Vocal Pitch-Intensity Relationships in Cleft

Palate Speakers

DONALD L. RAMPP, Ph.D.

Memphis, Tennessee
DONALD T. COUNIHAN, Ph.D.
Oklahoma City, Oklahoma

Speech clinicians have long speculated that at least part of the voice
quality disturbance of cleft palate speakers is related to faulty phonation
(20, 34, 12). In addition to breathiness (20), vocal roughness (1, 838, 21)
has been described as part of cleft palate voice quality. These phonatory
deviations have been ascribed variously to chronic inflammation and hy-
perplasia of the vocal folds (1), habitual use of the vocal folds as an
articulator (27), improper phonatory habits (34, 21), and the spread of
tension to the pharyngeal and laryngeal muscles during glottal articula-
tion (1). Some clinicians have noted that a lower than average vocal pitch
level 1s associated with nasalization (26, $5). Others have recommended
raising (12, 10, 35) or lowering ($88, 11) habitual pitch as a way of reduc-
ing the perception of nasal quality.
There are reasons, apart from clinical comment, to believe that cleft
palate speakers might employ habitual vocal pitch levels that differ from
those seen in normals. One outcome of coupling the nasal to the vocal tract
is an increased absorption of acoustic energy (14, 8, 4). It might be as-
sumed, therefore, that the cleft palate person with poor velar closure is
placed in the position of having to generate greater acoustic energy at the
laryngeal source than the person with a complete velar seal to achieve the
same level of speech intensity. Curtis (4) has speculated that speakers
with incompetent vela must develop an increased sub-glottic pressure to
offset the energy loss imposed by excessive nasal-tract coupling. Because
abnormally high pressures must be developed by these speakers at all
intensities, he suggests, their vocal pitch might be expected to be higher
than average at all intensities.
In spite of the fact that vocal pitch differences between normal and
cleft palate speakers have been speculated about for some time, data based
on direct comparison of normal and cleft palate groups are secant. Dickson
(5), as part of a study of spectrum differences associated with nasal
speech, measured the fundamental vocal frequency of vowels produced by
This research was supported in part by Public Health Service Research Grant No.
NB 04215-04 from the National Institute of Neurological Diseases and Blindness. The
writers also wish to acknowledge the services received from the Computer Facility at
the University of Oklahoma Medical Center.
846
 PITCH AND INTENSITY 847

adult male normal, functionally-nasal, and cleft palate speakers. The

speech sample consisted of the vowels /i/ and /u/ in bt contexts. All
samples were produced at a uniform level found comfortable for the nor-
mal subjects. He reports that his most-nasal subjects tended to display
higher mean fundamental frequencies than his least-nasal subjects. Flint
(9) compared the mean fundamental vocal frequency of isolated sustained
vowels produced by a sample of adult male and female cleft palate sub-
jects with that of normal subjects matched to them in age and sex. Vowels
were produced at a uniform level (75 dB SPL). Flint did not find evidence
of higher fundamental vocal frequency for her cleft palate group. Means
for her female cleft palate subjects were significantly lower than those for
the normal females, with intergroup differences being greatest for the
vowels /i/ and /u/. Intergroup differences for male subjects were not
significant. Recently, Tarlow and Saxman (81) compared the mean funda-
mental vocal frequency of groups of male and female normal and cleft
palate children between the ages of 7 and 9 years during reading of a
standard prose passage at a level comfortable for each subject. No signifi-
cant differences between groups were found.
From this review, it is apparent that disparate findings exist concerning
fundamental vocal frequency differences between cleft palate and normal
speakers. In light of the need for additional data, the present study was
undertaken.

Method

SuBrircts. Twenty cleft palate persons, ten male and ten female, and
twenty normal speakers matched to them in age and sex served as subjects.
Subjects ranged in age from 15 to 53 years; the mean age was 26.4 years.
Oral breath-pressure ratios were obtained for all cleft palate subjects using
an oral manometer with bleed valve (Hunter, Model 360), following the
procedure described by Spriestersbach and Powers (29). The mean
manometric ratio obtained was .61, with a standard deviation of .13. No
subject achieved a ratio greater than .75. While use of the manometric
ratio as an index of velar competency is open to question (28, 23), ratios
such as those obtained above are typical of subjects with some degree of
velopharyngeal patency (238). Each subject was required to have sufficient
intelligence to perform the experimental task. All subjects had essentially
normal hearing in the speech range in at least one ear.
Spero SampL®. The speech sample employed in this study consisted of
four vowels, /i/, /u/, /ae/ and /ay/, each sustained in isolation for four
seconds. These vowels were chosen because they differ in degree of velar
valving associated with production (22), relative acoustic power (7),
fundamental vocal frequency (2), and tongue height during production
(6). The use of these vowels was dictated by the finding (14, 8) that they
are not equally sensitive to nasal-tract coupling effects. Each vowel was
848 Rampp and Counithan

produced at each of four intensity levels: 70, 75, 80, and 85 dB SPL at a
mouth-to-microphone distance of eight inches.
Apraratus. The apparatus used in this study included: (a) a signal-
system to guide the subject in the experimental task; (b) an audio-record-
ing system; (c) a fundamental-frequency-analyzing system; and (d) an
intensity-analyzing system.
Signal System: The system consisted of a cam timer which, when acti-
vated by the experimenter, illuminated one of two lights in the test room.
The system was so designed that an amber light flashed for a one-second
period followed immediately by a red light that flashed for a four-second
period.
Recording System : To record the vowel samples, a half-inch condenser
microphone (B and K 4134) with its cathode-follower (B and K 2615), a
microphone amplifier (B and K 2603), and a magnetic tape recorder
(Ampex 351 C) were used.
Fundamental Frequency Analysis: Instrumentation used to determine
vowel fundamentals consisted of: (a) a filter-network employing two
variable electronic filters (Spencer-Kennedy, 300); (b) a cathode-ray
oscilloscope (Tektronix, 532) ; and (c) a counter-timer (Transistor Speci-
alties, 361).
Intensity Monitoring and Analysis: The condenser-microphone comple-
ment and microphone amplifier, described above, functioned as a sound-
level meter with an RMS response characteristic.
This system was used to monitor the intensity of vowels during data
collection. A graphic-level recorder (B and K 2304) was used to verify the
intensity of the recorded vowel samples. A chart paper speed of 30 mm/
second and a stylus writing speed of 200 mm/second were used.
Calibration of each of the four systems was undertaken at the start and
end of data collection and periodically throughout the experiment.

Procedure
All recording was done in a two-room, sound-treated test suite with a
low ambient noise level. Prior to recording, each subject was given prac-
tice in the experimental task. This task required the subject to maintain a
predetermined needle-deflection on the dial of a sound level meter over
the four seconds of vowel production at each of four intensities.
Each subject was seated in an examining-chair, the head-rest of which
was adjusted to maintain a comfortable and stable position. The micro-
phone was mounted on a horizontal bar and placed a uniform distance
from the lips. The equipment was arranged in the test-roomso that the
subject could readily see the sound pressure level meter, the signal lights,
and cards denoting the vowel sample. The signal lights cued the subject
when to initiate and terminate phonation. A one-second amber light told
the subject to prepare to phonate; a four second red light signaled the
duration of phonation. During recording, every attempt was made to as-
 PITCH AND INTENSITY $40

sure that the subject matched the reference intensity. Failure to do so

resulted in the trial being repeated. As many as 12 trials were required for
some vowel-intensity combinations before an acceptable production was
obtained. To avoid possible order effects during data-collection, the sched-
ule of vowels and intensity levels was randomized for each subject. No
instructions were given the subject concerning vocal pitch.
Analysis of Fundamental Frequency. The method used to determine
fundamental frequency in this study permitted an immediate digital read-
out of the fundamental of each subject's tape-recorded vowel samples. The
recorded vowel signals were led through a filter-network to a counter-
timer. The filter-network was made up of two variable electronic filters
arranged in series to provide a 36 dB per octave rejection rate beyond
selected cut-off frequencies. To avoid the contamination of 60 Hz noise,
the filter sections were arranged to high-pass frequencies above 80 Hz.
The settings of the two low-pass filter sections varied somewhat for each
subject in that, for some subjects, harmonics other than the fundamental
were band-passed and flawed the measurement. Under these circum-
stances, the frequency cut-off of the low-pass filter sections was decreased.
With this adjustment, the vowel fundamental was displayed on the coun-
ter-timer.
The oscilloscope was used to observe the waveform of the signal after
filtering and to provide a means of identifying the best location on the
waveform for the trigger-setting of the counter-timer. The trigger-level
adjustment of the counter-timer was used to select a point on the wave-
form that was uncluttered and associated with the maximum rate of
change. The timer was activated only on positive-going voltage excursions.
The time-interval control was set at one second. To avoid measurement of
frequency changes associated with the beginning and end of phonation,
only the stable mid-portion of each four-second vowel was analyzed.
To compare the above method of determining fundamental frequency
with measures of fundamental frequency obtained by spectrographic
analysis, four vowel samples produced by each of three male and three fe-
male cleft palate subjects and six normals, matched to them in sex, were
analyzed using the two methods. Spectrograms were made using the Kay
Sonograph (Model 661A). Fundamental frequency measures were de-
rived following the method suggested by Potter (25) and Kopp and
Green (16). The differences in vowel fundamentals, measured using the
two methods, did not exceed +=4 Hz in any instance.
Analysis of Vocal Intensity. To verify that the speech samples were pro-
duced at the required intensities, the recorded vowel signals were led into a
graphic-level recorder (B and K, 2304) and compared against a white-
noise calibration signal recorded at the beginning of each tape. This analy-
sis revealed that the maximum deviation from the experimental intensities
that occurred for any vowel sample was +-=2 dB.
850 Rampp and Counthan

TABLE 1. Mean ffs for each of four vowels at each of four intensity levels for
twenty cleft palate and twenty normal speakers grouped according to sex.

Mean ff in Hz
Intensity Cleft Palate Normals
Vowel Level
(in dB SPL) Male Female Male Female
(N = 10) (N = 10) (N = 10) (N = 10)

/i/ 70 116 215 121 244

75 121 239 135 250
80 140 244 139 274
85 161 275 155 306
/ae/ 70 113 220 117 235
75 118 236 123 240
80 131 243 130 249
85 146 262 138 264
/a / 70 111 220 116 224
75 120 2209 120 240
80 127 240 129 248
85 140 257 137 258
/u/ 70 117 225 125 236
75 120 243 129 251
80 135 250 141 271
85 154 270 146 207

Results and Discussion

The fundamental vocal frequency (ff) measurements for male and fe-
male normal and cleft palate subjects were analyzed statistically by means
of a split-plot analysis of variance with a factorial arrangement of treat-
ments. The significance level was set at .05. Results of this analysis
showed that the sex, vowel, and intensity main effects, and the sex-by-
intensity, vowel-by-intensity, group-by-vowel, and group-by-sex-by-
vowel interactions were significant. Table 1 presents the mean ff of each of
the four vowels at each of the four intensity levels for normal and cleft
palate speakers and for each sex within these groups. From Table 1 and
the statistical analysis, it may be seen that significant differences in ff oc-
curred as a function of intensity, vowel, and speaker-sex. These relation-
ships are consistent with ff data obtained in prior studies of normal speak-
ers (15, 18, 7, 19, 24, 2, 6).
Intensity Effects. The statistical analysis showed none of the group-by-
intensity interactions to be significant, suggesting that the relationships
between the mean ff's for the cleft palate and normal groups were similar
at each of the four intensity levels. To understand the effect of intensity
changes on the ff's of both subject groups, it is necessary to consider the
significant interactions involving vowels, sex, and intensity levels.
The vowel-by-intensity interaction is shown graphically in Figure 1.
Examination of the means involved in this interaction, averaged over both
groups and sexes, reveals that the mean ff of each of the four vowels in-
 PITCH AND INTENSITY 851

FUNDAMENTAL VOCAL FREQUENCY IN Hz

85 dB
|
e
iesUi
I
p _L 1 _|

80 dB

75 dB

70 dB

1 F f 1
/i/ /u/ / ae / /a /

VOW ELS

Figure 1-Fundamental vocal frequency means for each of four vowels at each of
four intensity levels. The means are averaged over all groups and sexes.

creased with increased vocal intensity. It is also evident that the amount

of increase in mean ff associated with each 5 dB increment in intensity

varies for individual vowels. The increase in mean ff for both /1/ and /u/,

for instance, is greater than that for /ae/ from 70 to 75 dB and greater

than those for both /ae/ and /a/ from 75 to 80 dB and from 80 to 85 dB.

This results in a progressively greater difference between the vowel

group /i/ and /u/ and the vowels /ae/ and /a/ as intensity is increased.

The data also show that, although the means for /i/ and /u/ are similar at

each of the lowest three intensity levels, the mean for /i/ exceeds that for

/u/ at the highest intensity level. It may also be seen that the increase in

mean ff for all vowels is greatest between the 80 and 85 dB levels.

The relationships among the vowel fundamentals at each intensity level

in Figure 1 are compatible with reported differences in the relative power

of these vowels (2, 7, 19). The data of Lehiste and Peterson (19), con-

cerning the relative amplitude of isolated, sustained vowels, are especially

pertinent. These investigators report that the vowel /a/ is approximately

5 dB more intense than the vowels /i/ and /u/ when vocal pitch is held

constant. The vowel /ae/ is approximately 3 dB more intense than /i/ and

/u/ under these conditions. In the present study, each vowel was produced
852 Rampp and Counthan

at each of four specified intensity levels so that, at each level, the relative
power differences among vowels was obscured. Presumably, this procedure
demanded greater effort for vowels with less intrinsic power at each of the
intensity levels studied.
Relationships between vocal intensity and the mean ff of vowels shown
in Figure 1 are compatible with correlative research relating vocal intens-
ity, ff, and subglottic pressure (15, 18, 17, 32). Results of these studies
indicate that increases in subglottic pressure are associated with propor-
tional increases in vocal intensity and in ff. On the basis of these data, it
may be reasoned that differences or changes in subglottic pressure should
affect both of these acoustic parameters in a lawful way. Data presented
by Ladefoged and McKinney (18) suggest that subglottic pressure differ-
ences exist among vowels produced at the same intensity. They report
that the vowel /a/ is approximately 5 dB more intense that the vowels /1/
and /u/ when each vowel is produced with the same subglottic pressure in
the pressure-range 10 to 30 ecm/aq. It may be reasoned from these data
that, were these vowels produced at the same intensity level, they would
differ in subglottic pressure. Further, since subglottic pressure is directly
related to ff, these pressure differences should be reflected in differences in
f}.
Inspection of Figure 1 reveals that the mean ff for /i/ and /u/ at each
of the lowest three intensity levels is similar to that for /a/ at the next
highest intensity level, i.e., at a level 5 dB more intense. Assuming that
/a/ has greater intrinsic relative amplitude than /i/ and /u/, it can be
speculated that differences in the ff of these vowels may be an artifact of
their differences in intrinsic amplitude. This line of reasoning is con-
sistent with that of Lehiste and Peterson (19) who suggest that phonetic
variations in pitch level may result from the relative amplitude of the
vowel to which pitch is applied, higher pitch compensating for lower rela-
tive power.
The means involved in the significant sex-by-intensity interaction,
averaged over all vowels and groups, are displayed in Table 2. Inspection
of this table shows that the mean ff for females exceeds that for males at
each intensity level. These differences, approximating one-octave, are
consistent with the findings of other studies dealing with sex differences
in the ff of adult speakers (24). Although both sexes show an increased
mean ff with each increase in vocal intensity, the amount of increase in
mean ff associated with the increments in intensity is dissimilar for the
sexes. The females, for example, manifest a 12 Hz increase in mean ff from
70 to 75 dB and from 75 to 80 dB. From 80 to 85 dB, however, this increase
amounts to 21 Hz. Males show an increase of 6 Hz in mean ff from 70 to
75 dB; 11 Hz from 75 to 80 dB; and 13 Hz from 80 to 85 dB. These data
suggest that increments in mean ff which occur with changes in vocal in-
tensity level vary as a function of speaker-sex.
While the females display a greater absolute increase in mean ff from 70
 PITCH AND INTENSITY 853

TABLE 2. Mean ff's, averaged over all vowels and groups, for male and female sub-
jects at each of four intensity levels.

Iniensity Levels
Sex
70 dB 75 dB 80 dB l 85 dB
Males 117 123 134 | 147
Females 220 241 253 i 274

TABLE 3. Mean ff's, averaged over all intensity levels, for each of four vowels for
cleft palate and normal subjects grouped according to sex.

Vowels

Normal Males Clefitlzgate Normal Females Clgretmi(life?h

/1/ 138 135 269 243

/u/ 135 131 264 247
/ae/ 127 127 247 243
125 243 937
/a / 125

to 85 dB, the increases in mean ff for both sexes appear similar in propor-
tion. For example, if the mean ff for males is expressed as a ratio of the
mean for females at each intensity level, the ratios obtained are .51, .51,
52, and .54 at the 70, 75, 80, and 85 dB levels, respectively. These data
suggest that the mean ff for males bears a reasonably constant relationship
to that for the females at each intensity.
Groups. Although the group main effect is not significant, the presence
of significant interactions involving groups, sexes, and vowels suggests
that differences in the mean ff of individual vowels exist between the nor-
mal and cleft palate groups and that these differences vary as a function of
speaker-sex within each group. Of primary interest in this analysis is the
group-by-sex-by-vowel interaction. The means involved in this interac-
tion, averaged over all intensity levels, appear in Table 3. Inspection of
this table reveals that for the normal male and female and the cleft
palate male groups the highest mean ff occurs for /i/, followed in de-
creasing order by /u/, /ae/, and /a/. For cleft palate females, the order of
vowel means, from highest to lowest, is /u/, /1/, /ae/, and /a/.
For female subjects, the largest differences between the means for the
same vowel produced by the normal and cleft palate groups occur for /1/,
26 Hz, and /u/, 17 Hz. Differences between the means for the two groups
for /ae/, 4 Hz, and /a/, 6 Hz, are relatively small. The range of vowel
means within each subject group is different. For normal females, the range
is 26 Hz; for cleft palate females, the range is 10 Hz.
854 Rampp and Counthan

For male subjects, the greatest differences between the means for the
same vowel produced by the cleft palate and normal groups, 4 Hz, occurs
for /u/. The means for the two groups are identical for /ae/ and /a/. The
range of vowel means within each group is also similar. For cleft palate
males, the range is 10 Hz; for normal males, the range is 13 Hz. These
data suggest that the significant differences in mean ff between the cleft
palate and normal groups signaled by the group-by-vowel interaction are
primarily attributable to the lower mean ff's for /i/ and /u/ for cleft
palate than for normal females. The differences between means for the
same vowels produced by cleft palate and normal males are consistently
small.
While the interaction involving groups, vowels, sexes, and intensities is
not significant, certain trends within these data are of interest. The means
involved in this interaction are contained in Table 1. Consistent with the
preceding analyses, the differences between vowel means for the male cleft
palate and normal groups are small and inconsistent in direction. For fe-
males, however, intergroup differences between the means for /i/ are
greater at the 70, 80, and 85 dB levels than at the 75 dB level. Intergroup
differences between the means for /u/ are greater at the two higher than
at the two lower intensity levels. The failure to find significant differences
in this analysis may relate to the relatively small number in each of the
four subject groups involved (N = 10). Further study of these relation-
ships using a larger sample would appear useful.
The findings of the present study are in general agreement with those
reported by Flint (9) for isolated, sustained vowels produced by cleft
palate and normal groups at a single intensity level (75 dB SPL). Flint
found significantly lower mean ff's for her cleft palate group than for her
normal female group ; intergroup differences for males were not significant.
The mean ff's obtained for the present normal female sample for the four
vowels tested range from 10 to 13 Hz lower than those for Flint's normal
female group. Mean ff's for cleft palate females in the present study range
from 17 to 29 Hz higher than those for Flint's cleft palate females. The
differences in mean ff's between cleft palate and normal females reported
by Flint are, therefore, larger than those found in the present investigation.
It is quite possible that the present data do not reflect accurately the
differences in mean ff that exist between normal speakers and speakers
with velopharyngeal inadequacy. Presumably, speakers with velar inade-
quacy must employ greater vocal effort than speakers with a complete
velar seal to compensate for the energy loss associated with excessive nasal
tract coupling (4). It might be assumed, therefore, that cleft palate sub-
jects in the present study used greater effort than the normal subjects at
each of the four intensity levels. It might be expected that, under condi-
tions of equal vocal effort, wider intergroup differences in ff would be ob-
tained than are reported here. Under these cireumstances, both male and
{emale cleft palate speakers might show lower than normal mean ff's.
 PITCH AND INTENSITY 855

The failure of this experiment to show higher mean ff's for the cleft
palate group than for the normal group does not necessarily deny the con-
tention of Curtis (4) that greater subglottic pressures must be developed
by speakers with inadequate velar valving with a resultant elevation of ff.
It is possible that increases in ff which occur as a compensation for ex-
cessive nasal tract coupling are masked by other factors that act to lower
ff. Cleft palate subjects, for example, may be more subject to hyperemia
and hyperplasia of the vocal folds as a result of chronic respiratory infec-
tion (1). Further, the greater vocal effort required of cleft palate persons
during nasalization may constitute a source of chronic vocal abuse. The
relatively high incidence of vocal nodules recently found among cleft pal-
ate samples (21, 36) may reflect the vocal fold changes that result from
this mode of phonation. Increases in vocal fold mass, such as those result-
ing from chronic infection or vocal abuse, could be expected to lower the
fundamental frequency of phonation (13).
One other variable deserves mention. It is possible that the cleft palate
subjects in the present study adjusted to the power loss accompanying
nasalization in more than one way. Increases in the cross-sectional areas
of the vocal tract, achieved by adjustments of tongue height and mouth
opening, have the effect of increasing vocal intensity by decreasing the
impedance to the transmission of glottal source energy through the vocal
tract (6). If such adjustments were made by the cleft palate group, lesser
increments in subglottic pressure and in ff may have been required to at-
tain the experimental intensity levels. Such adjustments might be more
likely to occur in production of isolated vowels than in connected speech
sequences.

Summary
The purpose of this study was to investigate differences in mean funda-
mental vocal frequency between a group of twenty cleft palate speakers
and a group of 20 normals, matched to them in age and sex, in production
of each of four isolated sustained vowels, /1/, /u/, /ae/, and /a/ at each
of four intensity levels: 70, 75, 80, and 85 dB SPL. Significant differences
found between the cleft palate and normal females appeared to be pri-
marily attributable to lower mean fundamentals for the vowels /i/ and
/u/ for cleft palate than for normal subjects. Intergroup differences be-
tween means for vowels produced by cleft palate and normal males were
uniformly small and inconsistent in direction. For both cleft palate and
normal subject groups, significant differences in mean fundamental fre-
quency occurred as a function of interactions involving vocal intensity
levels, vowels, and speaker-sex.
Reprints: Donald L. Rampp, Ph.D.
Memphis Speech and Hearing Center
Memphis State Unwersity
Memphis, Tennessee
856 PITCH AND INTENSITY

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