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International Journal of
Clinical and Experimental
Hypnosis
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The production of
antisocial behavior
through hypnosis: New
clinical data
a
Milton V. Kline
a
Institute for Research in Hypnosis and
Morton Prince Clinic for Hypnotherapy , New
York City
Published online: 31 Jan 2008.

To cite this article: Milton V. Kline (1972) The production of antisocial

behavior through hypnosis: New clinical data, International Journal of Clinical
and Experimental Hypnosis, 20:2, 80-94, DOI: 10.1080/00207147208409279

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 The Inlsmational Journal of Clinical and Eapsrimental Hypnosis
im, VOI. xx,NO. a. 00-94

THE PRODUCTION OF ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR

THROUGH HYPNOSIS: NEW CLINICAL DATA'
MILTON V. KLINE
Institute for Research in Hypnosis and Morton Prince Clinic for
Hypnotherapy, New York City
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Abstract: The role of hypnosis in relation to the production of anti-

social behavior is re-evaluated. Both specific psychodynamic factors
which play a role in creating conditions under which antisocial be-
havior is possible and the relationship of this kind of behavior to the
social context within which it takes place are examined. Particular
emphasis is placed on the personality of the hypnotist and the emer-
gent compliance of the patient. In this connection, clinical material is
presented from the current treatment of several patients who have
been involved in antisocial behavior in connection with the use of
hypnosis.
The literature dealing with the use of hypnosis in the production of
antisocial or criminal behavior has lead to divergent interpretations both
in the reporting of case material and in the design and interpretation of
laboratory experiments (Kline, 1958). The concept of antisocial or crim-
inal behavior is a rather narrow one and as such, does not adequately
deal with the main issue involved: the question of the degree to which
hypnosis can be used as a means not only of altering voluntary aspects
of motivated behavior but also of creating sufficient distortions in the
thinking process of an individual, which would permit behavior to be
organized in connection with the acting out of impulses and motives that
under other circumstances might not emerge.
The present paper is not intended to review the literature dealing with
the production of criminal or antisocial behavior, but attempts to re-
evaluate the hypnotic situation as it brings into focus the motives of the
hypnotist and the elucidated reactions of the subject and the degree to
which deception, involuntary motivation, and compliance can be en-
hanced by hypnosis to bring about transgression in relation t o moral be-
havior. There is, as noted by Orne (1961), no single experimental study
which is not vulnerable to serious criticism. In, most instances of actual
criminal behavior involving hypnosis, there is enough evidence to sug-
gest a degree of psychopathology in the hypnotist or a degree of readi-
Manuscript submitted October 22,1971.
'An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of thc
Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, Philadelphia, October, 1970.
80
 ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR: NEW CLINICAL DATA 81

ness to act upon repressed impulscs of a damaging, self-destructive, or

sadistic nature on the part of the subject. In reviewing both the experi-
mental and clinical literature, it would seem that the element most re-
sponsible for the effectiveness of hypnotic manipulations is t o be found
within the personality dynamics of both the hypnotist and the subject.
Some individuals appear more capable of using the hypnotic situation to
effect a role in which the willingness and readiness to dominate, control,
and manipulate another’s behavior is consistent with their own needs
and, as such, permits a more effective structuring of the situation.
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Brock (1969), in reviewing recent experiments conducted independ-

ently in several laboratories, has shown that individuals can be induced
to damage another person. In studying these subjects it was found that
they were subsequently more willing to comply to a simple request.
Interpretation of this transgression-compliance effect in terms of possi-
ble guilt has been discussed by Brock but was considered premature be-
cause guilt has imprecise conceptual status. An alternative explanation
was proposed in which it was assumed that an individual who has affected
the fate of another will do so again, if situationally appropriate, in order
to maintain social consistency within the self.
The laboratory evidence in recent years (Brock, 1969), apart from
the narrow limits of criminal behavior, has rather convincingly demon-
strated that under certain conditions transgressive behavior can be pro-
duced, and that transgression tends to produce compliance with con-
tinuing manipulative pressures. It is not unlikely that in the hypnotic
situations that produce or are related to antisocial behavior, minor
transgressions occur step-by-step in the induction, maintenance, and
direction of hypnotic behavior, and that with continued transgressive
behavior, compliance is more readily elicited.
Christie and Geis (1970), in their recent studies on Machiavellian-
ism, have cast some rather interesting experimental observations on
personality constructs that may play a role in the ability of one individ-
ual to manipulate another into acting in accordance with the design or
wishes of the manipulator, Since hypnotists have traditionally been
viewed in the social role of “operator,” and operator and manipulator
are not at times essentially synonymous, it may be quite applicable to
view the characteristics of a “manipulator” or “operator” in terms of
the personality characteristics which are present, rather than in con-
nection with hypnosis itself.
Christie (1970, pp. 3-4) hypothesized that the following character-
istics would appear to be important in relation to a manipulator per-
sonality and his effectiveness:
1. “A relative lack of affect in interpersonal relationships.”
 82 MILTON V. KLINE

2. “A lack of concern with conventional morality.”

3. “A lack of gross psychopathology.”
4. “Low ideological commitment.”
I n eventual studies a scale was devised for measuring Machiavellian
characteristics or tendencies so that individuals could be rated as High
Machs or Low Machs. The problems of interpersonal power would ap-
pear to be the central issue in connection with Machiavellian charac-
teristics and with manipulative behavior, both within a hypnotic frame-
work and outside such a context.
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A brief summary of some of the findings in the studies of Machiavel-

lianism may be of interest in terms of manipulation and its rclationship
to hypnotic interaction. There is considerable evidence that High Machs
have a generally unflattering opinion of others, reflecting a cynical view
of people in general. It is, however, as yet unclear whether this indicates
that High Machs actually are more hostile or whether they are less in-
hibited in recognizing and expressing it. High Machs reduced eye
contact with an interrogator relatively less than Low Maclis after being
implicated in cheating and less than Low Machs when neither was im-
plicated. High Machs looked the interrogator in the eye while denying
cheating more than Low Machs. It also appeared that high scorers on
the Machiavellian scales, apart from being skillful at interpersonal
manipulation, find the ability significantly more enjoyable than Low
Mach scorers.
It appears that High Machs lack the restraining ethical qualms of
Low Machs, are somewhat more practiced and skillful at manipulation
and clearly enjoy it more. It is also significant that Iligh Machs are in
themselves less suggestible than Low Maohs. I n summary, High Machs
experimentally manipulated their subjects more than Low Machs. I n a
study where the task was specifically to manipulate instructions in ad-
ministering tests, Highs exceeded Lows especially in devising innovative
manipulations which had not been suggested or demonstrated in pre-
ceding sessions. A most significant finding was that High Machs ap-
peared unresponsive to personal or ethical concerns of others. Rather,
they appeared to de-personalize the social interaction approach and de-
veloped, instead, a cognitive-probabilistic orientation. I n contrast, Low
Machs appear to personalize the situation and respond primarily from
an emotional-ethical orientation.
Other findings indicated that a primary difference between individ-
uals who scored higher and lower on the Mach scale is the high scorers’
greater emotional detachment. High Machs man,ipulate more, win more,
are persuaded less, and persuade others more. High Machs are markedly
less likely to become emotionally involved with other people on sensitive
 ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR: NEW CLINICAL DATA 83

issues and appear to be thick-skinned enough to withstand enticements

or the dangers of interpersonal involvements. High Machs initiate and
control the social structure of groups. They would tend to be aggressive,
relatively unconcerned with the feelings of others, and inclined to act in
accordance with their own fixed positions, which are not easily dislodged
by the opinions or influences of others.
Thus, it would seem the critical issue in attempting to evaluate the
production of any type of transgressive or antisocial behavior cannot be
vicwed within the construct of hypnosis alone, but within the personal-
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ity structure of the manipulator. It would follow that the manipulative

personality, that is the successful manipulative personality, could and
would make better use of hypnosis or any other social encountering
situation in order to effectively alter, maneuver, and shape the behavior
of others, The manipulator, by personality, is more skillful and capa-
ble of effecting a role-relationship in which he is less affected by the
emotional responses or needs of others and acts primarily in keeping
with his own self-detached, cognitively-directed, somewhat rigidly
fixed, attitudinal position. As such, he shields himself off from an af-
fective response to his subject, is less likely to be concerned with sensi-
tive issues of feelings, or ethics, particularly when he is capable of
rationalizing immediate personalized objectives or goals in relation to
what is going on.
We might hypothesize that the effective manipulative personality is
one who has a relative lack of affective interpersonal relationships, uti-
lizes his own capacity to dominate and persuade others to do what he
wishes them to do, and tends to view other individuals as objects to be
manipulated rather than as individuals with whom one has some iden-
tification. He probably indentifies little with the points of view of others,
considering his own point of view to be vastly superior, and, as such,
develops little empathy. It is hypothesized that the effective hypnotist-
manipulator is one who uses the hypnotic sit,uation as an object inter-
action situation and in this thinking tends to view the subject as a
passive, pliable, not highly esteemed object whom he considers t o be
apart from and different than himself, and whom he probably uncon-
sciously, if not consciously, puts down.
It is not unlikely that hypnotist-therapists who effectively use manip-
ulative devices as their main therapeutic strategy look upon “sick” or
“neurotic” patients as being of lesser value than themselves, as individ-
uals with whom they have little in common and with whom they do not
empathize. As such, they feel detached and frce to use all of their ma-
nipulative abilities as they would against an object rather than against
a person and are, therefore, capable of acting with a lack of concern in
 84 MILTON V. KLINE

relation to conventional behavior morality and are not caught up in

ideological commitment. Such individuals may constitute good or ef-
fective hypnotists, not necessarily effective therapists, although it would
be interesting to evaluate how effective they may be in terms of behav-
ior changes or symptomatic alterations that are largely based upon the
need to dislodge symptoms.
It may be hypothesized that a careful analysis of those situations,
both in the laboratory and real life, in which hypnosis or similar ma-
nipulative devices have been used to bring about self-damaging or anti-
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social behavior would show that they have beeen most effective with
individuals who were exposed to operators or manipulators who had
high Mach characteristics. Within such a context, the degree to which
perception can be altered through cognitive and affective input is prob-
ably much greater than in a relationship in which the hypnotist-manip-
ulator is genuinely perceptive and concerned with the feelings of his
subject.
It is clear that individuals and groups can induce other individuals
and groups to act in accordance with pre-established ideas and attitudes
if they can persuade them that in doing so they will act in a manner that
is in accordance with the manipulator’s wishes and ideology, both of
whi,ch become acceptable to the subject being manipulated. The hyp-
notic situation lends itself very well to such interactions because of
transference phenomena, the emergence of regressive or primary-process
aspects of thinking, and the general atavistic characteristics which are
to be found in the organization of hypnotic behavior.
The case illustrations discussed below represent clinical situations in
which hypnosis has been utilized as a device for effectively altering the
perceptual patterns of an individual and bringing about behavioral re-
sponses which have been damaging or antisocial within a broadly de-
fined psychological context. It is not unlikely that such manipulative
behavior could also be accomplished without the use of hypnosis, but in
these instances hypnosis was utiliaed, and in keeping with the issues
focused upon in this paper it is clear that hypnosis in the hands of a
skilled manipulator-personality can lead to antisocial, criminal, or self-
damaging transgressive behavior with some individuals under those
circumstances where compliance is increased beyond that which might
voluntarily exist.
The production of transgressive behavior within a personal-social
context can be enhanced by hypnosis as well as by other motivational
or perceptually altering devices. There are certain factors which appear
significant in connection with the effective utilization of hypnosis in this
respect. One is the personality of the hypnotist, his commitment to the
 ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR : NEW CLINICAL DATA 85

goal involved without emotional ambivalence and perhaps without

question, and a degree of confidence in his ability to organize and direct
the type of behavior desired. Second is the subject’s ability to be readily
and easily hypnotized within a relationship that is designed to promote
transgressive behavior. Third is the intensity and frequency of the uti-
lization of hypnosis. Thus, the relationship between hypnotist and sub-
ject may incorporate strong transference feelings and the activation of
a tie to the hypnotist that represents the revivification of a neurotically
desired, dependent, compliant, and erotically satisfying relationship.
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These have been the elements noted in clincal illustrations of trans-

gressive behavior which are reported here.
CASEMATERIAL
Case 1
A 56-year-old physician was seen in therapy because of mounting
concern and anxiety in relation to his own utilization of hypnosis and
the hypnotic relationship to manipulate patients sexually. He had been
doing this for some years, and when first seen was concerned only over
the fact that in a number of instances there had been serious complica-
tions when others found out about the relationships. His seeking help in
this connection was not out of a sense of guilt or ethical concern, but
rather a desire to avoid this type of compulsive behavior which was
threatening him with exposure, malpractice suits, and embarrassment.
The selection of women for this type of involvement did not at first
necessarily reflect any unusual interest in the patient, but this physician,
without any real indication of need, would nevertheless introduce hyp-
nosis into the treatment situation. He would use it repeatedly and ex-
tensively primarily to develop a close, dependent, and, at first, very
supportive and reassuring hypnotic relationship. He would carefully
and skillfully begin to introduce suggestions that would involve strongly
erotic sexual arousal for the patient, and suggest dreams incorporating
these feelings. Gradually, he would introduce himself into the dreams
within a process that frequently would take from two to three months,
and instill a strong desire for the patient to act out her sexual feelings
and obtain the satisfaction of the dream in reality. He was not success-
ful in all instances, and usually did not proceed until the patient’s own
reactions to the induced dreams, feelings, and emerging behavior indi-
cated a readiness to accept a sexual involvement with him. He was most
desirous of effecting relationships emphasizing fellatio and a number of
variations of this particular technique. From the physician’s descrip-
tion, hypnosis would spontaneously develop throughout the course of
his relationship with his own patient, and cue words would be used to
 86 MILTON V. HLINE

bring about erotic stimulation, recall of feelings within the induced

dreams, and the posthypnotic suggestions for affecting the same feelings
outside of the dreams.
In one instance, he finally persuaded a 23-year-old married patient
to take an unpaid position in his ofice, with whom he then had daily
sexual involvements. This particular case became one of the reasons for
his seeking therapy, since the young woman began talking in her sleep
and dwcribing with a certain amount of both pleasure and conf3ict about
the daily sexual involvement which she seemed on the one hand grat-
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ified by, but on the other hand confused by. She was disturbed about
why she was in the office and what her purposes were, as well as what
really was happening. The confusion became more marked during her
periods of sleep that resulted in the sleeptalking. Her husband made a
tape recording of some of the sleep talk and, in discussing this with her
and in playing it back, became fully aware of what seemed to be in-
volved.
This was only one of several situations which this physician carefully
developed over a period of years. He indicated that, in a number of
instances, patients whom he had selected would become quite disturbed
and he would have to see them in connection with this issue. They were
not always passively compliant about this kind of involvement, and
it seemed that they would not have accepted the sexual relationship
with him without the enforced effect of the hypnotic relationship and
the reinforced suggestions which were frequently given. In a few in-
stances, he had referred patients to a psychiatric colleague for treat-
ment because of their acute conflict over their compliant sexual involve-
ment. I n one case, a suicidal attempt was of sufficiently serious nature to
require his obtaining emergency hospitalization for the patient.
Throughout his description of thcse various cases at no time was there
expressed any degree of guilt but only concern for the exposure that
could result from the complications of these relationships.
His seeking therapy was not designed to explore or accept the explo-
ration of his motives for his behavior, but rather to obtain a magical re-
duction of the compulsive need to develop such relationships. Only
when this request was denied and the serious implications of these acts
emphasized did he accept therapy on terms other than his own. He was,
on the surface, an outgoing, friendly, verbal man who seemed to express
great interest in others and concern with their needs and feelings. In
effect, he was primarily concerned with their acceptance of him. In
his desire to impress, he would do many things which could easily be
interpreted as being most thoughtful, generous, and patient-concerned.
In reality, there was no genuine affect felt in relation to most of his
 ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR: NEW CLINICAL DATA 87

patients, and he would see them only as objects to enhance his own ego,
either through therapeutic accomplishments or the effective manipula-
tion of their behavior in keeping with his own values and judgments. He
encouraged dependency, made himself available at all times in a me-
chanical though not realistic sense, and in every respect ,ctreated an
image of an all-powerful, benevolent, all-giving person. He was an
effective hypnotist, primarily due to the characteristics already de-
scribed and his aggressive, yet seemingly protective, attitude. He always
appeared completely in control of himself and external signs of gross
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psychopathology were certainly lacking in terms of every aspect of his

personal, professional, and social life. Hypnosis in this instance was a
most effective tool to enhance sexually transgressive behavior without
the fully voluntary wishes of the participant, but it did build upon the
unconscious needs of the individuals involved for a neurotically-based
relationship which would, in effect, permit the achieving of those feel-
ings commonly encountered in full-blown transference reactions. With-
out the carefully developed relationship, without the interne personal
interest, and without the personality characteristics of being able to
deal effectively in an object-person relationship, neither hypnosis nor
any other approach might have been as effective as those elements which
were so carefully blended in this situation. Thus, not hypnosis alone, but
the contextual development of manipulative elements which permitted
the increasing development of a regressive hypnotic relationship led
directly to behavior which, upon careful examination, was transgressive.
The patients involved had much conflict about it, some of which began
to express itself strongly after a reasonably short period of time. Never-
theless, the continued involvement in the relationship led to increased
compliance which, for the greater part, tended to mask over the con-
flict for a period of time.
Psychotherapy with this physician was not able to explore some of
the characterological problems which were much in evidence, but as the
supportive aspects of treatment gave rise to diminished anxiety, the pa-
tient was willing to accept some exploration of motives and values. A
positive transference relationship evolved relatively rapidly, and with-
in the first few months of treatment the emphasis increasingly became
focused upon the self-defeating elements involved in the behavior
which had precipitated therapy. For the first time, the patient was able
to evidence an awareness of his own deep rooted dislike for aspects of
the self. His need for attention, recognition, and power were more
openly acknowledged and viewed in a context which permitted critical
assessment of the low esteem in which he held others and of the rela-
tionship to his own feelings of worthlessness. Working through some
 88 MILTON V. KLINE

of this material initially produced a depressive reaction and as it began

to subside, a somewhat more realistic evaluation of the patient’s life
style, personal goals, and ultimate satisfactions which might be more
obtainable without the exploitation of others. Certain changes were
made in his professional life, including a switch from full time treat-
ment practice to a modified teaching and treatment practice, and after
eight months therapy was terminated. From time to time there has
been contact, sometimes on a professional level, sometimes simply in
terms of an informal follow up. There has been no further involvement
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with patients reported, and, in the most recent contact, the patient him-
self indicated that he no longer would be utilizing hypnosis in connec-
tion with any phase of patient management.
Case 2
A 26-year-old graduate student in psychology sought treatment be-
cause of his own emergent conflict in connection with homosexual
assaults on young children. The patient, during some four years of
analysis, had explored his own homosexual personality and seemingly
had come to accept it. During the years of his analysis and afterwards,
unknown to his analyst, he had acquired skill in hypnotizing and, at
the time when he was seen, was, by his own statement and description,
an effective hypnotist. In discussing the matter with the patient, it
seemed readily apparent that this was not boastfulness, but a reason-
ably objective description of a young man who had done a great deal
of reading in hypnosis, had managed to obtain training by a competent
lay hypnotist, and was, in effect,a skilled inducer of hypnosis.
Again, as in the first case, he was seeking therapy not because of
emergent guilt, but because of conflict over emergent exposure. He had
developed a practice of inserting ads in various newspapers indicating
his availability as a babysitter. When parents would respond to his ad,
he would indicate availability only when there was a young boy, under
the age of ten, involved. The practice, generally, was to develop a
warm relationship with the youngster. This young man was charming,
friendly, bright, and capable of entering into and utilizing the imagina-
tion of most youngsters. Only after being liked by the youngster and
having made an increasing impression upon him as a somewhat magical
figure based on the many tohingsthat he could do (he was ingenious in
developing areas of imaginative interest) , would he begin gradually t o
involve the youngster in hypnotic experiences. He would start first by
having the boy think of television programs that he liked and involved
him in the television programs; and then used this imagery as a means
for inducing increasingly deeper states of hypnosis. Eventually, during
 ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR: NEW CLINICAL DATA 89
the hypnotic states he would begin to test for depth, and only when he
had ascertained that he could in effect produce amnesia did he proceed,
within the confines of the hypnosis, to involve the youngster in oral
sexual relations, and at times anal penetration of the child involved.
The procedure would always take place within hypnosis and would, by
verbal suggestion,be disguised as another kind of experience.
The immediate cause of seeking help was, again, the awareness that
this was a compulsive drive which he wished to be free of at the moment
because of the threat of exposure. A youngster with whom he had been
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very successful had become extremely disturbed, the parents had sought
psychiatric help. The child, an eight-year-old boy, had recalled most of
the sexual details, and criminal prosecution was a very distinct pos-
sibility.
This young graduate student was highly regarded in the university,
had excellent academic qualifications, was socially liked, and, apart
from his homosexuality which he seemed to have accepted, free of ob-
vious gross psychopathology. He was a leader recognized by both fel-
low students and faculty and, apart from this one issue and its im-
mediate threat to his long term career, seemed to be a self-sufficient,
relatively unbothered individual. Again, this was a personality with
great egocentricity, seeing people as objects rather than people, but
with the effective capacity for convincing them, apart from hypnosis,
that he was genuinely interested in them, and indeed very effective in
beginning initial relationships. Extremely verbal and animated, he could
create a facade of closeness and warmth which is quite unusual. I n fact,
the warmth and closeness were actually performances in connection
with his own way of seeing others as being less talented and less shrewd
than himself. He thought he could very easily fool everybody and
manipulate lesser beings into seeing him as a most charming talented
and brilliant figure. It must be emphasized that this young man could
very effectively maneuver and manipulate others without hypnosis and
could, indeed, achieve many of his desired goals without hypnotic in-
volvement at all. However, in his hands hypnosis became an effective
adjunctive device for more rapidly creating the kind of sexual manipu-
lation he desired, altering the perception of the subject involved so as
to shield and protect himself from possible exposure. That hypnosis
played a role in the production of the transgressive behavior was indeed
clear.
Treatment with this patient was extremely difficult since, for the
greater part, he would engage the therapist in clinical dialogues and at-
tempted very often to deal with the treatment situation as if it were an
academic discussion with a colleague. Evasiveness through the use of
 90 MILTON V. KLINE

excessive rationalizing and intellectual display of knowledgeability,

articulateness, and the capacity for verbal manipulation, all made for
a relatively unproductive treatment situation. Initially, as in the first
case, support was required and was readily accepted. Some attempts a t
directing and redefining values and personal goals was given lip service,
but never really incorporated into any aspect of the self. Appointments
frequently were cancelled, and often the patient came toward the end
of the hour. After some twenty sessions, the patient indicated that he
was leaving the university, transferring somewhere else in the United
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States, and terminated treatment. Attempts at further contact have

been unsuccessful, although from time to time letters from various parts
of the country are received indicating that new lines of intellectual
interest were being pursued. No mention of the difficulties which had
precipitated treatment have ever been reported. It would appear that
no changes really have taken place and that in one manner or another
the same pattern of behavior originally described continues to operate.

Case 3
A 36-year-old gynecologist sought therapy in connection with acute
panic and guilt in relation to his inappropriate use of hypnosis. This
case is somewhat different than the others though the underlying princi-
ples may in many ways be the same. This man utilized hypnosis as part
of his medical practice and particularly in connection with the treat-
ment of obesity in women. As such, he would hypnotize women in
groups as well as individually, and had gained the reputation of being
very effective in weight control due to his extraordinary skill as a
hypnotist. He described to me the fact that he used relatively simple
but direct suggestions which involved commands not to eat anything
except those foods on the diet that he himself had prescribed. He pro-
hibited eating between meals or after meals and insisted upon complete
compliance through the use of persuasive and benevolently dominating
approaches. He brought some tape recordings that illustrated his
methods, to which I listened. He usually had several sessions with each
individual patient prior to group involvement and developed in a num-
ber of instances rather deep states of hypnosis, many with levels close
to somnambulism. He preferred not to work in connection with hypno-
therapy and weight problems with any patient who was not an excellent
hypnotic subject. Unless some degree of amnesia was present, he would
exclude patients from hypnotherapy in this respect, although he might
attempt to help them in terms of weight control on another basis.
I n discussion, it became clear that he achieved gratification out of the
 ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR : NEW CLINICAL DATA 91
hypnotic induction experience, particularly in being able to achieve
deep states. He felt powerful when he could manipulate an individual’s
memory and perception and achieve compliance in their behavior upon
direction. He felt he was doing them a great service, while also ex-
periencing a sense of omnipotence. He gained little or none of this in
attempting to use hypnosis as a therapeutic procedure with those pa-
tients who could achieve only light hypnotic states. As such, it was a
highly selected patient population (much like a highly selected experi-
mental population) for this particular therapeutic endeavor.
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I n one instance which led to his seeking therapy, he described a 27-

year-old woman who, while a somnambulist, did not effectively carry
out his suggestions in connection with dietary control. When instructed
not to eat between meals, she had rather perversely begun to eat more
than ever before between meals and did not follow the diet he prescribed.
He had seen her only six times, but became quite infuriated with her
perverse behavior, and failed to see within this manifestation the very
nature of the patient’s psychological problems. He did not wish to deal
with these issues or make appropriate arrangements for someone else
to deal with them. He explained to her that, since she would come into
his office and describe the fact that she had done just the opposite of
what he requested or at the very best had not complied with his in-
structions and seemed unconcerned about this, he was displeased and
felt that the only way she would be able to do this was if she could
experience some anxiety about not complying. He indicated that she was
not aware that her refusal to comply with the therapeutic instructions
was the result of a lack of feeling on her part and that what was neces-
sary was for her to be able to become aware of feeling. Following this,
in an individual hypnotic session he suggested to her that if she did not
follow the prescribed instructions in connection with not eating between
meals for the entire week and follow his dietary prescription to the
letter, she would be overwhelmed by a strong impulse to kill her pet
poodle dog, whom she had described with great affection.
The patient left this particular session which was in the evening, went
home, and apparently consumed one quart of ice cream. This was fol-
lowed by what was later reported as an acute panic state, during which
she smothered her pet dog, and upon realizing that he was dead, drank
a bottle of iodine and slashed her wrists. Her screaming and generally
agitated behavior had aroused the neighbors, the police were called, and
the patient was rushed to a city hospital. Her life was saved by
emergency medical assistance. She was adjudged at that time to be
psychotic and assigned to the psychiatric service. She eventually was
 92 MILTON V. KLINE

sent to a state hospital for a period of three months and then dis-
charged into after-care therapy. The diagnosis was paranoid schizo-
phrenia.2
My patient was overwhelmed with what he had produced since, in
effect, he said he did not wish to achieve the destruction of the dog, but
rather wanted only to make his patient aware that if she did not comply
with the hypnotic suggestions that were designed to benefit her, she
would have to cope with anxiety. He failed to take into account the
underlying personality dynamics of this young woman and the possible
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consequences of this induced conflict.

Again, we have a hypnotist with an object view of human beings,
socially aggressive and cognitively oriented, a personality who has
succeeded in defining to others the way things are and the way they
should be. He expects compliance, and both initiates and structures
control of specific definitions.
This patient, in contradistinction to the first two presented, was able
to acknowledge his own sense of weakness, inadequacy, and great need
for “love” from all with whom he had any intensive contact. His sense
of guilt was great and became the working basis for what was even-
tually relatively successful psychotherapy. Power needs were explored
and understood in relation to his own personal scnse of dissatisfaction
with his role in relation to others, both as a child and as an adult in his
professional practice of medicine. I n fantasy he always wished to be
other than what he was and fantasy usually assumed proportions of
omnipotence, perfection, and a kind of self-righteousness within which
his own thinking and personal opinions were above reproach. Vicarious
satisfactions which he gained from attempting to manipulate the lives
and the feelings of other people were recognized as the most important
strivings within himself and had become so obsessive that they tended
to dominate his personal and professional life. Through participation
in group analysis as well as individual therapy, he began to recognize,
and to some degree accept both the reality and the value of “humanity”
in behavior. When, in the group situation, he was confronted with the
fact that he really disliked all people but at the same time could experi-
ence the feelings of warmth and acceptance by some members of the
group, he was for the first time in his life reduced to tears. The group
experience, more than any other phase of therapy, which went on for
almost one year, produced rather significant changes both in self-atti-
tude and in the appraisal of others. For some time after the termination
*The writer had the opportunity to examine this woman some years later, and
concluded that the “paranoid schizophrenia” wm a psychotic episode in a b.sicdly
neurotic personality.
 ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIOR : NEW CLINICAL DATA 93
of therapy, there was no indication of any continuing difficulties) and
then, for approximately five years, no further contact was made; the
last information concerning this mail was an obituary notice of his death
due to a coronary thrombosis.
As in all other areas of hypnosis research, the distinction between
laboratory and clinical investigations constitutes a significant point of
departure for varying observations and interpretations. In an earlier
experimental investigation of the role of hypnosis in facilitating anti-
social behavior) the author (Kline, 1958) anticipated the issues and
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concepts presented in this paper and attempted to design a laboratory

study which might take into account some of the psychodynamic ele-
ments present in clinical or actual life involvements. Working in col-
laboration with local law enforcement officers) a seemingly public set-
ting was, for purposes of the experiment) sealed off from all but the
participants of the investigation, and attempts to induce indecent ex-
posure as an antisocial act in a “public setting” was undertaken. The
details of that study are less significant than the results, which indicated
that some investigators could produce the “antisocial” behavior) while
others could not. The hypnotists’ attitude toward the experiment and
their emotional involvement appeared to be the distinctive factors in
facilitating or inhibiting the production of the antisocial behavior.
Hypnosis was a positive factor in the elucidation of the experimental
behavior) but only in conjunction with the experimenter’s attitude) the
nature of the hypnotic relationship in particular, and the frequency
as well as the duration of the hypnotic relationship. (For the detailed
protocol of that investigation, the reader should refer to the original
study [Kline, 19581.)
In the light of the previously reported clinical data and with reference
to the older experimental study, it would seem evident that the hypnotic
relationship can be a potent device in the production of antisocial be-
havior. As in other aspects of hypnotic behavior) the central issue ap-
pears to be the nature, intensity, and dimension of the hypnotic relation-
ship, rather than the singular aspect of the induced hypnotic state.
The hypnotic relationship as a complex psychological experience
transcends hypnotic induction and the hypnotic state per se and ap-
pears to be the significant factor in the organization of emergent be-
havior through hypnosis. In the clinical-therapeutic utilization of
hypnosis, this has clearly been recognized; further research into the
experiential process contingent with the hypnotic state is more likely
to reveal the dynamics of hypnotically induced behavior than is the
isolation of descriptive variables co-existent with simplistic behavioral
reactions.
 94 MILTON V. KLINE

REFERENCES
BROCK,T. C. On interpreting the effects of transgression upon compliance. Psychol.
Bull., 1969,72,138-145.
CHIUSTIE, R. Why Machiavelli? In R. Christie, I% F. L. Geis (Eds.), Studies in
Machiavellianism. New York: Academic Press, 1970. Pp. 1-9.
CHIUSTIE, R., & Gms, F. L. (Eds.) Studies in Machiawellianism. New York:
Academic Press, 1970.
KLINEI,M. V. The dynamics of hypnotically induced antisocial behavior. J .
Psychol., 1958,4b, 239-245.
ORNE,M. T. The potential uses of hypnosis in interrogation. In A. D. Biderman, &
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H. Zimmer (Eds.), The manipulation of human behavior. New York: Wiley,

1961.Pp. 169-216.

Das Erscheinen eines antisozialen Verhaltens dureh

Hypnose: Neue klinische Ergebnisse

Milton V. Kline
Abstrakt: Die Rolle der Hypnose in Beziehung zu dem Erscheinen eines
antisozialen Verhaltens ist nochmals ausgewertet. Die beiden spezifisch
psychodynamischen Faktoren, die eine Rolle im Erstehen von Bedingun-
gen spielen, under denen ein antisoziales Verhalten mSglich ist, sowie
die Beziehung, die diese A r t des Verhaltens zum sozialen Kontext, in
dem es auftritt , hat, werden untersucht. Besonderes Gewieht wird auf
die Persiinlichkeit des Hypnotiseurs sowie die in Erscheinung tretende
Unterwiirfigkeit des Patienten gelegt. In diesem Zusammenhang wird
klinisches Material dargeboten, das sich aus der gegenwiirtigen Behand-
lung von mehreren Patienten, die ein antisoziales Verhalten in Verbin-
dung mit dem Gebrauch von Hypnose zeigten, ergab.

Nuevos Datos Clfnicos Sobre la Produccidn de

Conducta Antisocial por Hipnosis

Milton V. Kline
Resumen: Se intenta una reevaluacih de la produccidn de conducta anti-
social por medio de la hipnosis. Se examinan, por una parte, ciertos fac-
tores psicodinhicos especificos que desempeaarian un rol posible en tal
conducta, y, por otra, las relaciones de la conducta antisocial dentro del
context0 en el cual se lleva a cabo. Se destacan principalmente en este
estudio la personalidad del hipnotista y la complacencia emergente del
sujeto. En relacidn con lo anterior se refieren casos elfnicos que se vieron
envueltos en conductas antisociales por el us0 de la hipnosis.