Republic of the Philippines

UNIVERSITY OF EASTERN PHILIPPINES

University Town, Northern Samar

Graduate Studies

Name: ANGELO B. VELARDE

Course Code: DALL 916
Course Title: Seminar: Language and Culture
Term: Second Semester, SY 2021-2022
Professor: Dr. Rogelio A. Banagbanag

Activity: Research one officially recognized language from anywhere in the world. Chosen
language can be either extant or extinct. Students must describe the origins and
development of the language, its general syntactical structure, and the history of the
language’s spread (or not). Because it is important that students use appropriate research
sources, an annotated bibliography of at least five (5) scholarly sources must be turned in
and approved before the essay is due. This bibliography must be in proper MLA format. The
research essay must be at least 7 ½ - 8 pages.

TAGALOG AND THE PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES: ORIGIN, DEVELOPMENT,

STRUCTURE AND ISSUES

This paper explores Tagalog and its evolution to becoming the country’s national
language. In this essay, we will tackle the genesis and development of Philippine languages and
dialects from which Tagalog originated. It is also necessary to delve into the similarities of
these dialects and study their structures as well as the differences and similarities in grammar.
Then, we will also navigate through the history and circumstances surrounding the
development of Tagalog to becoming the Philippine’s national language known as Filipino
today, its preservation and maintenance, and issues emerging from the selection of Tagalog as
the national language as well as the continued debates on language planning in an aim towards
considering multilingualism in future language policy redirections

Origins and Development of Philippine Languages

The languages of the Philippines are part of the Indonesian language family, which was
previously known as the Malaya-Polynesian trunk. The Austronesian languages are spoken in
the vast region that stretches from Madagascar in the west to Hawaii and Easter Island in the
east, from Formosa in the north to New Zealand in the south, with the exception of a few
languages, the most important of which are the Papuan speeches of New Guinea and
Australia's aboriginal language. The Austronesian language family encompasses the biggest
geographical area on the planet of all the language families. This vast family of languages is
divided into three groups based on geographical differences as well as differences in lexical,
phonetic, and grammatical development. The Indonesian, Melanesian, and Polynesian families,
to which the Filipino languages belong, occupy the majority of the territory from which it gets
its name, Indonesia, but also extends beyond and includes the languages of Madagascar, the
aboriginal languages of Formosa, and the Marianas and Pelew Islands.
The interrelationships of the different languages and dialects that make up the
Indonesian family have yet to be thoroughly researched enough to allow for a precise
categorization. Friedrich Mueller classified the entire family into two categories based on his
classification based on grammatical development. The first which he thought was characterized
by the greater grammatical perfection especially as regards the verb he called the Tagalog
groups, and to it he assigned the Tagalog, Iloko, Bisaya, Bikol, Pampango, Pangasinan and the
other languages of the Philippines, the language of Formosa, the Marianas and Madagascar.
The second group, called by him the Malayo-Javanese, includes the following languages: Malay,
Javanese, Sundanese, Batak of Sumatra, Makassar and Bugi of Celebes, and Dayak of Borneo.
According to the genitive construction, Brandes has divided the Indonesian family of
languages into western and eastern divisions. Another scholar, Jonker, has made a more
definitive division by placing the languages of Sumatra and the surrounding islands, the
Malakka Peninsula, Java, Madura, and Bali, as well as Madagascar, in the western group, and
the Philippines and Celebes in the eastern group. It is difficult to state in a brief summary what
are the general points of difference between the western and eastern groups, but ignoring
various details and even exceptions on both sides, the following distinctions can be made: in
the western languages, suffixes are more commonly used than in the eastern, where suffixes
are almost entirely absent or, if still present, have become more or less obscured in
employment; on the other hand, in the eastern languages, suffixes are almost entirely absent in
the active verbal forms. The sounds "tj" and "dj" are not found in the phonology of eastern
languages, or if they are found, they are of new development and have no relation to the same
sounds in western languages; in general, the sound system of eastern languages is still softer
than that of western languages. Probably, the differences observed between the two groups
are linked to corresponding differences in place of origin, i.e., that the forefathers of those who
now speak one of the Western languages came from a different part of the common country of
origin than the ancestors of those who belong to the eastern group, and that a dialect
difference existed even at that remote time.
Number of Philippine Dialects
According to various authorities, the estimated number of Filipino languages varies.
W.E. Retana, a well-known Spanish Filipinologist, lists twenty-seven different dialects in his
most recent bibliographical study on the Philippines. In his brief review of Philippine races and
languages, Ferdinand Blumentritt, a famous expert on the Philippines, identifies at least thirty.
The number of languages listed in a Jesuit encyclopedia on the Philippines surpasses fifty,
whereas Beyer lists forty-three languages, eliminating minor varieties.
 Many of the languages listed in the bigger estimations have no information other than
their names, and it's probable that many of these names are just alternate names for more
well-known languages, or at the very least, names for somewhat different dialects. The Batan,
spoken in the Batan and Babuyan Islands; the Ilokos, who occupy three provinces in the narrow
strip of northwestern Luzon between the mountains and the China Sea; the Pangasinans,
Pampangans, and Zambals in Central Luzon; and various Igorot dialects, such as the Gaddang,
Ilongot, and Isinai, in the mountainous districts of north central Luzon.
The Tagalog language, the most important and well-known of the Filipino languages, is
spoken from coast to coast in the middle region of the island of Luzon, in the latitude of Manila
Bay; on the west coast, its territory does not extend north of the bay, but on the east, it reaches
as far north as the province of Isabela; on the south and southeast, it trenches on the domain of
Bikol, which occupies the remaining territory of Luzon.
Bisaya is spoken in a number of dialects in the Bisayan Islands, which lie between Luzon
and Mindanao, and on the north and east coasts of the latter islands, the most important of
which are Cebu, which is spoken on the same island, Hiligaina in Panay and Occidental Negros,
Samar-Leyte, which is spoken in the sister provinces of the same name, and Masbate and
Tikaw. Mangyan's dominion includes the island of Mindoro, which is located south of Luzon and
west of Bisaya. Tagbanwa is the main language of the Calamianes and the long, narrow island of
Palawan, which form a chain reaching from Mindoro to Borneo to the southwest. The idioms of
Agutaya and Cuyo are basic dialects of Tagbanwa.
The Moros of the Sulu archipelago, which stretches from the westernmost tip of
Mindanao to Borneo, speak Sulu. Magindanao and Malanao are two nearly identical languages
spoken by the Moro tribes of Mindanao, who occupy areas of the island's west and southwest.
Except for Bagabo, which is spoken near the large volcano Apo in the southeastern portion of
the island, and the Tirurai, which is spoken in a district close the Moro territory in the
southwest, we know almost nothing about the other various dialects listed as spoken in
Mindanao.
During the American occupation, the Philippine government recognized two distinct
groups of people: Christians and non-Christians. The Mohammedan and pagan groups that
successfully opposed the Spaniards' attempts to impose the Christian faith, as well as the
Spanish government and culture, are included in the latter category. The label "non-Christian" is
given administratively to historic and ethnological communities, many of whose members
today profess Christianity and have effectively adapted the culture of the lowland Christian
Filipinos. According to the 1939 Census, Christians account for more than nine-tenths of the
Philippine population, with Mohammedans, or Moros (677,903) accounting for slightly more
than a quarter of the population and pagans (about 626,008) accounting for slightly less than
four percent.
 The Christian population is split into eight ethnographic groupings, each with its own
habitat, speech, and other cultural characteristics. The Bisayans, with a population of more than
5,000,000, the Tagalogs, with a population of slightly less than 3,000,000, and the Ilokanos,
with a population of around 2,353,218 people, are the largest and most prominent of these
ethnic groups.
The primary members of the now Christian tribes had alphabets that appeared to be of
Indian origin at the time of the Spanish Conquest (1521). Every consonantal sign, like in Indian
alphabets, represents the consonant followed by the vowel a, with secondary markings
indicating the other vowels. Because there was no way to convey a consonant without a vowel
after it, the consonant was deleted in writing. The current system of writing the local language,
the Roman alphabet, was formerly aligned with the quirks of Spanish orthography, but a
number of improvements in spelling have recently been implemented, the most notable of
which is the usage of k for c and qu and w for consonantal u. The lexicon of the Filipino
languages has been shaped mostly by the languages with which they have come into contact.
There are words from Sanskrit, Arabic, Malay, Persian, Chinese, and Spanish. Since the
occupation by the Americans in 1898, words of English stock have been constantly borrowed.
Similarities and Differences of Filipino Dialects and Syntactical Structures
There has been significant debate about the size and political relevance of the
disparities in the languages of the various groups of Christian Filipinos. Those who minimize and
those who magnify this element of national fragmentation. These languages are so similar that
any Filipino can easily learn the languages of other Filipino groups; yet they are so dissimilar
that a typical member of one group is unable to communicate with his fellow citizens of other
groups except in English or Spanish. The various languages have maintained their purity and
separateness for hundreds of years, each has its own literature, and there is little chance of any
of them disappearing or fusing within a generation. Dr. Barrows commented about the parallels
and differences between the Philippine languages:
“All these dialects belong to one Malayan stock. Their grammatical structure is the same. The sentence in
each one of them is built up in the same way. The striking use of affixes and suffixes which gives the speech its
color is common to them all. There are, moreover, words and expressions which are identical to them all. A
hundred common words could readily be selected which would scarcely vary from one language to the other; but
the fact still remains that while similar in grammatical structure, these languages are very different in vocabulary--
so different that two members of any two different tribes brought together are unable to converse, or at first even
to make themselves understood for even the simplest steps of intercourse. The similarity of structure makes it very
easy for a Filipino of one tribe to learn the language of another, but nevertheless, these languages have preserved
their distinctions for more than three hundred years of European rule and in the face of a common religion and in
spite of considerable migration and mixture between the different tribes.”

Here are some examples of terms that are nearly same in pronunciation and spelling:
{food} Tagalog, kain; Bisaya, kaon; Iloko, kanen; Bikol, kakan; Pampangan, kan;
Pangasinan, kanen.
 {Yes} Tagalog, ho-o; Iloko, oen, Bisaya, ho-o; Pangasinan, on, Pampangan oa
{Day} Tagalog, arao; Iloko, aldao; Bisaya, adlao; Pampangan, aldo; Pangasinan, ageuo
Differences in Grammar
Iloko and Pangasinan belong to the Northern group of the Philippines' seven major
languages. Filipinos who speak these two languages have more in-depth communication. The
vocabularies of Tagalog, Bikol, and Bisaya are more similar. They are a member of the Central
group.
The main phonetic distinction between the Northern and Central groups' languages is
that many of the former lack the h - sound. The following are the main distinctions in
grammatical structure between these two groups:
a - The languages of the Northern group generally form the plural by reduplicating the
first syllable together with the first sound of the following one; e.g., Iloko, balay
'house', plural balbalay 'houses', whereas the languages of the Central group employ
a special particle manga for this purpose; e.g., Tagalog, bahay 'house', plural manga
bahay 'houses'.
b - In the northern group the personal pronouns have in general two forms of the
nominal relation, an independent prepositive emphatic and enclitic non-emphatic:
e.g., Iloko siak and ak, as in Siak ti ari and Ariak 'I am king.’ In the Central group as a
general rule only one form of the nominal relation is employed; e.g., Tagalog ako in
Ako'y hari and Hari ako 'I am king'.
c - On the other hand, in the Central group these pronouns have both an independent
prepositive and an enclitic form in attributive relation; e.g., Tagalog akin and ko in
Ito'y aking bahay and Ito'y bahay ko 'This is my house.’ Whereas in the Northern
group only the enclitic forms are used; e.g., Iloko ko and k as in Daitoy balay ko 'This
is my house', Daitoy asok 'This is my dog'.

Similarities in Grammar
The Filipino languages are almost entirely devoid of inflection, with the exception of a
few pronoun and verb inflections.

e.g. English: I, you, he or she

Tagalog: ako, ikaw, siya
Iloko: siak, sika, isu
Cebu Bisaya: ako, ikaw, siya

English: drank, drinking, will drink

Tagalog: uminum, iminium, iinum
 Iloko: imminum, umininum, uminum
Cebu Bisaya: niium, naginum, muinum

1. The pronouns are varied to express relations, and as a rule three relations are
distinguished: namely, a nominal, an attributive, and a local, which express the who, the
whose and whether and whence, e.g.

Tagalog Iloko Besaya English

Nom… ako siak ako I
Attr….akin, ko -ko, -k ako, ko my, mine
Loc…sa akin kamiak kanako, sa ako to, for me

In the verb, differences in what we call in English voice, mode, and tense may be
indicated by the change of the affix; e.g.,

Tagalog: Magapoy ‘to build a fire’

Nagaapoy ‘building a fire’
Magaapoy ‘will build a fire’

Iloko: Agpoor ‘to build a fire’

Nagpoor ‘built a fire’
Agpoorto ‘will build a fire’

Bisaya: Nagahaling ‘building a fire’

Naghaling ‘built a fire’
Magahaling ‘will build a fire’

2. The Filipino languages possess what might be called personal articles; e.g., words of a
particular nature which are placed before the names of persons to denote relation, e.g.,

Tagalog Iloko Bisaya English

Nom…si Pedro ni Pedro si Pedro Pedro
Attr..ni Pedro ni Pedro ni Pedro Pedro’s
Loc… Kay Pedro ken Pedro kan(g) Pedro to Pedro

3. In the Filipino languages, the pronoun of the first person plural has regularly two forms,
one which includes and another which excludes the person addressed: e.g.,

Tagalog Iloko Bisaya English

 Inc…tayo datayo kita we (all of us)
Exc… kami dacam, dacami kita we (you who are addressed and I)

4. There is likewise a dual pronoun which represents only the person addressed and the
speaker: e.g.,

Tagalog Iloko Bisaya English

Kita data kita you (singular) and I

5. The ideas of 'to be in a place' and 'to have' are not expressed by verbs but particles
which do not even have the semblance of verbs: e.g., by nasa; adda, tua sa respectively
in Tagalog, Si Pedro'y nasa simbahan, Iloko, Ni Pedro adda ita simbaan, Bisaya, Si
Pedro tua sa simbaahan, English, Pedro is in the church, and by may, adda, dunay
respectively in Tagalog, Kami'y may manga baril, Iloko, Adda paltogmi, Bisaya, Kami
dunay pusil, English, We have guns.
Finite verbs are not found in Filipino languages, but they are found in European
languages. In most cases, verbs are created by mixing derived particles with word bases.
These particles come in a wide variety of shapes and sizes, and they have a wide range
of applications. They discriminate what we call voice, mood, and tense in English, as well
as a multitude of other verbal meaning alterations such as contextual, spontaneous,
potential, and so on. The Filipino languages have no voice in their verbs, their modes of
cognition are either actual or ideal, and time is portrayed through relative features of
action that can be either long or short. Let's look at a few examples:

A. Tagalog- Ang manga bahay ay nasusunog.

Iloko---- Dagiti balbalay mauramda.
Bisaya- Ang manga balay nangasunog.
English--The houses are burning.

B. Tagalog--Sa bayan ay nagkakasunog.

Iloko---- Adda uram iti ili.
Bisaya--- Sa lung sod dunay sunog.
English-- There is a fire in town.

C. Tagalog-- Ang lason ay nakamamatay

Iloko--- Ti sabidong makapapatay.
Bisaya-- Ang hilo makamatay.
English- Poison causes death.

D. Tagalog-- Ito ang pabili nang ama ko.

Iloko--- Daitoy ti pagatang ni amak.
 Bisaya- Mao kini ang gisugo nga ipapalit sa akong amahan.
English-- This is what my father ordered to be bought.

We can easily observe the various levels of significance that the derivative
particles can communicate. The sentences above can be labeled (a) circumstantial (b)
spontaneous (c)potential (d) and causal in the absence of better terminology. These are
just a handful of the many ways in which the Filipino languages' inherent genius can be
expressed. For a foreign learner, and even a native Filipino who must acquire a dialect
other than his own, mastering them is a difficult undertaking.

History of the Spread of Tagalog as National Language

This section tries to explain the evolution of Tagalog as the Philippines' national
language, the reasons for its adoption, and recommendations for its rapid development
and expansion. Tagalog will serve as a solution to the demand for a common language
through legislation, albeit it will be many years before this is fulfilled. This section will
explore why Tagalog is the ideal candidate to serve as the basic, preferred language for
the common language, as well as what strategies should be used to promote its spread
and adoption across the archipelago. If Filipinos consider what is best for their society
logically and boldly, their understanding of language will lead them to the conclusion
that it is their responsibility to work in the path that natural evolution has already gone
in other countries, i.e. e.g., to the spread of Tagalog as a common language at the
expense of other languages and dialects. This suggests that other languages, whether
native or alien, are not to be despised.

Attempts Towards the Development of a Common National Language

The issue of a single national language has long been a topic of discussion among
Filipinos. During the Spanish rule, leading Filipino intellectuals saw it as a major national
issue that needed to be addressed, and they attempted to find a solution. Dr. Jose Rizal,
the Filipinos' national hero, responded to this question in his own tongue as follows:

…Samantalang any isang bayan ay may sariling wika ay taglay niya ang
kanyang kalayaan, gaya rin naman ng pagtataglay ng tao ng pagsasarili
samantalang tinataglay ang kanyang sariling pagkukuro. Ang wika ay
siyang pagiisip ng bayan.

Some of our writers are currently investigating this ostensibly difficult issue in an
earnest endeavor to reach a satisfactory conclusion. Scholars such as Scheerer and
Saleeby have made significant contributions to clarifying the problem's solution. The
Philippine Commission enacted a measure in 1908 that established a Filipino language
institute and provided for the training of public school teachers there. As a result, the
Philippine Assembly asserted itself, expressing the then-widespread desire for a
Philippine common language. In an address to the Catholic Women's League in 1931,
the then Vice-Governor, Mr. Butte, ex-officio Secretary of Public Instruction, remarked
in part:
“If we may assume that ·one of the national objectives of the Philippines
will be to preserve the important native languages, as far as practicable,
the schools may contribute to the realization of this national objective
by abandoning English as the sole medium of instruction in elementary
schools (i.e., the first four grades of the primary school), substituting
therefore the nine native languages. “

Another attempt was made in 1932 to enact legislation requiring native languages to be
used as the medium of instruction in all public elementary and secondary schools. It was
a flop. Other attempts were made in the year 1934, in the form of proposed legislative
enactments, to have the Philippine Legislature adopt a national language. When the
Philippine Constitutional Convention met in 1934 and 1935 to adopt the Philippine
Constitution, the issue of a common language was not forgotten. Their fundamental law
includes the following precept:

“The National Assembly shall take steps toward the development

and adoption of a common national language based on one of the
existing native languages… (Sec. 3, Art. XIII).”

The Philippine National Assembly approved the measure on national language

during a special session on October 28, 1936, and the President of the Philippines
approved it on November 13, 1936, making Commonwealth Act No. 184.

The National Language Institute and the Adoption of Tagalog

The Institute of National Language is the primary agency in charge of developing
a common national Philippine language. On November 1, 1936, a law founded this
institute. It is made up of a director, seven members, and an executive secretary, each
of whom represents one of the Philippines' major language groups. (Commonwealth Act
No. 184, Sec. 1) The Institute of National Language has been tasked with studying each
major native language spoken by at least half a million people; collecting and organizing
symphonic and synonymous or not synonymous words or phrases, as well as non-
symphonic but synonymous words or phrases; and adopting a system of Philippine
phonetics and orthography; to research Philippine prefixes, interfixes, and suffixes; to
choose a native dialect to use as the foundation for development and adoption as the
Philippine national language, with the dialect chosen being the most developed in terms
of structure, mechanism, and literature, and accepted and used by the majority of
Filipinos. (Sec. 5)

In the comparison and selection of material for the enrichment of the national
vocabulary, the harmony and synonymy of words and phrases are important. The
misunderstanding among Filipino speakers and writers about the proper pronunciation
and spelling of words in their dialects demonstrates why the adoption of a clear system
of Philippine phonetics and orthography is an urgent necessity. The study of Philippine
linguistic particles will undoubtedly provide a valuable key to word etymology,
derivation, and creation, as well as a thorough comprehension of native verbs,
conjugations, and classifications, in order to incorporate them into the final national
language.

The law's criterion for selecting a dialect as the basis for a single national
language is based on the dialect's intrinsic and extrinsic worth as judged from a truly
practical standpoint. A dialect's inherent value, or its highest level of development in
structure, mechanism, and literature, makes it the best-prepared dialectal unity for
easier and more advanced progress and linguistic extension. And its intrinsic value, i.e.,
the fact that most native inhabitants embrace and use it, demonstrates its popularity
and ensures its universal acceptance and adoption as the Philippines' common national
language.

The Institute of National Language was required to complete and publish

linguistic studies of the major Filipino languages within a year of its inception. It was
required to announce which native tongue it had chosen as the foundation for the
national language immediately after publication of this book, and to suggest to the
President of the Philippines the adoption of the national language based on the tongue
chosen. The President of the Philippines was ordered to declare that language to be the
official language of the Philippines for the next two years.

The Institute was directed to publish a dictionary and grammar of the national
language no later than two years after this proclamation, and it was made the
President's duty to direct that the national language be used and taught in all public and
private schools in the Philippines, beginning on a day to be determined by him, in
accordance with the Institute's dictionary and grammar. The Institute of the National
Language was also given broad jurisdiction over the language used in government
publications and educational materials, as well as the ability to continue its linguistic
research indefinitely. The law also stipulates that special attention must be paid to
purifying and enriching the national language through the following process: to purify
the vocabulary, the Institute must protect the propriety of words and expressions by
removing unnecessary foreign words, phrases, or grammatical constructions. To
broaden the vocabulary, first turn to the Philippine dialects, then to Spanish and English
as needed, adopting from those words already familiar to the Philippine dialects (e.g.,
libro, lapiz, papel, sapatos, etc. from Spanish, and train, bus, radio, television, etc. from
English) and widely accepted from there. Classic languages, such as Greek and Latin,
should be used if it is necessary to generate new words, especially for scientific, artistic,
or technological purposes. Except for surnames of foreign origin and form used by
Filipinos, which should be retained in their regular spelling to avoid impeding personal
identification, such foreign words incorporated into the vocabulary should be submitted
to Philippine phonetics and orthography.

These are the main characteristics of the current national language law. The
Institute of National Language proposed to the President in November 1937 that the
Tagalog dialect be adopted as the Philippines' national language. The designation of
Tagalog as the Philippines' national language did not, however, change English's status
as the primary medium of instruction in Philippine schools. To the dissatisfaction of non-
Tagalog-speaking Filipino tribes, Tagalog is now taught as a necessary topic for all pupils
and students at all levels.

Factors in the Selection of Tagalog

The choice of Tagalog is a clear and fascinating example of how a language that
was once popular might eventually become a national language. The domination of this
chosen language and its extension over and above less important dialects, as well as
above the better language, English, can be explained by historical circumstances.
Tagalog's emergence parallels the rise of the East Midland dialect of English, which
eventually became Standard English in England. Tagalog, like the East Midland English
dialect, is spoken in an area in the middle of the country, between the extremes of
north and south. The importance of London as England's capital was by far the most
influential factor in the rise of Standard English. French was the dialect of Paris, France's
capital, whereas Spanish was the dialect of Castile, and so on.

Similarly, Tagalog is the dialect of Manila, the Philippines' capital. Filipinos from
the provinces go to Manila for a variety of reasons, including the excitement of city life,
the opportunity to work as workers or merchants, or to practice their vocations.
Manila's central geographic location at the crossroads of many communication and
transit routes works admirably as a meeting point for Filipinos from all corners of the
archipelago. In Manila, bus drivers, taxicab drivers, peddlers, and practically everyone
speaks Tagalog, therefore a visitor from the provinces must have at least a basic
understanding of the language in order to be understood. Manila is also the epicenter of
fashion, whether in terms of etiquette, attire, art, or literature. People are interested in
learning and speaking the language of fashionable culture, as well as the language of
their leaders, if it can appropriately represent their thoughts and emotions and is similar
to their native tongue.

Tagalog enjoys great advantages over the other major dialects in the Philippines
Of all the languages, it has the most journals, novels, and the most developed
literature. According to the numbers, the total circulation of all Tagalog publications was
168,219, while the total circulation of all other languages was 157,963. Tagalog is an
intermediate dialect among the Philippines' multiple languages, both linguistically and
geographically. Tagalog can be easily learnt by other cultures because it has numerous
vocabulary that are similar or common to those of the other languages. If an Ilokano
lives in a Tagalog province long enough to learn the dialect, he can speak it fluently and
spontaneously as if it were his native tongue after two years. Tagalog can be learned in a
shorter period of time by Bisayans. Hundreds of Filipinos in the United States who
couldn't speak Tagalog before leaving the islands have picked up the dialect through
their rare encounters with Tagalog-speakers.
It is well recognized that the dominance of one dialect over its competitors is
intimately linked to the speakers' economic and political power. The Northumbrian,
Saxon, Mercian, and Kentish dialects were the four main dialects in England at the time.
Professor Greenough and Dr. Kittredge, both of Harvard University, describe the battle
for supremacy among England's dialects as follows:

“The first dialect that could lay claim to literary precedence was the
Northumbrian (the language of Caedmon and the Venerable Bede), which, in
the eighth century, seemed in a fair way to set the standard for the English
tongue. But the fall of Northumbria from its political supremacy and the rise
of the southern kingdom of Wessex completely changed the situation.
Northumbrian sank once more to the position of a provincial dialect, and
under King Alfred, in the ninth century, the West Saxon dialect put in a
strong claim to be regarded as the literary language… From Xing Alfred to the
Battle of Hastings is about two hundred years. In this time literary English
(the West Saxon dialect) had made great strides and seemed far more likely
to become the universal speech of Englishmen than Northumbrian had
seemed three centuries before. If this development had not been violently
 interrupted, we should nowadays be speaking, in all probability, a language
very similar to the Dutch. It was interrupted, as everyone knows, by the
Norman Conquest. “

It has been said that teaching Tagalog will be just as tough as teaching English.
However, the two situations are vastly different. English is a completely foreign
language to Filipinos, but Tagalog is only a subset of the language that encompasses all
Filipino languages. They have a vast shared vocabulary and are closely linked in
phonology, form, and syntax. Geographical, economic, political, and social
considerations are all working in favor of Tagalog's dominance. However, if left to its
own devices, the natural process will take a long time, probably centuries, to achieve
the desired result, whereas the current of linguistic development could be substantially
hastened through law and education.

Ways and Means of Developing and Spreading Tagalog

According to Jespersen, the following variables contribute to the

establishment of a common national language:
1. Efficient communication which promotes mobility of population and ideas.
2. Intermarriages between people who talk different dialects.
3. Religious festivals and convention games which occasion great gatherings.
4. A well-developed literature of nation-wide fame.
5. Conscription of soldiers, which takes the youths of the land from one place to
another within the country.
6. Schools where students from various parts of the country intermingle.
7. Strong national government that can integrate the parts of the country.
8. The rise of great towns where industrial and commercial activities are
centralized.

All of the features described above are combined in Tagalog, the Manila dialect.
Manila is the Philippines' most populated metropolis, home to a highly centralized
government and institutions and colleges that attract students from all across the
archipelago. It is the nation's primary commercial distribution center, the fashion
dictator, and the site of national games, conventions, festivals, and carnivals. It's akin to
a "melting pot" in the Philippines, with a rising rate of marriages amongst people who
speak different dialects. Highways and waterways stretch out from Manila to the
provinces.
 Despite the fact that Tagalog has been designated as the Philippines' official
national language, it will take many years for it to mature as a common language
capable of meeting all advanced knowledge criteria. It is undeniable that a scientifically
prepared national language is desirable; however, it should be noted that the solution
to this problem, particularly in the Philippines at the moment, is largely attainable
through practical rather than scientific means, because Filipinos require something
more tangible than ideal. They urgently require a language of the highest quality, one
that is most scientific and excellent, but also one that is most generalized, one that can
be learned and understood by the greatest number of people, including those with the
greatest ignorance, a language that already has the most extensive literature and is not
limited to isolated groups and types of citizens.

Fortunately, the Tagalog language already possesses sufficient inherent features

and development potential to satisfy the demands of today's most advanced, critical,
and modern civilization. To accelerate its development, the Philippine government must
improve communication and transportation, print inexpensive Tagalog books and
newspapers in the interest of literary communication, use Tagalog in Filipino films, silent
or talking, and finally encourage and present Tagalog radio programs and drama to
supplement the compulsory teaching of Tagalog at all levels in Philippine schools.

President Quirino, speaking as a guest of honor at the National Language radio

event, stated that Tagalog will soon be utilized by all Filipinos in their discussions with
one another, dealings with the government, education and learning, business and
industry, and on all occasions. Invoking Rizal's statement that "language is the spirit of a
country," the Philippines' President said that "during this National Language Week, we
should make the following our motto: write and speak in the national language." "The
purpose of celebrating National Language Week, as provided for in our constitution,"
the President said in his radio address, "is to develop and propagate our national
language... I shall do the best I can and render all the assistance possible... of seeing our
country united, not only in purpose and feeling but also in tongue, may blossom forth
into beautiful reality."

The Language Issue

There was no explicit language policy implementation prior to the American
colonial period… During the Spanish rule, there was no carefully laid out plan to enact
and enforce a language policy in these times. Only during the American colonial period
were there discernible language planning activities. President William McKinley and
Secretary of War Elihu Root issued a decree stipulating the use of the mother tongue as
medium of instruction in primary education… While the teaching of English as the
medium of communication took off successfully, the teaching of the first language was
never realized. Lack of textbooks and the inadequacy of the mother tongue for scientific
discourse were cited among the reasons for the program’s failure. Moreover, Filipinos
wanted to learn English so badly at that time, seeing the opportunities it opened to hold
posts in government service.

Commonwealth Act No. 184, also known as the National Language Law, was
passed establishing the Language Institute as the agency for the propagation of the
national language. Its author was Norberto Romualdez Sr., a philologist and noted
playwright in Waray, who sat as one of the “seven wise men” of the Constitutional
Convention and chair of the committee on national language of the National Assembly…
On the 9th of November 1937, the Institute recommended Tagalog as the basis of the
national language. A month later, on the 30 th of December 1937, President Manuel L.
Quezon, who sat in the committee on style that provided the finishing touches on the
1935 Constitution, proclaimed Tagalog as the basis of the national language. This was in
faithful obedience to the 1935 Constitution that the national language should come
from one of the Philippines’ existing languages. By 1940, already with a grammar and a
dictionary in hand, the national language was taught in schools.

The Japanese occupation forces strengthened the hold of Tagalog as the national
language. Under the Japanese, these was necessary if the Philippines were to be
integrated into the East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, a movement charged with the
cultivation of Pan-Asian nationalism. Military Ordinance No. 13, issued on 24 July 1942,
affirmed that Tagalog and Japanese will be the official languages of the Philippines in the
future… The 1943 Constitution contains a directive to develop and propagate Tagalog as
the national language. From being merely the basis of the yet-to-be-formed national
language, Tagalog was now the national language… Tagalog was renamed Pilipino in
1959. This was “a further step,” writes Andrew Gonzalez… of supra-regionalizing and, in
effect, nationalizing what was once a regional vernacular or what was then a current
term, ‘dialect’”.

On 21 September 1972, a Constitutional Convention was called to draft what

would be the 1973 Constitution. It renewed the pursuit of a national language now to be
called Filipino, which would not be based on one but on all existing Philippine languages.
The 1973 Constitution had to a compromise because the non-Tagalogs felt the
“intellectual dishonesty of some people who insist that their pure and 100 percent
Tagalog is the national language”, Negros Occidental representative Inocencio V. Ferrer
declared. Majority of the delegates of the Constitutional Convention considered Filipino
nonexistent and Tagalog was being imposed on the rest of the country. During this
period of the Philippine language policy history, Bonifacio Sibayan remarks that Filipinos
have not been totally sold out to the idea of a national language because unlike the flag
and the national anthem, most of them already had a mother tongue that commanded
their loyalty.

After the 1986 EDSA Revolution, the Philippines went through a phase of
national reconstruction. Part of these efforts was the writing of a new constitution to be
later recognized as the 1986 Constitution. In this newly written law of the land, Filipino
is named the national language of the Philippines and mandated its development and
enrichment based on existing Philippine and other languages… regional languages were
to be auxiliary official languages of the regions and auxiliary media of instruction.
Surprisingly, Gonzalez observes, none of the heated language debates witnessed in 1935
and 1971-1972 were heard in Congress … This might be attributed to the nationalist
bonding of the time, following the assassination of Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino and
the subsequent flight of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos . Corazon “Cory” Aquino, Ninoy’s
widow took over Malacanang as duly elected President…

Throughout all these, the educational system constantly figured as an important

instrument in language planning and language policy implementation. The teaching of
Filipino in the 1940s, the Bilingual Education Policy of 1974, the Department of
Education’s 1957 to 1974 Vernacular Education Policy, and the Bilingual Education
Program of 1986 all attest to the school as the primary arm for language dissemination
and propagation. The most recent of this school-based initiative is Department Order
No. 74, s. 2009 of the Department of Education entitled “Institutionalizing Mother
Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE).” The order specifies the teaching of
the mother tongue in the first three levels of primary education towards students’
mastery of their first language and the gradual introduction of Filipino and English in the
levels thereafter. This was issued on the basis of researches that testify to the
effectiveness of the use of the mother tongue “in improving learning outcomes.” Two
bills have been passed, one by Representative Magtanggol Gunigundo, also known as
the Multilingual Education Bill, and another by Representative Eduardo Gullas called the
English Only Bill. Arguments continue to rage all over the country, whether or not
English or the mother tongue should be the medium of instruction in primary education
classrooms. What is worth noting in this moment of history is that from the failed
bilingual education scheme of the 1970s and ‘80s, efforts are now moving towards the
recognition of multilingualism and multilingual education in the Philippines.
References:

Alunan, Merlie M., “Tinalunay: Hinugpong nga Panurat nga Winaray,” University of the
Philippines Press, Quezon City (2017)

Barrows, David P., “A History of the Philippines,” World Book Company, New York, 1914.

Blumentritt, Ferdinand., “Philippine Races and Languages,” Philippine Printing Press, Manila
1910.

Constitution of the Philippine Commonwealth, Sec. 3, Art. XIII, November 1936.

Executive Order No. 263, April, 1940. In June, 1940, the Filipino national language was declared
by law to be the official language of the Philippines, effective July 4, 1946.

Jespersen, Otto., “Mankind, Nation, and Individual,” Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1925

Kroeber, Alfred Louis., “Peoples of the Philippines,” American Museum Press, New York, 1919.
224 pp.

Lefevre, Andre., “Race and Language,” D. Appleton and Company, New York, 1894. pp. 424

Lopez, Cecilio., “The Language Situation in the Philippine Islands,” The Institute of Pacific
Relations, Manila. 1938. 47 pp.

Mata, Vidal Serrano., “A Survey of the English Language in the Philippines and the Various
Filipino Dialects and the Development of Tagalog as a National Language” College of the
Pacific, Manila, 1950.