keal y Supremo Consejo de las Indias ‘Royal and Supreme Louncil of the Indies) for the Spanish monarch. These laws were embodied in the compilation of legislations related to the New World called the kecopilacién de leyes de los reynos de las_ndias. It was a four-volume collection of laws relating to the indies, which was published in ifadrid in 1861. ‘Taxes during the Spanish period in the Philippines were the tibue, sa.tct rm, donativo, aja dec mmunidad, and serv.cio, ersonal (Boncan, 2 i6) 1. Tribuco was a general tax paid by the Filipinos to Spain which amounted to. ig:.t Reales. Those who were required to pay the tributowere the (a) 2 to SO years old males, (2)the carpenters, bric.layers blacismiths, tailors, and shoemakers, and (2) town workers such as those in road construction, and those whose is public in nature, 2. Sanctorum was a tax in the amount o' 3 Reales. These were re ,uired for the cost of Christiani ation, including the construction of churches and the purchase of materials for religious celebrations. 3. Donative was a tax in the amount of half iteal for the military campaign of the government against the Muslims. In later years, however. the amount collected from donativo was almost exclusively used for the Spanish fort in Zamboanga. 4. Cra de comunidad was a tax collected in the amount of 1 Real for the incurred expenses of the town in the construction of roads, repair of bridges, or the improvement of public buildings. oa Reapings History 5. Servicio personal also called polo y servicios was a form of forced labor during, the Spanish period in the Philippines. All able-bodied males, 16 to 60 years old were required to work in the construction of bridges, churches, and galleon ships. They were called polista. Earlier, the polistas were required to work for 40 days; however, the number of days was lowered to 15 days in 1884 as a result of the tax reform issued through a Royal Decree. Some of the polistas were brought to fight against the Muslims and others were brought in the Spanish expeditions. The only way that a polista can be freed from forced labor was when he paid a falla, or fine. But only very few could afford to pay the fine. The gobernadorcillo, eabeza de barangay, and other members of the principalia were exempt from forced labor and fala. REVOLTS AGAINST THE TRIBUTE Cagayan and Dingras Revolts (1589). In 1589, the Cagayan and Dingras Revolts against ‘the tribute occurred on Luzon in the present-day provinces of Cagayan and Ilocos Norte. ‘The revolt of thellocanos, Ibanags and other Filipinos was triggered by the alleged abuses ‘of the tax collectors, including, the collection of high taxes. Six tax collectors who had arrived from Vigan were killed by the natives. Governor-General Santiago de Vera sent Spanish and Filipina colonial traps to pacify the rebels. The rebels were pardoned in the ‘end. The Philippine tax system was also reformed because of the revolt. ‘These were the first native revolts against the hated tribute and the corrupt tribute collectors. Although they were easily suppressed by government troops, more revolts of a similar nature were to come one after another in subsequent years. Agustin Sumuroy’s Revolt (1645-1650). On June 1, 1649, Agustin Sumuroy, who was a Waray from Palapag in today’s Northern Samar, together with his followers rose in arms against the Spaniards over the polo y servicio or forced labor system being startedin Samar. The revolt was triggered when the town mayors sent the Warays to the shipyards in Cavite for forced labor, contrary to the directive of the government of Manila that all natives subject to the polo would not be sent to distant places from their hometowns to Sumuroy on June 1650 led te the eventual defeat of the rebels. David Dula, Sumuroy’s co-conspirator, continued the quest, but was wounded in one of the fierce battles he fought with the Spaniards years later. He was captured and later executed in Palapag, Northern Samar. His men, the seven key lieutenants, were also executed. Francisco Maniago’s Revolt (1660-1661). In 1660, Francisco Maniago, a Kapampangan, Jed an uprising in Pampanga. The Kapampangans were against the tribute, forced labor, and rice exploitation. For eight months, they were made to work under unfair conditions READINGS IN PHILIPPINE Hisrory 9s, and were not paid for their labor and for the rice purchased from them. Because of this, ‘they set their campsite on fire and the fight ensued. This was the start of a bloodier revolt in Pangasinan. Andres Malong Revolt (1660-1661). Malong, (who was the Maestro de Campo of Binalatongan, now San Carlos City, Pangasinan), in the 1660s was coaxed by Maniago to revolt against the abuses of the Spaniards because they were experiencing the same abuses. Malong, hoped to be King in the province of Pangasinan, as he assisted many Spaniards in governing different towns in the said province, but abandoned it when the war broke out in Pampanga. He heeded the call of Maniago and led the people of Pangasinan to take up arms against the Spaniards. When he succeeded, he proclaimed himself King of Pangasinan. THE TAX REFORM OF 1884 (One of the good reforms which Spain introduced in the 19% century was the Tax ‘Reform of 1884, as provided by the Royal Decree of March 6, 1884, this tax reform contained two important provisions: (1) abolition of the hated tributeand itsreplacement of cedula tax, and (2) reduction of the 40-day annual forced labor (pole) to 15 days. ‘The Cedulas Personales. Cedulas were first issued based on the Royal Decree on March. 6, 1884. All men and women residents of the islands - Spaniards, foreigners, and natives -who were over 18 years old were required to obtain a cedula. The only exceptions were the Chinese, who paid another poll tax, the remontados d infieles, that were nat subject to ‘the local administration, and the natives and colonists of the archipelago of Jolo and of the islands of Balabac and Palawan. All in all, there were 16 different classes of cedulas. Originally, there were nine classes taxed, the rates of taxes ranged from 1.50 pesas to 25 pesos, and a tenth, gratis, for priests, soldiers and privileged classes. 26 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY lesson | AGRARIAN REFORM FROM THE SPANISH COLONIAL PHILIPPINES TO THE PRESENT ee | ‘LAND REFORM has gained great significance all over the worl: {as it a ms toachieve social justivea .iru.ldevelopme to: huma..d gnity. chro ,hout tie chei.+ and -efr.thas been j ersisent de...a’ i g measures to sto; .ocial unre.1. Worst s. ena is were Utserved du.ing che clonial era when the Span sh conize.. nt.duced ew land“ olding -yste..s to cacique.. The intr duct o.. of Tor.ens -yste... creaed ser ous Jes that have far-reaching effects | the ea.ly syste...s ot andhwiding. The nat» ¢ 1 habitat. .ost their ance.tra. -1.main. to the co.onialists The } or ec-nomic a.d socia. c-nditions of the ; easants i.. the Thili ines need ed ate agrarian erorm measures by the Phili_ sine govern...ent. PRE-SPANISH PERIOD Filipinos already lived in villages and barangays even before the Spaniards came to the Philippines. The settlements . ere ruled b, chieftains or datus whe comprised the nobility. There were also the maharli..as (freemen,, the aliping mamamahay (serts) and aliping saguiguilid yslaves). Despite the eaistence ot a social structure, everyone had access to the

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