Handmade for the 21st Century

Handmade for the

21st Century
SAFEGUARDING traditional
indian TEXTILES

Indian textiles have delighted and enriched the world for centuries - its muslins made as if of woven air, its lustrous silks and
its intricate embroideries. Over time, however, the tides of history and changing socio-economic contexts have affected the
production and distribution of many of India’s beautiful handloom textiles. Colonial exploitation, the decline of royal patronage,
the rise of the global fashion industry and the low-cost manufacturing ability of power looms have all contributed to the

SAFEGUARDING TRADITIONAL INDIAN TEXTILES

decline of many of India’s oldest textile traditions. This report brings together years of research on some of these textile crafts.
It charts their histories and legends, describes the often complicated (sometimes secret) processes of their making, and
identifies the causes for their dwindling popularity. Equally, however, it holds out a hope, embedded in efforts by India’s
textile experts, practitioners and designers and its central and state governments for the rejuvenation of these textiles for
the twenty-first century.
H a n d m a d e f o r th e 21s t C e nt u ry
SA F EG UA RD I N G t radi t i o na l indian T E X T ILE S

Published by Photos
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UNESCO New Delhi Cluster Office
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for Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, the Maldives, and Sri Lanka
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64, 65, 66, 67, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 94, 95, 102, 103)
Author
Ritu Sethi, Craft Revival Trust ©D’Ascoli Craft Initiative (front cover, pages 4, 5, 117)
Concept director ©Delhi Crafts Council (page 16)
Eric Falt, Director, UNESCO New Delhi
©Gunjan Arora (pages 30, 31)
Editor
Junhi Han, Programme Specialist for Culture, UNESCO New Delhi ©Juhi Pandey (page 53)

Technical support and coordination ©Khem Raj Sundriyal (pages 12, 13, 14, 15)
Umang Sinha, Assistant Programme Officer, UNESCO New Delhi ©Loom Katha (pages 56, 57, back cover)
© UNESCO New Delhi, 2022 ©Manjari Nirula (pages 96, 97)

ISBN: 978-81-89218-84-3 ©Office of the Development Commissioner, Handicrafts and Handlooms

(pages 32, 33, 37, 50, 51, 62, 63, 70, 71, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 100, 101, 104, 106, 108,
109, 112, 113)

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This publication is available in Open Access under the Attribution- ©Pillai Design Studio (pages 84, 85)
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The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout
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this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on
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or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or
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The ideas and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the
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Organization. Informed consent was obtained from all individuals whose photographs
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Handmade for the
21st Century
SAFEGUARD IN G traditio nal
indian TE X TILE S
FOREWORD
Forever Young
Safeguarding the traditional textile crafts of India
P
reserving living traditions that are transmitted
from generation to generation is the cornerstone
of the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the
Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage.
India has been a signatory to the Convention since its very
early days and possesses an extraordinary array of such
practices, which range from performing arts (theatre,
dance, etc.) to social practices and festivals, and, of course,
traditional craftsmanship.
Textiles represent a very significant share of Indian arts
and crafts, and the fact that there is an Indian ministry
designated specifically for textiles is testimony to the
importance that textiles are accorded by the Government
of India and Indian society in general.
Whether it is weaving or embroidery, using silk, wool,
cotton or other materials, the textile traditions of India
have dazzled the world for centuries, and they still do
so today. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
the success of these fabrics was such that the French and
then the British famously banned the import of Indian
textiles to counter dwindling sales of domestic cloth.
Rough European fabrics were simply no match for the
elegance of Indian textiles.
The beauty of Indian handmade textiles has endured
despite the pressures of industrial mass production
and competition from new countries. The Indian textile
industry continues to be one of the largest in the world,
with an unmatched raw material base and manufacturing
strength across the economic value chain.
The strength of this industry lies in its richness, both in
handlooms as well as mill-produced cloth. The sector
remains a large employer for millions of people in rural
and semi-urban areas, particularly women.
However, handmade textiles appear to be fast dwindling
in the face of the demands of modernity. The painstaking
process of their creation can take months, if not years, from
ideation to execution, and simply cannot compete with
industrial competitors. Their circle is thus shrinking, with
many crafts seriously endangered and a few lost forever.
In this context, it is absolutely essential that handmade
textiles are taken stock of, and that they are properly
mapped in all their diversity. The Government of India
leads these efforts but we at UNESCO wanted to
contribute to the debate and attempt to offer solutions
to preserve and safeguard traditional textiles, in the spirit
of our 2003 Convention.
To this end, we have worked closely with the Craft
Revival Trust to identify and collate a representative
sample of Indian textile crafts from across the country
that merit special consideration. This list is by no means
comprehensive. Many other textile crafts in other regions
merit special attention but could not be included here.
The findings and recommendations of this report are
not based on direct research but rather on the existing
findings and texts of many specialists who have dedicated
their lives to this field. Without their work, we would not
have been able to prepare this publication and we have
tried to acknowledge them at the end of this report.
III
 We owe a particular debt of gratitude to Ms Ritu Sethi
of the Craft Revival Trust. Ms Sethi is one of the foremost
authorities on Intangible Cultural Heritage in India and
has worked tirelessly to ensure its visibility, long before the
2003 Convention entered into force. She offered us her
great expertise and insight.
Thanks are due also to Mr Sohan Kumar Jha, Senior
Director, National Crafts Museum and Hast Kala Academy,
whose image archives, along with the archives of the
Craft Revival Trust, provided the many images that
populate this rich publication.
involvement, we show that age-old traditions can be
usefully complemented by modern-day approaches.
I conclude my foreword with the hope that India will
consider expanding its register of elements inscribed
in the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible
Cultural Heritage of Humanity by nominating one of
the textile crafts featured in this publication. No textile
practices from India have been included in the list
so far and I believe that it would be due recognition
of the talent and diversity of the country’s extraordinary
weaving traditions.

Finally, through this publication, we want to show that

these textile craft traditions are living traditions for the
twenty-first century, and that they will be ‘Forever Young’.
In this regard, I am very pleased that we benefited from
the support of Mr Peter D’Ascoli and his Talianna Studio.

A passionate fashion designer who transcended his

American roots to become a lover of all things Indian,
Eric Falt
Peter is immensely respectful of the grandeur of
Director
traditional Indian textile crafts while wanting to make UNESCO Cluster Office for Bangladesh, Bhutan, India,
them adaptable to contemporary times. With his the Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka

IV
Acknowledgements
F
orever Young: Safeguarding and Sustaining
Handmade Textile Crafts in India has come to
fruition because of the generous and proactive
support of many individuals.
This publication was initiated by Ms Junhi Han,
Programme Specialist and Chief of Culture at UNESCO
New Delhi, who provided invaluable insight and guidance.
Other members of the Culture team supported this
publication, including Umang Sinha who provided
technical support and coordination.
A debt of gratitude is owed to Ms Ritu Sethi of the
Craft Revival Trust who oversaw the compilation of this
publication and painstakingly ensured that each craft
was richly represented, textually as well as visually. It has
benefited immensely from her insight as well as from the
images provided by the Craft Revival Trust.
We also wish to thank the Ministry of Textiles for
extending their wholehearted support to this publication.
The images supplied by the Office of the Development
Commissioner, Handicrafts and Handlooms, played
a great role in enriching this publication.
Mr Sohan Kumar Jha, Senior Director of the National Crafts
Museum and Hastkala Academy, supported this publication
from very early on, along with his team, particularly Ms Nidhi
Harit. His participation as a peer reviewer further enhanced
the quality of this publication, along with the images he
supplied.
This publication also benefited from the peer review
of Dr Anamika Pathak, former Head of the Decorative Arts
and Textiles Department of the National Museum, New Delhi.
UNESCO New Delhi is also grateful to Ms Ayesha Sarkar
and her team at Firefly Communications for their proactive
support in designing and meticulously editing this
publication, in spite of very tight deadlines.
Finally, this publication would not be possible without the
generous support of Mr Peter D’Ascoli, who has contributed
to its visuals and printing costs, while also giving his time and
creative direction to its realization.
1
 Contents
Handmade Indian textiles for the 21st century 4

Safeguarding and renewal of heritage textile crafts in India 6

Handmade textile crafts of India that need safeguarding

H A N D M A D E TE X TI LE C R A F T S 11
NORTH INDIA

• Khes weaving, Panipat, Haryana

• Tapestry weaving, Panipat, Haryana
• Chamba Rumal, Chamba valley, Himachal Pradesh
• Thigma or wool tie-dye, Ladakh
• Danka embroidery, Udaipur, Rajasthan
• Split-ply braid weaving, Rajasthan
• Awadh Jamdani, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh
• Baluchari weaving, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh
• Badla embroidery, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh
• Gyasar weaving, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh
• Hand block-printing, Farrukhabad, Uttar Pradesh

H A N D M A D E TE X TI LE C R A F T S 35
WEST INDIA

• Kunbi weaving, Goa

• Ashavali sari weaving, Ahmedabad, Gujarat
• Kusti weaving, Navsari and Bharuch, Gujarat
• Mashru weaving, Gujarat
• Mata-ni-Pachedi, Ahmedabad, Gujarat
• Patola weaving, Patan, Gujarat
• Rogan textile painting, Nirona, Gujarat
• Sujani weaving, Bharuch, Gujarat
• Tangaliya weaving, Gujarat
• Nandana hand-block printing, Jawad, Madhya Pradesh
• Himroo weaving, Aurangabad, Maharashtra

2
 H A N D M A D E TE X TI LE C R A F T S 59

SOUTH INDIA
• Himroo weaving, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana
• Siddipet Gollabama weaving, Andhra Pradesh
• Guledgudd Khana, Guledgudda, Karnataka
• Ilkal weaving, Bagalkot, Karnataka
• Lambadi/ Banjara embroidery, Sandur, Bellary district, Karnataka
• Molakalmuru silk weaving, Chitradurga, Karnataka
• Ayurvedic textiles, Balaramapuram, Kerala
• Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari, Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu
• Sungadi or Chungadi, Madurai, Tamil Nadu
• Toda embroidery, Nilgiris, Tamil Nadu
• Gongadi sheep wool blankets, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh

H A N D M A D E TE X TI LE C R A F T S 83
E ast I N D I A

• Bavanbutti weaving, Nalanda, Bihar

• Kheta embroidery, Kishanganj, Bihar
• Bandha tie-dye weaving, Sambalpur, Odisha
• Berhampur Pata or Phoda Kumbha, Odisha
• Dhalapathar Parda, Khorda, Odisha
• Dongaria Kondh textiles, Kandhmal, Odisha
• Kenduli Pata calligraphic weaving, Odisha
• Fragrant textiles, Balaposh, West Bengal
• Garad-Korial weaving, Murshidabad, West Bengal
• Satgaon quilts, West Bengal

H A N D M A D E TE X TI LE C R A F T S 105
N/E INDIA

• Lasing Phee, Cachar, Manipur

• Saphee Lanphee, Manipur
• Lepcha weaving, Sikkim
• Risha textile weaving, Tripura

Recommendations for safeguarding

and revitalizing heritage textile crafts 114

Annexures 117

SPECIAL THANKS
D irect o ry o f o rgani z ati o ns
REFERENCES

3
 Handmade Indian textiles
for the 21st century
P e t er D ’ A sc o l i
E
xactly forty years ago, I was a 20-year-old textile
design student at the Fashion Institute of
Technology in my hometown of New York City
when I was invited by the Government of India to
visit this country and work with handmade textiles for the
Ministry of Textiles. The Handicrafts & Handloom Export
Corporation of India was the entity that brought me here,
a government undertaking dedicated to the development
and export of Indian crafts to global markets.
In those days, I knew nothing about the history, art or
cultures of this great land. Nor did I yet know the story
of how, since antiquity, India had dominated the world
of handmade cotton textiles, both aesthetically and
technically, until the industrial revolution changed the
way cloth is mass produced. This was a time before the
internet, smartphones and globalization had made the
earth a much smaller place and, as someone who grew
4
up in a world of uniformity, where almost all our food,
household goods, consumer products and even the
accoutrements used for our religious rituals were
made by machines, India was, and remains for me,
a wonderland of cultural diversity and practices that
have been lost elsewhere.
When we consider this wide range of craft know-how
– what the French call savoir faire – that exists today in
the hearts and minds of Indian artisans, and the sheer
scale that makes its handloom sector the second largest
employer in this country after agriculture, we can begin
to understand the significance of this legacy; that it has
survived the ravages of industrialization and colonization
can be seen as testimony to its pervasive depth and
strength. And so it was that, when asked by UNESCO to
support this publication, I jumped at the opportunity to
be part of something that would help raise awareness and
understanding about something so important to India
and, indeed, to all humanity.
In India’s villages, we can still find a way of life that
moves in rhythm with the natural world; places where
time passes in pace with the seasons, where work,
religious festivals and whatever shopping is needed are
synchronized with the moon and with the planting and
harvesting of crops. And it is in these places, in clusters of
craft centres spread across the subcontinent, that farmers,
weavers, printers and embroiderers have historically
served as producers of everyday textile products as
well as of luxuries for special occasions, special patrons
and export.
It is tempting to think of this rural world as a romantic
idyll but these lifestyles are stressed and changing rapidly.
With such a large segment of the population employed
 H andmade I ndian t ex t i l es f o r t he 2 1 s t cen t ury
in the textile craft sector, it is not surprising that so many
people are concerned about its well-being. In addition to
the artisans themselves, government leaders, economists
and those seeking to preserve art, cultural heritage and
national/regional identities have all endeavoured to
invigorate and strengthen these livelihoods. And when
we look at who these practitioners are, we find that this,
too, is an extremely diverse field of constituents with
varying methods, skills and economic opportunities
and outcomes.
Some textiles are made by artisans working in their rural
homes for personal household and religious use, while
others toil at home in a semi-organized cottage industry
format, receiving orders from middlemen who have
connections to raw materials and customers outside the
local community. Still other artisans are employed by
companies and work in factory settings, perhaps in large
towns or cities, using their craft to manufacture consumer
products distributed in India and abroad. Each of these
crafting practices is part of the handmade textile story of
India. Adding to this complexity is the fact that there is
not one set type of technique, such as weaving, printing or
embroidery, that constitutes a craft.
The global fashion industry that I have worked in
these past four decades is sick, and its illness revolves
around an industrial economy built on competition
and consumption driven by low costs achieved through
large-scale production. Hungry for ever more growth,
this monster has spread as international brands enter
emerging markets whose aspirational inhabitants are
eager to embrace the consumption so many equate
with a higher standard of living. And while consumers,
mostly in developed markets, have benefited from
low prices, the formerly unseen costs are causing
growing disenchantment as the ugly side of this value
chain becomes more visible: unfair wages for workers,
environmental degradation and waste.
Seen within the context of the current global fashion
crisis, the world must see India’s craft traditions with new
eyes. While it is obvious that we must seek cleaner forms
of machine-made, industrial mass production, it is also
apparent that, at the upper end of the quality spectrum,
India can offer the world an artisanal alternative that is
flexible, sustainable and truly luxurious. It is with this in
mind that the craftspeople of India can offer the world
a healing balm for its ailing fashion business, and it is
my hope that this publication can be used as a tool for
such a mission: revitalizing Indian handmade textiles,
enriching artisans and aiding the fashion world in its
quest for sustainability.
5

1 UN SDG (2015) United Nations
Department of Economic and
Social Affairs — Sustainable
Development. https://sdgs.
un.org/goals
6
Safeguarding and renewal
of heritage textile crafts in India
R i t u S e t hi
I
ndia’s many diverse textile crafts are living traditions
that remain a central part of the traditional knowledge
systems and practices of the country’s cultural fabric.
This prolific heritage has been renewed with every
generation, its rich diversity reflected in its aesthetics and
vast range of techniques and design vocabularies.
As these crafts are handed down from one generation to
the next, they renew and evolve as they are reinterpreted
for every age, and thus remain viable, vibrant and relevant
to changing times. It is critical, however, for this process to
continue: for the practice and meaning of these crafts to
be passed down from guru to shishya, teacher to student.
Being a lived heritage, the very immediacy and vitality of
handmade textile crafts also contain the ephemerality
and vulnerability of craft practices that need to be
sustained and safeguarded. When a textile craft practice
dies out, it is not only the craftsperson, the weaver, but
also the ancillary professional who is affected – for with
the craft dies its history, its cross-cultural linkages, its value
chains and the legacy it holds for generations to come.
Background
We in India have been cognizant of these values and have
paid great attention to this aspect of our living heritage
ever since our Independence in 1947. Textile crafts are
recognized as an integral part of our cultural heritage,
with the Indian Government, organizations, institutions,
communities and, indeed, individuals working towards
the safeguarding of peoples’ living heritage.
UNESCO’s 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the
Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) includes the universe
of craft practices as one of its five domains. The need
to safeguard and sustainably develop ICH has always
been considered important, but was foregrounded and
received global visibility after the establishment of the
Convention and its subsequent ratification by over 179
countries including India.
India is also an early signatory to the achievement of the
17 goals of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development
Agenda for 2030, of which 7 goals are directly linked to
traditional crafts, their knowledge systems and practices,
while other broader goals of climate action, no poverty
and quality education are indirectly linked to such
traditions. These 7 goals are: Goal 5 – gender equality;
Goal 8 – decent work and economic growth; Goal 9 –
industry, innovation and infrastructure; Goal 10 – reduced
inequalities; Goal 11 – sustainable cities and communities;
Goal 12 – responsible consumption and production; and
Goal 17 – partnerships for the goals.
As we emerge from the shadow of the COVID-19
pandemic, we must redouble our efforts to safeguard our
living inheritance, in line with the values we have espoused
both nationally, and as signatories to international treaties
that resonate with an aim towards ‘development that
meets the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs’. 1
Why textile-craft practices
require sustenance
The reasons why any particular handmade textile craft
requires sustenance and revitalization can be quite
complex, not least because the sector that falls under this
generic term covers a huge patchwork quilt of incredible
diversity and varied circumstances, extending from the
 S afeguarding and R enewa l o f heri t age t ex t i l e craf t s in I ndia
sacred, ritual and ceremonial to the most quotidian and
utilitarian textile products. It includes materials that range
from the many varieties of silk and cotton to nettle fibres,
linen and varieties of wool, from metallic yarns to fibres
drawn from lotus stems and bananas, and to new and
innovative yarns. Similarly, its continuum of knowledge
systems ranges from the Shilp Shastras, ancient treatises
on art and craft, to oral traditions that are passed between
and across generations. The skill-band of knowledge
extends from that of a shilp guru, or great master, to that of
an apprentice. The ecosystem in which a textile is created
includes several specialists, each essential to the process.
A basic and generalized checklist could be a starting point
to gauge the viabilities of a wide spectrum of textile crafts.
Some aspects may be unique to a particular craft, other
issues may overlap and have similar causalities resulting
in vulnerabilities.
Such a checklist could include:
• Social and demographic changes that often influence
and make a difference to intergenerational knowledge
transfer (for example, migration to cities, encroaching
urbanization, and lack of free time to learn or master
a skill). With skills and technical know-how being
transmitted orally for the most part, and given the
relative dearth of detailed technical documentation,
knowledge can be lost as master craftsmen age or
pass away. The difficulty of recruiting new practitioners
to a textile craft could be due to the devaluing of
traditional knowledge and skills, as book learning
begins to be considered of greater value, and the
subsequent perceived ‘low status’ of craftspeople,
as well as other reasons.
• Changing systems of age-old patrons, with urbanization
and modern-day lives disrupting the linkages between
makers and users. Besides, changing consumer tastes
often lead to changes in design vocabulary and
consumers shifting away from handmade textiles.
• Challenges extend from earning a living from a craft
and the rising costs of raw material to the difficulties of
making or accessing tools and the unavailability of the
raw material or lack of access to suitable replacement
material. Running a small craft business is not easy.
Such businesses require a whole gamut of inputs, from
sourcing and procuring raw material to its crafting,
marketing and sales, and the challenges of taxation,
GST, accounts, etc.
• Given that most craft knowledge is oral, the
unavailability of or lack of access to high-quality
training, lack of certified courses, absence of quality
standards, and limited opportunities for skill
development are additional challenges. Often a loss
of knowledge or the cessation of a practice by allied
process specialists along the value chain, or another
kind of break in the value chain, can impact the
quality and production of the end product.
•E
 nvironmental issues ranging from lack of water to
issues of pollution control and other environmental
compliances are also part of what contributes to
a textile craft’s viability.
•R
 eplication by mill-made and digitally produced
textile products at prices that are much lower than
handmade products is an overwhelming issue.
Data from the handloom census of 2009-10 reflects
this, as in their answer to the question of what
they considered the greatest threat to their work
and future over 33 per cent of weaving households
surveyed across India replied that it was copies of
handloom products made on power looms. This
figure went up to 84.6 per cent in Andhra Pradesh,
59.1 per cent in Odisha and 46.5 per cent in Tamil
Nadu (NCAER, 2010, pp. 136-37).
There is great interdependence between all these
aspects and their cross-disciplinary spheres, as
difficulties in one area affect outcomes in others.
By its very nature, therefore, the reasons for the
sustainability or otherwise of a textile craft could be
a permutation or combination of several reasons or a
reason unique to the tradition in question. In addition,
to understand the workings of individual textile craft
practices, one needs to study and delve into subtle
but critical contextual nuances that are often tacit and
remain unspoken, but require inquiry and delving into
to ensure their sustainability.
Thoughts about the future
In the interest of ensuring the vibrant continuity and
sustainability of the textile crafts in this inventory, the
mapping and listing of textile craft practices may be
a way of drawing attention to those that are in need
7
 S afeguarding and R enewa l o f heri t age t ex t i l e craf t s in I ndia
of sustenance. This would provide a baseline for devising
safeguarding practices for revitalization.
As textile crafts are lived traditions, it is imperative that
an objective definition benchmarking and gauging the
viability of different craft practices and their transmission
be determined, to allow for timely assessment of
vulnerability. Given the wide diversity of crafts, the varied
circumstances and nature of their practice, and the host
of mitigating factors that can threaten their viability,
such evaluation criteria would, by necessity, have to
be generalized in nature, so as to be applicable across
the board.
Such a system would also include a supplementary
benchmarking metric tailored to individual textile crafts
and textile genres that would allow a second phase of
evaluation that would supplement the general criteria.
This second phase would consider the nuances of
each craft and its ecosystem and help to deepen the
investigation into its viability before the initiation of
safeguarding practices to consolidate and strengthen
its transmission and practice.
Since the initiation of the 2003 Convention, the
importance of safeguarding endangered ICH has been
recognized globally. The first article of the Convention
states that this safeguarding is one of the key components
of the Convention, as is the establishment of a List of
ICH in Need of Urgent Safeguarding. 2 In India, the Office
of the Development Commissioner, Handicrafts and
Handlooms, Ministry of Textiles, holds jurisdiction over
and responsibility for this sector, and is deeply mindful of
these issues, having worked tirelessly to ensure long-term
sustainability of this sector through its policies
and programmes. 3
Building on this foundation, and further, by instituting
a long-term viability monitoring plan that assesses the
effectiveness of safeguarding measures to steward
vulnerable crafts, the cultural loss that is borne each
time a craft dies could be alleviated.
2 Text of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural
Heritage, Definitions: Article 2, Point 3 (https://ich.unesco.org/en/
convention). Operational Directives for the Implementation of the
Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage,
Chapter 1. I.1, U.2. p. 5 (https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/ICH-Operational_
Directives-6.GA-PDF-EN.pdf).
3 The Development Commission of Handicrafts defines endangered
crafts, earlier called languishing crafts, as follows:
The participation and involvement of practitioners and
transmitters is fundamental and at the core of every step
of the process. This is immutable.
Crafts as lived practices are constantly evolving and have
often been developed as a response to cultural, economic
or social needs. It is thus possible that some practices may
have become obsolete or archaic, may not be in keeping
with current legislation or human rights, or may have
fulfilled their functionality. There is, thus, a need to assess
the necessity of revitalizing every craft. This question must
be discussed with the community.
Safeguarding in times of change needs top priority as
more crafts and artisans emerge into a vulnerable future
and we are no longer sure of the many certainties we took
for granted. There is an urgent need to assess the current
viability of a wide swathe of traditional textile crafts and
identify those that are most at risk of becoming extinct.
The importance of this benchmarking lies in determining
which crafts should benefit from priority support. A fresh
mapping of crafts to gauge their vulnerability is a priority
as this focus could heighten awareness of threatened
crafts and perhaps lead to creative solutions, partnerships
and further attention to their safeguarding.
Further reading
Sethi, R., Duque Duque, C., Vencatachellum, I. 2005. Designers meet
Artisans – A practical guide. UNESCO, Craft Revival Trust, Artesania de
Columbia.
Sethi, R. 2021. Degrees of endangerment: presenting a system for
grading the viability of traditional crafts. Global InCH, International
Journal of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Issue 8. https://globalinch.org/
article/degrees-of-endangerment-presenting-a-system-for-grading-
the-viability-of-heritage-crafts/ (Accessed 8 September 2022.)
‘1. The total numbers of craft practitioners are less than 25.
2. Crafts persons have replaced craft activity with another activity
because the craft practice is unviable… if reduction in time spent on
the particular craft is more than 50 per cent in the past three years.
3. Next generation in the family is not learning the craft and there is
no recruitment of new persons outside the family. Percentage of new
recruitment is less than 40%.’ (http://www.handicrafts.gov.in/pdf/
DCH_FAQs.pdf).
9
 LADAKH

North
HIMACHAL
PRADESH

HARYANA

Uttar
Pradesh
RAJASTHAN

I n d i a

HANDMADE TEXTILE CRAF TS

Haryana Himachal Ladakh Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh

Pradesh
Khes weaving, Thigma or wool Danka embroidery, Awadh Jamdani,
Panipat Chamba tie-dye Udaipur Varanasi
Rumal,
Tapestry weaving, Chamba valley Split-ply braid Baluchari weaving,
Panipat weaving Varanasi

Badla embroidery,
Lucknow

Gyasar weaving,
Varanasi

Hand block-printing,
Farrukhabad

11
NORTH INDIA
Khes weaving
P anipa t , H aryana
These geometric, checked double-weaves, in
which the two sides appear differently, were
traditionally woven in both silk and cotton.
T
he historic town of Panipat is also known as the
‘City of Weavers’ because it was once famous for
its Khes weaving. This was a double-cloth weave
of cotton yarn, thick enough to be used for
shawls or wraps, although it was more popularly used as
bedding material.
The Khes developed several centuries ago under
Mughal rule to meet the demand for cotton blankets, an
important item of use and trade at that time. The craft
of weaving Khes in Panipat was originally a tradition of
Punjab, and weavers from western Pakistan settled here
after the partition of India in 1947. The traditional Khes
was made of thick cotton cloth and was used as a spread
12
or upper garment. The north-western part of the Indian
subcontinent, particularly the Multan Division of
undivided Punjab, was known to be the birthplace
of Khes.
Khes was once made on smaller looms, and two or three
widths of fabric were stitched together to create a larger
piece. This was known as char paira Khes. Silk yarn, too,
was used, with reversible geometric motifs. Currently,
figurative designs and patterns are woven using jacquard
looms.
Khes was woven both professionally for trade and as a
household craft, with women weaving it for family use.
For generations, women in the villages of Punjab wove the
Khes as a part of the trousseau they would take with them
to their future homes. Girls were taught to weave by elder
women of the household so that they could continue the
tradition. Women refused to sell Khes because of their
sentimental attachment to these weaves.
 K hes weaving | H aryana

The craft ecosystem

Today, Khem Raj Sundriyal (b. 1943), a master weaver,
continues his lone battle to preserve the heritage, skill and
history of the traditional Khes. Although he continues to
train young weavers, adapting his craft to produce more
contemporary products, he faces an uphill task. He has
received many accolades, including the prestigious Sant
Kabir Award.

Khes continues to be used as a bed covering and wrap.

Process
Khes is a thick, checked cotton fabric that is woven with
traditional geometric patterns on a pit loom using twill or
plain weave. The main body is filled with small repeating
The number of its warp threads helps determine the
patterns, usually diamonds, triangles or polyhedrons
density and thus the quality of a Khes. These range from
enclosed within a square. The borders are white and
2,400 to 4,800 threads per piece, the finest quality being
combine a number of narrow and broad stripes in
known as bulbul chashm (nightingale eyes), and using
complex permutations of the forms seen in the field.
5 colours in the weft and up to 4,800 threads in the warp.
Being a double-sided weave, both sides of a Khes
appear different.

The Chandni Khes or Majnu Khes was a more complex

version of the weave, woven in the double-cloth
technique with a distinctive checked design. This type Change and way forward
of geometrically patterned double-cloth Khes evolved
Soon after the partition of India and the resulting
when weavers adopted the compact loom, apparently
displacement of huge numbers of people, the newly
from Varanasi, in the early twentieth century. This enabled
formed Government of India, encouraged by Mahatma
complex designs to be woven more easily than on the
Gandhi, set up a scheme to resettle displaced weavers in
traditional pit loom. A closely related type of checked
the then small town of Panipat in Haryana. The weavers
cotton cloth with woven diamond patterns is called
were given housing, work sheds, looms and other facilities
Gumti Khes.
that would boost the progress of their work.
Khes was labour intensive and expensive to produce and
Khes weaving took root and flourished in Panipat.
the finer weaves were only made as private commissions.
However, as Panipat became a hub for the supply of
It was traditionally woven in pairs, stitched together to
handlooms to national and export markets, there was
create a cloth large enough to cover a bed. Sets of four
an inexorable move towards the power loom replacing
pairs were cut end-to-end and stitched together to
the handloom, and the slow and steady decline of the
produce the requisite width.
complex and time-consuming Khes production. In
The most popular colours for Khes weaving were deep addition, weavers were not interested in learning or
yellow, red, black and blue, used in combinations. Names working the long hours required for the technique of
for particular designs were derived from the weaves or double-cloth weaving, and began weaving single-layered
colour combinations used, such as pabara (lotus), billi fabrics. The need to sustain this unusual tradition is of
butho (cat’s face), bagglo (stork), etc. utmost importance.

13
NORTH INDIA
Tapestry weaving
P anipa t , H aryana
One of the oldest forms of woven textile,
tapestry has been used to create some of
the most beautiful pieces of wall art.
T
apestry has been used to create everything
from tunics and accessories to home
furnishings and rugs. Made in many places
across India, its weaving is on the decline in
Panipat. Tapestry is weft-faced weaving wherein the
weft (horizontal yarn) shows but the warp does not.
It is an extremely labour-intensive process. High-
quality tapestries, produced with finer warp and weft
threads, and can take even longer to make. A skilled
tapestry weaver, working 35 h to 40 h a week at the
loom, can weave about 1 m2 a month.
14
Another key feature of a tapestry is that it has
discontinuous wefts. This means that the weft is not woven
from one selvedge (edge) to the other selvedge as one
would weave a piece of cloth. Instead, areas are woven in
sections. Another feature is that they are not plain weaves
but are either patterned or pictorial in nature.
Tapestries often look like they are crafted from
brushstrokes, but they are woven, not painted.
What makes tapestry weaving unique is that the design
of this woven decorative textile is created while weaving.
Each section of the weft begins and ends in different parts
across the width of the warp.
This creative, time- and skill-intensive technique has been
mastered by Khem Raj Sundriyal (b. 1943), who received
the Sant Kabir award in 2009. He is among the few skilled
artisans working to create tapestries in India today.
 Tapes t ry weaving | H aryana

The craft ecosystem

Khem Raj Sundriyal has held workshops in Varanasi and
Panipat on tapestry weaving, but few artisans continued
working in this style of weaving after their training, even
though it helped their earnings.

Process
Wool is the material most widely used for tapestry
weaving, for both the warp and the weft. As well as being
readily available and easy to dye, its natural strength and
flexibility lends itself to tapestry weaving. Silk threads are
sometimes used in the weft, in addition to wool, to help
create intricate details and add depth to the design. Metal threads fixed on a large frame. The vertical threads, or
zari threads can also be used to add detail, although their warps, and the horizontal threads, or wefts, are actually
high cost means that they are more commonly found in many separate strands of wool or silk threads, all in
small tapestries. different colours as per the chosen pattern. A tapestry is
made by repeatedly weaving the weft threads over and
Tapestries are woven on either low-warp looms or
under the vertical warp threads, then tamping the threads
high-warp looms. On low-warp looms, the rollers are
closely, thus completely hiding the warp threads from
on the same level and the warp is stretched horizontally
view. In other words, the weft threads are the colours
between them. On high-warp looms, the warp threads
that gradually build up to form a tapestry’s picture. The
are stretched vertically between a top roller and a
supplementary wefts that create colours and patterns do
bottom roller.
not weave in and out across all the warps – they are only
Tapestry weaving requires knowledge of spatial planning introduced where the design demands a patch of that
as a tapestry can be regarded as a grid composed of particular colour.

Change and way forward

Khem Raj Sundriyal is one of the few weavers who
continues to weave tapestries. Traditional weavers
of tapestries face stiff competition from machine-
woven tapestries available at low prices that weavers
cannot match.

However, there are also well-known contemporary

designers who weave their own tapestry designs and
explore and redefine the process of tapestry weaving,
using new materials and forms. They work largely in their
ateliers and their products are featured in art galleries
and design exhibitions.

15
NORTH INDIA

Chamba Rumal
C H A M B A V A LL E Y , H imacha l P radesh

While Chamba Rumals may have existed in the

Chamba Rumals are embroidered representations of the sixteenth century, the craft flowered during the reign
Pahari miniatures paintings of the region. of Raja Umed Singh of Chamba (r. 1748-68), a patron of

M
miniature artists who had left the troubled and declining
ade in the Chamba valley of Himachal
Mughal court. The craft continued to flourish under the
Pradesh, Chamba Rumals represent a unique,
reigns of his successors, Raj Singh (r. 1764-94) and
pictorial style of embroidery practiced by the
Chatar Singh (r. 1794-1880).
women of this region. ‘Rumal’ is the Persian
word for ‘handkerchief’, and these handkerchiefs, usually The Chamba Rumal is embroidered with a double
square, are made of hand-spun cotton or fine muslin and satin stitch carried forward and backward alternately,
finely embroidered by hand. The oldest dated Chamba which reflects on both sides of the cloth, making both
Rumal is from the sixteenth century. sides appear like mirror images of each other. This
technique is known as do-rukha tanka (double satin stitch)
The craft is also known as Chamba kasidakari
and is a hallmark of this style of embroidery. Another
(embroidery) or Chamba do-rukha (double-sided). Their
characteristic of the Chamba Rumal is the outline of
sizes, being dependant on the purpose for which they
figures in black skeins, which are usually embroidered
were made, ranged from small to large squares and
in dandi-tanka (stem stitch). Almost all traditional Rumals
rectangles, embroidered with floral patterns, depictions
have decorative borders, 2 in. to 4 in. wide, filled with
of scenes from Hindu mythology and other subjects. The
meandering creepers and floral and other patterns that
embroidery on Chamba Rumals was done by women,
frame the central image and enhance it.
based on sketches made by artists of the Chamba school
of Pahari painting, and reflected the themes of Pahari The colours of Chamba Rumals follow the traditional
miniatures. colour palette of Pahari miniature painting.

16
 C hamba R uma l | H imacha l P radesh

Change and way forward

Since its inception, the Chamba Rumal has been a joint
initiative of embroiderers and Pahari miniature artists.
However, as the tradition of Pahari miniature painting
declined with the decline of royal patronage from the
Pahari dynasties, the link between the painters and
embroiderers declined, too, and Chamba’s embroidery
craft began to disappear.

Recently, however, the process of rejuvenating the craft

has begun. In 2007, the Chamba Rumal was accorded
a Geographical Indication (GI) tag by the Geographical
Indications Registry. This helped to curb the sale of
inauthentic products and also brought the art form back
into the limelight.

Today, several organizations are working in Chamba to

ensure the continuity of this embroidery form. These
The craft ecosystem include the Delhi Crafts Council (DCC), which has been
working towards the regeneration of Chamba Rumals
In the past, it was customary to cover offerings with
since 2001; and Rumals of Chamba, a brand that develops
embroidered Rumals, whether at rituals, family events or
traditional embroidery from the Pahari region.
weddings. Today, the technique of embroidery is used for
other products like saris, stoles, shawls, scarves/dupattas,
bags, bookmarks, calendars, etc.

Process
The main raw materials are the base fabric, threads and
dyes. Traditionally, embroiderers used hand-spun and
handwoven fabric with naturally dyed threads. Today,
the base cloth is unbleached muslin and the thread is
untwisted silk floss, or pat.

As Pahari painting is a deep rooted tradition here,

it is professional miniature artists who first visualize the
theme of a Rumal and then draw the outline of the design
on the cloth in charcoal. These artists are usually men,
while women do the embroidery. The colour palette
to be used when embroidering a Rumal is also usually
predetermined. The inspiration of the embroidery, like
that of Pahari paintings, is themes from Hindu epics and
mythology, and includes figures such as Radha-Krishna,
Shiva–Parvati, Ganesha, Durga, the Dasavatara of Vishnu,
Nayak-Nayika, etc.

17
NORTH INDIA

Thigma or wool tie-dye

Ladakh

Thigma is a Ladakhi word for the tie-dye design that is patterned on wool and found
across Ladakh, Zanskar, Spiti and other trans-Himalayan, high-altitude regions.
Ladakh is particularly well known for the practice of this craft, and Ladakhis attach
great cultural significance to it.

L
adakh has a highly diverse textile tradition
that reflects its socio-economic and cultural
environment. Its range of traditional fabrics extends
from elaborately patterned prestige garments
made from trade textiles such as silk brocades and velvet
to simple homespun materials produced from locally
available wool and pashmina.
Little is known about the historical development of
weaving or tie-dye in Ladakh, and few, if any, early records
document this subject. It may be presumed, however, that
tie-dye is an old tradition of the region as visual references
to it exists in the wall paintings of the Alchi monastery,
which dates to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
indicating the existence of Thigma back then.

18

The craft ecosystem
The main centres of this craft are the Nubra valley and
Sabu. Products like panels for garments (nambus), belts
(skerekh) and narrow belts are made using Thigma.
It is still used in traditional Ladakhi dress (the goncha
for men and the sulma for women) and in footwear and
belts. Local people continue to use products and wear
garments made of Thigma tie-dye, but the number of its
practitioners is dwindling.
Process
Making Thigma is a slow and difficult process. It is
particularly challenging as the tie-dye is done on wool, not
cotton. The cloth is pinched and tightly tied with threads
to mark the areas that are to resist the uptake of colour.
Both natural and synthetic dyes are used to colour the
rest of the fabric. Once the dyeing process is complete,
the fabric is washed and rinsed to remove the extra dye
and the threads are opened to reveal the undyed fabric
beneath.
Tie-dye can be used to create a wide variety of designs
on fabric, though Thigma continues to be made with
traditional patterns. Thigma tie-dye is similar to the
technique of Bandhani practised in Rajasthan and Gujarat,
in that it involves resist-dyeing, but it has a different look
because it uses wool as a base. As a result, Thigma tie-
dyed patterns appear more layered and diffused.
Thigma o r w o o l t ie - dye | Ladakh
This tie-dye resist is done on narrow strips of woollen cloth.
The wool strips are used as panels in dresses, blankets and
on the high boots worn in Ladakh. The tools for this craft
are thread and cord, and the raw materials include natural
or synthetic dyes and woollen textiles. When natural dyes
are used, they are made of apple bark and onion peel for
light browns, charcoal soot for shades of grey, and the
roots of plants for yellows and pinks.
Change and way forward
Traditionally, natural dyes were used to dye the woollen
fabric but, as times change, artisans have begun using
synthetic dyes. As urbanization spreads, clothing styles
change too, and thus the use of Thigma has declined over
the years. All this has led a decline in demand for traditional
textiles, which has also adversely affected Thigma.
Ladakhi designers are working with artisans to blend
tradition, modernity and community into their work.
Jigmat Couture is a fashion house that has researched
traditional Ladakhi textiles and developed products
from the traditions of Ladakh, using artisanal skills like
hand-weaving, spinning and tie-dye to cater to national
and global customers. Zilzom is another design label
that combines traditional and modern aesthetics with
traditional textiles, techniques and motifs, including
Thigma, that reflect Ladakh’s culture.
19
NORTH INDIA
Danka embroidery
U daipur , R ajas t han
Danke-ka-kaam (danka-work) is an
unusual technique for decorating textile
using small-faceted metallic plates that
are stitched on the cloth by hand with zari
(golden) yarn. It is complemented by zardozi
(metal) embroidery worked around it.
20
D
anka embroidery is unique to Udaipur district of
Rajasthan. The danka is a small diamond-faceted
metallic plate, originally of gold or silver, that
was embroidered on clothing with metallic zari
threads in high relief. The danka is used alongside elaborate
motifs like paisley, flowers, peacocks, vines, scrolls and
geometric patterns to create opulent textiles. The faceted
danka reflect the light, glinting like diamonds in the high-
relief, three-dimensional embroidery.

The craft ecosystem
While there are no textual accounts of its origins, oral
histories state that the Bohra Muslim community that
migrated to Udaipur in the sixteenth century brought
Danka embroidery to India. The embellishment found
immediate favour with the Rajput royalty and the wealthy
of this region.
The Bohra community continues to practice Danka
embroidery today, although they do not wear the attire
themselves. It remains popular with the Rajput ladies of
this region, who use it on their traditional clothing, with
the embroidered motifs and patterns dictated by their
customs and preferences.
Process
The danka is a metallic plate made from thin, highly
polished and finished metal sheets cut into long strips
and electroplated with gold. These strips are cut into
danka shapes of 1 cm2 to 1.5 cm2, as required. These small
pieces are hammered with a stone implement till they
acquire a concave, three-dimensional shape. This method
of making the danka was earlier known as korpatti-ka-
kaam. Finally, the dankas are ready to be used. The artisan
makes tiny holes on all four corners of each danka with
a needle heated on a running flame, so as to sew it on
the cloth, which ranges from velvet and satin to chiffon
and silk.
Originally, dankas were made from pure gold plates;
these gold dankas were counted and then handed over
to the embroiderer. Over time, the embroiderers began
to using gold-plated and silver dankas. Lately, metals like
brass and plastic are also being used to make the product
affordable.
The cost of a Danka textile is calculated on the basis of
the weight of its metal and the labour that went into
making it.
D anka embr o idery | R ajas t han
Danka embroidery is
supplemented with other
materials to develop
opulent patterns. These
include kasab yarn,
which is usually cotton
at the core with metallic
filament spun around it;
and sitara (sequins) with
metallic holes at their
centre, by which they
are sewn.
Most important of the
artisan’s tools are the ari (hooked) needle and the adda,
a rectangular wooden frame that can be expanded or
collapsed, on which to stretch the area of the fabric that
is to be embroidered. The embroiderer sits on the floor
with the adda at chest level, thus making it comfortable
for him to use. He uses a pattern drawn on butter paper,
placing this paper on the frame at the right place and
using cotton and a mixture of kerosene and indigo to
trace the pattern on the fabric.
Change and way forward
Recent years have seen a consistent decline in the Danka
business because of the influx of other fashionable
influences that are increasingly replacing this embroidery.
The quality of raw material has also suffered due to
inflation, as traditional dankas are replaced with brass and
plastic material. Danka-making itself is endangered, with
only one danka-maker left.
As with other declining crafts, artisans have quit the
practice, shifting to other art forms or even completely
different professions. Taking Danka embroidery beyond
Udaipur to a wider national clientele will expand and
regenerate this craft.
NORTH INDIA

Split-ply braid weaving

R ajas t han

Highly patterned and often figurative camel girths and desert ever since the camel was harnessed to use, but as
is the case with most crafts, its historical origin is hard to
animal regalia in goat hair or cotton are made using the establish as traditions remain oral.
technique of split-ply braid weaving.

T
hese weaves were traditionally made by men
whilst tending their flocks of camels and goats. The craft ecosystem
This simplest of weaves is strong enough to be
used to girth camels in the Thar desert, where Practitioners use four-ply cords of goat hair or cotton to
make girths and other paraphernalia for camels. Even
the strong split-ply camel girths are needed to manage
though it is not a gender- or caste-based craft, split-ply
camels as they plough, draw well water, pull carts or
braid weaving remains largely concentrated among the
simply ride through dry sand.
Bhatti Rajputs of the Hazuri community. The few villages
Prized for their strength, longevity and aesthetic appeal, with practitioners of the craft are in Barmer and Jaisalmer
such girth-belts are usually about 6 ft long and 5 in. wide of western Rajasthan.

and serve to keep the saddle firmly in place. Legend has The craft never took a commercial turn and has remained
it that the split-ply technique has been known in the confined to the remote villages of the desert.

22

Process
These sturdy camel girths are made using an unusual
technique called split-ply braiding, traditionally with goat
hair or high twist cotton cord, though now rayon is also
used. For a belt of 6 ft in length and 5 in. in width, the
weaver needs 30 to 40 strands of 9-hand lengths of 4-ply
yarn. The tool of the trade is a hooked needle (gunthani)
made by the braiders out of locally available softwood.
The split-ply technique creates patterns by oblique
interlacing, changing yarn direction and splitting yarns.
When it reaches the required length, the belt is knotted
with decorative tassels.
Cords can be of one or more colour stripes. Usually
weavers use four-ply cords of the same thickness and
direction of twist. The cords’ ends are secured with strong
glues before weaving so that they can be braided with
greater ease.
The weaver begins by cleaning goat hair and spinning it
into yarn with a drop spindle. The yarn is doubled to make
it two-ply as four-ply yarn is used for girth. The four-ply
yarn is soaked in water and stretched out in the sun to dry.
This removes the kinks, and opens up and thickens out
the yarn. When the yarn is dry, the weaver loops the four-
ply cords and slips them on to a wooden stick. The ply
of one cord is split open with the eye of a large wooden
needle and untwisted to a quarter of a turn; the adjacent
S p l i t - p l y braid weaving | R ajas t han
cord is threaded through the eye and pulled back
through the first strand. This process is repeated with
adjacent cords along a row, and worked down, row by
row, until a series of cords intersect to create a pattern.
The design and pattern appear according to the colour
of the cords and the sequence in which the cords are
split by each other.
The designs of these camel girths are customarily
geometric or figurative, including images of women
and motifs inspired by the desert. The traditional
colour palette was black and white, which came from
the goat hair used to make these girths. A diverse
range of colours are available now, owing to the use of
readily available cotton cords in the craft.
Change and way forward
While traditional girths were made from goat hair or
cotton, machine-made girths of synthetic material are
replacing the goat-hair girths used by camel herders
and owners. The decline of its camel population
because of the development of transport systems in
the desert has directly impacted the demand for this
craft. However, it is sustained by other uses such as belts,
slings for bags, etc.
23
NORTH INDIA

Awadh Jamdani
V aranasi , U t t ar P radesh

The fine cottons of

Awadh Jamdani
are loom-engineered
during their weaving
in a way that allows
for bespoke tailoring
of individual patterns.

T
he flowered muslins of India have been known for
centuries past. Although no exact historical record exists
about their origins, they are mentioned in the text of the
Hindu epic, the Mahabharata. In a first-century account,
Indica, written by the Greek historian and diplomat Megasthenes
on his observations of the court of the great Mauryan emperor
Chandragupta, there is a description of the wearing of ‘flowered
garments made of the finest Muslins’. These are just some of the
literary references to the weave.
Over the centuries, texts continued to extol the ephemeral
beauty of these flowered weaves, a praise that was
mirrored by the trade figures in terms of the monetary
value placed on these coveted Jamdanis – this woven-
air weave.
What lay at the very heart of the matter was that the
Jamdani was considered to be the rarest, the finest and
the most sophisticated weave of the Indian loom.

24

Jamdani weaving was not, as is often thought, the
exclusive preserve of Bengal – in fact, its spread included
parts of northern India, with Lucknow, Jais, Varanasi
and Tanda being well-known centres of its production.
Patronized by the nawabs of Awadh and by the rajas of
Varanasi, its specialty lay in the complex engineering
required to place the patterning in a manner that allowed
for its bespoke tailoring into angrakhas (tunics) and other
kinds of clothing.
The craft ecosystem
These gauzy textured cottons were embroidered on the
loom by the addition of weft threads, introduced by hand
during the weaving process to create individual patterns.
Figures and floral and geometric patterns were nuanced
by light and shadow and tones of transparency and
opaqueness that lent themselves to the textile’s drape
and fall.
The finest Jamdani products were reserved for rulers
and ruling courts, which changed with the rise and fall of
fortunes and kingdoms during the course of India’s history.
From the sixteenth century on, its patrons included
Mughal emperors, nawabi courts and then, further in time,
the colonial elite.
In Varanasi and its surrounding areas, the art of weaving
has customarily been passed down through the
generations in family workshops. Weavers, spinners, dyers
and practitioners of a number of other pre- and post-loom
activities form a close-knit community.
While the Jamdani is woven in both Bengal and Varanasi,
the Awadh Jamdani is only woven in Tanda and Varanasi,
and made into angrakhas worn by both men and women,
as well as caps and other accessories. After the decline
of the Mughals, Jamdanis continued to be developed
under the patronage of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, the ruler of
Awadh from 1847 to 1856. Awadh Jamdani differed from
other Jamdanis in that it was a loom-engineered garment
wherein the patterning was shaped upon the cloth to be
tailored while it was still on the loom.
However, by 1959, with the decline of nawabi patronage,
these epicentres of excellence had contracted and only
a few weaver families who knew how to weave Awadh
Jamdani remained.
A wadh J amdani | U t t ar P radesh
While Jamdani saris continue to be woven, loom-
engineered garments like caps and other items of Awadh
Jamdani are increasingly rare.
Process
Traditional Jamdani fabrics are made using fine counts
of cotton yarn for the warp and weft, and either white
or dyed yarn or metallic zari for extra weft. This creates
a light-and-dark, tone-on-tone effect. Jamdanis were
originally woven using the naqsha or jala technique,
by which the motifs were woven on a draw loom. This
process involved four persons: two lifted the design warp,
and two did the weaving. Now, Jamdanis are woven on
pit looms, and the motifs are woven by looking at a design
drawn on paper. Weavers sit on a wooden plank placed
in the pit. Jamdanis are also being woven on frame looms
and jacquard looms.
The Jamdani is a dexterous combination of intricate
surface designs. The most coveted design is known as
the panna hazaar (literally, a thousand emeralds) in which
the pattern is interlaced with flowers highlighted in gold
and silver zari thread. The kalka (paisley) is another motif
that the Jamdani is known for. Once finished, the cloth is
washed and starched. Because of its intricate patterns, the
Jamdani has always been an expensive weave.
Change and way forward
The Awadh Jamdani weave is a complex patterning that
only very skilled practitioners can produce, and fewer
entrants into the weaving industry are willing to put in
the hours of work required to produce it. Efforts to
increase payment commensurate with the time, effort
and skill involved in the craft will go a long way to increase
the number of people involved in it. Much needs to be
done to ensure that this loom-engineered Jamdani
weave continues to be made. Sribhas Supakar, a designer
from Varanasi and an expert on weaves, has pushed the
boundaries of several loom techniques including that of
the loom-engineered Jamdani. He has been recognized
for excellence in weaving with a national award and
a Padma Shri.
25
NORTH INDIA
Baluchari weaving
V aranasi , U t t ar P radesh
The silk saris woven in the Baluchari
tradition are characterized by elaborate
motifs on the border and pallu, harking back
to their late-eighteenth-century origins.
T
he Baluchari sari originated in the village of
Baluchar in Bengal and was famed for its vivid
depictions of mythological and contemporary
scenes on the sari’s border and pallu (the loose
end draped over the shoulder). The origins of the sari
are dated to the eighteenth century, when the Nawab
of Bengal patronized the creativity of the weavers of
Baluchar village in Murshidabad and encouraged the
industry to flourish.
26
The flooding of the Bhagirathi river in the early nineteenth
century submerged Baluchar and forced its artisans
to move to safer locations. The weavers relocated to
Bishnupur. This relocation, alongside an absence of
patrons and pressure from the British government, led to
the decline of the craft. Dubraj Das, the last known and
most renowned weaver of Baluchar village, died in 1903.
While the tradition died out, attempts were made to
revive it in the twentieth century and Baluchari designs
are now replicated in Bishnupur, West Bengal. However,
it is only in Varanasi, in the atelier of the master designer
and pattern-maker (nakshabandhi), the late Ali Hassan
(1895- 1985), also known as Kallu Hafiz, that the cloth
continues to be woven using the traditional naksha
(design and pattern) making technique.

The craft ecosystem
After the decline of Baluchari weaving in West Bengal,
Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay, the doyen of Indian
handicrafts, made attempts to revive it, determined to
bring the weave back to life. Along with Jasleen Dhamija,
the textile expert, Chattopadhyay took a sample of
Baluchari designs to Kallu Hafiz, the designer and master
nakshabandhi in Varanasi. Their efforts bore fruit and the
near-extinct tradition of Baluchari weaving got a new
lease of life.
Process
A Baluchari sari takes a minimum of two week to weave.
Artisans use mulberry silk, which is treated to accept the
colours and then set on the warp. The original weavers
of Baluchar used jala (draw) looms. In this process, the
artisan would first make the design on mica sheets or
paper, which was then divided into grids. This pattern was
then transferred on to a small frame with the warp and
weft threads in place. This became the naksha, or pattern,
that the weaver followed and replicated on the loom
to make a machan. This would be the master sample.
Baluchari sari designs were made with extra weft using
additional silk yarn. Two weavers were required to work
the draw loom. Traditionally, no zari (metallic golden or
silver) thread was used in Baluchari weaving, though it has
been added now.
B a l uchari weaving | U t t ar P radesh
In the past, Balucharis were famed for their
designs, which reflected the Hindu epics as
well as the mores of the nawabs and colonial
patrons. Contemporary Baluchari saris
largely depict scenes from the Hindu epics,
the Mahabharata and the Ramayana.
Today, too, Baluchari saris in Varanasi are
woven using the traditional technique,
though the loom technology has changed.
These Balucharis can be broadly categorized
in three types, based on the threads used to
weave their patterns:
• Baluchari resham: silk threads of a single
colour are used to weave the whole
pattern;
• Baluchari meenakari: threads of two or more colours
are used, along with attractive meenakari or enamel
patterning; and
• Swarnachari or Baluchari in gold: these are a modern
innovation as Baluchari saris were not woven with zari
threads traditionally.
Change and way forward
Traditionally, the Baluchari sari was only worn by Bengali
women for special occasions. It was regarded as a
curiosity as the patterning was reflective of its times;
thus, Baluchari saris can be seen in museum collections
across the world. Today, however, it is widely worn in
many parts of the country and is available in stores and
exhibitions and on online platforms.
In fact, it is estimated that demand for the traditional
weave greatly exceeds its supply as there is just a single
atelier in Varanasi run by the descendants of the great
Kallu Hafiz that continues the age-old method of weaving
the Baluchari. The weavers of the Baluchari sari woven
in Varanasi have been awarded the coveted national
awards for their excellence in weaving. Weavers Studio in
Kolkata has been promoting Baluchari weaving through
exhibitions, research, documentation, archiving, curating
and publishing on the weave.
27
NORTH INDIA

Badla or Mukaish embroidery

Luckn o w , U t t ar P radesh

Badla, also known as Mukaish, is an embroidery style that entails twisting thin metallic
threads to make raised high-relief patterned embellishments on textile. It was patronized
by the nawabs and the elite of this region, who could afford the use of gold and silver zari
thread in their embroidery.

T
here are two kinds of patterns that are often used
in Badla: fardi ka kaam and kamdani. Fardi ka kaam,
which literally translates as the ‘working of dots’, is
the better known and more favoured patterning. In
kamdani, metallic zari yarns are threaded on to the fabric
and worked into a variety of patterns and motifs.
Badla flourished in Lucknow in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, patronized by the wealthy nawabs of
Awadh. It was used to embellish the famous Chikankari
white-on-white embroidery of Lucknow.
In the days of the nawabs, Badla embroidery used
precious metals such as gold and silver to embellish
fabrics. Indeed, weddings in the region were incomplete
without this zari embroidery. Apart from bridal costumes
and designs, Badla was used on trousseau gifts like
cushion covers, bedspreads and curtains.

28
 B ad l a o r M ukaish embr o idery | U t t ar P radesh

The craft ecosystem Change and way forward

The artisans who Badla is a painstaking process that uses wires to create
developed this craft metallic embroideries on fabric. Changing tastes, new
came to be known as technologies for embellishing textiles (like sequin work),
Badlas. Given the time the growing costs of labour and of raw materials have
that goes into making greatly affected the practice and production of this craft.
Badla embroidery,
Where once all the wires were made of real gold and silver,
which is an expensive
rising prices and loss of elite patronage has forced wire-
and labour-intensive
makers to use electroplated wires with only a thin coating
craft, there are just
of gold or silver. There is only one factory in Old Delhi, now,
a handful of artisans
that makes the wire used in Badla. From Delhi, this wire is
who are adept at this
sent to Lucknow to a shop in the Chowk, the only place in
skill. Most are from
Lucknow where it is sold.
the Muslim community and live and work in the narrow
by-lanes of the Chowk area in old Lucknow. As new The many stitches and motifs of the exclusive Badla
techniques have come into play, the craft of Badla has embroidery can now only be seen in museums like the
declined and the material used for it has deteriorated; State Museum of Lucknow and the National Museum in
it is not uncommon to have electroplated wires with only Delhi. Badla work is no longer seen as a standalone craft
a thin coating of gold or silver being used for it. but rather as part of the larger Chikankari tradition.

Kamdani embroidery is generally done by men while fardi Some designers have experimented with Badla work but
ka kaam is generally done by women within their homes. more needs to be done to rejuvenate this craft, as only a
handful of artisans who have dedicated their lives to this
embroidery remain adept at it.

Process
The process of Badla embroidery is divided into three
stages. The first stage is called chapaayi, in which a design
is printed on the fabric using gum and indigo ink. This
design can be washed away after the embroidery is
completed. The next stage is takaayi, in which the metal
is crafted for use either for fardi ka kaam or kamdani.
In the case of fardi, the size of the dot that is to be used
determines the cost of the work, with the most intricate
or smallest being most expensive. The width of the wire
chosen depends on this, too. For kamdani, the wires have
to be really thin to embroider with. This wire is attached to
a small length of thread that is used to pull it through the
fabric with a needle and create motifs without damaging
the base textile.

In the final stage, the fabric is spread out flat on the

ground over a blanket and rubbed all over with a glass
bottle or cowrie shells to smoothen any lumps in the
embroidery and to burnish its metal to make it shine
bright. This is called ghutaayi.

29
NORTH INDIA

Gyasar weaving
V aranasi , U t t ar P radesh

Gyasar brocade is traditionally woven with heraldic, monastic them for their courtly patrons. These brocades came to be
known as Kinkhwab, which means ‘little dreams’ in Urdu,
and mythic motifs that are customarily used in Buddhist and is commonly understood as ‘cloth of gold’. They were
ceremonial costumes and for ritualistic wall hangings. woven largely in gold yarn, or zari, and patterned with

T
florets, arabesques, floral meanders and stylized rosettes.
his connection with the Buddhist clergy began
In the 1850s, rising costs in China forced Tibetans to turn
in the nineteenth century, when the weavers of
westwards to the bazaars of Kalimpong, in West Bengal,
Varanasi developed ceremonial tapestries that
a trading hub that received goods from Varanasi. Thus,
amalgamated elements of satin silk-style weaving
following demand from Tibetan Buddhists, the Gyasar
with the weaving techniques of Varanasi, which came to
came to be made in Varanasi, using the techniques of the
be known as Gyasar brocades.
Kinkhwab, and continues to be made here to this day.
Artisans twist multiple threads of gold zari yarn into
In the 1980s, the Indian Government’s Vishwakarma revival
a single twine and weave it on thick satin to create a
effort, part of the Festivals of India that were held across
mosaic of textures and contrasting burst of colours with
the world to showcase India’s culture and it complex
traditional Buddhist imagery and motifs.
traditions, brought new geometrical patterns into the
Brocade weaving reached its zenith during the Mughal Gyasar repertoire, and colours and designs were patterned
era, when an influx of Muslim craftspeople flowed into and used in non-ritual ways. Varanasi’s Gyasar weaving thus
Varanasi. These included the nakshaband, the masters, opened up to a variety of modern, secular uses. However,
who translate artworks on to the loom. They brought the close connection between the weaver community and
repertoires of Persian motifs with them, and adapted the Buddhist clergy and laity remains strong even today.

30

The craft ecosystem
Kasim Silk Emporium in Varanasi is one of the few, and
leading, manufacturers of Gyasar. The emporium is owned
by a sixth-generation family of weavers from the city. Since
the 1970s, Gyasar weaves have been exported across the
globe to clients ranging from the royal family of Bhutan
to Buddhist monasteries. Gyasar woven in pure gold
zari is amongst the most expensive textiles produced
in Varanasi.
Process
Considerable calculation and meticulous planning goes
into the first step of weaving traditional Gyasar Kinkhwab
brocades. A motif is worked out on graph paper. Skilled
pattern-makers draw on the paper, prepared on a small
loom, to be followed by the weaver on a larger draw loom.
Next, they transfer the design on to punch cards with holes,
which are used on a jacquard loom. Yarn for weaving is
either bought dyed, or dyed according to specifications by
expert dyers.
The basic weaving technique is to create a supplementary
weft that overlays the woven cloth with its warp and weft
as the base. The weaver skips any area without a pattern,
to reveal the base weave underneath. The pattern emerges
in low relief and can be made with silk or with gold and
silver thread. It has a textured effect, like embroidery.
When the silk background is barely visible, because it is
so overlaid with gold and silver, the non-ritualistic fabric is
called a Kinkhwab, or cloth of gold.
G yasar weaving | U t t ar P radesh
Change and way forward
In the past, Surat and Ahmedabad, along with Varanasi,
were the three major Indian centres known for producing
some of the best Kinkhwab brocade. Today, Varanasi is
the only major hub producing this textile, with highly
skilled artisans, some of whom have received National
Awards. Gyasar Kinkhwab brocade is especially known
for its great intricacy.
While it is hard to copy the Gyasar on a power loom,
cheaper and low-quality imitations abound, impacting the
handloom tradition. In addition, real zari is being replaced
with silk or polyester lookalike zari yarn to make the
textile more affordable. Such products have diluted the
original texture of Gyasar fabrics. In the race to compete
with cheap power-loom products, Gyasar weaves have
suffered a marked diminution in quality. Besides, the
working conditions and livelihoods of weavers need drastic
improvement, so as to make the profession attractive to
future generations. The handloom weavers of Varanasi
need better infrastructure, and financial and other support.
On a happier note, modern designers have used Gyasar
and thus popularized the craft. For Gyasar weavers, such
interest represents hope. As a result of such interventions
by designers, the Gyasar weave has been used on saris.
To do so, the sari’s width must be altered and the textile
structure must be changed, too. Designers have developed
a 98.5 per cent silver zari thread plated with 24-carat gold
that is supple enough to use for weaving Gyasar saris, thus
opening a new avenue for the craft.
31
NORTH INDIA

Hand block-printing
F arrukhabad , U t t ar P radesh

The detailed and refined hand block-prints of Farrukhabad in Uttar Pradesh are well
known for their patterns, which range from classical to many versions of the tree of life
to contemporary designs.

P
rinted with carved wooden blocks that are hand-
stamped on the cloth, the tradition is believed
to date back to Mughal times.
printing and the intricacy of its blocks. The tree of life patterns
– flowering trees dense with buds and branches, with birds
and animals printed within the branches – evolved here. It
takes many combinations of blocks to produce patterns in
sizes that could be up to 5 ft long. Another well-known motif
is the mango (keri), also called paisley, interpreted in a vast

The craft ecosystem variety of shapes, sizes and intricate detailing, to be used in
both bold and fine designs. Lattice designs of vines, paisley
Farrukhabad has been a traditional block-making and motifs, florals and leaves with large chintz-like patterns are
block-printing centre, famed for the high quality of its also produced here in intricate detail.

32
 H and b l o ck - prin t ing | U t t ar P radesh

Process
The artisan first plans a composition, chooses blocks and
decides on a colour palette of natural or synthetic dyes.
The design is transferred to fabric like cotton, silk and
other material including dhurries, with carved wood-
blocks. Each design depends on the order received. The
printers’ main tools are wooden blocks called bunta,
carved in different patterns, shapes and sizes.

The blocks are made from sal, a very hard wood found in
forests in the northern parts of the state of Uttar Pradesh.
Though difficult to carve, it is chosen for its durability.
Once cut into requisite shapes by the block-maker, they
are painted with thin white emulsion. Then, the artist
draws a design on it freehand, with a pencil. The block-
maker then cuts out the areas between the patterns using
small iron pencils (kalam) of varying sizes. When done, the
patterns are seen in high relief. Each block has a wooden
handle and two to three cylindrical holes drilled into it for
free air passage as well as to allow for the release of excess
printing paste or dye.

The fabric is prepared for printing by processing it to

the raised parts of the block. Then, the artisan stamps the
remove all impurities and to soften it so that its fibres
block upon the cloth, either by hand or with a wooden
absorb colour. When ready for printing, the cloth is laid
mallet, in case of large blocks, to imprint its design on
out on long tables. The printer has a trolley with the dye-
the cloth. For large patterns, each individual colour may
tray containing a colour. This colour is evened out with a
require more than one block; some patterns require over
wedge of wood and the first print is made with an outline
100 blocks!
colour (usually black or another dark colour).

The artisan dips a block in the dye-tray, which contains

colour in the form of a thickened paste that adheres to

Change and way forward

In the mid-to-late 1980s, cheaper screen-printed versions
of Farrukhabad block-prints entered the market and
slowly decimated the trade of the region’s block-printers.
The increasing use of bright and non-fast dyes by the
printers themselves affected their market, and orders from
India and overseas began to dry up. Due to the complexity
of printing, costs increased and this block-printing slowly
dwindled.

Farukkhabad printing received a Geographical Indication

(GI) tag in 2011 and there has been a renewed interest
amongst designers, ever since, to try and rejuvenate this
classical tradition.

33
 WestI n d i a
Madhya
Gujarat Pradesh

Maharashtra

GOA

HANDMADE TEXTILE CRAF TS

goa Gujarat Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra

Kunbi weaving Ashavali sari weaving, Ahmedabad Nandana hand-block Himroo weaving,
printing, Jawad Aurangabad
Kusti weaving, Navsari and Bharuch

Mashru weaving

Mata-ni-Pachedi, Ahmedabad

Patola weaving, Patan

Rogan textile painting, Nirona

Sujani weaving, Bharuch

Tangaliya weaving

35
W est I ndia

Kunbi weaving
GOA

The checked cotton weave of the Kunbi sari was traditionally worn by the agricultural
Kunbi and Gawda communities, considered to be amongst the oldest inhabitants of Goa.
The term kunbi derives from the Konkani words kun, meaning ‘ family’ or ‘people’, and
bi, meaning ‘seed’.

G
oa was a hub for Kunbi cotton handloom
weaving, with many family-owned work sheds
producing both Kunbi saris and kashtis,
a red-and-white checked loincloth for men.
Traditionally, the Kunbi sari was made of cotton and
woven in lengths of 4 yards to 6 yards in a width that
allowed it to be worn raised above the ankles, which
made it ideally suited for work in paddy fields – the
traditional occupation of the agricultural community
for whom it was woven. The drape of the Kunbi sari was
called dethli, which means knotted, because this pallu,
or end piece, was tied on the right shoulder to keep it in
place while at work.
Patterned in checks with the size of the check varying
from community to community, the strong cotton weave
lends itself to hard wearing in the field and for daily use.
The weave was also worn at auspicious occasions and
was once essential at ceremonies and cultural and
religious events.

36

Dyed in yellow (kesara), red (tamodh), green (hirva), darker
shades of maroon, purple and blue or black, the sari was
woven in checks and lines with a double row of dobby
designs at the border and a single pattern for the knot at
the shoulder. One of the interesting features of this sari,
apart from its checked pattern, is its border, which was
customarily in orange and red, though now variations in
colours have been introduced.
The sari was originally worn without a blouse, but this
changed with the passage of time and changing customs.
It began to be worn with a blouse with distinctive puffed
sleeves. The women of the Kunbi community continue to
drape their saris in the traditional way, even though the
saris they wear are now often made of synthetic material.
The craft ecosystem
Over the decades, the weaving of Kunbi saris declined
as synthetic alternatives made on power looms, which
are priced lower and available in great variety, became
widely available. The rise in the price of cotton yarn made
handloom saris even more expensive, and led to a decline
in demand. The few weavers who make the Kunbi sari
continue to weave it on pit looms, though the width of the
sari has now been increased to the usual 45 in. to cater to
demand from urban customers.
K unbi weaving | G O A
Process
Weavers use a strong cotton yarn called kapad, although
they can weave fine cotton saris, too, for special
commissions. The yarn is first processed and warped
before setting on the loom. The original Kunbi sari was
woven using earthy colours to signify vitality. Modern
renditions of the Kunbi weave have added other colours
to the customary palette. The original palette of colours
was made from natural dyes but now it is largely synthetic
dyes that are used to colour the yarn.
Change and way forward
Despite its connection to indigenous agricultural
communities and the significance of this textile tradition,
very few weavers of Kunbi remain in Goa. However,
following the designer Wendell Rodricks’ (1960-2020)
keen interest in the art, the sari saw a revival. Rodricks
gave the Kunbi sari a contemporary touch while retaining
its tradition. He refashioned its drape and colour palette
and reconfigured its patterns of stripes and checks,
besides diversifying the weave to make other kinds of
clothing. Several other organizations are now working
towards rejuvenating the Kunbi textile tradition, with Goa’s
Department of Handicrafts, Textiles and Coir also taking
the initiative to train handloom weavers.
37
W est I ndia

Ashavali sari weaving

A hmedabad , G ujara t

Ashavali brocade saris are distinguished

by their richly enamelled look, their dense
patterning and their use of metallic zari
yarns, because of which they fall into
the genre of Kinkhwab brocade, or cloth
of gold.

A
shavali brocade weaving is an elaborate
and time-consuming technique that goes
back almost six centuries. Before the city of
Ahmedabad was built by Ahmad Shah in the
fifteenth century, there was a town here called Ashaval,
whose artisans wove sumptuous silk textiles, incorporating
dense motifs, in zari. The weave is named after the city.
Believed to have been influenced by the brocade traditions
of Varanasi via the migration of Gujarati weavers, Ashavali
fabrics were traditionally made by Khatri and Patel weavers
and used primarily by the region’s royalty and nobility. The
textile was worn either as saris or as patkas (waistbands) for
men. It was also used for royal canopies.

It takes a minimum of fifteen to twenty days to complete

a sari, and they are still considered luxury products.

38
 A shava l i sari weaving | G ujara t

The craft ecosystem

Ashavali brocade is now woven only by a few dedicated
weavers in Rudrol, near Ahmedabad. The artisans weave
rich brocaded patterns in a twill weave. The patterns,
laid out in jewel-coloured meenakari (enamel), include
birds, flowers, animals and human figures, with yarns of
different colours interspersing the zari. The patterning is
usually all over the sari, though variations can also limit
the patterning to just its borders and pallu (the loose
end draped over the shoulder). Antique Ashavali borders
and pallus continue to be highly valued and are often
detached from worn-out saris and reused on new saris
and on odhanis (shoulder mantles).

Process
jaal (lattice), janglo (jungle), kaju phool (cashew flower),
Ashavali saris are woven on 105-cm (41.3-in.) wide jacquard
mor jaal (peacock lattice), sikka butti (coin motif), chaand
pit looms, and artisans use twill weaving for the parts
taara (moon and star) or several other motifs.
with motifs or patterns. The sari has a main body, two
borders above and below and a pallu comprising several
detailed panels. These saris can be mistaken for Banarasi
Kinkhwabs and are even described as ‘Ahmedabadi
brocade’. There is a difference between the two styles,
however, which lies in how the motifs in an Ashavali
Change and way forward
appear in high relief, as if embossed, thus giving the textile Ashavali saris are meant for special occasions and
a three-dimensional effect. demand for this weave has reduced because customers
now have a wide variety of other festive saris to choose
An artist designs the layout of a sari and its motifs on
from. New weavers rarely enter this field as there are other
graph paper, which is then transferred on to hundreds
job opportunities. However, textile designers and the
of perforated cards that are punched and attached to
Government of Gujarat are making efforts to rejuvenate
the loom. Artisans weave the threads on pit looms, on
and expand the market for this weave.
which the warp and weft are carefully interwoven by
moving the shuttle back and forth. This is a meticulous Several designers are attempting to revive the tradition of
process because the motifs are also incorporated at this Ashavali by making the fabric softer and the patterning
time. Meanwhile, the borders are usually patterned with more contemporary while preserving the traditional
meenakari patterns. integrity of the sari. In addition, zari metallic threads
similar to those used in antique saris from the early 1900s
The motifs used on Ashavali saris are inspired by the
are being custom-made, which is helping to bring back
architecture and the flora and fauna of the region. The
the original weave. In their motifs and patterning, too,
parrot is a popular motif and appears in several forms,
weavers maintain the traditional look though they have
including with the peacock, which is called the mor-popat
also begun adapting designs for today’s customer.
motif. The pallu is especially elaborate, since the Gujarati
tradition of draping saris gives the pallu pride of place, However, the number of Ashavali weavers remains limited
letting it fall to the front. The body of the sari could feature and the craft needs a wider market to sustain it.

39
W est I ndia

Kusti weaving
N avsari and B haruch , G ujara t

Weaving the Kusti, the sacred girdle worn

by Parsis, is a specialized craft practised
mainly by elderly women.

T
he abiding tradition of Kusti weaving is a skill
that very few artisans possess today. As part of
custom and ritual tradition, every member of the
Parsi community is required to wear the sacred
woven girdle called the Kusti around the neck. As part of
their customary clothing, Parsis wear a white muslin vest
called the Sudreh and tie the Kusti around the waist.
When the Kusti is worn for the first time by a child, the
ceremonial wearing is accompanied by priests reciting
special prayers and other rituals that are meant to allow
for the flow of good thoughts. From then on, the Kusti is
supposed to worn every day.

40
 K us t i weaving | G ujara t

The craft ecosystem

The art of making Kustis takes years to master. Once, only
women from the priestly class wove Kustis. As boundaries
between the priestly class and the laity grew less rigid,
lay women began weaving Kustis too, to the extent that
Kusti weaving came to be considered an important skill
for every young girl to practice and was taught in Parsi
schools. Today, however, making Kustis is a specialized
craft practised mainly by elderly women. The Parsi
community, though dwindling in number, continues to
keep the tradition of Kusti weaving alive in Navsari and
Bharuch in Gujarat.
Two spindles of single yarn are then twisted to make a
strong and uniform yarn that is used to weave the Kusti.
The double plying is done on a bigger spindle. Each task is
specialized, with some being experts at spinning the yarn
and others at weaving it.
The weaving is done on an unusual loom called the jantar,
which is small and foldable; made of wood in a framework
that is operated by a system of shafts and pulleys. Being
light, the jantar is easily portable and the work can be
continued in different spaces or even while travelling.
Before use, a priest always consecrates the Kusti.

Process Change and way forward

The main raw materials for Kusti weaving are lamb’s
The legacy of Kusti weaving is slowly fading, both because
wool or white camel’s hair. The wool is made into fine
there is a limited pool of skilled artisans and because the
thread, and each Kusti is made of seventy-two threads
Parsi community itself is dwindling. The decline is so rapid
woven together into a belt. The number is symbolic of the
that, according to the Parzor Foundation, the community
seventy-two chapters in the Yasna, the primary sacred
has been reducing in size by 10 per cent with each
text of the Parsi faith. Its woollen thread, too, is considered
decennial census, posing a danger that Parsi Zoroastrian
auspicious for the passage of positive mental vibrations
culture may soon be completely extinct.
and is significant in Zoroastrian rituals.
Recognizing these challenges, the Parzor Foundation,
The Kusti requires a special loom and expert weaving
with support from UNESCO, has been working since 1999
skills. It takes a week for a skilled weaver to finish her
to revive the Zoroastrian heritage and culture of the Parsis
product.
of India.
Most women begin the process with a prayer. Then, they
begin to spin the wool into fine yarn with a drop spindle.

41
W est I ndia

Mashru weaving
G ujara t

The ingenious Mashru weave has a silk
overlay with a cotton base, making it ideal
wear for the hot summer months.
year, even in the hot dry months of the Indian summer.
Once woven across several weaving centre, the craft of
Mashru is now practised only in a few places in Gujarat.
It takes a minimum of fifteen to twenty days to complete
a sari, and they are still considered luxury products.

M
ashru weaves were once commonly worn by
members of the Muslim community since the
sacred law forbade the wearing of silk against
the body. This mixed weave with a silk overlay
on a cotton base was considered permissible, the word
mashru itself meaning ‘permitted’. Historically, it was also
widely used by the Rabari and Ahir pastoral communities
of Kutch and by other communities in Saurashtra and
Kutch in Gujarat. Now worn by a wide range of people, this
warp-faced satin fabric with a glossy finish continues to be
woven in a combination of cotton and silk.
This ingenious combination not only allowed people to
honour their beliefs while still dressing in fine silk, the
Mashru weave was also remarkably practical, as the silk
on its outer surface provided a lustre while the cotton
beneath made it comfortable to wear throughout the
The craft ecosystem
The Mashru, with its bright contrasting colours, lines and
patterns, is woven in and around the towns of Mandvi,
Anjar and Patan. The Mashru kanjari (backless blouse)
and other items of clothing were made from this fabric by
Rabari and Ahir women, who further embroidered and
embellished it to create more distinct forms. Traditionally
used for garments, Mashru is also used for making quilts,
home furnishing and bags.
Unfortunately, there has been a steep decline in the
production of handwoven Mashru, and the number
of Mashru weavers is now almost negligible.

42

Process
Mashru is a warp-faced satin weave with a smooth, glossy
finish. The key raw materials for Mashru weaving include silk
and cotton yarn, dyed in the required colours.
The very first step of Mashru weaving is to prepare the warp
yarn. The weft thread comprises cotton yarn of varying
counts. Mashru textiles are woven on the traditional pit
loom. The treadles lie in the pits, and the warp threads lie
across the loom.
Once the woven textile has been collected on the cloth
roller, it is cut into 5-m-long pieces, washed in cold water
and folded while it is still damp. Its back is then beaten with
a heavy wooden hammer. This process is known as kundi
and its specialist known as kundiwala. The fabric is then
taken for glazing. Finally, the textile is ready for sale.
Although the process of making Mashru has remained
largely unchanged, some modifications include the use of
fly-shuttles on the loom and the use of rayon yarn instead of
silk in the warp threads.
This textile of cotton and silk is traditionally woven with bold
coloured stripes of contrasting hues, along with patterns of
dots and motifs. Some of the patterns include geometrics
in alternate stripes, chevrons, criss-crossed lines and waves,
made in different colours, all usually bright.
M ashru weaving | G ujara t
Change and way forward
Traditional Mashru weaving on handlooms is a
declining art. However, Mashru products made on
the power loom abound and are available at much
lower prices. The yarn used to make these textiles
has changed, too, with rayon being substituted for
silk. Some patterns, like the yarn-dyed Ikat that was
once woven on the Mashru, are no longer made due
to their complex processing.
Khamir, a non-governmental organization (NGO) in
Kutch, has worked to sustain the craft. Khamir has
created an alternate space that supports Mashru
weavers in whatever ways they require. Khamir’s
work extends from documentation to building a
depot for raw materials and helping weavers explore
new markets and innovate with new products.
Designers, too, have been making increasing use
of the Mashru weave. At the Amazon India Fashion
Week Spring/Summer 2016, the designer Sanjay Garg
centred an entire collection around the weave.
Titled ‘Mash-ru’, the collection comprised saris and
other garments. At the Sustainable Fashion Day
2019, Aneeth Arora of the Péro brand launched
a diversifiedline of woollen wear with handwoven
Mashru stripes.
43
W est I ndia

Mata-ni-Pachedi
A hmedabad , G ujara t

Mata-ni-Pachedi refers to the shrine cloth painted in stories and bear an image of the mother goddess at

honour of the Mata, or mother goddess. The densely their centre. The central image of the protector goddess
is surrounded by images of her other incarnations,
painted and block-printed shrine cloth depicts legends legends, scenes from religious epics and figures from
of the mother goddess worshipped by the nomadic these tales.

Vaghari community of Gujarat. The traditional painters of the Mata-ni-Pachedi are from
the Chitara community. They paint and block-print

O
the shrine hangings by hand, drawing freehand on the
riginally, these shrine cloths were erected as
fabric and filling in the details. In the Craft Revival Trust’s
roadside shrines, with the textile used to make
documentation of the craft, it emerged that only a few
a sacred enclosure and canopy. The Mata-
family workshops continue to practise the art in and
ni-Pachedi is also spread over altars or worn
around Ahmedabad and carry forward the tradition.
by shaman priests, the Bhuvo or Bhuva, who perform
rituals for the Vaghari community. The painted and The Mata-ni-Pachedi was awarded a Geographic
block-printed textiles are densely illustrated with narrative Indication (GI) tag in July 2020.

44
 M a t a - ni - P achedi | G ujara t

The craft ecosystem
Traditionally, these painted textiles were mainly used
to perform rituals and were most in demand during
Navratri, the nine days when incarnations of the Goddess
Durga are worshipped. Demand for this sacred cloth also
peaked during Chaitra, or the month of March, and during
Maha Mahina in February, when members of the Vaghari
community gather for ritual worship.
Skilled Chitara artists prepare the Mata-ni-Pachedi as
per a customer’s specifications, in sizes ranging from
0.5 m to 5 m. When a particularly large Mata-ni-Pachedi
is commissioned, a whole family of Chitara artists join in
the work: from preparing the fabric base, drawing and
applying colour and filling paint to block-printing, dyeing,
boiling, washing, etc. Young adults in the household join
the family profession in stages and are first involved in
filling colours.
Usually, when a rectangular Mata-ni-Pachedi was created
in the past, the textile was divided into seven to nine
columns as a narrative format. Deep reds and blacks were
the traditional colours used on a base of white cloth.
alizarin, whereby the alum mordant portions take on the
red dye. Dhawda ke phool (flame of the forest flowers) are
added to the dye bath once it reaches boiling point to
brighten the red colour. The cloth is then washed so that
excess colour flows away and does not stain the fabric.
Once again, the fabric is sun-dried.
Work stops completely during the rainy season, as the
damp weather is not conducive to painting, printing or
dyeing. A family can make five to ten Mata-ni-Pachedis
in a month.
Change and way forward
With only a few families of Chitara painters making Mata-
ni-Pachedis today, the tradition needs safeguarding. As
their traditional customers from the nomadic Vaghari
community order fewer commissions, the Chitara
community has expanded its base to non-traditional
customers. Now painted with a wide range of colours,
these textiles are sold as works of art, rather than as sacred
cloths, to non-traditional customers. New designs and
innovative representations have increased as the customer
base has changed.

Process
Chitara artists combine two techniques to create a Mata-
ni-Pachedi: freehand painting and hand block-printing.
Their tools include bamboo sticks used as brushes to fill
the outlines of the drawing, date sticks used as brushes
to fill in colours, carved wooden blocks used to make
borders on the fabric and print certain figures in the story,
and printing pads used to spread the colours evenly in a
wooden tray. The artisans use natural substances to make
their colours, with alum as a mordant. The cloth is first
treated to prepare it for printing, which requires it to be
washed with natural materials like tamarind powder, harad
(Terminalia chebula) and other ingredients several times.

The artists paint outlines of their drawings with black dye,

which is prepared by heating a mixture of jaggery, scrap
iron (iron sulphate) and other ingredients. The fabric is
then dried under direct sunlight. The details are filled in
with a fugitive colour of red mixed with alum. Thereafter,
the fabric is dyed in a hot red dye bath that contains

45
W est I ndia

Patola weaving
P a t an , G ujara t

The Patan Patola weave is considered

to be one of the finest expressions of
the Ikat weave across the globe. This
mathematically precise weave is a double
Ikat wherein both the warp and the
weft yarns are tied and dyed in a pre-set
pattern before being woven.

M
ade in the town of Patan in northern Gujarat,
these Ikats are known for their striking designs
and complex workmanship.
The ancient fortified town of Patan was founded in 745 CE
by Vanraj Chavda, the most prominent king of the Chavda
dynasty. Legend has it that it was in the twelfth century,
under Maharaja Kumarpal (r. 1143–72), that weaving began
in Patan. The legend goes on that Maharaja Kumarpal,
who was a follower of Jainism, used to wear a new Patola
every day for worship. At that time, the Patola textile was
produced in a place called Mungi Patan near Jalna, which
is close to the city of Aurangabad, now in Maharashtra.
The ruler of Jalna patronized its weavers, too, for the
Patola textile was considered to be a garment fit for kings.
When Kumarpal defeated the King of Jalna in battle, he
invited the weavers of Patola to move and settle in Patan.
Historically, the weavers of this royal textile have belonged
to the Salvi community. Although they have lived in
Patan since they were invited to settle here in the twelfth
century, the Salvi weavers retain their links with Jalna and
it is there that they celebrate their social rituals.
As a luxurious and ritual textile, the Patola was once
exported to the royalty of Thailand, Malaysia and
Indonesia, and considered auspicious in many cultures
across the world. In India, it is regarded as an auspicious
heirloom by certain Gujarati communities – the Nagar
Brahmins, Jains, Bohra Muslims and Kutchi Bhatias. It was
worn by wealthy and aristocratic families while offering
prayers, and on special occasions such as festivals and
marriages. Accounts of European travellers have referred
to the weaving.
Also known as Patan na Patola or Patola of Patan, this
luxurious textile is being used for contemporary attire like
shawls, stoles, scarves and saris.

46
The craft ecosystem
Rahul Vinayak Salvi, a master weaver from Patan, belongs
to a family that has been weaving the Patola for thirty
generations spanning over 900 years. This weaving
process and its technique remains a very closely guarded
skill that is passed on from one generation to the next via
the sons of the lineage. Even the women in the family are
not usually taught the skill, let alone anyone from outside
the family. Currently, only three families weave the original
Patola with natural dyes. The cost of a Patola woven by
the Salvis ranges in the hundreds of thousands of rupees.
It takes a team of five to six people working full-time for
about three months to weave a single sari.
Process
A Patola’s basic raw material is silk derived from mulberry
silkworm cocoons. Its natural dyes are made from
turmeric powder, iron rust, pomegranate skin, indigo,
kirmaj (cochineal), and other extracts from plants and
trees. The weave also uses pure gold and silver zari yarn.
Between eighteen and twenty pre-loom processes
are necessary before the weaver begins weaving, each
requiring a special skill. These include degumming,
spinning and tie-dyeing. It is in this last process that the
secret of the Patola technique lies. Called bandhana, this
process differs from the usual practice of dyeing threads
in a uniform colour. Instead, the artisan achieves a range
of shades along the length of every single silk or cotton
thread by tying or knotting the warp and the weft and
then dyeing them both multiple times to achieve the
colour palette and patterning.
The weaving process is precise and mathematical, as the warp
and weft have both been tied and dyed and must be perfectly
synchronized to create patterns. The patterns have to be
precisely imagined even before the weaving begins.
Patola patterns include the elephant, the tiger, florals,
pan bhaat (leaf design), figures of girls, parrots, propitious
geometrics, and more, all considered auspicious. Different
patterns and motifs are woven for different communities.
Change and way forward
The Patan Patola was given a Geographic Indication tag
to protect the weave from duplication and ensure that no
weavers from elsewhere can call their double Ikat weaves by
this name.
However, as consumers are unable to appreciate the skill, time
and energy that go into making a Patola, the digital printed
and power-loom production of Patola-inspired patterns
continues, with mass-manufactured saris easily available
at low prices in the market. Similarly, other regions are also
producing lookalike Patola patterns on the handloom, which
do not offer the quality but replicate the patterning of the
originals. Cheaper alternatives are available in single Ikat
imitations, too. Such versions have also replaced natural dyes
with chemical dyes. All of this has impacted the weaving of
the Patan Patola.
With its rich heritage, the Patan Patola continues to be lauded,
researched, filmed and written about, even though only a few
families continue to weave this textile. Exhibited in museums
both in India and overseas, its weaving remains dependent
on patrons and designers who understand the effort and
precision required to create this complex and expensive fabric.
47
W est I ndia
Rogan textile painting
N ir o na , G ujara t
O
ral traditions of the artisans trace the history
of this craft and its settlement in Nirona to
over 400 years ago. The craft was patronized
by the pastoral Ahir community of Kutch,
among whom it became a tradition for women to wear
Rogan-painted ghaghras (long, gathered skirts) and
odhanis (head scarves). Household linen decorated with
Rogan paintings was gifted at weddings. The patterns
and motifs of Rogan are inspired by the embroidery forms
and patterns of the region. This rare craft is now practised
by only two families in Nirona village for a clientele that is
largely urban.
48
Rogan textile paintings are
made only in Nirona village in
Kutch district of Gujarat. In this
craft, a thick paste of paint made
with boiled castor oil and dyes is
used to decorate fabric with an
iron stylus.
The craft ecosystem
The craft of Rogan painting on textiles has
been a closely guarded secret. Women
were never taught the art of Rogan as it
was feared that they would take the craft
to their in-laws’ families and spread the
secret. The families that still practise this
art have done so for eight generations;
and even today, it is only taught to the
men in a family.
The beautiful patterning of Rogan textiles,
once part of bridal trousseaus, is now
painted on saris, decorative wall hangings,
cushion covers, table covers and a variety
of other decorative items.
Its clientele includes tourists visiting Gujarat,
and it is often presented as a gift to visiting
officials and, indeed, to heads of state.
 R o gan t ex t i l e pain t ing | G ujara t

Process
The main tool for Rogan painting is the suya, or iron stylus,
with which the rogan paste is applied on fabric. Other
equipment is used to make and store the rogan paste.
A number of ingredients go into the paste, but the two
main ones are castor oil and dyes heated together. The
colours used in these paintings are usually yellow, red,
blue, white, green and brown. Coloured pigments and
binding agents are used too.

The cloth that is painted on is usually of a dark colour,

which makes the intense rogan colours stand out. Artists
make elaborate designs freehand, using thread-like
strands of paint trailing off the stylus. Customarily, when
half the design has been painted, the cloth is folded in
two to transfer the image to the other side, When the
colour sets, the cloth is opened out carefully, and a mirror
image of the first design emerges.

The motifs in Rogan textiles range from floral and

geometrical to dots, curvilinear patterns, circular designs
and motifs like the jaali (lattice screen). The paintings
have either narrow or broad and multi-lined borders that
incorporate these elements. In addition, Rogan versions of
the tree of life are well known, as are its calligraphic motifs
and use of large circular central patterns. The motifs
and patterns used in Rogan paintings now include both
traditional and contemporary designs.
The craft is dependent on the weather, or even the
temperature of the day. In the monsoon season, dyes
take time to dry and it becomes difficult to transfer the
design from one half of the fabric to the other. In winter
or summer, the paint can dry out before it can be used
on fabric. Another issue is getting the right density of the
paste, as this can affect the painting of the design too.
Change and way forward
In 1983, the lack of opportunities took Rogan painting
to the brink of extinction, with those that practised it
switching to other trades. Rogan painting is now practised
by only a few families in the village. Paradoxically, things
changed for the better after the devastating Gujarat
earthquake in 2001, when the state’s infrastructure
received a boost and more and more people started
visiting Nirona, met with its artisans and discovered this
textile art.
This four-century-old art form continues to be practised
in Nirona, with families working to archive and record the
work handed down over the generations. The families are
also re-energizing the craft by painting textiles other than
traditional varieties, and by participating in conferences,
exhibitions and workshops to demonstrate the tradition
in India and overseas and spread awareness about
Rogan art.
In 2014, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi gifted
the then President of the United States, Barack Obama,
a piece of Rogan art made by Abdul Gafur Khatri and
his younger brother Sumar Daud Khatri, which depicted
the tree of life. The resulting publicity brought many new
visitors to their village, who came to see their traditional
work. However, as a result of its grown popularity, Rogan
painting faces competition from screen-printed copies
of the art.
Today’s Rogan artists are all award winners and have
received high civilian awards like the Padma Shri, as well
as International Craft Awards, national awards, national
merit certificates and state awards.

49
W est I ndia

Sujani weaving
B haruch , G ujara t

The Sujani chequerboard patterning is woven in a double-cloth weave that is filled with
cotton batting to create a quilt on the handloom.

R
ows of pockets measuring 1 in. by 1.5 in. are
woven and filled with cotton batting between
the warp and weft layers during the weaving
process, and then enclosed in squares. This
encasing within squares ensures that the wool batting
is not displaced by use. It is a laborious and complex
weaving process that requires two weavers sitting at either
ends of a loom to operate it. Bharuch, in southern Gujarat,
is the only pocket of Sujani weaving in the state.
The craft ecosystem
There are two legends about the origins of the Sujani
quilted weave in Bharuch, both going back to the
mid-1800s. The first is from when Bharuch was ruled by
nawabs. One of these rulers had a very sensitive sense of
smell, so an enterprising weaver created fragrant quilts
stuffed with rose petals, jasmine flowers, henna (Lawsonia
inermis) leaves, and other aromatic and perfumed fillings.
These fillings gave a soft texture and a long-lasting
fragrance to the quilted textile. The second origin story

50

refers to a convict from Bharuch, who learned this art
from a fellow-convict from the north-east of India. After
his release, he taught the skill to villagers in Bharuch. For
generations since, this craft has served as the livelihood
of the community.
Now, Sujani quilting is stuffed not with fragrant flowers
and leaves but with cotton batting directly on the loom.
It requires a high level of specialized weaving skill, and
the process is laborious, complicated and in decline.
Sujani quilts are used by the people of Bharuch and by
people from other parts of the country. They are also
exported overseas. The Sujani material is now being used
for bedspreads and throws.
Process
Sujani quilts are woven on pit looms with the throw-
shuttle technique. Cotton batting is inserted between the
warp and the weft using metal rods called silli. Once it is
filled with cotton, the pocket is closed with a weave that
effectively seals the cotton into squares. This process is
repeated square by square, row by row.
S ujani weaving | G ujara t
Two weavers work the loom together for this labour-
intensive craft. The handloom has eight shafts and two
sets of eight pedals each, and both artisans need perfect
coordination to weave. It takes at least a week to make
one Sujani quilt. Every Sujani is visually conceived before
being crafted.
Only a few families in Bharuch have the skill and the
patience for this time-consuming and highly complex craft.
Just to set the yarns on the loom can take up to a month!
Change and way forward
A craft that requires great skill, Sujani weaving is in decline
for several reasons. One is that new generations are not
interested in joining the profession. Another is that there
is a vast variety of synthetic quilting available in the market
at lower prices, and it is only those who recognize and
value the craft who are interested in buying it. Weavers
need to be well-remunerated for their work if they are
not to move on to more lucrative professions.
The Government of Gujarat is paying great attention to the
rejuvenation of Sujani quilt-making and its practitioners.
51
W est I ndia

Tangaliya weaving
G ujara t

Tangaliya weaving is a process by which geometrical patterns
are formed on a fabric base by creating dana (beaded dots) in
high relief, giving the effect of bead embroidery.
Dangasia. The word dangasia derives from the dang, or
stick, used by shepherds. This new community developed
a weaving technique that they called Tangaliya.
In the past, Tangaliya was made largely for local
consumption. In fact, it had no commercial market in

T
his intricate weave is an important part of the urban sectors until about the 2010s.
cultural identity of the Dangasia community of
Surendranagar district in Gujarat.

Tangaliya is an unusual weave that legend dates to nearly

700 years ago and the early settlement of Gujarat’s
Saurashtra region by the Dangasia and Bharwaad
communities. An oral tradition about the origin of
the craft tells of three brothers from the Bharwaad
shepherding community who lived in Saurashtra. The
middle brother fell in love and married a girl from
the weaver community despite objections from both
sides. They lived on the outskirts of the settlement and
their children created a new community known as the
The craft ecosystem
The traditional handwoven Tangaliya was made with
unprocessed sheep wool and was customarily used
only to weave garments like head mantles, shawls
and gathered skirts for the Bharwaad community.
The Dangasias shared a synergetic barter system with
the Bharwaads, the latter providing the wool and the
former weaving garments for them.

52

Tangaliya is woven in Dhanithar and
Adhoi villages in Kutch. Once, Tangaliya
was woven in the Saurashtra villages
of Rajkot, Dhandhuka, Bavala and
Surendranagar; nowadays,
it is only woven in the villages of
Surendranagar district in Saurashtra.
The women of the household assist
in pre-processes like cleaning the
wool, preparing and dyeing the yarn,
preparing the bobbin, and warping.
The weaver is always male and women
do not usually learn to weave as it was
felt that when they got married they
would give away their knowledge to
other families.
With the introduction of low-priced
printed textiles in local markers, the
younger generation has begun to
wear other kinds of clothing, resulting in a decline in
traditional weaving practices, although it continues
in the villages of Surendranagar district, albeit in
a muted way.
In 2007-08, the National Institute of Fashion Design
(NIFT), Gandhinagar, initiated a project for the protection
and revival of Tangaliya weaving. It conducted workshops
on design application and created a range of products
in different colours and in cotton and acrylic yarn for
the modern market.
Process
The Tangaliya design vocabulary is inspired by nature and
ritual motifs. These motifs are usually geometric, with
an emphasis on basic shapes like squares, rectangles,
triangles and circles. The most basic motif is the ladwa or
ladoo, named after a round sweet. Another predominant
motif is the peacock. The main body is generally black,
while white and maroon are used to create the motifs in
the traditional Tangaliya.
The pit loom on which the Tangaliya is woven does not
have a warp beam. Instead, the yarn hank is knotted
to a pole from which the yarns are connected through
heald shafts to the cloth roll at the weaver’s end.
Tanga l iya weaving | G ujara t
The process begin with the hank yarn being sized and
spun onto bobbins. The weaving is done using a plain
weave and the motifs are made with danas (beaded dots).
The weaving of the danas is based on precise calculations,
as the weaver must count the warp yarns each time
before hand-knotting them into a dot to produce
geometric patterns. A single mistake could ruin the final
design. Once all the danas are made, the weft is inserted
and compressed to fix the danas in place.
There are four traditional types of Tangaliyas. The Ramraj
has dense dana-work in contrasting colours on a base
of black with horizontal maroon lines. Its borders can
have metallic zari embellishments. The Charmalia has
a maroon warp and black weft, which gives it a deep
tone, with the beaded dots being mainly white with some
maroon. The Dhunslu is worn by elderly women and has
fewer beaded dots. The base is black and the dots are
white and maroon. The Lobdi is a shawl woven in maroon
with white beaded dots.
Change and way forward
The craft of the Tangaliya has undergone major changes
in terms of raw material, design application and product
range. Traditionally, only hand-spun sheep wool was used
for the textile, despite the long and complex process of
yarn preparation. The revitalization project begun by NIFT
introduced weavers to readily available, machine-made
yarns like cotton, acrylic and silk. The use of machine-
made yarn quickened production and lowered the cost
of the final product. These products could be sold in
newer markets catering to larger customer bases.
The Tangaliya’s colour palette has been widened and
its products now include saris, dress material, shoulder
mantles, stoles, etc. Tangaliya material is also made into
file covers, bedcovers, cushion covers, table runners, and
other products for the urban market.
Raw sheep wool products are rough textured and urban
consumers prefer cotton or acrylic. Thus, very few weavers
continue to weave with hand-spun sheep wool yarn using
the traditional patterns.
Tangaliya shawls were registered under the Geographical
Indications Act in 2009, so as to protect and add value to
the craft.
53
W est I ndia
Nandana hand-block printing
J awad , M adhya P radesh
The twin villages of Tarapur and
Ummedpura in Jawad area of Mandsaur
district in Madhya Pradesh are famous
for their resist block-printing using wax.
These prints and printed cloths are called
Nandana.
T
he colours of the resist-printed fabrics were
traditionally specific to the needs of the tribal
women, with the base usually dyed a dark black
or deep indigo and motifs printed in orange,
red and white wax resist as the deep colours did not
reveal dust or wear and tear. Through this technique, the
wax resist, or dabu, penetrated the cloth and the print
becoming two-sided.
54
The craft ecosystem
The Indian Census of 1961 describes the craft ecosystem of
the villages in this region, stating how many households
in the region were involved in block-printing. Besides
the block-printers themselves, the ecosystem included
weavers, block-makers, dyers, specialist dyers working
with indigo called neelgars, Adivasis (indigenous
inhabitants) who provided firewood, washer-men who
helped with processing the fabric, and potters who made
special pots for the process.
Another noteworthy aspect of the production process
was that girls in the family were taught the craft and
participated in its production, even if not in every
aspect of the work. Women had specialized tasks in the
production of Nandanas, and women who married into
the community were also inducted into the craft practice.
 N andana hand b l o ck - prin t ing | M adhya P radesh
The clientele for this wax resist printed fabric came
largely from tribal communities such as the Bhil, Bhilala,
Mina and Patelia, who lived in contiguous and nearby
villages, and also from farther away in Madhya Pradesh.
Indeed, the clientele for Nandanas extended to Mewar of
Rajasthan and the tribal belt in Gujarat.
Men used the block-printed textiles as shoulder cloths
and to tie on their heads or around their waists. Women
had many uses for it, tailoring the block-print textile into
long gathered skirts or wearing it as a lugda sari or an orni
(head and shoulder mantle). The textile was also used for
jazams (floor coverings), lihafs (quilt covers), bedcovers
and other household items.
Process
The cotton textile base used for block-printing was woven
in a heavy low-count cotton. For the tribal buyer, the
cotton material needed to be strong and durable to be
able to endure heavy usage, as it would be used for daily
wear in the fields.
The process of traditional Nandana printing is complex
and time-consuming. The base fabric undergoes multiple
rounds of washing and drying to soften it and to add
mordants that fix the dye to the cloth. Next, the fabric is
dyed and resist block-printed in several repeated stages.
The fabric is block-printed using blocks made specifically
for wax. These blocks are carved much deeper than
traditional blocks for printing. The area that is block-
printed with wax will not catch colour in subsequent
dyeing. Once the desired colours and patterns are printed
on the cloth, the wax is removed and the fabric is washed
and prepared for sale.
Traditionally, the dyeing was done with various natural
dyes such as madder, alizarin and indigo. Today, these
have been replaced with chemical dyes.
There are four main motifs used in Nandana prints: the
chapakali (a stylized version of the ten-petal champa
flower, Michelia champaca); the mirchi, or chilli; the buta
(a flowering motif with leaves and foliage); and the amba,
or mango, with a central stem with leaves and fruits on
both sides. All these motifs are printed in orange, red and
white on a dark black or deep indigo background.
Change and way forward
In 1961, Tarapur and Ummedpura had over 160 block-
printing households engaged in textile printing. During the
1970s and 1980s, competition from cheap, brightly coloured
mill-printed polyester textiles took over the market.
Moreover, with changing lifestyles and work, the traditional
Adivasi customer for the craft moved to other prints and
clothing styles. The situation on the ground became quite
dismal as the number of printers in Ummedpura and
Tarapur dwindled to seven families.
In the late 1970s, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay (1903–1988),
who was then the chairperson of the All India Handicrafts
Board, visited the region and attempted to resurrect the
technique. The board taught the block-printers to use silk
and print full-length saris, and connected them with urban
markets and stores in which to sell these higher priced
products. This opened new avenues for the artisans, but it
did not stop the decline of their craft.
The block-printers of this region face a variety of problems
today, including the drying up of the river Gambhiri (as
flowing water is essential for the dyeing and washing
process) and competition from neighbouring block-printing
centres. In 2022, only three families had workshops for
Nandana block-printing.
Wax resist block-printing continues to find a clientele
among urban consumers who recognize the value of this
technique and the history of its patterning. The Government
of Madhya Pradesh, too, has set up schemes and
programmes to encourage this cluster while the retail chain
Fabindia has adopted the cluster for special attention.
55
W est I ndia

Himroo weaving
A urangabad , M aharash t ra

Himroo, a traditional brocade with a cotton base and patterned with silk, is an extra-
weft, figured fabric with a history going back to Tughlaq times. A complex weave,
decorated with figurative and geometric motifs, it is woven in running lengths.

T
he word ‘Himroo’ originates from the Persian in Aurangabad. Later still, the weave flourished under the
‘hum-ruh’, meaning ‘similar’, because Himroo was Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, and Aurangabad attracted many
regarded as being akin to the Kinkhwab, which hundreds of artisans. The nizams of Hyderabad, who ruled
was woven with pure gold and silver zari yarn. from the eighteenth century onwards, also patronised the
Himroo weavers of Aurangabad. Under the nizams, sherwanis
Though its origins are lost in antiquity, some historians
were made of Himroo, which began to be considered court
state that Himroo originated in Persia. It has long been
wear and an intrinsic part of a groom’s wedding attire. Shawls
worn by the aristocracy and the wealthy. This weave
and home furnishing have also been woven using Himroo.
is closely associated with the times of Tughlaq, who
ruled in the fourteenth century. When Muhammad bin
Tughlaq moved his capital from Delhi to Daulatabad
in Aurangabad, many weavers came and settled here.
When the king announced his plan for a reverse migration The craft ecosystem
back to Delhi, many of these weavers chose to remain in
Today, there are only three or four workshops in
Aurangabad.
Aurangabad that weave Himroo on handlooms. Traditionally,
In the seventeenth century, during the regency of Himroo weaving was done by men, but there are women
Malik Ambar, many more weavers came and settled weavers too, now.

56

Process
Himroo weaving was once done on a double-sided loom,
locally called the pagar loom, that needed a minimum
of two weavers to interlace the warp with the weft yarn.
Until about 1992, the usual Himroo establishment would
have one master weaver running a workshop with ten to
fifteen looms and several employees. Traditionally, men
did the weaving while women helped in ancillary activities
like bobbin-winding, shuttle-filling and mending broken
threads.
Today, this special cotton brocade is woven on a throw-
shuttle loom and uses a complicated weaving technique
by which the weaving is done in a twill weave formation.
As a result, the pre-loom process for making Himroo is
extremely complex and time-consuming.
First, the weaver must decide on a design, which will be
woven with two types of yarn – the base of cotton and the
patterning with silk. The designs are then woven using
double colours of threads in a variety of shades, which
adds a complexity of colour to the textile. It takes at least
seven to ten days to weave a shawl of about 2 m in length.
Himroo designs include geometrical patterns like ovals,
diamonds, circles, octagons and hexagons; fruits from
pineapples to pomegranates; flowers like jasmine, rose,
lotus and flowering creepers; as well as birds and animals.
Other designs include architectural patterns of lattices,
guldastha (floral bouquet), meenakari (enamel work),
chotha mina (small enamel work), paisley, and more.
H imr o o weaving | M aharash t ra
Himroo products include home furnishing, shawls, saris,
and material for men’s coats or sherwanis.
Change and way forward
The flourishing Himroo trade received a jolt from
machine-made and relatively cheaper textiles. It was
not easy for the handloom industry to compete with the
power loom. As the younger generation moved to better
paying jobs, Himroo workshops began to shut down.
Before Independence, a bulk of Himroo products
were sold to the Nizam of Hyderabad and his nobility.
Once the nizam’s rule ended, the Government of India
supported the weavers by buying their fabrics to decorate
the interiors of governors’ residences across India. As
Aurangabad began to develop into a tourist destination,
with the declaration of the local Ajanta caves as a
UNESCO World Heritage Site, the weavers acquired a
captive market in the form of domestic and foreign
tourists. At the same time, however, competition from
power looms grew stiffer.
The weavers have been trying to revive the legacy of
Himroo weaves with the help of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs). Loom Katha, an organization that
produces contemporary products from heritage weaving
techniques, has been deeply involved with artisans in
Aurangabad to try and sustain the traditional art.
57
58
 South
I n d i a
Telangana

Karnataka

Andhra
Pradesh

Tamil Nadu

Kerala

H A N D M A DE T E X T I L E C R A F T S

Andhra Pradesh Karnataka Kerala Tamil Nadu Telangana

Himroo weaving, Guledgudd Khana, Ayurvedic textiles, Sikalnayakanpet Gongadi sheep
Hyderabad* Guledgudda Balaramapuram Kalamkari, Thanjavur wool blankets**

Siddipet Gollabama Ilkal weaving, Sungadi/ Chungadi,

weaving Bagalkot Madurai

Lambadi or Banjara Toda embroidery, 59

embroidery, Sandur, Nilgiris
Bellary district

Molakalmuru silk
weaving, Chitradurga

* Hyderabad is the joint capital of both Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.

** This textile craft is practised in the Deccan plateau across Telangana and Andhra Pradesh.
59
SOUTH India

Himroo weaving
H y d e r aba d , A N D H R A P R A DE S H A N D T e langana

The word ‘Himroo’ comes from the

Persian hum-ruh, meaning ‘similar’,
as it was developed as an alternative to the
Kinkhwab brocade of silk and metallic gold
zari. Traditionally woven using a draw
loom mechanism that required at least two
weavers to operate, it is considered the
cotton or wool equivalent of Kinkhwab.

H
imroo continues to be woven with a cotton warp
interlaced with dense silk patterning in many
colours using the extra weft weaving technique.

Himroo weaving is said to have been brought to

Aurangabad by the ruler Muhammad bin Tughlaq, who
briefly shifted his capital here in 1326, renaming the city
Daulatabad. In his ill-advised shift from Delhi, he brought
all the industries that catered to the courts and the people
in his entourage. When the Tughlaq capital returned to
Delhi in 1335, many Himroo weavers opted to remain in
Aurangabad. During the rule of the Mughal Emperor
Aurangzeb, the textile industry in Aurangabad flourished.
The town became well known for its Himroo weaving.

Later, when the nizams ruled Hyderabad, sherwanis

(coats) were made of Himroo and were considered an
intrinsic part of court wear and of wedding attire. Until
the mid-twentieth century, a steady demand from the
nizam’s court in Hyderabad kept Aurangabad’s Himroo
weavers busy. When the nizam’s power faded in the
1960s, there was a decline in the demand for Himroo.
With weavers moving to other occupations, the number
of families involved in Himroo weaving in Aurangabad
declined significantly.

60
 H im r o o w e a v ing | A N D H R A P R A DE S H A N D T e langana

The craft
ecosystem
Himroo witnessed a renewal
in Hyderabad, primarily
due to the efforts of the
textile revivalist Suraiya
Hassan Bose (1928-2021),
who invited weavers from
Aurangabad to weave in
her atelier. Bose gave them
raw material, place for
looms and orders for their
weaves, and thus inspired a
resurgence in demand for
Himroo textiles.

Process
The complex cotton and silk weave of Himroo is done on
a throw-shuttle with a wooden frame, a weaver’s beam
and pedals, along with other tools required for the
process. The weaver sits on a wooden plank in front of the
loom with a helper on the other side.
Himroo has a large repertoire of designs and colours, from
lines of different thickness that run straight, diagonally
or intersecting to make squares, to other geometric
patterns like the rhombus, circle, triangle, diamond,
hexagon, octagon, oval, ellipse, etc. Artistic renderings of
the jasmine, rose, lily, lotus and other flowers, as well as
fruits like pomegranates, pineapples, almonds, mangoes
and such like are also used. Besides motifs, patterns of
trellis and lattice-work with creepers, leaves and flowers,
sometimes interspersed with birds and animals, often
cover the textile.

Change and way forward

Suraiya Hassan Bose, a textile conservator who revived
many declining weaves including Himroo in Hyderabad,
established a workshop near Golconda fort with six
Himroo looms and a school of arts and crafts. Recreating
the varied patterns and motifs of Himroo along with an
analysis of the structure of the weave helped to recreate
the original textile. Bose also innovated for the times with
a larger colour palette and yarns such as tussar or raw silk,
which were not earlier used in the weave. Himroo is much
copied on the power loom, on which it is made at a lower
cost, though it is easy to distinguish the real from the fake.

61
SOUTH India

Siddipet Gollabama weaving

A n d h r a P r a d e sh

Handwoven Siddipet Gollabama saris are
characterized by the unique Gollabama
motif, which is the figure of a milkmaid
carrying one milk pot on her head and one
in her hand.
Another legend says that these saris refer to women of the
Golla community – the gollabama (milkmaids) who are
depicted on the decorative motifs woven on the borders.
According to yet another legend, milkmaids once carried
pots of milk and curd to offer the Hindu God Lord Krishna.
The silhouettes of these women inspired weavers to
replicate their image, leading to the Gollabama weaving

L
style.
egendary tales of King Vikramaditya say that
All Siddipet Gollabama saris have about eight to thirteen
Gollabama was the name of his queen, but for some
of these motifs woven on the pallu (the loose end
reason they were separated and the queen was
draped over the shoulder), and about thirteen to fifteen
forced to become a milkmaid. One day, the king
Gollabama motifs woven on the lower border, but none on
saw her, took the pot from her and drank some milk. Not
the upper border. The body of the sari is plain or has butas
recognizing her, he asked who she was. Only then did they
(motifs). These saris are made of cotton.
recognize each other and were united. A movie called
Gollabama, based on this legend, was made in the 1940s, Another important feature of Gollabama saris is that
and helped enhance the popularity of the sari that bears the motifs are not woven on the loom but made entirely
the queen’s name. by hand.

62
 S i d d ip e t G o llabama w e a v ing | A n d h r a P r a d e sh

The artisan weaves a ‘line design’ on the pallu,

throughout the width of the sari, above and below
the line of Gollabama motifs. These lines are woven
to enhance the look of the saris and there is no fixed
pattern for them; the weaving of these lines is
also optional.

The centre of Gollabama sari weaving is the mandal

(administrative unit) of Siddipet in Medak district of
Andhra Pradesh. However, these saris are also woven
in the adjacent villages of Irkod in Siddipet mandal,
Dudeda in Kondapakka mandal and in Dubbaka
mandal of Medak district.

The craft ecosystem Although the body, design, border, pallu and the lines on
Hand-weaving Gollabama motifs on a sari is a the pallu are woven on handlooms, the Gollabama motifs
painstaking process and requires great expertise and are hand woven separately using cotton thread. Only pit
patience, which is why it is only done by senior weavers. looms are used. A Siddipet Gollabama sari takes between
It is a skill that has been passed down over decades, three to five days to make, requiring close to eight hours of
which may explain why less than twenty-five weavers weaving per day.
practise this textile tradition today.
The body of the sari can be of any colour, though the most
popular colours are cream and white. The pallus are usually
coloured yellow, maroon, green or any bright colour. The
colours used most frequently for the Gollabama motifs
Process are blue, green, black, red and violet in various shades,
depending entirely on the weavers’ creativity.
Siddipet
Gollabama saris
are made of cotton
yarn in both the
warp and weft. No Change and way forward
zari (metallic) yarn
The Gollabama saris or Siddipet Gollabama cotton saris
is used. Weavers
are globally renowned, and have obtained a Geographical
either buy dyed
Indication (GI) tag. The Siddipet Hand-loom Weavers
yarn or often do
Co-operative Society Limited was established in 1960 in
the bleaching and
Siddipet town, and continues to manage the marketing
dyeing themselves.
and sales of these saris.
The Gollabama
designs woven At one time, there were some 2,000 expert weavers
on the pallu and of these saris, now only about two dozen remain. The
body are between Siddipet Gollabama cotton saris are a vital part of the
9 cm and 10 cm in length and about 5 cm in width. culture of the region and a concerted effort at reviving
This measurement does not vary, which adds to the them, supporting the weavers and helping them preserve
uniqueness of the product. this traditional form of weaving is necessary.

63
SOUTH India

Guledgudd Khana
G U L ED G UDD A , K a r nataka

A traditional Guledgudd Khana is densely
handwoven with small geometric motifs
and borders of deep red and maroon.
Woven in narrow widths, it is customarily
used to make cholis, or blouses.
customarily produced in a width and length of 32 in.
by 20 in., the exact size required to make one sari blouse.
The scale for measuring this specific length is traditionally
known as the khana. The weave is also simply known as
khun, which translates to ‘sugar’ in Marathi. It is believed
that the textile was named after those living in the sugar-
growing regions of Maharashtra and parts of Karnataka,

T
where the fabric was predominant.
he Guledgudd Khana uses a combination of
Guledgudd Khana is worn in combination with the
cotton and silk yarn and is one of the most
traditional Ilkal saris of this region (also named after
widely worn pieces of clothing by women in the
Ilkal town, in which they originated), not only in northern
northern parts of Karnataka as well as some areas
Karnataka but also in the Marathawada and Vidarbha
of Maharashtra. The silk in the weft gives the fabric its
regions of Maharashtra. The Guledgudd Khana material
characteristic sheen.
is very popular because of its lustrous sheen and
The fabric gets its name from its origins in the village because it is comfortable to wear in hot weather as it
of Guledgudda in northern Karnataka. The fabric was absorbs moisture.

64

Although there is no definite historical evidence about the
origins of handloom weaving in Ilkal and Guledgudda, it
is believed that it may have begun in the eighth century
under the Chalukya dynasty. According to the 1881 census,
the population of Guledgudda was 10,650, of which 500
were handloom weaver families, possibly practising this
style of weaving.
The Guledgudda cluster, comprising Guledgudda in
Bagalkot district and Gajendragad in Gadag district, as
well as Amingad, Sulebhavi, Gudur, Kammatagi and other
villages, is known as the only blouse material-producing
cluster in India.
The loom structure and weaving process varies with each
cluster; however, the designs produced using dyed yarns
are typical of these parts of Karnataka and Maharashtra.
The water quality makes the dye unique, with superior
fastness. The yarns are of cotton and silk, both. Because
of the high cost of silk, the khana was also produced in a
combination of materials, with cotton used as the weft.
The craft ecosystem
As in other parts of Karnataka, the Devanga, Padmasali
and Veerashaiva castes, along with Muslims, form the
traditional weaving community. Weaving involves the
weaver’s family, too, in pre- and post-loom processes.
G u l e d g u d d K hana | K a r nataka
Process
The production of traditional khana fabric involves various
processes such as sizing, dyeing of the cotton and silk yarn,
pirn winding and, finally, weaving.
Traditionally, Guledgudd Khana material was woven on pit
looms; silk yarn was used as warp, with varying counts and
widths, while cotton yarn formed the weft. Weaving the
khana material requires skill and patience because of its
small and intricate designs.
Change and way forward
Guledgudd Khana was once a flourishing craft in the
region, with weavers owning their own looms and every
family member involved in the craft. Unfortunately, as
with most age-old traditions, the slow takeover of the
power loom resulted in the decline of handloom weaving.
As a result, the number of handlooms in Guledgudda has
come down drastically over the past decades, with many
traditional designs almost lost.
Designers are now working with the weave in an attempt
to rejuvenate it. The width of the looms has also been
expanded so that other materials can be woven on
them, and the use of the weave is now extended to
other products like cushion covers and other accessories.
Several organizations, including Kai Crafts and Kale
Nele Design Studio, focus on Guledgudd fabrics in their
design collections, using it in many of their home decor
collections.
Guledgudd Khana received a Geographical Identification
tag in 2015.
65
SOUTH India
Ilkal weaving
B A G A L K O T , K a r nataka
Ilkal saris are woven in cotton yarn with
the pallu (the loose end draped over the
shoulder) woven in silk with dramatic red-
and-white patterns called tope teni seragu.
A
distinctive feature of the sari is the joining of the
body warp with the pallu warp using a series
of loops, locally called the tope teni technique.
This handloom weave has been awarded the
Geographical Indication (GI) tag.
Traditionally, these saris, with their dramatic red-and-white
pallus, were worn by women in northern Karnataka and
Maharashtra on ritual and festive occasions. Legend has
it that this indigenous tradition of weaving began in the
eighth century. The development of these saris is attributed
to the patronage of local chieftains in and around the town
of Bellary and from regions in present-day Maharashtra.
66
The craft ecosystem
Ilkal, a medium-sized town in Bagalkot district of
Karnataka, is well known for the weaving of Ilkal saris.
In the past, several thousands of weavers were spread
across this area. However, the number of handloom
weavers in Ilkal has dwindled drastically in recent years.
A distinctive feature of the pallu of Ilkal saris is the
red-and-white pattern called tope teni seragu: three
solid portions of red with two solid portions of white in
between. The patterning of the pallu is further enhanced
by weaving in its middle portion.
Traditionally, Ilkal had a large repertoire of designs, with
a colour palette of greens, yellows, blues, orange and
black, etc. The main body of the sari can be plain or woven
in stripes, rectangles, squares or checks. The borders are
usually about 4 in. wide on both sides and have traditional
designs woven upon them. Over the years, the borders

have widened and the traditional red and maroon
colours used on the borders have increased to include
green, yellow, black and more.
Ilkal saris are woven in different lengths of 6 yards
(5.4 m), 8 yards (7.2 m) and 9 yards (8.1 m) as they are
worn in different styles and these lengths are meant
to suit the style preferred by the wearer.
Process
Traditional Ilkal saris are produced on pit looms using
a combination of different types of yarns like silk or art
silk and cotton, although the sari can also be woven
completely in silk. The weaving process is essentially a
household enterprise involving the active participation
of all members and requires great skill.
In the traditional method, the pallu and body warp are
prepared using the peg warping system. Each body
warp end is interlaced with the pallu warp end manually,
which is called the tope teni technique, so that the ends
interlock with each other. Often, the warp is sized with
plant resin or gum. In the past, two weavers had to work
together to weave in this way. The main body of the sari
is woven using the same process.
I lkal w e a v ing | K a r nataka
Change and way forward
In recent years, the number of handloom weavers of the
Ilkal weave has dwindled drastically. With the ubiquitous
presence of power looms producing Ilkal saris in large
numbers and at much lower prices, the market for the original
handloom Ilkal saris has been decimated. The rising cost of
raw materials including silk and cotton has also resulted in
traditional saris being priced relatively high.
Where once natural and mineral colours were used, and while
this continues, weavers have largely switched to synthetic dyes
as they are faster and more cost effective.
Efforts to rejuvenate the tradition include the reintroduction
of several older border designs. Weavers have also been
experimenting with different colour palettes, like pastel
shades, whites and creams, among other combinations.
In addition, weavers have expanded their product range
beyond saris to produce cloth that can be used to make shirts,
running material and dupattas (scarves). Better
quality saris are also being woven entirely in silk.
The Ilkal sari has been the traditional base for Karnataka’s
Kasuti embroidery. Now, designers are working to use the
Ilkal weave with Lambani Banjara embroidery, patchwork,
Kalamkari hand-painting, Kantha embroidery, block-printing
and other embellishment techniques. Other designers are
using the Ilkal fabric in patchwork quilts, or making kaftans
(tunics), kurtas (shirts), skirts and other kinds of clothing with it.
67
SOUTH India

Lambadi or Banjara embroidery

S an d u r , B e lla r y D I S T R I C T , K a r nataka

The elaborate embroidery of the Lambadi

or Banjara nomadic community reflects
their keen aesthetic sense, which is
mirrored in their clothes, personal
belongings, jewellery and even their modes
of transport.

T
he Lambadis, also called Lambanis or Banjaras,
were nomadic tribes who are believed to have
migrated across vast distances and are now settled
in different parts of India. In the seventeenth
century, they were essential to the Mughal armies as they
worked as professional carriers of goods and repairers of
metal items. In times of peace, they transported textiles,
spices, grain and other goods. In the nineteenth century,
the British authorities framed the Criminal Tribes Act of
1871 and curbed their free movement. Some of them
settled in the southern part of India, including in Karnataka.

The distinctiveness of Lambadi embroidery lies in its

designs and bright colours. It combines patchwork done
by hand with intricate appliqué work, non-figurative
embroidery and decorative elements like mirrors, beads,
buttons, shells (cowries), small bells, wooden tassels,
coins and other metallic trinkets. The base fabric, usually
red or blue, is distinguishable for its use of tone-on-tone
traditional hand block-prints prints that are called toori
and vakdi, and lend a three-dimensional aspect to this
complex embroidery.

68

The craft ecosystem
The Lambadis live on the outskirts of Sandur town in
Bellary district of Karnataka, in traditional communities
called tandas. Their sumptuous clothing makes then
stand out. While the men wear simpler and less
elaborate clothes, the women dress ornately in colourful
attire accessorized with metal, mirrors and shells. The
embroidery’s colours and patterns are linked to customs,
rituals and rites of passage.
The metal pieces that accessorize the embroidery are
made of white metal moulded by traditional jewellers of
the Lambadi tribe. It is the women, exclusively, who do
the embroidery, usually as a communal activity in their
free time.
The traditional Lambadi dress comprised a long gathered
skirt (lehanga), a blouse (choli) and a head mantle
(odhni), all richly embroidered and decorated. The bride’s
trousseau begins to be made at the birth of a girl. Besides
garments, items of daily use, such as money bags or bags
for grain, are also embellished.
Process
The Lambadi craft begins with the acquisition of the
right cotton cloth and other critical materials such as
embroidery skeins and accessories like coins, mirrors,
L amba d i o r B an j a r a e mb r o i d e r y | K a r nataka
metal buttons, metal jewellery, metal trinkets, cowrie
shells, etc. The base fabric is usually coloured deep red,
blue, green, mustard or black. The fabric is then hand
block-printed with tone-on-tone colours. Next, the cloth
is embroidered.
The complex and intricate Lambadi embroidery uses
about fourteen different types of stitches, with the joints
and seams also embroidered with special stitches and
motifs. Finally, the embellishments are sewn into the cloth,
along with small tassels and pom-poms.
Change and way forward
The Lambadis have adapted to the times and have
made their embroidery commercially available. They
now embroider products for the contemporary market,
including home furnishings like bedcovers, cushion covers,
wall hangings and torans (door hangings) as well as ready-
to-wear clothes and accessories like bags, phone covers
and spectacle cases. Lambadi women travel across the
country and overseas for exhibitions and demonstrations
of their skills.
The artisans have been recognized with national and
state-level awards and have received international
recognition with awards like the Seal of Excellence for
Handicrafts Products in South Asia in 2004 and 2012,
conferred by UNESCO-CCI. Lambadi embroidery is
featured on the ramp and in exhibitions across India
and overseas.
On the other hand, young Lambadi women have moved
away from wearing their traditional clothing, which
is causing a loss of knowledge about the stitches and
embroidery. Organizations like Dastkar in Delhi and
the non-profit Sandur Kushal Kala Kendra, which works
towards preserving and promoting the culture and
traditions of the Lambadis, are making great efforts
to sustain this embroidery tradition and promote and
market their products.
Lambadi embroidery has been awarded a Geographic
Indication (GI) tag.
69
SOUTH India

Molakalmuru silk weaving

C hit r a d u r ga , K a r nataka

The rich and elaborate Molakalmuru silk saris are worn for rites of passage like
marriages and for important prayers, rituals, festivals and other auspicious occasions.

T
hey are woven in Gruhaprave-Molakalmuru
taluka (administrative unit) of Chitradurga
district in Karnataka, which has been a well-
known handloom cluster since the early
nineteenth century. The weaving of Molakalmuru
saris was greatly patronized by Krishnaraja Wadiyar IV
(1884–1940) who was the twenty-fourth ruler of Mysuru.
The king being fabulously wealthy, his patronage created
a thriving weaving community in Molakalmuru, which is
described in the Mysore State Gazette of 1867 as having a
high reputation for its pure silk saris woven on pit looms.
The patterns, motifs and designs used on the borders
and pallus (the loose end draped over the shoulder)
of Molakalmuru saris are inspired by temple carvings,
auspicious symbols and nature. The swan, lotus,
peacock and mango are part of the repertoire.
Other traditional motifs on the Molakalmuru sari
include the rudraksh (blue-berry seeds) and the
auspicious motifs and symbols of the Wadiyar dynasty
of Mysuru.

70
 M o lakalm u r u silk w e a v ing | K a r nataka

The craft ecosystem

Legend has it that the Sokula Sali community that weaves
Molakalmuru silks was originally from Maharashtra,
and that weavers from the Padma Sali and Pattu Sali
communities also migrated from the neighbouring state
of Andhra Pradesh and received royal patronage from the
then rulers of Mysuru. Other communities are involved in
the pre- and post-looms processes of making this textile.
With competition from power looms and other silk sari
traditions, Molakalmuru silk weaving is in decline.

Process
The raw materials used for weaving Molakalmuru saris
include mulberry filature silk for the warp and charkha
(hand-spun) silk for the weft. Molakalmuru silks with
patterns all over the body, borders and pallu are woven
with twisted silk warp, with less twist in the weft and
metallic yarn (zari) used as extra warp and weft. Often,
these saris are woven with a contrasting border and pallu, Weavers innovate with patterns and colours on the basis
and the body of the sari woven with a different coloured of their commissions and orders.
warp and weft, giving the sari a two-toned effect. Festive
colours like maroon, red, blue, mustard, green and pink
comprise its traditional colour palette.

Its intricate weaving technique distinguishes Molakalmuru
silks from other weaving traditions in the region. The two
manually operated techniques are called kuttu and chalu.
In the kuttu technique, the body of the sari is joined to the
border by a painstaking process of manually interlacing
the weft yarns using three throw-shuttles. The chalu
technique is used to interlace the warp of the sari border
with the warp ends of the pallu.
The saris of Molakalmuru are named according to the
motifs woven on their bodies, borders and pallus. For
instance, the Gattipeta sari has a plain body, a border
with motifs of rudraksh, swans and diamond-shaped
patterns, and a pallu decorated with stripes, peacocks
and mangoes. The Gattipeta check sari is similar but has
checks on the body. The Varalaxmi sari is patterned with
stripes, florals, mangoes and peacocks. The Rudraksh
sari can have either a plain body or checks, and a border
covered with rudraksh.
Change and way forward
The Molakalmuru sari was awarded a Geographical
Indication (GI) tag in 2006, and the sari came to be
recognized as culturally unique to Mysuru. This has led
to greater protection for the weavers of Molakalmuru silk
saris in the region and has allowed them to get better
prices for their creations. The Government of India has
assisted the Molakalmuru handloom cluster under the
Integrated Handloom Development Scheme (IHDS) to
develop and support handloom weavers and to protect
the tradition and heritage of Molakalmuru. However,
despite various supportive measures taken by the state
and central governments, the number of looms in
Molakalmuru has reduced substantially because few new
weavers are entering the profession while skilled weavers
are ageing.

71
SOUTH India
Ayurvedic textiles
B ala r amap u r am , K e r ala
Dyeing yarn and textiles in herbs and medicinal plants based on the Ayurvedic
medicinal system of Balaramapuram ensures that clothing, too, helps promote
good health and healing.
B
alaramapuram, in Thiruvananthapuram district
of Kerala, is historically an important place for
handloom weaving. It is located 15 km south-
east of Thiruvananthapuram (Trivandrum) city,
the state capital.
The weaving of superfine fabrics has now spread from
Balaramapuram to surrounding areas, with weavers
famed for their ability to weave yarn of very fine counts,
for their use of metallic zari yarns (called kasavu in
Malayalam) in the borders, cross-borders and pallus (the
loose end draped over the shoulder), and for their temple
border designs. The process of making these textiles is
distinguished by the use of naturally coloured cotton yarn.
More recently, dyed yarn has begun to be used, but only
as a substitute for pure zari on the border or cross-border.
Another specialty of this craft is how the front and the
back of the fabric look identical.
72
Handloom weaving in Balaramapuram dates back to the
royal family of Travancore when Shri Ummini Thampi,
the dewan (chief administrator) of the then maharaja, His
Highness Maharaja Balarama Varma (c. 1782–1810), brought
weaving families from Valliyur (in Tirunelveli district of
Tamil Nadu) to weave for the royal family.
Balaramapuram remains an important weaving hub.
However, its tradition of dyeing in herbs and medicinal
plants is limited to just a few families. This dye process is
based on the traditional Ayurvedic medicine system. Only
textiles that are produced on the handloom, that have
undergone no machine processing and have no chemical
additives in the cotton fibres used for spinning and
weaving, are dyed in this manner. The dyes are prepared
from a cornucopia of over forty meticulously combined
medicinal herbs, plants, flowers, roots and barks based
on Ayurvedic prescriptions.

The craft ecosystem
The clothes that are usually dyed in Ayurvedic medicinal
herbs include the Balaramapuram woven sari, the dhoti
(sarong-like lower garment, also known as mundu)
and fabric. It is also used for the set mundu, which is a
combination of the mundu for covering the lower half of
the body and the neriyathu to drape around the upper
portion like a wrap, and is traditionally worn by women.
The Ayurvedic dye is also used for shirts, bed sheets,
towels, shawls and other items. Other natural fibres like
jute, wool, silk, hemp and linen are also dyed.
Process
The organic cotton yarn or the finished fabric is first
coated with a mixture of natural gums, which acts as a
medium or mordant for absorbing and fixing the herb
preparation to the material. It is then dyed in a blend of
Ayurvedic herbs like mimosa pudica, cumin, champa
(Michelia champaca) flower, shoe flower, turmeric,
margosa (neem), etc. About 200 herbs are available to
choose from, include some that naturally colour the fabric
or yarn, like indigo. The temperatures of the dyes, the
duration and number of dye soaks, the blend of herbs,
and even the equipment used is all carefully controlled.
A y u r v e d ic t e xtil e s | K e r ala
If yarn is dyed, it is further woven
on pit looms, which are widely
used in the Balaramapuram
cluster.
Depending on the clothing and
its use, the dye formula usually
includes a combination of
dominant and subsidiary herbs.
These both colour the fabric and
add medicinal properties to it,
with each textile using forty or
more precisely blended items.
Change and
way forward
A project called Ayurvastra (from ayur, the Sanskrit
word for ‘health’, and vastra, ‘clothing’) aims to create
a niche for eco-friendly wellness textiles coloured with
dyes extracted from Ayurvedic herbs and plants, using
no synthetic materials. Ayurvastra is an initiative of the
Directorate of Handloom, Department of Industries and
Commerce, Government of Kerala, and the Government
Ayurveda College, Kerala.
In addition, the Handloom Weavers Development Society
(HLWDS) in Balaramapuram has been innovating and
creating naturally dyed Ayurvedic textiles based on their
family traditions and practices of Ayurveda. Established
in 1989 by a group of twenty-four young weavers from
Balaramapuram, the society received financial support
from the Government of Japan to establish an Ayurvedic
dye house in 2004.
Ayurveda textiles have a very small market in India due
to lack of awareness. Such products are largely exported.
In addition, there are very few practitioners of the craft
and its process is a well-kept secret. The application of
this technique has tremendous potential for growth
in Balaramapuram, however; and, indeed, in other
Ayurvedic centres across the country that will have their
own traditions that could be used to make clothing that
generates health and well-being for the human body.
73
SOUTH India
Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari
T H A N J A VUR , T amil N a d u
Sikalnayakanpet, in Thanjavur district of Tamil Nadu, is the
centre for the art of hand-painted dye-patterned Kalamkari,
known for its bold visual aesthetic.
T
he Kalamkari artisans here have been practising
this craft for generations. Oral history recounts
how the community migrated to Karrupur in the
sixteenth century, when they were invited by the
royal court to depict religious tales on fabrics that were
used to decorate temples and the idol chariots taken out
during festivals. Over time, the artists were sought after
for making thoranams, cylindrical decorative hangings for
temple chariots. Later still, some families moved and settled
in Sikalnayakanpet and began practising the art here.
What sets the Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari apart is the
method of producing, drawing and hand-painting the
designs and applying the dyes. The artisans continue to
follow the tradition of making dye-painted figurative and
patterned cloths for Hindu temples, including ceiling
74
cloths, umbrella covers, thoranams and chariot covers,
using a kalam (stylus) made from bamboo and cloth to
paint with vegetable dyes and mordant.
The Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari is different from the
hand-painted Kalamkari of Sri Kalahasti, which largely
produces thematic, narrative and educative temple cloth
hangings that are meant to be seen from close up. The
Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari bears a strong resemblance
to the appliqué work of Kumbakonam, and its bold visual
aesthetic allows the design to be seen from a distance,
which it why it is used for umbrella covers, cylindrical
hangings and chariot covers.
In the 1980s, an all-India textile revival under Pupul Jayakar
(1915-97), chairperson of the Festival of India Committee,
and its chief designer Martand Singh (1947-2017) created
designs that were meant for a wider audience, thus
taking this textile art to a wider national and international
market. Later, the former chief minister of Tamil Nadu,
J. Jayalalitha, patronized it and decorative thoranams
were displayed at the World Tamil Conference in 1995.
 S ikalna y akanp e t K alamka r i | T amil N a d u

The craft ecosystem Change and way forward

Today, the art of Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari is practised
by one family alone, that of the artist Krishnamurthy and
his son Rajagopal. They continue to create the temple
Kalamkaris and other traditional products used by the
local community, but with changing times they also
produce painted saris that combine hand-painting and
block-printing in the traditional colours of red, yellow
and black.
With only one family involved in the long and complex
process of producing the Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari,
the craft needs to be rejuvenated if it is to be available to
future generations. While there is a market for the saris
produced by the Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari method,
the style has been copied by power-loom and silk-screen
products, which has eroded the market of the traditional
artisans, who can do little to compete with these copies.

The late Emburumal (d. 2016) came from the same
community as that of Krishnamurthy. A recipient of
the Shilp Guru award, the highest government honour
for craftsmanship, Emburumal founded the Kalamkari
Foundation in Karrupur.
In addition, the family is not interested in teaching the
craft of Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari to outsiders, thus
adding to fears of its decline. This textile craft needs
urgent revitalization if it is to remain alive.

Process
The artisan begins by soaking fabric in a mixture of buffalo
milk and soap nut. Sikalnayakanpet Kalamkari is a labour-
intensive technique that requires the cloth to be prepared
for painting with at least three separate chemical-free
treatments using a cow-dung paste before it is ready
for the next stage of processing. A mixture of rice-water
starch and milk is then used to stiffen the cotton. Next, the
cloth is beaten until it is pliable. Only now can the artist
begin drawing on it. Artists use natural brushes made
from tree bark and bamboo pens and make intricate
paintings with vegetable dyes. An artwork takes about
forty-five days to complete, given the multiple washes
and the long and complex process of painting, colouring
and dyeing.

For the painting process, the artist creates an outline with

pens (kalams) made of bamboo sticks with pointed tips,
padded with cotton cloth and tied with a thread. The
cotton cloth serves as a reservoir for dye and ensures that
extra colour does not drip on the fabric. The colours are
extracted from natural sources such as flowers, barks,
roots and seeds. For instance, black is made with old iron,
sugarcane jaggery and starch.

Once the first layer of painting is done, the fabric is

washed and dried. This process is repeated three to four
times until the desired effect is achieved.

75
SOUTH India

Sungadi or Chungadi
M a d u r ai , T amil N a d u

The tie-dye Sungadi cotton sari of Madurai in Tamil Nadu is characterized by the many
tiny dots that fill its body, and its detailed borders woven with metallic zari in colours that
contrast with the sari body.

T
he sari is traditionally made using a
tie-dye technique introduced to the region
by Saurashtrians who migrated here under
the patronage of King Thirumalai Nayaka
in the seventeenth century.
The dot patterning of the Madurai Sungadi is made
by a tie-dye process that is similar to the Bandhani
and Bandhej tie-dye techniques of Rajasthan and
Gujarat, respectively. Between the eighth and eleventh
centuries, merchants, weavers and other artisans from
the Saurashtra region of present-day Gujarat migrated
to southern India upon the invitation of Chola, Pandya,
Vijayanagara, Nayaka and Thanjavur Maratha kings. These
artisans set up mercantile silk weaving guilds throughout
the south and were involved in the trade of silk textiles
and diamonds to the region’s royal families.
A group of expert weavers, dyers and traders known as
Patnulkarars (silk-thread people) settled in Madurai, where
the local Nayaka king welcomed them. They decided to
please the king by creating a gift of cotton fabric suited for
tropical conditions. This was the Madurai Sungadi.
In Saurashtra, the word sungadi derives from the Sanskrit
sunnam, meaning ‘round’, referring to the motifs of
circular dots that are tie-dyed on the fabric.

76
 S u nga d i o r C h u nga d i | T amil N a d u

The craft ecosystem then steamed and dried. It takes ten to fifteen days
to make a traditional Madurai Sungadi sari, with women
The Madurai Sungadi tie-dye craft has been passed involved in the tying process.
down through the generations. In 2013, 8 February
These saris are usually made from pure unbleached
was designated Sungadi Day to honour this unique
cotton. They all have bright colours with contrasting
heritage and craftsmanship. Sungadi Day continues
woven borders, usually with gold zari yarn in the border.
to be celebrated, but much has changed among its
Designs and patterns vary from piece to piece.
practitioners in terms of skill and technique. Most artisans
have moved to the quicker methods of block-printing
and screen-printing instead of the actual tie-dye, thus
endangering the original product and technique.

Over the decades, the Sungadi sari was adopted by Change and way forward
the local people as customary wear, its affordable price
The original tie-dye Madurai Sungadi requires sustainable
making it a popular choice among consumers. Its sale was
development and inputs to keep it going, as it faces
limited to local markets in and around Madurai and other
stiff competition from screen-printing. These copies
parts of Tamil Nadu. Sales peaked in the summer as the
of the Madurai Sungadi are available widely in markets
cotton base of the sari made it ideal for the season.
and online.

Efforts at rejuvenating the handmade tie-dye Madurai

Sungadi include the use of finer counts of muslin
and cotton, besides experimenting with other fabrics
Process like tussar (raw silk). Artisans are making Madurai
Sungadi using natural dyes and azo-free chemical
For the tie-dye process of the Madurai Sungadi, the fabric
dyes. To commercialize and expand the market for this
is first cleaned of all impurities. The pattern of dots is then
textile, various innovations are being tried out, including
marked on the cloth. Then comes the tying of the knot
combining Madurai Sungadi with Kalamkari printing and
called putta or bandhani work, a process that takes eight
hand-painting, Kantha embroidery and Batik.
to ten days for a single sari. A sari may have as many as
2,000 puttas tied with a single thread. The Madurai Sungadi was awarded a Geographical
Indication (GI) tag on 12 December 2005.
After washing and drying, the fabric is dyed. Earlier,
vegetable dyes were used, but now synthetic dyes are
being used. After dyeing, the knots are untied. The fabric is

77
SOUTH India

Toda embroidery
N I L G I R I S , T amil N a d u

Toda embroidery uses red

and black threads on a white
background to produce a
dramatic effect. What is
unusual about the craft is that
the embroidery is done with
wool skeins on a thick cotton
base.

P
ractised in the hilly region of the Nilgiris in Tamil in their community, which has been researched and
Nadu, Toda embroidery is made by Toda women documented over the decades.
exclusively. The name ‘Toda’ is etymologically
Toda embroidery uses the counted-thread technique of
obscure as the community itself uses the term
embroidery, with the main stitch being the darning stitch,
‘awll(zh)’ or ‘people’ for itself. The Todas are considered to
done from the back of the fabric. The embroidery is done
be the earliest inhabitants of the upper Nilgiri plateau and
freehand, without tracing any patterns or outline on the
are, by far, the smallest community among the indigenous cloth. The traditional patterns are geometric and have
dwellers of the Nilgiris. They have their own language and come down through generations of embroiderers. Toda
have always lived in the mountains, rearing and grazing embroidery is reversible.
their cattle. For reason of their antiquity, dwellings, ways
of life and livelihood, there is immense scholarly interest

78

The craft ecosystem
The Todas live in small communities in over sixty
settlements spread across the Nilgiri hills. Their distinct
style of embroidery is called pugur locally, which means
‘flower’. It is practised by women exclusively. Girls learn
the art from their mothers at a young age. The Todas’
traditional shawls are worn by both men and women at all
ceremonial occasions and rites of passage. The elderly in
the community wear this cloth daily. The poothkuli textile
is considered auspicious and draped upon the bride and
groom at their a wedding, and worn during festivals.
A few members of the community are engaged in
commercial embroidery work. Apart from traditional
outfits, Toda embroidery is now used on a range of
products like pouches, cushion covers, spectacle cases,
lunch sets, table cloths, table mats, bags and other
accessories, bedspreads, runners, shawls, stoles / dupattas,
which brings the community a steady income.
Process
In the past, the main raw material used for poothkuli
was unbleached, matted and loosely woven cotton
fabric. This cloth was handwoven and obtained from
a weaver community called the Chettis, who lived in
the lowlands of the Nilgiris. Nowadays, the base cotton
fabric is machine-woven. Needles and two-ply woollen
embroidery thread are locally sourced.
The traditional shawl has wide bands of red at both
T o d a e mb r o i d e r y | T amil N a d u
ends on which the striking geometric patterns are
embroidered.
The chosen colour of the base fabric is pale cream or
white. The woollen threads are red, black and occasionally
blue. These colours symbolize cultural beliefs: white
indicates purity and innocence; red depicts adolescence
and youth; black depicts maturity.
The Todas’ basic embroidery technique is to count the
threads of the white base and then use the stitch to
make the desired pattern. The pattern is produced by
reverse stitch, with the embroidery being done from the
reverse side.
Toda embroidery motifs and traditional designs reflect the
community’s heritage, being inspired by nature, flora and
fauna, the universe, their beliefs and their architecture.
The buffalo horn is an important motif because the
buffalo is sacred to the Todas. Some common motifs are
the sun and the moon, stars, flowers, mountains, etc.
Change and way forward
While the poothkuli unstitched drape was a traditional
textile, the Todas’ embroidery has now turned into
an income-generating tool. Toda embroidery has
found customers in modern markets, with several
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and textile
designers collaborating towards popularizing it. Among
the organizations working in the area is the Keystone
Foundation, an NGO based in Kotagiri near Coonoor.
Toda embroidery is protected under the Geographical
Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection)
Act (GI Act), 1999 of the Government of India. It was
registered in March 2013 and a certificate of its GI
registration was formally presented to the community
leaders in June 2013.
The remoteness of the areas in which the craft is practised
makes it difficult to reach, but civil society organizations
continue to strive to help the women for whom the
craft is a means of livelihood and, by extension, financial
independence.
Despite such efforts to protect the craft, the Todas’
dwindling population and their younger generation’s
diminishing interest in the craft are causes for concern.
79
SOUTH India

Gongadi sheep wool blankets

T e langana A N D A N D H R A P R A DE S H

Gongadi blankets woven from the wool of the Deccani black sheep are part of the cultural
heritage of the Kuruma shepherding community. The Deccani sheep is the only Indian
breed that produces pure black coarse wool.

I
t derives its name from the region of its original
inhabitation, ‘Dakkan’ or the Deccan plateau.
In Telangana, the sheep is also called nalla gorre,
or ‘black sheep’. Gongadi blankets were used by
village communities in this region. They were especially
embedded in the culture of the Kurumas, a shepherding
community indigenous to the semi-arid regions of
Telangana, who consider it their sacred duty to rear the
Deccani black sheep. The Kurumas are also known as the
Kurubas in Karnataka and the Dhangars in Maharashtra.
Rough to the touch, the Gongadi blanket is characterized
by its qualities of not only warding off the winter cold
but also protecting against the summer heat and giving
shelter from rain, as its texture doesn’t absorb water easily.
The Gongadi blanket does not require frequent washing; it
is easily cleaned by shaking the dust and grime off it.
The indigenous Deccani sheep is well adapted to
the semi-arid tracts of Telangana where the Kuruma
shepherds reside, but the increasing prevalence of more
dominant breeds in the region is endangering this sheep.

80
 G o nga d i sh e e p w o o l blank e ts | T e langana A N D A N D H R A P R A DE S H
The craft ecosystem
The name Kuruma derives from kuri or kuru, which
means ‘sheep’ – thus referring to ‘the one who keeps the
sheep’. There are various legends about the origins of the
Kurumas. One version says that Berappa and Mallanna
were brothers who were born from two drops Shiva’s
sweat. Berappa is the Kuruma community’s god, and
Mallanna is their parent.
Gongadi blankets are used by Kuruma shepherds while
grazing their flocks in all kinds of weather. Its many uses
include being spread on the floor to sit on and as a spread
for guests. The Gongadi blanket is also worn at rituals
associated with births and weddings, and at festivals and
fairs. Besides, it is used to carry food, grain, implements
and even newly born lambs.
Process
Women hand-card the wool with traditional implements,
and then spin the wool into yarn using a spindle. Men do
the weaving. Each Gongadi blanket is separately warped,
woven and finished with a border patterned along its
edge. The woven border strengthens the blanket and
keeps the ends from fraying. Making these borders is a
complex process of interlacing that requires great skill.
The Kurumas’ loom is adapted to pastoral and migratory
lifestyles and can be taken apart to be carried and easily
reassembled.
With changing times and new commercial opportunities,
Kuruma weavers are now making products for urban
customers, including yoga mats, floor coverings, etc.
Change and way forward
Across India, many factors have impacted indigenous
varieties of sheep and thus the market for sheep wool.
These include a shift to breeding what are called ‘mutton
breeds’, which have no wool that can be used. This has
brought about a decline of the Deccani sheep and thus of
Gongadi blanket weaving. It has also had a corresponding
impact on wool spinning.
Some efforts to revive the craft include Anthra, founded
in 1992 by a team of women veterinarians, which is using
a holistic approach to address the issues faced by animal-
rearing communities. Anthra is working in this region to
encourage the conservation of breeds and re-establish
systems of sustainable living and community well-being.
The rejuvenation of the craft of Gongadi blanket weaving
is part of their collective efforts as it forms an intangible
cultural heritage of the Kuruma community.
81
 BIHAR
East
I n d i a
WEST
BENGAL

ODISHA

H A N D M A DE T E X T I L E C R A F T S

BIHAR Odisha West Bengal

Bavanbutti weaving, Bandha tie-dye weaving, Fragrant textiles, Balaposh
Nalanda Sambalpur
Garad-Korial weaving,
Kheta embroidery, Berhampur Pata or Murshidabad
Kishanganj Phoda Kumbha
Satgaon quilts
Dhalapathar Parda, Khorda

Dongaria Kondh textiles,

Kandhmal

Kenduli Pata calligraphic

weaving

83
E a st I n d i a

Bavanbutti weaving
NAL ANDA , BIHAR

The Bavanbutti style of weaving has its origins in the ancient Buddhist city of Nalanda in
the present-day state of Bihar. Although bavan literally means ‘fifty-two’ and buti ‘motif ’,
the term Bavanbutti has its origins in the region’s folklore, mythology and traditions.

U
nique for its extra warp and weft technique, this
traditional weaving style is now confined mainly
to Baswanbigha, Nepura and Khasganj villages
of Nalanda district. Much of its rich history
has been lost to oral memory, though it can be safely
assumed that the tradition is at least four generations old
in this area.
exchanged during important events throughout the
year. No wedding was considered complete without a
Bavanbutti sari. Therefore, customers often placed their
orders well in advance with weavers, who sold their saris
to individual buyers directly.
Over the decades, however, the traditional Bavanbutti sari
has lost its essence and degenerated in quality. Only a few
simple motifs are used as decoration, while the range of
Bavanbutti products has grown to include stoles, dupattas

The craft ecosystem (scarves), table runners, tablecloths, wall hangings,

bedsheets, etc. By the early 2010s, there were only few
Over time, practitioners of Bavanbutti weaving have master weavers left in Baswanbigha village, while Nepura
dwindled in number. Traditionally and as recently as and Khasganj villages had only a handful of weavers,
the 1960s, the Bavanbutti sari was a ceremonial gift, practising the craft.

84
 B a v anb u tti w e a v ing | B iha r

Process
Basic raw materials like cotton or katiya and tussar silk
yarns are used for both the warp and the weft, along with
different types of dyes, like vat and napthol, and sizing
agents like wax. The yarns are sourced mainly from Bihar
Sharif, Bhagalpur and Patna. The thickness of the fabric
can vary, and the thread count is adjusted accordingly.

Undyed yarn is usually hand-spun from the cocoon

whereas dyed yarn is purchased from the market or.
Weavers wind a hank of yarn upon small bobbins with
the help of charkhas (spinning wheels) for warping and
to use as weft.

Weavers do the warping using stands to warp threads on

a beam. For the weaving process, they use two types of
looms: the pit loom or the frame loom. Once on the loom,
a sari may take three to four days to weave, though at its
simplest it can be made in two days.

This Bavanbutti weaving style is unusual as the yarns

used to make decorative motifs are thicker than those
used for the rest of the sari, and often dyed in contrasting
colours. They are plied fifteen to twenty-two times more
densely than the rest of the yarn, thus creating a three-
dimensional effect. Generally, a single motif is repeated
fifty-two times, either on the pallu (the loose end draped
Today, the weavers who work on the Bavanbutti sari
over the shoulder) or all over the body of the sari. Motifs
and associated products continue to work with the
are often geometrical or inspired by nature and often
Asian Heritage Foundation and the Delhi-based Pillai
draw heavily from the Buddha’s life.
Design Studio.

A major threat to Bavanbutti weaving, as with all

Change and way forward
Bihar was traditionally known for its cotton and silk saris,
but the weaving styles in the state have diversified over
the years. The shift began with the efforts of the artist
and cultural revivalist, Upendra Maharathi (1908-81) who
worked closely with the artisan community in Bihar.
Subsequent interventions by designers and craft revivalists
led to the creation of a range of products, including
stoles, dupattas (scarves), table runners, tablecloths, wall
hangings, bedsheets, etc. A project by the Asian Heritage
Foundation in the early 2000s trained 200 weavers for
two years.
handloom textiles, comes from low priced copies made
on power looms. The damage is magnified by the general
lack of awareness among consumers, who find it hard
to distinguish between genuine products and fake
substitutes.
With increasing focus on sustainability, Bavanbutti
handloom weaving, with its low carbon footprint and
sustainable ecology, presents itself as a green alternative
to conventional, synthetic and machine-made fabrics.
Regular availability of raw materials at better prices,
along with better access to markets, will go a long way
in sustaining Bavanbutti weaving.

85
E a st I n d i a
Kheta embroidery
K ishangan j , B iha r
Kheta, the reversible embroidered quilt from Kishanganj
district of Bihar, uses intricate geometric patterns and reflects
the cultural identity and embroidered expression of the
migrant community of Shershabadi Muslims.
D
elicate yet densely patterned with vibrant
colours, Kheta embroidery is a kind of quilting
(the art of stitching layers of fabrics) that has
survived the onslaughts of time. Its origins
are similar to those of other recycled quilting techniques
like Bengal’s Kantha and Bihar’s Sujni. Over the years,
however, the Shershabadi community has developed
a unique quilting technique using pure geometrical
motifs, avoiding the figurative depictions of Sujni and the
circular patterns of Kantha. Generally used as a blanket for
86
newborn children or as a mattress for newly-wed couples,
Kheta is both a work of priceless art and a product for
daily use.
The Shershabadi community is so-called because they
first settled on land given to them by Emperor Sher Shah
Suri (who ruled from 1540-45) in Malda district. Over time,
the Shershabadi community migrated along the eastern
rivers and settled in Kishanganj and neighbouring districts
of Bihar and Bengal in India.
Even though it was a thriving craft in the remote villages of
Kishanganj, Kheta has remained largely undocumented in
the family of recycled quilts from eastern India like Sujnis
and Kanthas. With its intricate geometric patterning,
Kheta stands out and reflects the contemporary
aesthetics of the modern world.
 K h e ta e mb r o i d e r y | B iha r

The craft ecosystem the needle is inserted and the thread is secured.
The artisan repeats this process again and again to achieve
Kheta quilted embroidery is mainly practised by a dense patterning with many thousands of stitches. It is
the women of the Shershabadi community. Over an art that requires great concentration and results in
the years, constant flood-induced emergence and a quilt so densely embroidered that it starts looking like
erosion of riverbanks, economic deprivation and social a woven piece of cloth.
marginalization have shaped the aesthetics of the
Each pattern in a Kheta quilt follows a stitch line
Shershabadis, and influenced the evolution of their unique
and is carefully embroidered with precise though
craft of recycling, upcycling and decorating their quilted
intuitive calculation, which has produced an extremely
Kheta textiles.
sophisticated design vocabulary over time.
The Shershabadis are primarily an agricultural community,
The craft also extends to making hand fans.
with tobacco leaf rolling being one of their supplementary
occupations. Their villages are usually situated near a
river, surrounded by bamboo forests and vast watery
floodplains with intermittent stretches of jute and paddy
fields – a landscape that is lush, green and flat.
Change and way forward
Shershabadi homes are impermanent mud and bamboo
The civil society organizations Zameen Astar Foundation
structures with thatched roofs. Keeping the frequent
(ZAF) and Azad India Foundation (AIF) are working
flooding in mind, the community builds its bamboo and
towards the documentation, recognition and sustenance
mud houses in sections that can be dismantled, moved
of Kheta and its development as a sustainable livelihood
and reassembled in a matter of hours. Moreover, their
option for Shershabadi women. The foundations aim to
houses are built on raised platforms of earth, and most
empower the women by creating skill-based livelihoods,
households have large granaries built of mud to stock
ensuring the continuation of traditional quilt-making
grains as well as quilted Kheta textiles, which are prized
practices within their communities while creating
possessions.
a route towards women’s empowerment and leadership.
They have been instrumental in getting government,
national and international attention for this tradition
of embroidery.

Process
Shershabadi women embroiderers using needle and
thread to create densely embroidered quilts with motifs
and geometric patterns that reflect their landscape.
Traditionally, they use old cotton saris, each 5.5 m long,
and / or lungis (sarong or loincloth for men) as the base
fabric recycled to make the quilts. Newly purchased
cotton fabric is also used, though the fabric must be very
soft to allow for easy needlework. The women artisans
use acrylic or cotton yarn for embroidery. Their colours
are bright and appear seamlessly coordinated when the
recycled fabrics are put together. The quilt’s thickness
depends on its intended use, and the base fabric is folded
and layered accordingly.

Traditionally, Kheta embroidery is done without any traced

pattern or fabric-securing frame. The yarns are counted,

87
E a st I n d i a

Bandha tie-dye weaving

S ambalp u r , O d isha

The Bandha tie-dye is also commonly known as Ikat. The word ikat derives from the
Malayan word mangikat, meaning to bind, knot or wind around. The Bandha tie-dye
weaves of Sambalpur in Odisha range in variety from the single to the double Bandha.

I
f the warp and weft are both dyed in a predetermined
design and then woven to meet each other, it is called
double Ikat or double Bandha, if only one of the two
are dyed, it is called single Bandha.
The Bandha tie-dye saris of Sambalpur in western Odisha
are mainly woven by the Meher community, although
this tradition of tie-dye has many varieties including the
Sonepuri, Pasapali, Barpali and Bapta saris. Most of these
weaves are named after their places of origin.
These textiles were traditionally decorated with images of
flora or fauna, or with geometrical patterns. More recently,
new Bandha designs depict portraits, landscapes and
floral arrangements. The Bandha’s unique feature is that
its designs are almost identical on both sides of the cloth.
There are many origin stories for Bandha weaving in this
area. Some believe that the craft came to Odisha in 1192
when the weaver community moved here after the Rajput
king Prithviraj Chauhan was defeated by Muhammad
Ghori. Others believe that the craft moved here in 1360,
when 100 weavers’ families were settled here by the ruler
Ramai Deva or Ramai Deo.

88

The craft ecosystem
These silk and cotton weaves continue to be woven by
the Meher community. The Patras are another major
weaving communities that practises this yarn tie-dye
technique.
Typically, the weaver’s whole family contributes to the
making of a sari, which takes anywhere between two
or three days to as long as six months for highly detailed
and sophisticated work. The pre-loom work of tying and
dyeing can take between seven to ten days.
Master weavers hold an important position in the weaving
community. They provide rural weavers with designs, raw
materials and information on market trends. They often
buy back the finished product and market it.
Process
Weavers get raw materials like cotton, silk and dyes from
masters weavers, wholesalers, cooperative societies or
government initiatives like the Bhubaneswar-based
National Handloom Development Corporation (NHDC),
which runs yarn banks.
The first step in the Bandha process is the planning. First,
the weaver makes a design on paper. Then, the weaver
ties the yarn based on this design, to block some areas
from absorbing the dye. Next, the weaver dyes the yarn
with the planned colours. Yarn for multiple pieces with the
B an d ha ti e - d y e w e a v ing | O d isha
same design can be processed at the same time. In double
Bandha designs, both the warp and the weft are tied and
dyed in this manner.
Most weavers work on throw-shuttle pit looms. Because
the yarn is dyed, the pattern is equally prominent on both
sides of the fabric. The colours of the textiles are combined
in a harmonious and mathematically precise way to form
elaborate figurative patterns using the double Bandha
technique, in which the warp and the weft are both dyed
according to the requirement of the design.
For border designs, only the warp is processed.
Traditionally, all dyeing was done using natural dyes, but
these have now been replaced, for the most part, with
chemical and synthetic dyes.
The products created using this technique include saris,
dress materials, stoles, dupattas (scarves) and upholstery.
The tie-dye motifs and designs have their own terminology.
Each design’s name reflects the traditions of the weaves and
the weavers of this region. Thus, the design motifs were once
inspired by the carvings and murals in temples and by Odia
and Sanskrit literature, but now a wide range of designs are
used to make more contemporary saris.
Change and way forward
The Bandha of Odisha has largely catered to the state’s
population, used for both daily wear and for special
occasions. It was only in the 1980s that a concerted effort
was made by the Government of Odisha to reach a wider
marketplace through government emporiums like Boyanika,
Utkalika and others, while also encouraging weavers
to participate in exhibitions across the country. Weavers
began experimenting with fibres like tussar (raw silk) and
with new patterns.
However, power-loom copies made with materials as varied
as cotton, silk and polyester, available at very low prices, have
inundated the market and decimated the earnings of the
weavers. Locally, more and more consumers are choosing
factory-produced products, which are much cheaper than
handwoven clothes. An all-out effort to sustain the craft
is needed.
The tradition of Bandha tie-dye received a Geographical
Indication (GI) tag in 2010.
89
E a st I n d i a

Berhampur Pata or Phoda Kumbha

O d isha

The Berhampur Pata, also known as the Phoda Kumbha, is so-named because it uses
the kumbha phoda (temple spire) pattern along the border of saris, dhotis (unstitched
lower garment for men) and shawls.

L
egends abound on the origin of the Berhampuri
Pata. Some say that this style of silk weaving was
introduced to Berhampur in the fourteenth century
by the Deva dynasty that ruled the region for over
a century and invited a community of weavers from
Rajahmundry, now known as Rajamahendravaram, in
Andhra Pradesh to settle here. The weavers were given the
honorary title of Behera, which the weavers of this area
still use.
Thus, it is said that the highest quality of Berhampuri
Patas were reserved for royalty and their families, the next
grade for court officials, and lower grades for the wealthy.
Berhampuri Patas were worn at important court functions
and auspicious occasions such as marriages and the
sacred thread ceremony.
The Phoda Kumbha weave is also part of temple ritual and
woven for the Hindu deities Jagannath, Balabhadra and
Subhadra at the Jagannath temple in Puri.

90

The craft ecosystem
According to the Geographical Indications Journal (2012b),
the number of weavers in Berhampur had declined over
the decades to only about fifty families who continue to
weave the Phoda Kumbha with the old precision and
skill. The woven products include saris, dhotis, chadars
(shoulder mantles) and stoles. They are usually woven in
bright colours and exclusively on silk.
Process
Besides its distinctive temple spire border, the Phoda
Kumbha weave is characterized by the fact that both
sides of the cloth are identical. Thus, saris, dhotis and
other drapes of this style can be worn on either side. Silk
yarn tie-dye designs are also used on the pallu (the loose
end draped over the shoulder) of some Berhampuri Pata
weaves. To make the Phoda Kumbha borders accurately,
two weavers work together using three shuttles on a
throw-shuttle pit loom.
B e r hamp u r P ata o r P h o d a K u mbha | O d isha
Pure silk is used for both the warp and the weft. The silk
yarns are available in the form of hanks from local dealers,
through yarn banks or from state agencies like the Odisha
State Handloom Weavers’ Service Centres. Different denier
of silk are used in the warp and the weft. Warping of the
silk is done for two saris at a time.
Synthetic dyes are used in the pre-loom process.
Change and way forward
Fake copies of Berhampuri Patas are made on power
looms with polyester yarns. These are sold as Berhampuri
Patas, creating consumer misperceptions and huge
competition for handloom weavers.
However, efforts are being made to rejuvenate the weave.
The Berhampuri Pata was awarded a Geographical
Indication (GI) tag in 2012. The tag accords legal protection
against unauthorized use of the name by others. In
addition, cooperative societies in Berhampur are helping
to market this textile, both offline and online.
91
E a st I n d i a

Dhalapathar Parda
K h o r d a , O d isha

Sixty kilometres
southwest of
Bhubaneswar lies the
village of Dhalapathar
in Khorda district of
Odisha, famous for its
Pardas (door curtains),
wall hangings, table
covers, lungis (sarong
like lower garments
for men) and saris.
The Parda is woven
using a special weaving
technique with thick
counts of cotton yarn.

T
he Dhalapathar weave was originally used to
make saris and lungis with medium and coarse
count cotton threads, but the advent of low-
cost mill-made saris in the 1930s disrupted the
market for this weave, causing a crisis in the weaving
community. According to the Geographical Indications
Journal (2012c), which details the history of this weave,
a man called Ganesha Pujari stemmed this decline.
Pujari recommended a shift from weaving saris and lungis
to make curtains or pardas instead, as they required a
thicker count of cotton yarn. The first Dhalapathar Parda
was woven in 1936 thanks to this far-sighted initiative.
The curtains were woven with naturally dyed yarn,
coloured with extracts of leaves, fruits and barks.
According to the journal, two designer-weavers called
Udayanath Sahoo and Hare Krushna Rout took the
initiative even further, at about the same time, by pushing
the boundaries of the Dhalapathar weave’s design to
include monuments, temples, landscapes, figures and
other patterns. They added variations to the weaving
technique, too, which remain in use in this region.

92
 Dhalapatha r P a r d a | O d isha

The craft ecosystem

Most people in Dhalapathar village are from the Rangani
community, whose sole means of livelihood, for over a
century, has been handloom weaving; so much so that
almost every elderly member of each family knows
the techniques of dyeing and weaving. In fact, many
old people say that since rang means ‘colour’ and ani
‘to bring’, the Rangani community was responsible
for bringing colour to cloth. The saris they wove were
customarily used by local inhabitants for everyday wear.

Process
The uniqueness of the Dhalapathar Parda lies in the
repetition of the design on the body of the curtain.
The fabrics are created by the extra weft weaving of warp
rib structures using a technique called chiari. The base
fabric of the curtain is usually dark coloured with designs
in a contrasting colour, although this can be reversed for pieces, known as chiaris, are used to form the shed for
variety and according to commissions. The designs are the design. The number of chiaris a weaver uses depends
usually made on the bottom horizontal panel of a curtain. upon the number of colours used in the design, and on
The raw material used for all the products is cotton its intricacy.
yarn, procured in hank form, which is then dyed in local The Dhalapathar weave is used to make door and window
dye houses. Originally, natural dyes were used but now curtains as well as wall hangings, table covers and other
synthetic dyes have largely replaced them. items of home furnishing. Saris and lungis are being
Before weaving, the yarn undergoes pre-loom processes woven once again, but now in finer counts of cotton yarn.
of dying, sizing, winding and warping. All the products are
woven on fly-shuttle pit looms. Flat, rectangular bamboo

Change and way forward

With only a few exceptions, the younger generation from
the weaving community has left the profession for other
opportunities. It is the older generation that continues to
sustain this weave.

Dhalapathar Parda and fabrics were conferred the

Geographical Indication (GI) tag in 2012. The Government
of Odisha and designers are working towards innovative
solutions to sustain the weave.

93
E a st I n d i a

Dongaria Kondh textiles

K an d hamal , O d isha

Dongaria Kondh textile

embroidery involves some
very intricate needlework
and the distinctive shawl
called Kapadagonda, made
in this style, has a special
place in Dongaria tradition.

D
ongaria Kondh textile embroidery is practised
by Adivasi (indigenous) communities who live
The craft ecosystem
in the Niyamgiri hills of Kandhamal district Dongaria Kondhs live in village settlements that are largely
in Odisha. isolated and lead self-contained, secluded lives. They
are closely allied to nature and the universe, which they
The Kapadagonda shawl, worn by both men and women,
consider their giver and protector. Their deity is the creator
is an intrinsic part of the Adivasis’ cultural ethos.
and guardian Niyamgiri, whom they worship. It is Niyam
The motifs and patterns made on the shawl are mirrored
Raja who created their customs, the gods and goddesses,
on both its ends. Women embroider in their leisure time
the river, the vegetation and the world all around. The
and elders in the family and community teach the skill
to every generation. Dongaria Kondh are agriculturists. Their embroidery is
done by women in their spare time, both for themselves
and for the market.

94

Their textiles play an important part in gifts and to
wear during rites, rituals and festivals. The Dongaria
embroidered shawl is traditionally presented to
daughters at their weddings, and this presentation
is an important part of the ritual. The Kapadagonda
a shawl also plays a part in courtship rituals as a present
to the prospective partner. Hand-embroidered on a
thick natural cotton base, the shawl is used as an upper
wrapping by men and women. The most common
symbols used to decorate the cloth are based on nature:
mountains, hills, trees, plants and birds, with all the motifs
and patterns having their own names and their own
cultural contexts.
Process
The raw material for Dongaria Kondh embroidery is the
base fabric and coloured threads. As the Dongaria Kondh
do not weave, the cloth was once procured from weaving
villages in adjoining areas or from village haats (weekly
markets). The cloth was often obtained by barter, in
exchange for agricultural produce or other items.
D o nga r ia K o n d h t e xtil e s | O d isha
Now, the cloth is usually bought from the market or local
haats. Similarly, the embroidery threads that were once
dyed with natural colours are now purchased.
The Dongaria Kondh believe that red, green and yellow
are the most auspicious colours and use them in the
Kapadagonda shawl. Red signifies blood, sacrifices and
retribution, while green symbolizes a fertile agricultural
ecology. Yellow symbolizes the origin of the Kondh and
represents prosperity and their turmeric cultivation.
Change and way forward
The Dongaria Kondh continue making their embroidery
for themselves. The need for an income has not resulted
in the development of a robust market for their shawls,
even though some efforts in this direction have been
made. The Adivasi women, who are the chief practitioners
of the craft, take time to prepare a single shawl, working
on it only in their leisure time. As the income and
livelihood support from its sale is low, the women are not
encouraged to make more shawls on a commercial basis.
However, the Kapadagonda shawl is now being replicated
and sold at cheaper rates online.
Efforts to encourage the art of Kapadagonda shawls,
which embody the rich heritage of the Dongaria
Kondh tribes of Niyamgiri, and to make it a source of
livelihood, need encouragement and effort. In addition,
documentation of the cultural mores and contexts of their
textile crafts will go a long way in preserving Dongaria
Kondh traditions.
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E a st I n d i a

Kenduli Pata calligraphic weaving

O d isha

Kenduli Pata is a ritual textile woven with calligraphic verses from the Gita Govinda,
a renowned devotional poem, and presented as an offering to the deities.

T
he tenth-century Jagannath temple in the coastal
town of Puri in Odisha is considered to be one of
the seven most holy sites of Hinduism – a moksha-
puri, or a place where one attains liberation from
the cycle of birth and death.
A range of different textiles play their part in the daily
rituals and celebratory occasions at the shrine. One of
these ritual textiles includes the offering and donning of
silk calligraphic Bandha or Ikat on the deities.
The Madala Panji, which are historical records in the
form of a daily log of the temple maintained by its deula
karanas (record-keepers), states that the great twelfth-
century Sanskrit poet Jayadev made an offering of his
devotional poem, the Gita Govinda, to the temple deity,
Lord Jagannath. His offering was in the form of a silk drape
for the deity, with his liturgical verses woven upon it.
This textile has been woven in the village of Kenduli, the
poet’s birthplace, ever since, and the practice initiated by
Jayadev continues, with the temple priests commissioning
textile inscribed with the Gita Govinda’s invocatory verses
as part of the deities’ ritual vestments.
While this offering is known by several names like pheta
and khandua, the quotidian term that persists nine
centuries on remains Kenduli Pata.

96

The craft ecosystem
Besides its use in the Jagannath temple, the Kenduli Pata
weave was patronized by the royalty of Odisha, including
the royal families of Puri, the Gajapati rajas, and the rajas
of Dhenkanal, Nayagarh and Athagarh. Nearby princely
states also patronized the Kenduli Pata weave and it
was used extensively by the wealthy, being considered
auspicious and worn for weddings and other rituals.
Today, the Kenduli Pata is woven only by the most highly
skilled masters in Kenduli village, Nuapatna, Cuttack
and Bhubaneswar, who weave it only on commission.
Besides calligraphy, the weave includes auspicious motifs
inspired by nature and temple architecture, such as stars,
temple outlines, the conch, rudraksh (blue-berry seeds),
fish, chakra (wheel), lotus, swan, peacock, parrot, deer,
elephant, horse, lion, etc.
Process
The Kenduli Pata weave is made with high quality natural
fibres, usually mulberry silk yarn, and sometimes in
combination with cotton or tussar raw silk, depending on
the commission.
Some of the pre-processes that take place before the
actual weaving begins include the preparation of the
dyes and the yarn, the tying and dyeing of the yarn,
winding, warp and weft preparation.
K e n d u li P ata callig r aphic w e a v ing | O d isha
Weavers use flying-shuttle and pit looms. The weaving
process is complex and elaborate, and weeks are spent on
a single weave, depending on the number of verses being
woven into it.
The technique produces motifs in a natural curve form,
lending itself to the calligraphy. Traditionally, Kenduli Pata
weaves used red and white, but natural dyes in other
colours are also used now.
Change and way forward
Even though the Kenduli Pata weave continues to be
woven, this calligraphic textile is now only rendered by the
great masters, since it requires infinite patience, attention
to detail, and accuracy in the rendering of the verses.
The tie-dye of the pre-loom process is as complex. Thus,
very few weavers are willing to undertake commissions to
make these weaves. The importance of its documentation
and preservation cannot be more greatly underlined.
The Government of Odisha and designers are focusing
great attention on expanding the availability of this
weave and ensuring the continuity of the skills it requires.
Calligraphic verses in Hindi from the epics are also being
rendered on the weave, as are other poems and verses.
The use of natural dyes to add tonal effects and the use
of the best possible raw materials is also helping to return
the Kenduli Pata to its original status.
In order to deal with these challenges, the weave has been
granted protection through the Geographical Indication
(GI) tag by the Government of India.
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E a st I n d i a
Fragrant textiles
B alap o sh , W e st B e ngal
This rare technique of infusing fragrance into textiles
with a quilting that is only stitched along the edges
defines the Balaposh of West Bengal.
B
alaposh is an example of the textile crafts
that evolved to meet the luxurious tastes of
the nawabs of Bengal. In Balaposh quilting,
a thin layer of cotton fluff scented with attar
(perfume) is sandwiched between two layers of silk
that are only stitched along the edges. Quilted jackets,
shawls, bedspreads and covers for the cognoscenti were
thus crafted with scented cotton fluff. Today, it is an
endangered craft, with only a single family practising it.
Among the unique features of this quilting tradition is the
absence of the running stitch or the darning stitch to hold
the cotton filling in place. Despite this, what is amazing
about the craft is that the cotton filling stays intact in its
98
place, even after many years of use. This indicates the
great skill of its artisans.
The oral retelling of family history has it that the Balaposh
dates back to the eighteenth century, when the ruling
Nawab Sirajuddaula found the traditional wraps made
of animal hair and wool too warm and heavy for the
Bengal winters. He wanted a quilt that was light and
suitable for the weather. It was this search that led to the
development of the Balaposh. His aesthetics demanded
a quilt that was simultaneously ‘soft and warm as wool
and as gentle as a flower’. The legend continues to say
that this difficult challenge was accepted by one of the
artisans in his land named Atir Khan, who tried many
experiments to meet the nawab’s specifications. Legend
says that once Atir Khan had perfected his technique,
orders flowed in from the nawab and his courtiers. The
making of the Balaposh remained a closely guarded
secret in Atir Khan’s family.
 F r ag r ant t e xtil e s | W e st B e ngal

The craft ecosystem

Even today, the craft of making the Balaposh remains
a secret known only to the family of Atir Khan. As in
the past, the Balaposh remains a luxury product used
only by the wealthy, though its patronage has dwindled
considerably. Much like before, the Balaposh is used for
quilts, jackets, throws and shawls.

Process
While very little is known about the process of making
the Balaposh, it is customarily covered in silk with narrow
stitched borders on the side and perfumed with fragrant
attar made from the essence of various flowers, herbs,
roots, spices and barks. For the fragrance, pieces of muslin
soaked in attar are slipped into the four corners of the
quilting. The difficult and secret part of the technique
lies in the method of flattening and layering the cotton Change and way forward
wool between the two layers of silk. The three layers of
silk and cotton wool are not conventionally quilted to Only one family conversant with the craft of making
keep the cotton wool in place, but rather battened down Balaposh quilting remains today. However, fake Balaposh
by some secret technique so that the cotton wool does products are available in the market, in which cotton
not shift or become lumpy, even with continued usage. fabric has replaced the silk outer layers, and quilted
stitching is used to hold the layers in place.

The original Balaposh is still available, though only two

or three pieces of this fragrant textile are produced in a
month. The craft is being sustained by Biswa Bangla, an
initiative of the West Bengal Government that showcases
and promotes the state’s heritage. The organization has
now taken the initiative to train artisans in this craft.

A video installation about Balaposh and its sole

practitioner, Sekhawat Hussain Khan of Murshidabad,
was premiered by Biswa Bangla at the London Design
Festival in 2015 as part of its efforts to revive the craft. The
installation was projected upon a piece of Balaposh and
presented a visual story of how Balaposh is made. Biswa
Bangla aims to revive Balaposh, and to create international
awareness about the craft.

99
E a st I n d i a
Garad-Korial weaving
M u r shi d aba d , W e st B e ngal
The Garad-Korial silk weave is a complex
and distinctive craft worn on ritual occasions.
G
arad derives from gorad meaning ‘white’ or
‘spotless’, and the Garad-Korial silk weave is
used for both women’s saris and men’s dhotis
(sarong-like lower garment). Worn on ritual
occasions, the Garad-Korial has a base of natural, undyed
mulberry or tussar silk yarns that are woven with deep
red paisley (kalka) and red borders. The red and white
with the kalka motif symbolize prosperity and fertility.
The Garad-Korial sari, also known as the laal paar sari,
is considered customary wear at the Sindoor-Khela
ceremony during Durga Puja, the Bengali community’s
most auspicious festival. It is also worn at weddings.
In the past, the Garad-Korial weave were worn during
rituals by zamindars (landlords) and others who draped
100
themselves in Garad-Korial dhotis when performing
religious rites.
Murshidabad district of West Bengal specializes in this
weave, in which silk yarns are woven in a tight, close weave
that imparts a fine texture to the final product. Its light
weight makes the sari or dhoti easy to drape and allows
it to hold its shape.
While there are several variations of the Garad-Korial
sari, it usually comprises a red border set against the
natural ground body with red paisley motifs on the pallu
(the loose end draped over the shoulder) along with red
stripes. The body of the sari can be plain or interspersed
with paisley or other motifs, also in red. Similarly the
borders can be plain or woven with paisleys in deep red.
In the weaving of the Garad-Korial sari, the korial
technique lies in the joining of the pallu and borders to
the body of the sari by overlaying the yarns on the loom,
 G a r a d - K o r ial w e a v ing | W e st B e ngal

a process that requires two weavers to operate the loom.

This special border and pallu are equally red, both on the
outside and inside.

The craft ecosystem

The centre for weaving Garad-Korial silk has traditionally
been the city of Jiaganj Azimganj in Murshidabad
district. However, the number of Garad-Korial weavers in
Murshidabad is now very limited as it looks similar to the
Garad silk weave, which does not have a complex weave
and is much cheaper. The result is that consumers are
confused between the two, even though there is a distinct
difference in their weaving process.
to the other, along with the main shuttle, when making
While Garad saris are readily available in the market, the cross border.
decorated with traditional patterns, it is the korial
technique of the Garad-Korial saris that is becoming rare What is distinctive about the weaving of the Garad-Korial
and needs sustenance. sari is its korial technique, as mentioned above: a unique
way of joining the border and pallu to the body of the sari.
This weaving cannot be done by a single weaver because
the end yarns are interlaced. Three shuttles are used to
make the weave: two handled by one weaver and the
Process third by another.

Garad-Korial saris are woven on throw-shuttle pit looms.

Some of the patterned elements on these saris are made
with additional pairs of healds. The extra-weft silk for
the naksha motifs on the body of the sari is woven with
separate nalis, or small shuttles, for each buti (motif).
These shuttles work only in the area of the pattern when
making motifs; but they work from one end of the width
Change and way forward
There is little information about the Garad-Korial weave,
as knowledge of the craft has been transmitted orally
over the years and been modified or lost in the process.
As there is no detailed documentation of the technical
process of this weave, new craftsmen are hard to teach.

These textile crafts are lived traditions that are constantly

tweaked and modified to suit the demands of changing
times. Thus, craft processes can get highly truncated,
even though the craft continues to carry its original name,
as has happened with the Garad and the Garad-Korial
weave. This has led to a disconnect between the name
and the original technique used to make the textile, and
thus a loss of knowledge.

101
E a st I n d i a
Satgaon quilts
W e st B e ngal
Embroidered with naturally yellow tussar silk
on a textile base of cotton, Satgaon quilts were
prized in Portugal and in England from the mid-
sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century.
This embroidery form was revived in the 1990s and
continues to be made today.
T
he earliest surviving examples of embroidered
quilts worked in yellow tussar silk on a base of
cotton are labelled in museums as the ‘Bengalla’
or ‘Sutgonge’ quilts. They were made in Satgaon,
once a thriving port city in Hooghly district, just under
40 km north of modern-day Kolkata in West Bengal.
These quilts were commissioned by the Portuguese
who exported them to their home country. Today, there
are fine collections of Satgaon quilts in museums in
Europe and in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New
York, amongst others.
102
The craft ecosystem
Satgaon was the old mercantile capital of Bengal, located
on the Saraswati tributary of the river Hooghly. It declined
in importance in the early seventeenth century owing
to the silting of the river. From then on, its trade was
gradually diverted to the port of Hooghly.
The Portuguese set up their trading post in Satgaon in
1536, but were expelled in 1632, and these dates give a
broad indication of the period in which Satgaon quilts
were produced. Satgaon quilts were embroidered with
naturally yellow tussar silk, one of several types of wild
(i.e. uncultivated) silks that were abundant in eastern India.
Their designs referenced Portuguese culture, with motifs
that incorporated coats of arms, figures dressed in the
Portuguese garb of that time, religious imagery, Biblical
themes, etc. Some quilts depicted a combination of
classical Biblical tales and Hindu themes, thus reflecting
the traditions and imagination of the embroiderers who
created them and the patrons who commissioned them.

Process
These quilted coverlets are characterized by a
monochrome gold and white palette and bold, figurative
embroidery in tussar silk. The batting of the quilt was
sometimes fine cotton or simply layers of fabric. The
embroidery often pierced two layers of cloth or worked
through to the back of the quilt. These embroideries were
used as bedspreads, wall hangings and items of clothing
such as gowns, shawls and mantles.
The designs were usually pictorial, often incorporating
scenes of Portuguese hunters on horseback galloping
through a forest of creepers and vines in chase of real and
fanciful animals and birds. Other themes included mythic
animals of both Indian and European origins, marine scenes
with ships, fishes and mermaids, as well as Hindu imagery.
While the themes of these coverlets can be generally
related to contemporary European tapestries and textiles,
which also mix Biblical and classical tales, the depiction of
figures in seventeenth-century Portuguese garb and the
addition of Hindu imagery (such as the story of Matsya, the
fish-tailed avatar of Vishnu) represented the imagination of
the embroiderers who created them. Such convergence of
cross-cultural influences via the highly skilled embroiderers
who produced these quilts is hard to replicate.
S atga o n q u ilts | W e st B e ngal
Change and way forward
One of the primary reasons for the extinction of Satgaon
quilts was the loss of business and trade following the
departure of the Portuguese, since it was an important
item of export by the Europeans. Another factor that
contributed to the craft’s decline was that the process
of embroidering was detailed, complex and required
great meticulousness, a very fine hand, patience and a
long time to complete. As a result, the skill remained in
the hands of a few highly skilled artisans. Thus, Satgaon
quilts became a collector’s item priced in the luxury
range and its market remained limited.
Inspired by the tradition, the West Bengal chapter of
the Crafts Council, led by its General Secretary Ruby
Palchoudhuri, revived the art of the lost Satgaon quilt in
the 1990s. After studying museum collections, analysing
the technique, sourcing material and threads, the
Crafts Council of West Bengal painstakingly trained
embroiderers to execute the fine, minute stitches that
make these beautiful quilts.
Upon its revival, the craft of Satgaon has found a market
in museums and as a collector’s piece.
103
 North
East
SIKKIM

Manipur
Tripura

I n d i a

H A N D M A DE T E X T I L E C R A F T S

Manipur Sikkim Tripura

Lasing Phee, Cachar Lepcha weaving Risha textile weaving

Saphee Lanphee

105
N/E India

Lasing Phee
C acha r , M anip u r

Lasing Phee is a quilt stuffed with cotton The craft ecosystem

batting, handwoven on the loom by weavers Almost all women in Cachar district of Manipur are
of Cachar district in Manipur. adept at handling the loom, and the handloom industry
is among the largest cottage industries of the state.

I
t is extraordinarily warm and soft as the Lasing Phee
double-layered weaving has an inner lining of cotton,
which is inserted as a stuffing between parallel strips of
weft cloth at regular intervals, which creates the quilting.
Besides being used as a quilt, the Lasing Phee is also
made into other items like stoles, shawls, scarves,
bedspreads, throws, mats and stitched clothing.
Manipur has been famous for many of its special weaves
other than the Lasing Phee, like Wangkhei Phee, Moirang
Phee, Leirum Phee, Phanek Mayek Naibi, etc. Earlier,
weaving was universal and every girl knew how to weave.
The traditional art of weaving is not just a symbol of
prosperity but part of the socio-economic life of Manipuris.
The ability to weave clothes for oneself and one’s family
is regarded as a valuable quality.
The handloom industry is largely in the hands of the
women of the Meitei community, which is Manipur’s
largest community. Spinning and weaving are regarded
as a customary responsibility and a part of their traditional
rituals. It has been practised across generations, and
passed down within families and communities, primarily
from women to women. A woman who could weave was
looked upon with immense respect. It brought her social

106

stature. In fact, the loom used to be an important part of
a woman’s dowry, so that she could continue to weave
after marriage. Even today, the spinning wheel (tareng or
charkha) is a common household implement. As weaving
becomes increasingly commercial, and a source of earning
and livelihood, Lasing Phee is also being woven by men.
Process
The Lasing Phee quilt differs from usual cotton quilts in
one respect. Unlike cotton quilts that are stitched, these
are woven on a fly-shuttle loom. They are both warm and
soft because the quilting material has an inner lining of
cotton between parallel strips of weft cloth. The weavers
of Cachar are particularly adept at making these quilts.
The bold colours used in the making of these quilts were
obtained from natural sources. The juice of wild indigo
was used for preparing a dark blue or black dye. Bark and
leaves of different trees from the hills and plains were
used for creating shades of red, green, yellow and orange.
L asing P h e e | M anip u r
The patterns on the Lasing Phee are usually geometrical.
These quilts are widely used in Manipur during winter.
Change and way forward
As new quilted products, lower priced and easily
available, come into the market, they are replacing
the Lasing Phee. Lack of contact with either domestic
markets beyond Manipur or with international markets
has kept the quilted textile limited to the state. It is
important, therefore, to provide the weavers with
adequate market links.
With concrete efforts being made by the Government
of Manipur and national retailers to source Lasing Phee
textiles and create better market linkages, it is hoped
that weavers will gain new and wider markets for their
products. This unusual technique with its historic links
needs active sustenance.
107
N/E India

Saphee Lanphee
M anip u r

Saphee Lanphee is a traditional shawl that is both woven and

embroidered by the women of the Meitei community of Manipur.

I The craft ecosystem

t was once presented as a rare honour to soldiers for
bravery in battle, as well as a gift of honour to high chiefs
by the Meitei kings of Manipur.
This black shawl is both woven and embroidered in cotton
yarn, its deep red, black and white borders embroidered
with motifs that have great symbolic significance. These
motifs include the sun, stars, fish, spears, peacocks, the
horns of a buffalo, the horse, elephant and other symbols,
all arranged across the textile in a customary design. The
embroidery threads are white, yellow, green and red, to
stand out against the stark black background.
Only a few weavers and embroiderers of the Saphee Lanphee
shawl continue the practice, although the shawl retains respect
for what it represents to the Meitei community.
There is a demand for the Saphee Lanphee shawl in the wider
market, and it is being replicated in much simpler forms for
use in home furnishings, as a shawl or scarf, or stitched into
coats, bags and other accessories. Due to the small number
of weavers and embroiderers, however, it remains hard to
source.

108
 S aph e e L anph e e | M anip u r

Process
The base of the Saphee Lanphee shawl is handwoven in
thick black cotton yarn with a red border. Once woven,
it is further embellished with embroidery.

In the past, cotton was hand-spun into yarn and dyed

locally with plants, bark, leaves, flowers and other natural
dyes. The textile was woven on a loin loom, also called the
back-strap loom. Each shawl was woven in two pieces
because of the narrow width of the loom, and the two
halves were stitched together subsequently to make a
whole. A completed shawl would have a width of 110 cm
to 132 cm and a length of 225 cm to 230 cm.

However, before the shawl attains its true form, it must

be embroidered with its symbolic motifs. This is done by
hand, using needle and yarns of cotton. Only after this
process can it be called a Saphee Lanphee.
Change and way forward
The tradition of Saphee Lanphee has been handed
Saphee Lanphee embroidery is done without a frame to
down from generation to generation, orally and through
hold the fabric, making it a harder and more complex
practise. As fewer women were engaging in the practice
process. The embroidered patterns are mapped out on the
of weaving and embroidery, the Government of Manipur
black base textile with cut-out motifs and wooden blocks.
has ensured that training programmes for local women
These are impressed over the black fabric with washable
carry forward their legacy and preserve this age-old craft.
chalk. The embroiderer begins with a star motif on the
lower left. This process continues until each motif has The Saphee Lanphee has been awarded a Geographical
been embroidered and all the vertical rows of embroidery Indication (GI) tag by the Government of India.
are completed. Finally, the embroidery is checked and
finished, washed to remove the chalk, and ironed.

109
N/E India

Lepcha weaving
S ikkim

Lepcha weaves are characterized by intricate and colourful
motifs patterned in stripes and woven on the back-strap
loom. Now woven from yarns of cotton and wool, these
were earlier made of nettle plant fibres and raw silk.
The craft ecosystem
The women of the Lepcha community wove all the
family’s clothing as part of their daily household activities.
Even today, women continue to weave and learn the skill
while young. They weave with cotton yarn on the back-

T
he Lepchas are a community indigenous to
Sikkim, with a small population of about 75,000
spread across Sikkim state and Darjeeling district.
As a community, they are remarkable for their
intrinsic sense of sustainability and their deep connection
to nature and their surroundings. Their creativity is
manifest through their crafting of objects for ritual
and everyday use, such as basketry, weaves and carpentry,
as well as their architecture and other aspects of
their lifestyle.
strap loin loom, known locally as thara. The woven textiles
are narrow in width and joined together with a middle
stitch when necessary.
The Lepcha weave is a versatile fabric used to make
a range of products such as blankets, dhurries, bags,
belts, furnishings and the Lepchas’ traditional coats and
clothing. Traditional Lepcha attire comprises two sets of
outfits: the dum-vum worn by women and the dum-praa
worn by men.
The dum-vum is gathered around the waist and held
together by a waistband called naamrek. The dum-praa
is a shawl-like textile worn as a wrap during the day and

110

as a blanket at night. It has three distinct patterns: the
tagaap, the khemchu and the tamblyoak. The yangloo
is a Lepcha shawl embroidered at the ends, worn by men
on auspicious occasions.
The attire is completed with accessories such as the
Lepcha hat, called thyaktuk, an intricately woven
headgear made with bamboo and straw; and a traditional
bag called tanggyip, a handwoven bag slung over one
shoulder and often carried while hunting.
The Lepcha villages of North Sikkim district and parts of
Darjeeling continue to live and work as they have long done,
retaining their cultural practices and contexts. Here, they
wear traditional Lepcha attire as everyday clothing. In cities,
however, traditional Lepcha attire is donned only during
weddings, ritual events and festivals, and contemporary
clothing made from Lepcha textiles is now being made.
Process
The raw materials used for making Lepcha textiles
comprise the yarn and the dyes used to colour it. Earlier,
the yarn, called sisnu, was made of nettle plant fibres or
coarse silk from jungle caterpillars. Will the easy availability
of fibres like cotton and wool, however, the traditional
practice of using nettle fibres has faded over time.
In the past, various parts of different plants and shrubs
were used to extract dyes. These included roots, barks,
fruits, leaves and vines, as well as locally available madder
(majito), walnut and other natural material. Such natural
dyes have largely been replaced by synthetic dyes.
Besides, most modern weavers buy dyed yarn for weaving.
The traditional colours of Lepcha weaves are white, black,
red, yellow and green.
The traditional back-strap loin looms used here are, in
many ways, similar to those used in different parts of north-
eastern India and in Bhutan. The term ‘back-strap loom’
(also variously known as the girdle back, hip, waist, belt or
stick loom) refers to a loom on which the warp is stretched
between a stationary object and the weaver’s own body.
Thus, loin loom weaving is fairly strenuous compared to
weaving on other frame looms. The process involves
a set of jobs often performed by the weaver and a helper,
both usually women. On an average, a weaver takes
L e pcha w e a v ing | S ikkim
approximately seven days to finish a 3-m-long weave. The
maximum length of the warp is 3 m and the maximum
weaving width is 18 in.
The design vocabulary of Lepcha weaving is inspired by
Buddhism, its eight auspicious symbols or ashtamangala,
and by community traditions. There are about ten
predominant traditional motifs that continue to be used
today, mostly on the traditional dresses of the Lepchas.
The use of colourful stripes in the warp is a striking feature
of Lepcha weaving.
Change and way forward
In 1957, the then prince of Sikkim, Palden Thondup
Namgyal, founded Palden Thondup Cottage Industries
with fifty-eight trainees to preserve the traditional arts and
crafts of the region. It is now known as the Directorate of
Handicrafts and Handloom (DHH). Of the thirty-one youth
training centres run by the DHH, one is dedicated
to Lepcha weaving.
The DHH has advanced the use of frame looms for
weaving Lepcha textiles. Weavers who move away from
the traditional back-strap loom are sent for further
training to Assam, where they learn to use the frame
loom. The traditional back-strap loin loom is now confined
to training centres and village households, and very few
practitioners of this technique remain.
In addition, there is little to no production of nettle-based
handlooms, as traditional raw materials are not easily
available and weavers depend on neighbouring states
for yarns and dyes.
Changing tastes have led to declining interest in
traditional dresses, which has adversely affected the craft.
Extensive scholarly documentation of the traditional
technique of Lepcha weaving and its design vocabulary
and cultural significance is needed
The concentration of the Lepcha community in the difficult
hilly terrain of upper Dzongu has further contributed to the
decline of their craft. Since their settlements are extremely
scattered, it is difficult to organize design development
trainings, workshops or other initiatives, although
sustained efforts are being made to ensure the continuity
and renewal of the Lepcha weave.
111
N/E India

Risha textile weaving

T r ip u r a

Risha handwoven cloth, specifically used by women as
an upper garment, is part of the traditional attire of the
different communities and clans of Tripura.
Rignai, Risha and Rikutu make up the traditional
female attire of Tripura, and its patterning and colour
is differentiated in terms of weaves, motifs and shades,
depending on the clan or the tribe wearing it. All three
are unstitched lengths of cloth that are shaped by their

T
drape. The garments are handwoven in cotton yarn, with
he patterning, colours and motifs of Risha textile
patterns that range from the shape of stars to intricate
weaves are differentiated according to the clan
florals, and a colour palette that has a definite preference
or the tribe for whom they are made. Besides
for bright shades. There exist over 250 motifs, patterns and
the Risha, the full attire consists of two other
combinations of the designs of Rignai, Risha and Rikutu.
parts, the Rignai, which is worn as a lower garment,
and the Rikutu, which is used as a wrap or drape. Being Legend has it that the complete Tripuri attire originated
an unstitched length of cloth, the Risha is also used as before the Manikya dynasty that ruled the region from
headgear by men. the early fifteenth century until 1949.

112

The craft ecosystem
The tribal women of Tripura, especially the southern part
of Tripura, weave the Risha cloth using a loin loom at
home. The skill is passed on from mothers to daughters.
They weave motifs inspired by nature and daily objects.
Each tribal community has its own motifs. The colour
combinations of motifs are different in each community.
Young girls are given their first Risha to wear when they
are between 12 and 14 years old, at an event called Risha
Sormani. On this day, girls wear a Risha and all their
relatives gather to worship the god Lampra, and pray for
their well-being for the rest of their lives. There is a great
feast to celebrate this day with the whole community.
Risha is also used as a turban by men during weddings
and festivals; it can even be used to cradle a baby.
In present-day Tripura, the Rignai, Risha and Rikutu are
usually worn for special occasions like rites of passage,
weddings and other festivities, since young adults prefer
to wear contemporary clothing.
Risha t e xtil e w e a v ing | T r ip u r a
Process
The distinguishing feature of the Risha handloom weave
lies in its use of vertical and horizontal stripes with
scattered motifs in different colours. A Risha is about 1.5 m
long and 0.3 m to 0.5 m wide.
Traditionally, it is woven on a loin loom. These looms have
no permanent fixtures or heavy frames and are easily
portable. They also offer an unlimited scope for designs.
The process of making the Risha weave is complex and
painstaking, and only highly skilled weavers can make
a traditional piece.
Change and way forward
Older tribal women and those living in rural areas
continue to wear their customary clothing and prefer
its designs, material, style and colour. The younger
generation, however, has largely adopted modern dress.
The change in the socio-economic status of tribal women
is reflected in changes to their traditional costume.
Another reason for the decline of this textile craft has
been the gradual replacement of Risha with ready-made,
easy-to-wear blouses rather than unstitched draped cloth.
This can also be attributed to a change in the lifestyle of
women, who now only wear traditional clothes for ritual
and ceremonial occasions. In addition, the Risha is facing
huge competition from power-loom manufactured
products available at cheaper rates. Besides, fewer women
are learning to weave, as education and lifestyle changes
have impacted tradition. Thus, it is a great challenge
to develop, continue, maintain and pass on traditional
knowledge systems and values to future generations.
The lack of markets outside the state has prevented
skilled Risha artisans from selling their products to a
wider consumer base. However, the Government of Tripura
is working towards promoting Risha as Tripura’s signature
garment. Designers, too, are using the weave
in their clothes.
113
 Recommendations
for safeguarding and revitalizing
heritage textile crafts
T
extiles are made by hand across the length and
breadth of India and are a source of primary
and supplementary income for many Indians.
While many historic traditions have thrived in
modern times, innovating to adapt to changing tastes
and technologies, others lie on the margins between
vulnerability and endangerment. Many facets of the hand
skills sector remain largely unacknowledged, resulting in
a gap between policy formulations and ground realities.
Some reasons for this are the lack of a united voice, absent
or inadequate data on practitioner communities, and
a general lack of purpose for them in the wider context
of a rapidly developing nation. All these factors and
more impact the many practitioners and transmitters
engaged in handcrafting and hand-making heritage
textile traditions, which could, therefore, face issues of
sustainability and sustenance in the future.
Policy measures must ensure the continuance of these
living traditions, so that the hand skills sector remains
relevant, buoyant and an integral part of India’s rich
cultural heritage for generations to come.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 1
Formulate a comprehensive policy
for handmade textiles.
A comprehensive policy for handmade textiles could
make this industry viable, competitive and equitably
structured by recognizing that the needs of the
practitioners of textile crafts are quite different from those
114
of the power-loom industry, screen- and digital-printing,
machine embroidery and large textile mills. Such a policy
should also keep in mind the sector’s direct contribution
to 7 of the 17 United Nations’ Sustainable Development
Goals and the role that these traditions play as critical
elements of India’s cultural and creative industries.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 2
Create systematic and scientific
databases on handmade textile
crafts and their practitioners.
Although the textile sector is regarded as the
second-largest area of employment and livelihood
after agriculture, there has been no comprehensive
enumeration of the numbers working across handlooms,
khadi and similar textile crafts and in ancillary professions.
Data on these crafts’ contribution to India’s gross domestic
product (GDP) should also be calculated. Setting
up a satellite accounting system would be a step in
this direction.
Documenting textile crafts and weaving skills, as well
as their techniques and technologies, traditions and
motifs, in a systematic and scientific manner would
create a record of what is, what has been, and what
can be innovated for further developments, while also
maintaining a record for times to come.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 3
Facilitate convergence within the
hand skills sector.
An integrated, holistic approach with a dedicated, unified
administrative set-up that recognizes the cross-connected
dimensions of the hand skill sector, including handlooms,
khadi, village industries and textile handicrafts, and
converges them to address their potential will allow for
inclusive mainstream growth. That is, it will enable this
sector to achieve its full potential and drawn it into the
mainstream of economic development.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 4
Protect practitioners’ intellectual
property rights and raise
consumer awareness about
authentic versus copied products.
Copies and fakes are rife in the textile industry and
practitioners of handmade textiles have limited legal
recourse in such cases. To help distinguish and protect
traditional knowledge-based goods, the Government
of India enacted the Geographical Indications of Goods
(Registration and Protection) Act, 1999. Textile crafts
should continue to get Geographical Indication tags to
protect them. In addition, the government should enact
sui generis laws specifically designed to protect products
of traditional knowledge.
A branding exercise in each cluster, combined with
promoting the effective use of tags like Craftmark,
Handmade Mark and Geographical Indication, would
help consumers differentiate between authentic
handmade textiles and power-loom, mechanized, digital-
and screen-printed products – all of which are available
at far lower prices and cut into the market share of
handmade textiles.
There is also an urgent need to create simple, easily
applicable tests that differentiate genuine handmade
craft products from fakes.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 5
Support ancillary artisans
and professions.
The skills of ancillary artisans involved in the production of
handmade textiles need to be sustained and supported.
Ancillary artisans who perform pre- and post-production
processes should be included as beneficiaries in
development programmes and schemes in their own
right, with training and skill upgradation modules
designed exclusively for them, issued artisan cards
and assisted by other measures, in order to ensure the
continuity of the entire textile ecosystem.
115
H an d ma d e f o r th e 2 1 st C e nt u r y
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 6
Recognize women artisans and
give them equal opportunities.
As men move away from textile craft-centric activities
in search of other income opportunities, women are
increasingly taking over their roles. There is a greater need,
therefore, to recognize women artisans and enumerate
them in mapping and diagnostic exercises in their own
capacities, whether as primary or ancillary workers.
Key intervention areas include focused professional
education and targeted training and skill upgradation.
Existing programmes and schemes should be made
more inclusive of women, ensuring fair wages and equal
opportunities for training and infrastructure loans, access
to artisan cards and other benefits. Self-help groups
should be strengthened to enable smooth access to
micro-credit schemes encouraging entrepreneurship, etc.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 7
Provide appropriate
infrastructure and technology.
Appropriate infrastructure and technology, customized
to the cultural context and practice of producers of
handmade textiles, should be provided. This should
include housing-cum-work sheds with provisions for
electricity and water, and schemes that enable and
increase access to raw materials.
Government schemes could also focus on financial and
technical assistance for new looms and the repair and
upgradation of existing looms, and prioritize research
and development on loom improvement for better
productivity and quality based on regional variants
and production processes. Weavers must be consulted
through such processes, as they often modify their
own looms.
The handloom sector is currently dependent on the Mill
Gate Hank Yarn scheme and large-scale spinning mills for
accessing yarn. As an alternative, yarn banks or depots for
different varieties of silk, cotton, wool, etc. could be set up
in all weaving clusters to serve both small-scale and large-
scale weavers. Good quality dyes could be made available
in small, affordable quantities to enable smaller producers
116
to fix the issues of poor dyeing quality that often result
in rejections by customers.
The current handmade textile sector suffers from rampant
use of harmful chemical dyes. It is critical to establish
efficient systems for their responsible use and disposal.
Building small, localized effluent plants to treat and clean
the waste water of textile processes would help reduce its
harmful impact on the environment.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 8
Focus on educating, training and
up-skilling practitioners.
Education tailored to professional needs should be a
core thrust area so as to enable continuous knowledge
enhancement. In addition, training programmes should
be customized to cater to the differing skills of
professionals and artisans with varied capabilities.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 9
Encourage innovation in design
and product development.
Designers identified from among traditional practitioners
should be equipped to sustain the generation of creative
innovations from within the artisan community. Design
development should be a continuous process, allowing
textile artisans to stay abreast of new market developments
and cater to changing consumer demands with new and
diversified products. Design interactions must be sensitive
to the unique features of each textile craft tradition so that
each community retains its distinctive identity.
R e c o mm e n d ati o n 1 0
Enable access to credit.
Access to credit at zero or low interest rates with easy
repayment terms would help textile-makers access
raw materials and cover their working capital needs.
Loans for housing-cum-work sheds are also needed.
Annexures
 Special thanks
Abhilasha Arya, Textile Revivalist
Aditi Ranjan, National Institute of Design (retired),
Ahmedabad, and Textile Expert
Anandhi Desraj, RISE Centre, Reliance Retail
Anjali Bhatnagar, Independent Consultant,
Craft Revival Trust
Anupriya Mridha, Textile Designer
Anwesha Ganguly, Researcher, Textiles and Crafts
Arushi Chowdhury Khanna, Founder, Loom Katha,
and Textile Revivalist
Avanish Kumar, Textile Designer and Weaving
Technologist, Delhi
B. B. Paul, former Director, Ministry of Textiles,
and Consultant, Taneira
Badrusin Ansari, National Awardee, Varanasi
Bhawna Chauhan, Faculty, National Institute of
Fashion Technology, NIFT, Mohali, Punjab
Bhawni Malhotra, Textile Researcher
Chandubhai, Weaver, National Awardee, Gujarat
Darshan Shah, Founder, Weavers Studio, Kolkata
Dr Hemlatha Jain, Textile Revivalist, Karnataka
Dr Ruby Kashyap Sood, National Institute of Fashion
Technology, New Delhi
Dr Shernaz Cama, Parzor Foundation
Dr Varsha Gupta, Professor, National Institute of
Fashion Technology, Delhi
118
Dr Sonal Gaur, Textile Researcher
Dr T. K. Rout, Deputy Director, Textiles Committee,
Ministry of Textiles
Geetha Rao, former President, Crafts Council, Karnataka
Ghafoor Khatri, National Awardee, Varanasi
Gita Ram, President, Crafts Council of India
Gulshan Nanda, Padma Shri, former Chairperson, Central
Cottage Industries Emporium, Ministry of Textiles
Gunjan Arora, Textile Designer and Faculty,
Indian Institute of Art and Design
Gunjan Jain, Textile Designer, Odisha
Gunjan Sharma, Textile Designer
Hema Khone, Textile Revivalist, Coimbatore,
Tamil Nadu
Jasleen Dhamija, Textile Expert
Juhi Pandey, Craft and Social Design Professional
Kavita Patel, Assistant Project Director,
Textiles of Undivided Bengal, Weavers Studio
Resource Centre, Kolkata
Khem Raj Sundariyal, National Awardee, Panipat
Kirat Chitara, National Awardee, Mata-Ni-Pachedi,
Ahmedabad
Manjari Nirula, former Vice-President, World Crafts Council,
Asia Pacific
Manoj Jain, Director, Ministry of Textiles
 S p e cial thanks

Meena Appnender, President, Crafts Council, Telangana Raes Ahmed, Padma Shri, National Awardee, Varanasi
and Andhra Pradesh
Ruby Pal Chowdhury, former President, Crafts Council
Mohammad Ahmad, Researcher, Textiles and Crafts of West Bengal

Neelima Hasija, Professor, National Institute of Design, Saumya Pande, Textile Revivalist and Faculty at Institute
Ahmedabad of Art and Design

Nidhi Harit, Deputy Director, National Crafts Museum, Sentila Yanger, Padma Shri, founder Tribal Weave,
New Delhi Nagaland

Nivedita Negi, Researcher, Textiles and Crafts Shrishtha Bhandari, Faculty, Institute of Design, Dehradun

Pradeep Pillai, Textile Designer Sonam Tashi Gyaltsen, Designer and Entrepreneur, Sikkim

Purabi Roy, Member, Crafts Council, West Bengal Sribhas Suparakar, National Awardee, Varanasi

Radhika Lalbhai, Textile Revivalist, Ahmedabad Vanjare Ramesh, Artisan

Radhika Singh, Author Vishesh Nautiyal, Director, Weavers Service Centre, Delhi

119
 Directory of organizations

100 hands Bhasha

Bengaluru, Karnataka Vadodara, Gujarat
a100hands@gmail.com bhasharesearch@gmail.com
http://www.ahundredhands.com/ https://www.bhasharesearch.org/

Action North-East Trust (ANT) Centre for Pastoralism

Village Rowmari, Chirang, Assam Lado Sarai, New Delhi
mail@theant.org coordinator@centreforpastoralism.org
https://theant.org/en/ https://centreforpastoralism.org/

All India Artisans and Craftworkers Welfare Charaka

Association (AIACA) Shimoga, Karnataka
B-223, C. R. Park, New Delhi charakabs@rediffmail.com
contact@aiacaonline.org http://charaka.in/
https://www.aiacaonline.org/
Craft Revival Trust
Antara Foundation New Delhi
11A & 11B, Southern Park, Saket, New Delhi mail@craftrevival.org
info@antarafoundation.org https://www.craftrevivaltrust.org/; www.asiainch.org;
https://antarafoundation.org/ www.globalinch.org

Asian Heritage Foundation Crafts Council of India

T-112, Aam Bagh, Mehrauli, New Delhi Chennai, Tamil Nadu
info@heritage.org info@craftscouncilofir
https://www.heritage.org/asia https://www.craftscouncilofindia.in/

AVANI DakshinaChitra
Pithoragarh, Uttarakhand SH 49, Muthukadu, Tamil Nadu
info@avani-kumaon.org saratnambi@gmail.com
https://avani-kumaon.org/ https://www.dakshinachitra.net/

banglanatak dot com Dastkar

Kolkata Kisan Haat Andheria Modh, New Delhi
banglanatak@gmail.com dastkar.delhi@gmail.com
https://banglanatak.com/ www.dastkar.org

120

Dastkar Andhra
Secunderabad, Telangana
mail@dastkarandhra.com
https://dastkarandhra.com/
Dastkar Ranthambore Project
Rajasthan
dastkar.kendra@gmail.com
http://www.dastkarranthambhore.org/
Dastkari Haat Samiti
Hauz Khas, New Delhi
dastkarihaat@gmail.com
https://dastkarihaat.com/
Development Alternatives (DA)
New Delhi
mail@devalt.org
https://www.devalt.org/
Handloom School
Khargone, Madhya Pradesh
thsprogramco@womenweave.org
https://thehandloomschool.org/
Kai Crafts
Karnataka
kaicrafts77@gmail.com
https://beacons.ai/kaicrafts
Kala Raksha
Gujarat
info@kala-raksha.org
http://www.kala-raksha.org/
Kalakshetra Foundation
Chennai, Tamil Nadu
director@kalakshetra.in
https://www.kalakshetra.in/
Kalhat Institute
Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh
contact@kalhath.com
https://www.kalhath.com/
Keystone Foundation
Nilgiris, Tamil Nadu
kf@keystone-foundation.org
https://keystone-foundation.org/
Di r e ct o r y o f o r ganizati o ns
KHAMIR – Craft Resource Centre
Kutch, Gujarat
khamir.crc@gmail.com
https://khamir.org/
Khemka Foundation
Saket, Delhi
info@khemkafoundation.net
http://khemkafoundation.net/
Kishkinda Trust
Anegundi, Karnataka
kishkindatrust.craft@gmail.com
Kumaon Grameen Udyog
Mukteshwar, Uttarakhand
info@kgu.org.in
https://www.kilmora.in/
Kutch Mahila Vikas Sangathan
(KMVS)
Bhuj, Gujarat
hunnarshala@yahoo.co.in
http://www.hunnarshala.org/
M. RM. RM Cultural Foundation
Chennai, Tamil Nadu
chettinadculture@gmail.com
https://www.mrmrmculturalfoundation.com/
Madras Craft Foundation
G-3, Besant Nagar, Chennai, Tamil Nadu
dakmcf@gmail.com
http://www.dakimm.org/
Malkha Marketing Trust
Hyderabad, Telangana
yes@malkha.in
https://malkha.in/
North East Network (NEN)
Guwahati, Assam
https://northeastnetwork.org/
https://northeastnetwork.org/
Paramparik Karigar
Mumbai
paramparik@gmail.com
https://www.paramparikkarigar.com/
121
Handmade for the 21st Century

PARZOR Foundation Seva Mandir, Udaipur

Hauz Khas, New Delhi Rajasthan
parzorfoundation@gmail.com info@sevamandir.org
https://www.unescoparzor.com/ https://www.sevamandir.org/

Punarjeevana Sewa Banaskantha

Bengaluru, Karnataka Ahmedabad, Gujarat
punarjeevanat@gmail.com sewamahila@axcess.net.in
https://punarjeevana.com/
Shrujan Trust
Rehwa Society Kutch, Gujarat
Khargone, Madhya Pradesh contact@shrujan.com
sales@rehwasociety.org https://shrujan.org/
https://rehwasociety.org/
Somaiya Kala Vidya
Sadhna Seva Mandir Gandhidham, Gujarat
Udaipur, Rajasthan kalavidya@somaiya.edu
SADHNA@SADHNA.ORG https://www.somaiya-kalavidya.org/
https://sadhna.org/
Udyogini
Sasha Association for Craft Producers Saket, New Delhi
Delhi mail@udyogini.org
sashaindia@sashaworld.com https://udyogini.org/
https://sashaworld.com/
Urmul Desert Craft
Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) Bikaner, Rajasthan
474/1Ka/4, Brahm Nagar, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh udc@urmul.org
sewa_lko@rediffmail.com https://www.urmuldesertcrafts.org/
http://www.sewalucknow.org/
Urmul Marusthali Bunkar Vikas Samiti
Self Employed Women’s Association Bikaner, Rajasthan
(SEWA) mail@urmul.org
Ahmedabad, Gujarat https://urmul.org/
mail@sewa.org
Women Weave
https://www.sewa.org/
Maheshwar, Madhya Pradesh
SETU – The Bridge to Artisans ecommerce@womenweave.org
Jaipur, Rajasthan https://www.womenweave.org/
info@setufairtrade.com
https://www.setufairtrade.com/

122
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 Handmade for the 21st Century
Handmade for the
21st Century
SAFEGUARDING traditional
indian TEXTILES

Indian textiles have delighted and enriched the world for centuries - its muslins made as if of woven air, its lustrous silks and
its intricate embroideries. Over time, however, the tides of history and changing socio-economic contexts have affected the
production and distribution of many of India’s beautiful handloom textiles. Colonial exploitation, the decline of royal patronage,
the rise of the global fashion industry and the low-cost manufacturing ability of power looms have all contributed to the

SAFEGUARDING TRADITIONAL INDIAN TEXTILES

decline of many of India’s oldest textile traditions. This report brings together years of research on some of these textile crafts.
It charts their histories and legends, describes the often complicated (sometimes secret) processes of their making, and
identifies the causes for their dwindling popularity. Equally, however, it holds out a hope, embedded in efforts by India’s
textile experts, practitioners and designers and its central and state governments for the rejuvenation of these textiles for
the twenty-first century.