Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Steven M. Buechler
Mankato State University
Resource mobilization theory became the dominant paradigm for studying social
movements in the 1970s because it was better able to account for the 1960s cycle of
protest than previous theories of collective behavior. After almost two decades of
theoretical development, the resource mobilization framework is now under increasing
challenge. Drawing on research on women’s movements in the United States, this
article identifies ten issues which collectively pose a major theoretical challenge to the
dominance of resource mobilization theory and which may initiate a paradigm shift to
a new framework for the study of social movements.
Resource mobilization (RM) theory is now the dominant theoretical framework for an-
alyzing social movements and collective action within the discipline of sociology. This
ascendancy may be traced from early programmatic statements (McCarthy and Zald 1973,
1977; Oberschall 1973) through subsequent critiques and reformulations (Ferree and
Miller 1985; Fireman and Gamson 1979; Jenkins 1983; Klandermans 1984; Marx and
Wood 1975; Perrow 1979; Piven and Cloward 1977; Snow et a1 1986) to a number of
empirical studies which have sought to test and modify the theory (Cable et a1 1988;
Gamson et a1 1982; McAdam 1982; Moms 1984; Rochford 1985; Walsh 1978, 1981;
Walsh and Warland 1983; Zurcher and Snow 1981).
In this essay, I describe some problematic issues that have emerged from this fruitful
period of work and that collectively pose a significant challenge to the theoretical domi-
nance of the RM framework. Most of these issues can be exemplified by my own research
into women’s movements in the United States (Buechler 1986, 1990). My argument is that
while there is no clearly defined contender for theoretical dominance, we are nonetheless
entering a period of sustained debate and theoretical turmoil which may well lead to such
an alternative. 1 begin with brief overviews of the RM framework and my research on
women’s movements. I then identify a number of emerging trends in social movement
theory which collectively imply the need for a new theoretical paradigm. I conclude with a
brief evaluation of whether the RM framework will be able to respond effectively to these
theoretical challenges.
Direct all correspondence to: Steven M. Buechler, Mankato State University, Department of Sociology and Corrections, POB
8400,Mankato, MN 56002-8400.
The Sociological Quarterly, Volume 34, Number 2, pages 217-235.
Copyright @ 1993 by JAI Press, Inc.
All rights of reproduction in any form merved.
ISSN: 0038-0253.
218 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34iNo. 2/1993
RM theory emerged in the 1970s as a distinctively new approach to the study of social
movements. According to this perspective, social movements are an extension of politics
by other means, and can be analyzed in terms of conflicts of interest just like other forms
of political struggle. Movements are also seen as structured and patterned, so that they can
be analyzed in terms of organizational dynamics just like other forms of institutionalized
action (Oberschall 1973; McCarthy and Zald 1973, 1977; Tilly 1978). In sharp contrast to
the earlier collective behavior tradition (Turner and Killian 1957; Smelser I962), RM
theory views social movements as normal, rational, institutionally rooted, political chal-
lenges by aggrieved groups. The border between conventional politics and social move-
ments thus becomes blurred, but does not disappear altogether. Whereas established,
special-interest groups have routine, low-cost access to powerful decision-makers, social
movements must pay higher costs to gain a comparable degree of influence within the
polity. RM theory thereby redefined the study of collective action from an example of
deviance and social disorganization to a case study in political and organizational sociolo-
gy (Buechler 1990).
RM theory also takes a distinct position on questions of recruitment, motivation and
participation. Based on a rational actor model, individuals are viewed as weighing the
relative costs and benefits of movement participation and opting for participation when the
potential benefits outweigh the anticipated costs (McCarthy and Zald 1977). When move-
ment goals take the form of public goods which cannot be denied to non-participants, the
free-rider dilemma is created because it is individually rational for each actor to let others
win the goal and then share the benefits without the costs. In response to the free-rider
dilemma, organizations may offer selective incentives for active participants which can be
withheld from nonparticipants (Olson 1965). This logic has been criticized as economistic
by those who argue that collective, moral, purposive or solidary incentives often motivate
people to join movements even if they could theoretically “ride free” on the efforts of
others (Fireman and Gamson 1979). The role of different incentives remains a subject of
debate, but the debate assumes rational actors on the individual level just as it assumes the
normality of movements on the collective level (Buechler 1990).
Theoretical development never occurs in a socio-political vacuum. The emergence and
increasing prominence of RM in the 1970s and 1980s was a response to the cycle of
protest that was initiated in the United States by the civil rights movement and that spread
to numerous other groups and issues during the 1960s and early 1970s. Many sociologists
felt an affinity with the goals of these movements, and some were active participants in
them. When they sought theoretical explanations of these movements, however, they
found that existing theories were of limited utility and often contained both inaccurate and
unflattering depictions of protest movements and their participants. Turner and Killian’s
( 1957) formulation of the collective behavior tradition was oriented to short-term,
spontaneous actions and was not well-suited to studying ongoing, organized, political
forms of protest. Kornhauser’s (1959) analysis of a mass society in which only the most
marginal, socially isolated people would become involved in collective behavior seemed
to fly in the face of mobilization patterns in 1960s movements. Smelser’s (1 962) assump-
tions that collective behavior involved a short-circuiting of institutional channels by irra-
tional actors under the sway of generalized beliefs were an especially inappropriate way to
analyze much (though not all) of the protest behavior of the 1960s. And Gurr’s (1970)
Beyond Resource Mobilization? 219
selective primary research into the national suffrage movement and extensive reading of
secondary sources (Buechler 1986). In the second phase of this work, I again undertook
detailed archival research into the organizational records of the National Organization for
Women and the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union, complemented by extensive reading
of the rapidly growing literature on the contemporary women’s movement. These two
phases of research culminated in a comparative analysis of women’s movements in the
United States (Buechler 1990). This article builds on this research, as well as the work of
others, to identify emerging new directions in social movement theory.
Women’s political mobilization began in the 1840s as a broadly oriented women’s rights
movement pursuing a radical agenda which went well beyond the right to vote and posed a
major challenge to the sexual division of labor. Immediately after the Civil War, the
movement experienced internal strife and inter-organizational conflict which weakened its
momentum and undermined its radical orientation. During the last three decades of the
nineteenth century, the movement was in a period of relative dormancy and was eclipsed
by the temperance movement. The latter’s ideology of protecting the home and saving the
family appealed to many women, and led to a more moderate ideological posture in the
woman suffrage movement. After the turn of the century, a new generation of leaders
brought strategic and tactical sophistication to the woman suffrage movement and aligned
it with progressive politics. Efforts were made to expand the base of the movement,
leading to significant growth in the membership of woman suffrage organizations after
1910. The movement also diversified ideologically, constructing a wide range of argu-
ments for the vote. By 1915, the movement consisted of a sophisticated leadership, a
diverse base, and a cross-class, multi-constituency alliance. As a result, the movement
was able to take advantage of new political opportunities during and after World War 1,
and it thereby succeeded in winning the right to vote for women (Buechler 1986; DuBois
1978; Flexner 1975; O’Neill 1969).
The “second wave” of women’s activism began in the 1960s. A women’s rights sector
emerged out of the Presidential Commission on the Status of Women and culminated in
the formation of the National Organization for Women in 1966. A women’s liberation
sector appeared somewhat later, emerging out of the myriad dissatisfactions of women
with sexist treatment in other social movements of the time. From the late 1960s to the
mid- 1970s, the contemporary women’s movement was a genuinely mass movement, due
in large part to the women’s liberation sector and its empahsis on small, decentralized
groups and consciousness-raising activities. After passage of the Equal Rights Amend-
ment in 1972 and the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision in 1973, factionalism began to
undercut this mass mobilization and the first countermovements appeared. By the late
1970s, the balance was tipping and by the early 1980s, feminism was on the defensive in
the face of a rising conservative tide and ongoing countermobilization. Despite these
obstacles, the contemporary women’s movement has survived, and it continues to wage
strong battles for reproductive rights among other issues. Although the mass movement
phase ended some time ago, the persistence of formal movement organizations and
informal social movement communities testifies to the persistence of a women’s move-
ment into the last decade of the twentieth century. (Buechler 1990; Freeman 1975; Ferree
and Hess 1985).
The documentary record of women’s activism across two centuries provides good
examples of particular mobilizations in specific socio-historical contexts. As such, this
record can help illustrate some of the emerging issues in social movement theory.
Beyond Resource Mobilization? 22 1
EMERGING TRENDS
There are at least ten issues which pose some degree of challenge to the RM framework
for studying social movements. While none of these issues are individually insurmount-
able, they collectively constitute a fundamental challenge to the RM framework. These
issues may be loosely grouped into several categories. Some involve empirical generaliza-
tions on which there is conflicting evidence. Others involve aspects of collective action
which appear increasingly important but are typically ignored by the RM framework. Still
others involve core assumptions of the theory itself. By identifying and briefly describing
these issues, we can understand the challenge confronting RM theory and identify emerg-
ing trends in social movement theory. The first three issues identified below are the subject
of very extensive analysis elsewhere (Buechler 1990) and will be quickly summarized
here; the latter seven issues reflect developments in the field generally, although most of
these can also be illustrated by reference to women’s movements.
Rethinking Grievances
From its origins, at least one strand of RM theory has consistently downplayed the role
of grievances in the emergence of collective action (Buechler 1990; McCarthy and Zald
1973, 1977). This stance is typically defended by reference to many groups who have
longstanding gnevances but never are able to mount any collective challenge to the social
arrangements which produce those grievances. RM proponents thus claim that grievances
may be a necessary but are not a sufficient factor in explaining social movements; they
proceed to argue that control over actual and potential resources is a more important
determinant of the emergence as well as the likely success of collective action. In its most
extreme form, the argument is that grievances can be assumed as a constant, background
factor with no explanatory relevance, while changes in access to resources of many sorts
will be the critical, variable factor which explains the periodic appearance of collective
action. While other strands of the RM framework are somewhat more attentive to the issue
of grievances (Tilly 1978), none would rank them on a par with resources in accounting
for collective action and social protest.
Women’s movements have typically emerged from ”parent movements” like abolition-
ism, the civil rights movement, or the new left. As a result, women’s movements have
sometimes been presented as cases in which women derived both resources and griev-
ances from their participation in parent movements and subsequently mobilized as wom-
en. However, a closer look suggests that the woman suffrage movement of the 19th
century and the women’s rights sector of the contemporary women’s movement were both
led by women with pre-existing feminist grievances. When these longstanding grievances
were combined with newfound resources from parent movements, women’s movements
emerged. These cases are thus consistent with the logic of the RM framework. However,
the women’s liberation sector of the contemporary women’s movement did appear to
formulate its grievances largely in the context of women’s participation in parent move-
ments which treated them unequally. Hence, the movement which has most radically
challenged patriarchal power developed its grievances through interactive dynamics in
parent movements which subsequently prompted the independent mobilization of women.
This suggests that in some cases, grievances can be at least as important as access to
resources in explaining the emergence of social movements (Buechler 1990).
These specific differences are best explained in generational terms. Members of the
222 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34iNo. 211 993
women’s liberation movement tended to be younger women with relatively less exposure
to systematic gender discrimination until their activist careers in other movements
(Buechler 1990). The more general lesson is that grievances cannot be assumed to be a
constant background factor in the study of social movements. Put differently, the social
construction of grievances may be the critical step which allows members of socially
dispersed groups to begin to mobilize for action. One of the core assumptions of the RM
framework may thus lead its practitioners to gloss over what may be a fundamentally
important part of the mobilization process.
Recognizing Ideology
Just as the RM framework has downplayed grievances, it has also marginalized ideolo-
gy (Buechler 1990). This is a logical consequence of the emphasis placed on resources and
opportunity in accounting for movement origins and persistence (Tilly 1978). This mar-
ginalization typically occurs by equating ideology with the expression of grievances, and
then dismissing both as constant background factors with little explanatory relevance
(McCarthy and Zald 1977). However, the expression of grievances does not exhaust the
functions of ideology. In the broadest sense, ideology encompasses the ideas, beliefs,
values, symbols and meanings that motivate individual participation and give coherence
to collective action. Ideological beliefs typically provide a critical diagnosis of the larger
society, an idealized sketch of a postive alternative, and some suggestion as to how the
problematic present may be replaced with a preferable future (Buechler 1990; see Wilson
1973 for a similar view). Ideology often performs multiple functions, including transform-
ing vague dissatisfactions into a politicized agenda, providing a sense of collective identi-
ty, and defining certain goods as potential movement resources. It may be that for some
constituencies, these processes may be taken-for-granted and do not require analysis. But
it is also clear that for many others, the multiple roles of ideology are critical prerequisites
for effective movement mobilization.
Women’s movements provide a good test case of the importance of ideology. Indeed,
the major accomplishment of feminist ideology is to create the very conditions which the
RM framework takes-for-granted in the study of movement mobilization. It is through the
development and diffusion of feminist ideology that grievances become politicized (“the
personal is political”), that women develop a collective identity rooted in gender, and that
they re-interpret their social environment as consisting of potential movement resources.
Over the history of women’s movements in the United States, a variety of different
ideological belief systems have contributed to these outcomes. The early suffrage move-
ment was rooted in a radical ideology of women’s rights which challenged many of the
roots of patriarchal power, During its middle period, this radically egalitarian women’s
rights agenda was partially displaced by a social-feminist ideology which emphasized
women’s essential, underlying differences from men. In the final period, a plethora of
ideological beliefs managed to successfully coexist in a manner which facilitated mass
mobilization and the eventual success of the suffrage movement (Buechler 1986). The
contemporary women’s movement picked up with the same theme of ideological diversity
with which the woman suffrage movement ended. Contemporary feminist ideologies
range from liberal to radical to socialist to cultural to lesbian and beyond; the only fair
generalization is that there has never been a significant movement sector which does not
have a distinct and well-developed ideological position (Buechler 1990; Taylor and Whit-
tier, unpublished).
Beyond Resource Mobilization! 223
Even in the supposedly pragmatic political culture of the United States, it is clear that
women’s movements have always operated with more-or-less explicit, ideological world-
views to foster mobilization, formulate goals and debate strategy. The more general lesson
is that for at least some constituencies, ideological work is a critical component of
movement mobilization. It is often vital in politicizing discontent, fostering collective
identity, and defining movement resources (Buechler 1990). Hence, the tendency of the
RM framework to marginalize ideological issues may deflect critical attention from one of
the most vital processes of movement formation.
Deconstructing Organization
RM theory has underscored the centrality of organization to the mobilization of move-
ments in at least two major ways. First, all versions of the theory have identified preex-
isting forms of organization as critical in facilitating mobilization. This claim is richly
confirmed by women’s movements, all of which have built on preexisting networks.
Second, some versions of RM theory have equated organization with formal, bureaucra-
tic, centralized structures, as in McCarthy and Zald’s distinctions between social move-
ments (SMs), social movement organizations (SMOs), social movement industries
(SMIs), and the social movement sector (SMS) (1977). Since they define SMs as “prefer-
ence structures” in a population, the only actors in their conceptual scheme are SMOs,
defined as complex or formal organizations whose goals match the preferences of a
movement. There is an organizational bias in this implication that only formally organized
bodies can act effectively. Once again, there are other strands of RM theory which are
somewhat more receptive to the role of informal organizational structures, but the domi-
nant tendency within the theory favors formal organization.
This organizational bias is particularly evident in the case of women’s movements. To
understand these movements, we need the concept of a social movement community
(SMC) to designate informally organized networks of movement activists (Buechler 1990;
see Gerlach and Hine [ 19701 for a related formulation). We need such a concept because in
the history of women’s movements, SMCs have probably played a larger role than SMOs
in mobilizing women and pursuing movement goals. In the first stage of the woman
suffrage movement, there were no formal organizations which expressed women’s emerg-
ing agenda, although there were many informal social networks and links among women’s
rights activists. In the middle stage, there were multiple SMOs which constituted a
broader SMC of activist women which kept the suffrage issue alive. In the final stage, it
was a combination of SMOs and SMCs which created the critical momentum needed to
finally win the right to vote. At no stage can this history be understood without the notion
of informal organization. In the contemporary women’s movement, the women’s libera-
tion sector is perhaps the best example of an SMC because this sector consciously and
explicitly repudiated formal organization on ideological grounds, and strove to discover
and implement more egalitarian forms of organization. The women’s rights sector offers
more typical examples of SMOs (like the National Organization for Women) but even
here, the periods of most successful activism by such organizations have been in conjunc-
tion with informally organized SMCs (Buechler 1990).
The history of women’s movements in the United States suggests that SMCs have been
critical in every major period of feminist mobilization, while SMOs have sometimes been
non-existent or marginal in these events (Buechler 1990). The more general lesson is that
formal organization cannot be assumed to be the predominant or even the most common
224 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 3 4 i N o . 2/1993
form for mobilizing collective action. Giving equal theoretical weight to SMCs can open
up a series of important hypotheses about the conditions under which groups organize in
one or another form and the relation between a group’s ideological commitments and
organizational form. Once again, one of the core assumptions of RM theory about formal
organization can blind investigators to the theoretical value and strategic importance of
different organizational forms.
are nonetheless offering some intriguing ways to approach such questions. Social move-
ment theory seems like a particularly fruitful area for pursuing such work because move-
ments are fascinating microcosms of social construction which require individual partici-
pation while also being embedded in larger, socio-historical contexts. Precisely because of
RM’s strengths in understanding the meso-level, social movement theory is well-
positioned to begin attending to multiple levels of analysis by either elaborating or tran-
scending the RM framework. Such development would not only help us understand social
movements more clearly; it could also make significant contributions to more general
sociological theory. In the next two sections, I identify some work that is already being
done or that might be done to promote such theoretical development.
presumption about the irrationality of movement activists by positing the model of the
rational actor and exorcising the premise of irrationality. This premise also helped reorient
social movement theory to the meso-level of organizational analysis. Having established
the general premise that social movement activism could be a reasonable thing for people
to do, the specifically utilitarian image of the rational actor came under increasing scrutiny
which in turn led to the identification of a number of important, micro-level, social-
psychological processes of movement mobilization. Despite this work, the rational actor
model has not been displaced by this new attention to the micro-level. As we will see in a
moment, this model is also under attack on metatheoretical grounds.
domination which are both the cause and the target of a good deal of contemporary social
movement activism (Buechler 1990, Collins 1990).
The inattentiveness of scholars within the RM framework to the macro-level is partic-
ularly curious because contemporary social theory offers several promising approaches to
the macro-level in general and to resolving the problems of the micro-macro gap in
particular (Ritzer, 1992; Collins, 1988; Giddens 1984). The relative ease with which the
RM framework has moved “down” to the micro-level needs to be complemented by
moving “up” to the macro-level in some coherent theoretical fashion. Failure to do so will
reinforce RM’s implicit image of social movement activism as involving reified, free-
floating organizations detached from larger socio-historical contexts as they pursue their
collective goals.
When the model of the rational actor is problematized within the RM framework, it
typically appears as a problem of motivation and recruitment exemplified by the free-rider
dilemma. However, there is a more basic metatheoretical issue that is implicit in RM’s
entire approach to movement mobilization. The rational actor model of this theory reflects
its heritage in exchange theory. Such models have always been criticized from a sociologi-
cal perspective (Durkheim 1895; Parsons 1937; Zeitlin 1973), but new criticisms have
recently been made by feminist standpoint theorists such as Nancy Hartsock (1985).
According to these critics, rational choice theories presume a world “populated by fictive
independent, isolated individuals” (Hartsock 1985, p. 67) who have conflicting interests
and yet voluntarily enter into profit-seeking exchanges on a presumably equal footing with
each other. From this perspective, the ontological assumptions of exchange theory may
reflect masculine experience but they fail to capture the more nuanced, relational, commu-
nal, nurturant and empathic world which is more typical of female experience. This
perspective suggests that under the best of conditions, the ontological assumptions of RM
theory fundamentally limit its utility for understanding the activism of any constituency
whose orientation to the world departs from the “fictive” one implicitly assumed by
rational choice theory (Ferree 1992).
This ontological limit becomes readily evident when trying to understand some sectors
of women’s activism. The issue is most apparent in the contrast between the two sectors of
the contemporary women’s movement. The women’s rights sector with its liberal feminist
ideology and its focus on the public sphere presumes a world which resonates with many
of the assumptions of rational choice theory. But the women’s liberation sector with its
radical feminist ideology presumes a fundamentally different world. Indeed, radical femi-
nism has appealed to precisely those qualities (connection, empathy, intuition, concrete
experience, interdependence) that most sharply divide male and female experience and
that are most at odds with the assumptions of exchange theory. This ontological gulf
between RM theory and radical feminism means that the theory cannot provide any
definitive interpretation of this movement because the actors, goals and actions which the
theory presumes do not correspond to the actual actors, goals and actions of this sector.
Thus, what appears as either inexplicable or as a failure from the perspective of RM
theory must rather be seen as the inability of this theory to grasp a movement which has
explicitly repudiated rational choice principles as the foundation for social activism
(Buechler 1990).
As we noted earlier, the rational actor model played an important historical function in
228 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 211 993
reorienting social movement theory away from a view of collective behavior as fundamen-
tally irrational. However, by relying on an individualist and utilitarian conception of
rational choice, RM theory created a set of analytical puzzles in the form of the free-rider
problem which diverted attention from the larger, metatheoretical implications of this
model. Upon closer scrutiny, these implications seem increasingly at odds with both
sociological and feminist conceptions of the social actor. More recently, this conception
has been challenged from another direction by interest in the problem of collective
identity.
resist dominant forms of sexism and heterosexism (Taylor and Rupp, unpublished). Such
action makes little sense from the strategic calculus of the RM framework, but is emi-
nently reasonable from a standpoint which recognizes the importance of cultural processes
in collective action (Taylor and Whittier, unpublished).
The concept of culture conveniently summarizes numerous lacunas in the RM frame-
work. While it is tempting to group these concerns under a generic heading like “expres-
sive” to contrast with the “instrumental” approach of RM theory, such a formulation
perpetuates an unfortunate dichotomy. The supposedly instrumental concerns of move-
ment actors in the RM framework are always and inescapably embedded in a larger
cultural framework of “expressive” elements concerning meaning, symbols and significa-
tion. Until the cultural foundation of such strategic action is adequately theorized, the RM
framework will offer us a very partial view of collective action at best.
DISCUSSION
The issues identified above pose different challenges to the RM framework. Some are
primarily empirical in nature. and could be resolved by further research to adjudicate
between competing claims about observable processes in social movements. This may
prove to be true for factors like grievances, ideology and organization. Other challenges to
the RM framework are more conceptual in nature because they involve its theoretical
“silences.” In these cases, the theory ignores important movement processes because they
do not fit its conceptual schemata. Most of the issues identified in this essay fall into this
category. Collective identity, movement diversity, and cultural construction are processes
about which the RM framework is silent because its central concepts direct attention
elsewhere. These conceptual silences cannot be resolved by collecting more data because
conceptual presuppositions define what count as significant data in the first place. Such
cases of theoretical contestation cannot be resolved in empirical arenas. Finally, some of
the issues identified here pose a fundamental challenge to the core assumptions of the RM
framework; the best example is the beleaguered career of the rational actor. This assump-
tion makes not just a conceptual but an ontological claim about a social world of isolated,
independent monads who freely enter into contractual arrangements based on self-interest.
To the extent that collective action involves other foundations, RM may obscure more than
it reveals about that action.
These challenges do not stand alone, but rather form an interconnected web of empiri-
cal, conceptual and ontological issues which collectively imply that the RM framework is
entering a period of crisis and that we may be in the early stages of a paradigm shift. There
is not a clearly formulated contender for theoretical dominance at this moment, although
some important work has been done by primarily European theorists studying “new social
movements.” If this is to become a competing paradigm, advocates will have to move
beyond the preliminary work which is currently available toward a clearer specification of
the core assumptions which could define a cohesive alternative to the RM framework. Of
those working within this tradition, Alberto Melucci has probably moved further in this
direction than anyone else (1989).
The emergence of any theoretical alternative to the RM framework will also be influ-
enced by the current socio-historical context. Early approaches to the study of collective
behavior with their distinctive premises about the irrationality of such episodes were, in
part, elaborated against the backdrop of fascism. This historical moment was eclipsed by
232 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34iNo. 211993
another in the 1960s, when a major paradigm shift toward the RM framework occurred
which ushered in a different set of core assumptions about the nature, and in particular the
rationality, of collective action. In the ensuing years we have seen the diffusion of social
movement strategies, tactics and ideologies across the entire political spectrum, eclipsing
the historical moment of the 1960s cycle of protest. If collective behavior was the theoret-
ical response to the socio-political climate of the 1930s, and if the RM framework was the
theoretical response to the socio-political climate of the 1960s, it remains to interpret the
socio-political climate of the 1990s and to reformulate social movement theory in ways
which will enlighten us about this new historical moment.
NOTES
1. My use of the Kuhnian framework of paradigms, normal science and scientific crisis is not
entirely appropriate here because even proponents of RM have never claimed to be offering a fully
articulated, scientific theory. Nonetheless, the RM framework does propose a sufficiently coherent
set of core assumptions and propositions that it can be at least loosely described as a scientific
paradigm which may be entering a period of crisis.
2. This claim is more true for the economic-organizational version of RM represented by
McCarthy and Zald than it is for the more political version of RM represented by Tilly. However,
Tilly has never embraced the term “social movement,” and those who study social movements
within sociology rely more heavily on the McCarthy and Zald version of RM theory than on Tilly’s
version. For at least one partial exception and synthesis, see McAdam (1982).
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