Ehi-03 History of India From 8th To 15th Century Ad

' UNIT 1 AGRARIAN ECONOMY
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Agrarian Expansion
1.2.1 Gwgmphial and Chronological Patterns
1.2.2 ldeologial bckgmund
Agrarian Organisation
1-1.1 Character and Rok of Various Types of Agrarian Settkments
1.3.2 R~ghtsin Land
Technological Improvements
Rural Tension
Agriculture and the Exchange Network
The Characterisation of Early Medieval Agrarian Economy
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
1.0 OBJECTIVES
After rdding this Unit you should be able to explain the:

factors responsible for the expansion of agriculture in the Indian subcontinent,
chronological pattern of land grant system,
ideology behind land grants,
character and role of various types of agrarian sdtkments,
growth and nature of land ights,
technological improvements in the sphere of agriculture,
interdependence amongst different groups related to land,
role of agriculturists in trade, and
. characterisation of early medieval agrarian economy.
1.1 INTRODUCTION
The early medieval period in Indian history marks the growth of cultivation and
organisation of land relations through land grants. These grants began around the
beginning of Christian era and covered practically the entire subcontinent by the
end of the twelfth century. In the early medieval period agricultural expansion meant
a greater and more regular use of advanced agricultural techniques, plough
cultivation and irrigation technology. Institutional management of agricultural
processes, control of means of production and new relations of production also
played an important role in this expansion. With this expansion, new type of nwal
.tensions also emerged. Commercial activities in agricultural and non-agricultural
commodities increased. All these aspects have been dealt in this Unit which ends
with a discussion on the characterisation of early medieval agrarian economy. Let us
start with the aspects related to agrarian expansion.
Early Mediwll Ezonorny :
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8th 13th Century AGRARIAN EXPANSION
The agrarian expansiol, which began with the establishment of b m b d q a and
a p r h r n settlements thfbugh land grants to Brahrnanaa from the fourth century
onwards acquired a uniform and universal form in subsequent centuries.
The centuries between the eighth and twelfth witnessed the processes of this
expansion and the culmination of an agrarian organisation b a d on land grants to
religious and secular beneficiaries, i.e. Brahmanas, temples and officers of the King's
government. However, there are important regional variations in this development,
both due to geographical as well as ecological factors.
1.2.1A Geographical and Chronological Patterns

Cultivation was extended not only to the hitherto virgin lands but even by clearing
forest areas. This was a continuous process and a major feature of early medieval
agricultural economy.
There is a view prevalent among some scholars that land grants started in outlying,
backward and tribal areas first and later gradually extended to the Ganga valley,
which was the hub of the brahmanical culture. In the backward and aboriginal tracts
!he Brahrnanas could spread new methods of cultivation by regulating agricultural
processes through specialised knowledge of the seasons (astronomy), plough,
irrigation, etc., as well as by protecting the cattle wealth. However, this is not true of
all regions in India, for, land grants were also made in areas of settled agriculture as
well as in other ecological zones, especially for purposes of integrating them into a
new economic order.
I A Telupu lmcriptbn of lOtb ecatury A.D. from lndu K w ~ p d i recordr

e tbe &atbof m h a o afta rcacuhc
cattle.
Agruinn Economy
2 & 3 Inscriptions from North Arcot in memory ofthose heroes whodidprotectingcanleduringcn~lemids.
The chronological appearance of the land grant system shows the following pattern:
fourth-fifth centuries : s p m d over a good part of central India, northern Deccan
and Andhra,
fdth-seventh centuries : eastern India (Bcnpl and Orissa), beginnings in Western
India (qujarat and Rajasthan),
seventh and eighth centuries: Tamil Nadu and Karnataka,
ninth century : Kerala, and
end of the twelfth century : almost the entire sub-continent with the possible
exception of Punjab.
1.2.2 Ideological Background

Ideas relating to the gift of land emphasise the importance of dam or gift. The idea
of dm8 or gift to Brahmanas was developed by Brahmanical texts as the surest
means of acquiring merit (puny.) and destroying sin (pataka). I t appears to be a
conscious and systematic attempt to provide means of subsistence to the Brahmnnan.
Grants of cultivable land to them and registration of gifts of land on copper plates
are recommended by all the Smritb and Purmm of the post-Gupta centuries.
There were different items of gifts :
food, grains, paddy, etc.
movable assets like gold, money, etc. and
r r L - :--A.,~LI- saa-+a ;r fi..l+:~sLlrlsrrl ' -4-a --A rr&4rat;ml m l n t
Early Medieval Lonomy : Amon8 the gifta are llro included the plough, corn, oxen lad plougbhue.
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8th l a b .Century
B o m w t , the gift of land was conridered to be tbe bat of all typa of gift#nude to
the learned Brahmana. imprecations against the destruction of such gifts and the
resumption of L d donated to t Brahmana ensured their pqctuity. Thua knd
grants bemn to follow r set let@ formula tystcmatbed t h r o w Lw books
(DWmubrJnr).
While the early land d n t a were nude d y to Vedic priuta (Shrotriya fire
priests), from the fifth to thirteenth centuries, grants were also made to temple
priests. The temple, as an institution, assumed a more central role in agrarian
expansion a d ormnisrtion from t k eighth century A.D. Omnta to the temple,
either plota of Lnd or Whok villap, were known u d.rrl.nr in the south Indian
context. It needs to be stresred that what k p n M a mere trickle, beame a migbty
current. The process of acquiring h d e d property was not confined to bnhmanical
temples. The non-brahxmtanical religious establishmenta such M the Buddhist and Jain
monasteries (samghas and basadis) too, specially in Karnataka. Andhra. Gujarat and
eastern India (Bihar and O r h a ) , vied with one another to become landed magnates
(you will m d more about this in Units 67-in Block 2).
I) & b n ~ o o l r r m n ' A * d m t p a i o b ~ ~ P i e L t h c ~ ~ a s ~ i a ~ L c u
andpo!inCdolrm'Fagaixsttimpaiodwknhadlg~atqystem.ppeprrdin
that mghn (Ccoaal lndk Bmga&Oriur. Northan Dcoua, Andhn, Tamil
Nadu. Kcraia G u m Rajastban, Karnalaka),
ii) 5th-7th antuna ii)

hi 7th - 8th maury iii)
iv) 9th ceotury iv)
2) What were tbc di't items d drr (gift) to BrrhmrnulWhich was
oolrsidcrcdutbcbarJ#i.
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1.3 AGRARIAN ORGANISATION
The agrarian orpnisation and economy were highly complex. This can be
understood on the basis of intensive studies of the regional patterns of land grants
and the cbuDcter and rale of the brahnadeya and nowbmhadqa and temple .
ecttlementa. The growth and nature of Lnd ri#hta, interdependence -on# the
different groups related to land and the production and distribution processes also
help in a better understanding of the situation.
13.1 Churetcr raid Role d V ~ O W

T m of A g d m Scttitmmts
Bnhmadeya : A bnhmadeya represents a grant of land either in individual plots or
whole vilIagcs given away to Bnhllvnu making tbem landownm or land
controllen. It was mcmt eitber to bring v i r a land under cultivation or to integrate
existin8 agricultural (or pasant) settlements into the new economic order dominated
by a Brahmrm proprietor. T h a e B n h m u u donee8 played a major role in
intepating various socio-cconomic groups into the new order, througb service
tcnurcs and a t e mnuninm undar the VI.M tun Fnr cumnk. the rawi in^
peasantisation of shudras was so-t to be rationalid in the existing brahmanical Agrarian Econon~?
social order.
The practice of land grants as bnhmadeym was initiated by the ruling dynasties and
slrbsequently followed by chiefs, feudatories, etc. Brnhmadgm facilitated agrarian
expansion because they were :
exempted from various taxes or dues either entirely or at least in the initial stages
of settlenlent (e.g. for 12 years);
also endowed with ever growing privileges (padharm). The ruling families derived
economic advantage in the form of the extension of the resource base, moreover.
by creating brahmadeyns they also ,gained ideological support for their political
power.
Lands were given as bnhmadcya either to a single Brahmana or to several

Brahmana families which ranged from a few to several hundreds or even more than
a thousand, as seen in the South Indian context. Brahmadeyas were invariably
located near major irrigation works such as tanks or lakes. Often new irrigation
sources were constructed when brnhmadeyas were created, especially in areas
dependent on rains and in arid and semi-arid regions. When located in areas of
intensive agriculture in the river valleys, they served to integrate other settlements of
a subsihena level production. Sometimes, two or more settlements were clubbed
together to form a brahmadeya or an agrahara. The taxes from such villages were
assigned to the Brahmana donees, who were also given the right to get the donated
land cultivated. Boundaries of the donated land or village were very often carefully
demarcated. The various types of land, wet, dry and garden land within the village
were specified. Sometimes even specific crops and trees are mentioned. The land
donations implied more than the transfer of land rights. For example, in many cases,
along with the revenues and economic resources of the village, h u m v resources such
as peasants (cultivators), misans and others were also transferred to donees. There is
also growing evidence of the encroachment of the rights of villagers over community
lands such as lakes and ponds. Thus, the Brahmanas became managers of
agricultural and artisanal production in these settlements for which they organised
themselves in to assemblies.
1. A Record from Rajkot ( A . D . 5 3 6 ) of the reign o f Dhruvnsenu-l mention5 1111 er:r~ll o f ;I \ i l i . , n ~ :I\
Early Medieval Fxonomy :
8th- 13th Century
5. Inscripticmsof Kakaf ya Ganapti (A.D. 1199) from Knrimnagar Dist riet records a land gvnt made by the
Governor of Chuneridesa to Msnchi-Bhattopndhyaya, the priest of king (;anpati.
Secular Grants : From the seventh century onwards, officers of the state were also
being remunerated through land grants. This is of special significance because it
created another class of landlords who were not Brahmanas.
The gift of land on officials in charge of administrative divisions is mentioned as

early as c. A.D. 200 (the time of Manu) but the practice picks up momentum in the
post-Gupta period. Lite*ry works dealing with central India, Rajasthan, Gujarat,
Bihar and Bengal between the tenth and twelfth centuries make frequent references
to various kinds of grants to ministers, kinsmen and those who rendered military
services. The rajas, raja- ranakas, mahasamantps; etc. mentioned in Pala land
charters were mostly vassals connected with land. The incidence of grants to state
officials varies from one region to another. To illustrate, while we hear of about half
a dozen Paramar official ranks, only a few of them are known to have received land
grants. But very large territories were granted to vassals and high officers under the
Chalukyas of Gujarat. The available evidences suggest that Orissa had more service
grants than Assam, Bengal and Bihar taken together. Further, the right of various
officials to enjoy specific and exclusive levies-irrespective of the tenure of these
levies-was bound to create intermediaries with interests in the lands of the tenants.
Devadanas : Large scale gifts to the religious establishments, both brahmanical and
non-brahmanical, find distinctive places in inscriptional evidences. These centres
worked as nuclei of agricultural settlements and helped in integrating various peasant
and tribal settlements through a process of acculturation. They also integrated
various socio-economic glroups through service tenures or remuneration through
temple lands. Temple lands were leased out to tenants, who paid a higher share of
t l ~ cproduce to the temple. Such lands were also managed either by the sabha of the
brnhmadeya o r rnahajvnss of the agrahara settlements. In non-Brahmana settlements
ternplcs became the central institution. Here temple lands came to be
;itlm~nistrredby the temple executive committees composed of land owning non-
131.~1i1rnanas. r Q thc Velalas nf Tamil N a d u the O k k a l ~ l K n m n u l ~ i etc of Karnataka
different groups were assigned a caste and ritual status. I t is in this process that Agrarian Economy
people following 'impure" and "low occupations" were assigned the status of
untouchables, kept out of the temple and given quarters a t the fringes of the
settlement.
The supervision of temple lands was in the hands of Brahrnana and non-Brahmana
landed elite. The control of irrigation sources was also a major function of the local
bodies dominated by landed elite groups. Thus the Brabmona, the temple and higher
strata of non-Brahmanas a s landlords, employers and holders of superior rights in
land became the central feature of early medieval agrarian organisation.
The new landed elite also consisted of local peasant clan chiefs o r heads of kinship
groups and heads of families, who had kani rights i.e. rights of possession and
supervision. I n other words, several strata of intermediaries emerged between the
King and the actual producer.
1.3.2 Rights in Land

An important aspect relating t o land grants is the nature of rights granted t o the
assignees. Rights conferred upon the grantees included fiscal and administrative
rights. The taxes, of which land tax was the major source of revenue, theoretically
payable to the King o r government, came t o be assigned t o the donees. The reference
to pariharas or exemptions in the copper plate and stone inscriptions registering such
grants indicate that what was theoretically payable t o the King was not being
completely exempted from payment but the rights were now transferred t o the
grantees. This was apparently based on the sanction of the dharmashastras. which
sought to establish the royal ownership of land and hence justify such grants,
creating intermediary rights in land.
Although there is some evidence of a communal basis of land rights in early

settlements, the development of private ownership o r rights is indicated by the fact
that the grantees often enjoyed rights of alienation of land. They also enjoyed other
hereditary benefits in the settlements. Land gifts were often made after purchase
from private individuals. Hereditary ownership seems to have developed out of such
grants, both religious and secular.
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1.4 TECHNOLOGICAL IMPROVEMENTS
During the early medieval period there: was a n increase in irrigation sources such a s
canals, lakes, tanks (tataka, eri) and wells (kupa and kinaru). That the accessibility
to water resources was a n important consideration in the spread of rural settlements
is shown by regional studies. Keres or tanks in south Karnataka, nadi (river),
pushkarini (tank), srota (water channel) etc. in Bengal and nmghatta-wells in western
Rajasthan used to be natural points of reference whenever distribution and transfer
of village lands had t o be undertaken. Naturally, the concern for water resources
contributed t o the extension of cultivation and intensification of agricultural
activities. Water-lifts of different kinds operated by man and animal power were also
known. Epigraphic sources record the construction and maintenance of such
irrigation works between eight and thirteenth centuries. Many of the lakes/ tanks of
this period have survived well into the modern times. Some of them were repaired,
revived and elaborated under the British administration. The step wells (vapis) in
Rajasthan and Gujarat became extremely popular in the eleventh-thirteenth
centuries. They were meant for irrigating the fields a s well a s for supplying drinking
water.
The increase in the number of irrigation works was due t o a n advance in irrigation
technology. There is evidence of the use of more scientific and permanent methods of
flood control, damming of river waters, sluice construction (with piston valve and
cisterns) both a t the heads of canals and of lakes and tanks. Flood controkwas
achieved gradually through breaching of rivers for canals and mud embankments
which ensured the regulated use of water resources.
Lakes or reservoirs were more commonly used in semi dry and rain fed areas, a s well
QE r;.,ar h ~ c ; n c x x ~ h o r ot h o r i ~ ~ o rAc
AoA 1.- in c..mmar Pnnr+rmmnt;nn nf ..r-tar mcomtn;rr
Early Medieval Economy : was initiated by ruling families and maintained by local institutions such as the
8th- 13th Century sabha (Brahrnana assembly) and ur (non-Brahmana village assembly) in Tamil Nadu.
Maintenance of lakes/ tanks etc. i.e. desilting, bund and sluice repair was looked
after by a special committee of local assemblies and cesses were levied for the
purpose.
Royal permission was accorded for digging tanks or wells, when gifts were made to
Brahmanas and temples. Land was demarcated for construction and maintenance of
canals and tanks, etc. Digging of tanks was considered a part of the privileges
enjoyed by the grantees and an act of religious merit. Hence, resourceful private
individuals also constructed tanks.
No less significant were the improvements in agricultural implements. For example, a
tenth century inscription from Ajmer refers to 'big" plough. Similarly, separate
implements are mentioned for weeding parasitic plants. VrikshsyuvcBP mentions
steps to cure diseases of trees. Water lifting devices such as nrqghatta and
ghatiyantra are mentioned in inscriptions and literary works. The former was
specially used in the wells of Rajasthan in the ninth-tenth centuries. The Krishisukti
of Kashypa prescribed that the ghatiyantra operated by oxen is the best, that by men
was the worst while the one driven by elephants was of the middling quality.
Advanced knowledge about weather conditions and their use in agricultural
operations is noticeable in such texts as the Gurusunhit. and Krishinarashwara.
More than one hundred types of cereals including wheat, barley. lentils, etc. are
mentioned in contemporary writings on agriculture. According to the Shunyapwarn
more than fifty kinds of paddy were cultivated in Bengal. The knowledge of
fertilizers improved immensely and the use of the compost was known. Cash crops
such as arecanuts, betel leaves, cotton, sdgarcane, etc. find frequent mention.
Rajashekhara (early tenth century) tells us about the exmllent sugarcane of north
Bengal which yielded juice even without the use of pressing instrument. Commodity
production of coconut and oranges assumed special importance in peninsular India
during this period.
Marco-Polo hints at increased production of spieces when he says that the city of
Kinsay in China alone consumed ten thousand pounds of pepper everyday which
came from India. He also mentions the great demand for Indian ginger in European
markets. Harvesting of three crops and rotation of crops were known widely. Thus,
advanced agricultural technology was being systematised and diffused in various ,
, parts of the country causing substantial boom in agricultural production.
+-.,I :- ------
6. A Knnnnda Inscription (on hero-stone) of 9th century A.D., from Nnvnli, records the construction o f n
-8 La-,. 2. -2- -r mf:-- .~-rn:-~.
Agrarian Econornj
. . . ,'
. . .
7. A- Tenth centurl Tamil Inscription from Erode which +eli!ibns-a$o;i the ci)&trucIion of a tank and
3virig of money For its ma;-tenance hy u person named ~ u n j i - $ dl'ili. .
Cheek Y ourTrqgccss.2
1) How did' brahmadeyas helped in a g r a d expansion?
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2) What is the difference between brahmadeya, secular. and devadana grants?
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3) What was the nature of rights enjoyed by land grantees?
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Early Medievd Fxonnmq : Describe bfiefly the main methods of irrigation.
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8th 13th Century
4)
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1.
1.5 RURAL TENSION
Notwithstanding agrarian expansion, the rural landscape was far from being a
homogeneous sceue. There is, to begin with, heterogeneous and stratified peasantry.
Unlike the age old and pre-Gupta gahapatis we now have graded personnel
associated with land : Xshetrik, hrshaka, hnlin and a r d ~ k .Regrettably, there is
hardly any indication of landownership in these terms, which seem to be refemng to
various categories of cultivators. The conversion of the brahmadeyas into non-
brahmadeyas and that of the latter into ngrnharns were potential sources of tension
in rural areas. The damarn revolts in Kashmir, rebellion of the Kaivarthas in the
reign of Ramapal in Bengal, acts of self immolation in situations of encroachments
on land in Tamil Nadu, appropriation of donated land by shudras in the Pandya
territory, are indices of distrust against the new landed intermediaries. The fact that
donors often looked for land where cultivation was not disputed also shows the seeds
of turmoil. The possibility of the hero-stones in and around agrphams also has the
potential of throwing light on rumblings beneath the surface in agrarian settlements.
Why does the concept of brahmahatya (killing of a Brahmana) become very
pronounced in early medieval times? Answers to this question raise doubts about the
validity of "brahmana-peasant alliance* and "peasant state and society" (see Sec.
1.7). This is, however, not to deny other possible areas of tension within rural society
between Brahmanas and temples and within ranks of secular land holders.
1.6 AGRICULTURE AND THE EXCHANGE NETWORK

It is sometimes maintained that in the early medieval economic organisation, which
was a predominantly agrarian and self-sufficient village economy, production was
mainly subsistence oriented and was not in response to the laws of the market.
Hence there was little scope for economic growth. Craftsmen and artisans were
attached either to villages or estates or religious establishments. H e n a t h e n was no
significant role for traders and middlemen, who only procured and supplied iron
tools, oil, spices, cloth, etc. to rural folk. In other words the functioning of the
market system was extremely limited.
The aforesaid picture is certainly true for the period 300-800 A.D. However, the
subsequent 500 years witnessed a rapid increase in the number of agrarian
settlements and the growth of local markets (see Unit 2) initially for local exchange.
Subsequently, the need for regular exchange within a region and with other regions
led to organised commerce. This in turn led to the emergence of merchant
organisations, itinerant trade and partial monetisation from the ninth century.
Though the relative importance of these features varied from one region to another
(See also Units 3 and 4) the increasing role of agriculture in this new economy is
easily seen.
..
Agricultural products d h e to be exchanged with items of long distance trade carried
on by itinerant traders. This development also led to a change in the pattern of
landownership towards the close of the early medieval period. Merchants and
economically influential craftsmen,
. . . . . .- -.
like weavers, .invested
--
in. land
- i.e. purchased land
called the Jagati-kottali (community of weavers) and the community of Telligas (oil Agrarian Economy
pressers) were active participants in agriculture. The former are repeatidly mentioned
as excavating tanks and laying out gardens.
1.7 THE CHARACTERISATION OF EARLY

MEDIEVAL AGRARIAN ECONOMY
~ Different views have been put forward regarding the nature of the overall set up of
early medieval agrarian economy. On the one hand, it is seen as a manifestation of
feudal economy, while on the other it is dubbed as a peasant state and society.
I The salient features of 'Indian Feudalism' are:

1 ) Emergence of hierarchical landed intermediaries. Vassals and officers of state
and other secular assignee had military obligations and feudal titles.
Sub-infeudation (varying in different regions) by these donees to get their land
cultivated led to the growth of different strata-of intermediaries. It was a
hierarchy of landed aristocrats, tenants, share croppers and cultivators. This
hierarchy was also reflected in the power/administrative structure, where a sort
-of lord-vassal relationship emerged. In other words, Indian feudalism consisted
in the gross unequal distribution of land and its produce.
Another important feature was the prevalence of forced labour. The right of
extracting forced labour (vishti) is believed to have been exercised by the
Brahmana and other grantees of land. Forced labour was originally a
prerogative of the King or the state. It was transferred to the grantees, petty
officials, village authorities and others. In the Chola inscriptions alone, there are
more than one hundred references to forced labour. Even the M s a n t s and
.
artisans come within the jurisdiction of vishti. As a result, a kind of serfdom
emerged, in which agricultural labourers were reduced to the position of
, semi-serfs.
3) Due to the growing claims of greater rights over land by rulers and
intermediaries, peasants also suffered a curtailment of their land rights. Many
were reduced to the position of tenants facing ever growing threat of eviction. A
number of peasants were only ardhikas (share croppers). The strain on the
b peasantry was also caused by the burden of taxation, coercion and increase in
their indebtedness.
4) Surplus was extracted through various methods. Extra economic coercion was a
conspicuous method. With the rise of new property relations, new mechanisms
of economic subordination also evolved. The increasing burden is evident in the
mentioning of more than fifty levies in the inscription of Rajaraja Chola.
5) It was relatively a closed village economy. The transfer of human resources

along with land to the beneficiaries shows that in such villages thk peasants,
craftsmen and artisans were attached to the villages and hence were mutually
dependent. Their attachment to land and to service grants ensured control over
them by the beneficiaries.
In brief, a subject and immobile peasantry, functioning in relatively self-sufficient

villages buttressed by varna restrictions, was the marked feature of the agrarian
economy during the five centuries under survey.
The theory of the existence of autonomous peasant societies is put forward in

opposition to the theory of Indian feudalism. It is based mainly on the evidence from
south Indian sources.
According to this theory, autonomous peasant regions called the nadus evolved in
South India by early medieval times. They were organised on the basis of clan and
kinship ties. ,Agricultural production in the nadus was organised and controlled by
the nattar. i.e. people of the nadu, organising themselves into assemblies, 1.e. nadu.
Members of this assembly were velahs or non-Brahmana peasants. Their autonomy
is indicated bv the fact that when land erants were made bv the kings and lesser
. .
F ; ~ ~ Medieval
I? Economy : chiefs, oiders were issued with the consent of the "attar. Orders were first addressed
8th- 1.3th Century
,:. .
to them. They demarcated. the;'gift-land
. . . and supervised the ex&utibii.df.the grant
because they were the organisefs.of produc~ion.'ihe~ritimiha'i~arid dbniinait
.....
peasants became allies in the productibA prbckss. ' ~ ~ ~ a r e n tttie l j l ejtpcincnts
, of..this
hypothesis share the notion of rural-self-~ufficiency,which:,is 11 ibp&&nt:. . . ,
component of Indian feudalism. T h e theories df lndian feudalism and a u t o n o ~ o u s

peasant societies have their a d h e r e ~ t.and
s claim .to :be?ba'&d:o n ' e m p i ~ ~&iderice.
~al
......
However, early medieval agrariari'kconomy' w&.a high& cohplex onk.';~n:&dir,.to
understand its character and t o prbvide',i .general framework for ~ts'study,detailed
studies of its regional patterns will' have 10 be ~ o r k e d ' ~ & t .
Check Your Progress 3

I) Give a few causes for tensions In rural areas during the period under review.
2) What was the pattern of commerce in early medieval period? Did it effect the
pattern of land ownership?
3) Give five saiient features of Indian feudalism.

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1.8 LET US SUM UP
In this Unit the survey of agrarian economy during the five centuries between the
eighth and thirteenth highlights:
Perceptible expansion of agriculture in practically all over the Indian
sub-continent as a result of land grants. While the hitherto virgin lands and
forested areas attracted this expansion, grants were also made in regions which
were already under cultivation,
the deep rooted ideological interests of religious establishments-both
brahmanical and non-brahmanical, which sang praises of gifts of land,
the einergence of various types of agrarian settlements with graded land rights,
growing interests of non-agriculturists in land. specially those of state officials,
traders, artisans. etc., .
the spurt in technological improvements-in
rrn...? -..,A rrnrr;"" rs..rr.. .. ~rrigation,agricultural implements,
the mutual relationships amongst different groups related to land underlining A p v h n Economy
seeds of rural tension, and
the debate on the characterisation of early mdieval agrarian economy focussing
on the distinguishing traits of 'Indian feudalism" and "Peasant State and
Society".
1.9 KEY WORDS -
Agrahara : Primarily a rent free village in the possession of Brahmanas.

Ardhika :A cultivator who t:lls land of others and gets half the crop as his share.
Basadi : Jaina monastic establishment.
Brahmadeya :Generally tax free land or village given as gift to Brahmanas.
Damar : Powerful officials in Kashmir who developed landed interests and were
opposed to Brahmanas.
Devodana : Rent free land gifted to brahmanical temples deities. Its Jain and
Buddhist counterpart is pallichanda.
Dharmashastra : Brahmanical scriptures, law books.
Halin : Ploughman
Karshaka : Tiller of soil.
Mahajana : A sort of assembly of Brahmanas.
Mahasamanta : The 'great chieftainn, feudatory of a higher rank than samanta.
Parihara : Exemptions from taxes and obligations (privileges granted to the donees
of rent-free land).
Peasant State and Society : A set-up where peasants are "freen to own means of
production and cultivate land according to their interests.
Peasantisation : Process through which people unconnected with land were
encouraged to undertake cultivation as a profession.
Ranaka :Title of feudatory ruler.
Shrotriya : Brahman, learned in the Vedas.
1.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progrgss 1

1) i) Central India, Northern Deccan and Andhra
ii) Bengal, Orissa, Gujarat and Rajasthan
iii) Tamil Nadu, Karnataka
iv) Kerala
2) You should include in your answer items like foodgrains, gold, money, cultivable
land, garden, plough, cows, oxen, etc. Gift of land was considered the best. Also
see Sub-sec. 1.2.2
1) Bnhmrdeyr could help in agrarian expansion because these were exempted from
land revenue and enjoyed other ptivileges, therefore, the grant holders had more
incentives to develop these lands. Besides most of these lands were virgin and
making them cultivable helped in expanding the cultivable area. Also see Sub-
set. 1.3.1.
2) Brahmadeya grants were given to Brahmanas only while secular grants were
given to state functionaries in lieu of their salaries and devadam grants were
":.,-..*,. L-,.L-..-i--l -- ..,-11 -- --- L--L-..-:--l . - - . - I - - &I-- - - - O . . L --- I 1 1
Early Medieval Economy : 3) The grantees had such rights as collection of land revenue, other taxes and
-
8th 13th Century
maintain administrative control. See Sub-sec. 1.3.2.
4) Your answer should include such devices as wells, tanks, lakes, canal. You
should also mention the water lifting devices such as ghatiyantra, rrrghattr and
the use of animal power. See Sec . 1.4.
1) The main reasons for tension were the conversion of brahnmdcya lands into non-
brahmadeyas and rgraharas, encroachment on other land and number of
intermediaries. See Sec. 1.5.
2) The commeicial activities within a region, and with other regions were
undertaken. Agriculture produce was exchanged with other products often from
distant regions. The investment in land by merchants and influential craftsmen
changed the pattern of.landownership. Also see Sec. 1.6.
3) Your answer should include such features of Indian feudalism like emergence of
hierarchical landed intermediaries, prevalence of forced labour, curtailment of
land rights of peasants, economic subordination by surplus extraction and
existence of a relatively closed village economy. Also see Sec. 1.7.
UNIT 2 URBAN SETTLEMENTS
~
I
Structure
2.0
2.1
Objectives
Introduction
2.2 Form and Substance of Urban Centres
2.3 The General Pattern
2.4 Regional Variations and Types
2.4.1 Rural Centres Transformed into Urban Centres
2.4.2 Market Centres. Trade-ndwork and Itinerant Trade
2.4.3 Sacred/ Pilgrimagr: Centres
2.4.4 Royal Centres or Capitals
2.5 Let Us Sum Up
2.6 Key Words
2.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises.
2.0 OBJECTIVES
--
After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the:

factors responsible for the rise of urban centres,
various phases in the history of urbanism,
criteria for identifying settlements as urban,
general pattern of the post-Gupta urban growth,
regional variations in urban settlements, and
a types of towns.
INTRODUCTION
The study of urban settlements is an indispensable element in the understanding of

socio-economic history of the post-Gupta centuries. It should be taken as a
complementary component along with the agrarian economy. Recent writings have
particularly focussed on the place of urban settlements in the overall framework of
Indian feudalism. This and the two subsequent Units make an attempt to review the
problems associated with such developments.
2.2 FORM AND SUBSTANCE OF URBAN CENTRES
Study of urban czntres is an important aspect of socio~conomichistory. Urbgn

centres in early medieval India have generally been studied in two ways :
i) As a part of economic history i.e. history of trade, commerce and craft
production, etc., and
ii) as a part of administrative or political history, i.e. as capitals, administrative
centres, centres of major and minor ruling families and fort towns.
Hence the focus of urban studies has so far been mainly on types of urban centres.
Accordingly towns or cities have been listed under various categories such as market,
trade or commercial centres, ports, political and administrative centres, religious
centres, etc. However, there has been no sufficient attempt to explain the causes
behind the emergence of towns. In other words the form of an urban centre is
..
studied but not its meaning or substance. In order to understand both' the form and
.-. . .- . . . . .
Early Medievd Economy : to study the processes of urban growth as a part of the broader socio-economic I
-
8th 13th Century changes.
Phases and Dciinition

How do we define an urban centre and what are its essential traints; are some of the
questions that we take up here. Prior to the coming of the Turks, the Indian
sub-continent experienced a t least three phases of urban growth:
1) During the bronze age Harappan civilization (fourth-second millennium B.C.),
2) Early historic urban centres of the iron age (c. sixth century B.C. to the end of
the third century A.D.),
3) Early medieval towns and cities (c. eighthlninth to twelfth centuries A.D.).
Amongst the earliest attempts,to define an urban centre one can easily mention
Gordon Childe's notion of 'Urban Revolutionn. He listed monumental buildings,
large settlements with dense population, existence of such people who were not
engaged in food production (rulers, artisans and merchants) and cultivation of art,
science and writing as prominent features to identify an urban centre. Further,
Chi-lde laid great stress on the presence of craft specialists and the role of agricultural
surplus which supported non-food producers living in cities. Not all these traits,
which were spelt out in the context of bronze age cities, are to be seen in the towns
of iron age. There has been no dearth of urban centres with sparse population and
mud houses.
Though agrarian surplus collected from rural areas is almost indispensable for the
existence of a town, merely a settlement of non-agriculturists cannot be regarded as
an urban centre. Early medieval literary texts refer to towns inhabited by people of
all classes surrounded by a wall and moat and marked by the prevalence of the laws
and customs of the guilds of artisans and merchants. A recent study based on
excavated data from 140 sites spread over the entire Indian subcontinent
(R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, c.A.D.300-1000) focusses on:
Quality of material life and the nature of occupations, and

need t o study urban centres not as parasites thriving on agricultural surplus but as
centres integrally linked with rural hinterland.
Accordingly, some prominent traits of urban centres which can be applied to early
medieval settlements as well, are identified as :
i) Size of a settlement in terms of area and population.
ii) Proximity to water resources-river banks, tanks, ring wells, etc.
iii) Presence or absewe of artefacts representing activities of aitisans, e.g. axes,
chisels, plough-shares, sickles, hoes, crucibles, ovens, furnaces, dyeing vats,
moulds for beads, seals, sealings, jewellery, terracotta, etc.
iv) Evidence of coin moulds signifying mint towns. The discovery of metallic
. money, when listed with the presence of artisans and merchants, certainly lends
a clear urban chatacter to such sites.
v) Presence or otherwise of luxury goods such as precious and semi-precious
stones, glassware, ivory objects, fine pottery etc. The possibility is not ruled out
that luxuries of ancient towns might become necessities for superior rural
classes of early medieval times.
vi) Considering the moist, rainy climate of many alluvial plains such as themiddle
Ganga plain, baked brick (not just burnt bricks) structures on a good scale
assume special importance. Thoug) in Central Asia towns consisting of mud
structures are also not unknown.
vii) Streets, shops, drains and fortifications also give a good idea of the nature of
the urban settlement. At several places in the Deccan and elsewhere silos and
granaries occur at historical sites, like at Dhulikatt in Andhra Pradesh.
Apparently such structures were meant to store surplus foodgrains for feeding
Urban Settletiwnts
Check Your P r o m 1
1) List the ihrce'kain phases of urban growth in India prior to the coming of the
Turks.
................................................................................................................................
2) What are the important features of a town spelt by Gordon Childe?
3) List the important traits of urban centres applicable to early medieval India.
'
.......
................................................................................................................................
..
................................................................................................................................
2.3 THE GENERAL PATTERN
The post-Gupta centuries witnessed a new socioeconomic formation based on the

system of land grants. The gradual expansion of cultivation and agrarian economy
through land grants (for details, see Unit 1) had an impact on the growth of towns
and cities between the eighth and twelfth centuries. Though the overall picture of the
Indian sub-continent is that of revival, of urban centres, there are some regional
variations as well. Such variations are seen in the nature, category and hierarchy of
such centres due to operative economic forces, ecological and cultural differences and
the nature of political organisation. Regional studies of urban centres are, therefore,
essential for providing the correct perspectives. Such studies are available only for a
few regions like Rajasthan, Central India and South India.
2.4 REGIONAL VARIATIONS AND TYPES
In a vast country like India there are a lot of regional variations in the pattern of
emergence and growth of urban centres. In this section we will discuss some
important variations.
2.4.1 Rural Centres Transformed into Urban Centres

The brahrnadeyas and devadanas which are seen as important sources of agrarian
expansion of the early medieval period, also provided the nuclei of urban growth.
The Brahmana and temple settlements clustered together in certain key areas of
agricultural production. Such centres, initially rural, became points of convergence
Early Medieval Economy : Examples of such centres of urban growth are datable from the eighth and nineth
cl(h -
13th Century centuries and are more commonly found in South India. The Cola city of
Kumbakonam (Kudamukku-Palaiyarai) developed out of agrarian clusters and
became a multi-temple urban centre between the ninth and twelfth centuries.
Kanchipuram is a second major example of such a n urban complex. While
Kumbakonam's political importance as a residential capital of the Colas was an
additional factor in its growth, Kanchipuram too had the additional importance of
being the largest craft centre (textile manufacturing) in South lndia.
2.4.2 Market Centres, Trade-Network and Itinerant Trade

Early medieval centuries also witnessed the emergence of urban centres of relatively
modest dimensions, a s market centres, trade centres (fairs, etc.) which were primarily
points of the exchange network. The range of interaction of such centres varied from
small agrarian hinterlands t o regional commercial hinterlands. Some also functioned
beyond their regional frontiers. However, by and large, the early medieval urban
centres were rooted in their regional contexts. This is best illustrated by the nagnram
of South India, substantial evidence of which comes from Tamil Nadu and also t o a
limited extent by the existence of nakhara and nagaramu in Karnataka and Andhra
Pradesh respectively. The nagaram served as the market for the nadu or kurrrrn, an
agrarian or peasant region. Some of them emerged'due to the exchange needs of the
nadu. A fairly large number of such centres were founded by ruling families or were
established by royal sanction and were named after the rulers, a feature common t o
all regions in South India. Such centres had the suffix pura o r pattana.
Nagarams located on important trade routes and at the points of intersection

developed into more important trade and commercial centres of the region. They
were ultimately brought into a network of intra-regional and inter-regional trade as
well as overseas trade through the itinerant merchant organisations and the royal
ports. Such a development occurred uniformly throughout peninsular India between
the tenth and twelfth centuries. During these centuries South lndia was drawn into
the wider trade network in which all the countries of South Asia, South-east Asia and
China and the Arab countries came t o be involved (See also Units 3 and 4). The
nagarams linked the ports with political and administrative centres and craft centres
in the interior.
I n Karnataka nagarams emerged more as points of exchange in trading network than

as regular markets for agrarian regions. However, the uniform features in all such
nagarams is that they acquired a basic agricultural hinterland for the non-producing
urban groups living in such centres. Markets in these centres were controlled by the
nagaram assembly headed by a chief merchant called pattanasvami.
A similar development of trade and market centres can be seen in Rajasthan and
western parts of ~ a d h ~ a i ~ r a d eHere,
s h . the exchange centres were located in the
context of the bases of adrarian production i.e. where clusters of rural settlements
occur. In Rajasthan these centres were points of intersection for traffic of varying
origins, giving rise t o a certain measure of hierarchy. The network was further
elaborated with the growth of generations of well-known merchant families in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. They are named after their places of origin such as
Osawala (Osia), Shrimalis (Bhirimal). Pallivalas and Khandclvalas, etc. The resource
bases, the main routes for the flow of resources and the centres of exchange were
integrated through the expansion of these merchant families. Rajasthan provided the
main commercial links between Gujarat, Central India and the Ganga \.alley. Such
links were maintained through towns like Pali, which connected the cca coast towns
like Dvaraka and Bhrigukachcha (Broach) with Central and North India. Gujarat,
with its dominant Jain merchants, continued to be the major trading region of
Western lndia where early historic ports or emporium like Bhrigukachcha (Broach)
continued to flourish as entrepots of trade in early medieval times. Bayana, another
notable town in Rajasthan was the junction of different routes from different
directions. The range of merchandise started probably with agr~culturalproduce
(i~tcludingdairy products) but extended to such high-value items as horses,
elephants. horned animal4 and jewels.
In Karnataka, the steady increase in towns during the period under review is marked
Shimoga. In the trade with the West i.e. Arabia, Persian Gulf and beyond, the West
Coast of Peninsular India played a consistently dominant role from the early historic
period. Several ports such as Thana, Goa, Bhatkal, Karwar, Honavar and
Mangalore developed during the revival of long distance trade, between the tenth and
twelfth centuries, with evidena of coastal shipping and ocean navigation.
Surprisingly, this commercial activity was taking place (see also Unit 3) only through
limited monetization. Incidentally, the Konkan coast (under the Shilaharas) does not
even show any signs of risc of markets and their network.
Wider trade networks also existed between Karnataka. Andhra and Tamil Nadu, for
the presence of Kannada, Tamil and Telugu merchants is well attested in several
towns such as Belgaun (Karnataka), Peruru in Nalgonda district (Andhra Pradesh)
and coastal towns of Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala. The Andhra coast turned to
the south eastern trade with Motupalli, Visakhapatnam and Ghantasala acting as
the major outlets. Market centres of inter-regianal importance are represented by
places like Nellore, Draksharama, Tripurantakam and Anumakonda in Andhra
Pradesh. On the northern and southern banks of Kaveri in its middle reaches arose a
number of exchangt points between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu such as Talakkad
and Mudikondan.
Kerala developed contracts with the West and foreign traders such as the Jews,
Christians and Arabs who were given trading towns under special royal charters.
Coastal towns such as Kolikkodu, Kollam etc., became entrepots of South Asian
trade. The location of such trading groups aa the Anjuvannan and Arab horse
dealers enhanced the importance of coastal towns in Karnataka and Kerala.
Major craft centres which developed in response to inter-regional trade were weaving.
centres in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. Some of the craft and
commercial centres of the early historic urban phase survived till the early medieval
period and were brought into the processes of re-urbanisation which llnked them
with the new socioeconomic institutions like the temple. Kashi (Varanasi) in the
north and Kanchipuram (near Madras) in the south are two very prominent
examples of such processes.
2.4.3 Sacred/Pilgrimage Centres

The idea of pilgrimage to religious centres developed in the early medieval period
due to the spread of the cult of Bhdcti. Its expansion in different regions through a
process of acculturation and interaction between the Brahmanical or Sanskritic
forms of worship and folk or popular cults cut across narrow sectarian interests. As
a result, some local cult centres of great antiquity as well as those with eerly
associations with brahmanical and non-brahmanical religions, became pilgrimage
centres. The pilgrimage network was sometimes confined to the specific cultural
region within which a cult centre assumed a sacred character. However, those cult
centres, which became sacred tirthas attracted worshippers from various regions.
Both types of pilgrimage centres developed urban features due to a mobile pilgrim
population, trade and royal patronage. The role of emerging market in the growth of
tirthas is now being recognised by historians in a big way.
Pushkara near Ajmer in Rajasthan was a sacred tirtha of regional importance with a
dominant Vaishnava association. Kasi (Banaras) acquired a pan-Indian character due
to its greater antiquity and importance as a brahrnanical sacred centre. In South
India, Srirangam (Vaishnava), Chidambaram (Shaiva) and Madurai (Shaiva) etc.
developed as regional pilgrimage centres, while Kanchipuram became a part of an all
India pilgrimage network. While Melkote was a regional sacred centre in Karnataka,
Alampur, Draksharama and Simhachalam show a similar development in Andhra
Pradesh. Tirupati was initially an important sacred-centre for the Tamil Vaishnavas
but acquired a pan-Indian character later in the Vijayanagara period.
Jain centres of pilgrimage emerged in Gujarat and Rajasthan where merchant and
royal patronage led to the proliferation of Jain temples in groups in centres such as
Osia, Mount Abu, Palitana, etc.
In South India the elaboration of temple structures in sacred centres show two types
nf anrhsn nrnurth .
firly ~ e d i c v d&orlomy : First, it was organised around a single large temple as in Srirangam, Madurai,
-
8th 13th Century Tiruvannamalai (Tamil Nadu), Melkote (Karnataka), Draksharama and
Simhachalam (Andhra Pradesh).
- The second type involves the growth around several temples of different religions
such as Shivaism. Vishnuism and Saktism.
The early medieval urbanisation is sometimes characterised as "temple urbanisation"

particularly in the context of south India. Sacred centres also provided important
links in the commerce of a region as temples and the mathas attached to them were
the biggest consumers of luxury articles and value goods.
2.4.4 Royal Centres or Capitals

Royal centres of the seats of power of the ruling families were a major category of
urban centres in early medieval India. Some of them had been the seats of royal
power even in the early historic period, for example, in the Janapadas of North
India or in the traditional polities of South India. Royal families also developed their
own ports, which were the main ports of entry into their respective territories and
which also linked them with international commerce. Thus, the commercial needs of
royal centres created new trade and communication links and built up much cIoser
relationships between the royal centre and their agricultural hinterlands or resource
bases. In all the region$ south of the Vindhyas, where brahmanical kingdoms came
to be established by the eighth century A.D. there is substantial evidence of the
growth of such royal centres. Some representative examples are:
Vatapi and Vengi of the Chalukyas in the northern Karnataka and Andhra.
Kanchipuram of the Pallavas with their royal.port at Mamallapuram
(Mahabalipuram).
a Madurai of the Pandyas with Korkai as their port.
Tanjavur of the Colas with Nagappattinam as their port.
Kalyana of the Western Chalukyas, Dvarasamudra of the Hoysalas, and
Warangal of the Kakatiyas with Motupalli at their port.
Warangal was a rare example of a fortified royal city in South India.
Examples of royal centres in North India are:
the Gurjara Partihara capital at Kanyakubja (Kanauj).
Khajuraho of the Candellas.
Dhara of the Paramaras, and
Valabhi of the Solankis.
A fairly large number of cities emerged under the powerful Gurjara-Pratiharas,
Chahamanas and Paramaras in Rajasthan. Most of them were fortified centres, hill
forts (garhkila and durga). Examples of fort-cities in Rajasthan are.:
Nagara and Nagda under the Guhilas.
b Bayana, Hanumanghrh and Chitor under the Gurjara-Pratiharas, and
Mandor, Ranathambor, Sakambhari and Ajmer under the Chauhans and so on.
On the basis of various sources, a list of 131 places has been compiled for the
Chauhan dominions, most of which seem to have been towns. Nearly two dozen
towns are identified in Malwa under the Paramaras. Gujarat under the Chalukyas
was studded with port towns. The number of towns, however, does not seem to be
large in Eastern India although all the nine victorv camps (jayaskandavars) of the
Palas (Pataliputra, Mudgagiri, Ramavati, Vata Parvataka, Vilaspura, Kapilavasaka,
Sahasgand, Kanchanapura and Kanaui) may have been towns. To these may be
added four capitals of the Senas in northern and eastern Bengal,-.viz. -.
Lakhnaut~,
in the Candellas records. The Palas and the Candellas also account for nearly twenty Urban Scttlancnts
and twentyfour fortresses respectively.
Sometimes, important trade and market centres were also conferred o n feudatory
families. Examples of such minor political centres a r e numerous in Karnataka,
Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
3
1) What led t o the transformation of some rural centres in to urban?
2) How did the trading activities help in the growth of towns?
3) Did religious centres p h y a role in the process of urbanisation?
4) Write five lines on "administrative centres a s towns".
-- - ---- - -- - -- -- --- -- ---

2.5 LET U S S U M U P --
The changes introduced by the system of land grants in the post-Gupta c e n t ~ ~ r i e s

were not confined t o a new agrarian economy. Urbdn settlements, which had been in
the state of decay in the few centuries after the arrival oT tlre Guptab, saw a new life
infused into them. The revival of trade, rise of new markets, dispersal of political
authority and consolidation of economic power by religious establishments had given
rise to numerous towns and cities in different regions of the lndian sub-continent
with only minor variations noticeable in the relative importance of causative factors.
2.6 KEY WORDS

Kurram : sometimes the same a s nadu (see below) but sometimes only a part of a
nadu.
Nadu :a district o r a subdivision; also used in the sense of the local asscmblv t o
E u l y Medltvd Economy : N r p n m / N a k h i r l / N u g i l l n u :a sort of merchant assembly located in market towns
-
8th 13th Century with wide ranging commercial interests.
Skrndhrvrr : military camps-functioning as mobile capitals.
Tirthr :sacred/ pilgrimage centre.
- --

EXERCISES

1) See Sec. 2.2 under the heading phrases and definition.
2) Your answer should include features like I a ~ y cst.ttlcr~len(s.dcllsc population,
large sections of people engaged ill iirtis;i~lcr;~ftsarltl conlnlcrcc ctc. See Sec.2.2
:1lso.
3) Seven such traits lihted in Sec. 2.2. Please read tllcrll and write in britt
five of them.
1) In some cases the rural e n t r e s provided a nuclei for the growth of urban
centres. At times rural centres became a point of convergence of trade and
developed in to towns. See Sub-sec. 2.4.1.
2) Your answer should include factors such as the' I ~ c a t i o nof place on it major
'
trade route, interaction of route or market for regional trade or inter-regional
trade of a port. See Sub-sec. 2.4.2.
3) A numbcr of religicrus centres developed in towns bccausc these were visited by a
vast number of people and in due course markets elc. developed. Also read
Sub-sec. 2.4.3 agaid.
4) You should write a s t o how adm~nistrativccentre\ or \c;lts of poucr dvvclopd
in established towns. Sec Sub-sec . 2.4.4.
UNIT 3 TRADE AND COMMERCE
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Trade : Definition and Phases
3.3 The First Phase (c. A.D. 700-900)
3.3.1 Media of Exchange
3.3.2 Relative Decline of Trade
3.3.3 Urban Settlements : Decay
3.4 , The Second Phase (c. A.D. 900-1300)
3.4.1 Crafts and Industry
3.4.2 Coins and other Media of Exchange
3.5 Aspects of Trade
3 5.1 Inland Trade a) Commod~tiesof Trade and their Consumers. and
b) Trade Routes and Means o f Communications
3.5.2 Maritime Trade a) The Chief Participants
b) Cornmoditla Exchanged
c) Ports
d) Safety and Security of Merchants
3.5.3 Revival of Towns
3.6 Let Us Sum Up
3.7 Key Words
3.8 Answers to Check Your ~ ; o g ~ e sExercises
s
3.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you should be able to explain:

the importance of trade and commerce in the overall economic history of India ,
during the six centuries between c.A.D. 700 and c.A.D. 1300,
the historical features of trade in two broad phases: i) c.700-900 and ii) c.900-
1300,
the relationship between trade and commerce with i) metallic-currency, ii) village
economy and iii) towns,
the role of crafts and industry in the trade operations,
about the commodities of trade and their consumers-both in the inland a & '
foreign trade,
the principal trade routes and means of communication, and
the role of political authorities in furthering the intemsts of traatr. I ?d
merchants.
-
3.1 INTRODITC'TIGX
---- --- .- ---
The study of urbar. settle-ireas UIA,,.,. 2,. in the cecond Umt would l r i n r ~
incomplete :f it is not reliltcd to trade and commeize. 5specr :.f Indian cconcnly
in the early rnecii=val cencmz: an integrai component. Like the tv~t pece2in:~
L1nits ( I and 21, 2r f-im: ;a iiii~cht&l~ a~er~!,orls
.- .
took place are ~ r iisved
Unit in the bdckarop of the deuelr~:.,tr.' c v -:.-.i,; f y L h i.-, Thp- n..turc and extin;
: in this
.,f tire ;.a. of r*.. I:, r:.? <CCC!~;,J~,~ J; md:Ltt th: -ole of Lgr-u;tbral production,
and s u g e ~;:. :. , . ~ . r d l t i ~~f
i i ~siban sc::leaeat: are i: terrelare. 'rv.lo;n;ct.: -
None of these 1s unreiated to the system of land :rants w5iiil .:, ;!ledoj jeer.
described (Unit 1) as an almost all India phenome~~on u . l r i ~ bt>t c t ! ~ ~ ~ + lunder
r.,
discussion (eighth to thirteenth). One may even suggr~ttt~artrad: .d cLmmerLc too
3.2 TRADE :DEFINITION AND PHASES
The collection, distribution and exchange of goods is called trade. It is a process

which depends on a number of factors such as the nature and quantity of
production, facilities of transport, safety and security of traders, the pattern of
exchange, etc. It also involves different sections of society including traders,
merchants, peasants and artisans. In a somewhat indirect manner, even political .
authorities have a stake in it as taxes on the articles of commerce imposed by them
constitute an im~ortantsource of revenue of the state.
The historical features of trade during the early medieval times can be best
understood if we divide this period into two broad phases:
1) c.700-900 A.D.. and
ii) c 900-1300 A.D.
Briefly, the two phases are marked by :

a) relative decline of trade, metallic currency, urban centres and a somewhat
closed viUage economy in the first phase, and
b) reversal of most of the aforesaid tendencies in the second phase. So, one
notices trade picking up momentum not only within the country b$t in relation
to other countries as well. Metal coins were no longer as scarce as they were in
the first phase. Of course, it was not a phase of deeply penetrated monetary
economy as was the case in the five centuries following the end of the Mauryas
(c.200 B.C.-A.D.300). Nor did the pattern of urban growth remain
unaffected by the revival of trade and expansion of agriculture.
3.3 THE FIRST PHASE (c.A.D. 700-900)

The period from A.D. 750-1000 witnessed wide-spread practice of granting land not
only to priests and temples but also to wamor chiefs and state officials. As already
seen (Unit 1) it lead to the emergence of a hierarchy of landlords. Even graded state
officials such as maha-mmdaklvara, mandaka, =manta, mahammanta, thakkura,
ttc. developed interests in land. However, they were different from the actual tillers
uf the soil and lived on the surplus extracted from the peasants who were hardly left
with anything to trade. It resulted in the growth of rural economy where local needs
were being satisfied locally through the imposition of numerous restrictions on t'le
mobility of actual producers. The relative dearth of medium of exchange, viz.. m+tal
coins only strengthened this trend.
3.3.1 Media of Exchange

Zndia was ruled by many important dynasties between .A.D. 750 and 1000. These
include the Gujara Prathiharas in Western India, the Palas in Eastern India and
the Rashtrakutas in the Decan. All had the distinction of having been served by
some of the most powerful kings of the day, many of whom had very long lasting
reigns. It is astonishing that their available coins are very few and in no way
compare either in quantity or quality with the coins of earlier centuries. Since money
plays an important role in the sale and purchase of goods, the paucity of actual coins
and the absence of coin-moulds in archaeological finds lead us to believe in the
shrinkage of trade during the period under survey.
p o u g h first suggested by D.D. Kostimbi, it was the publication of Professor

R.S. Sharma's 1adi.n Ftmdrlkm in 1965 that brought to focus the paucity of coinage in
the post-Gupta times, its link with trade and commerce and consequent emergence of
feudal social formation. The subject has been keenly debated in the last twenty five
years. There have been four major types of responses :
ii), A cast study of Orissa substantiates complete absence of coins between c.A.D. Trade and Commerce
600 and 1200 but argues for-trade with Southeast Asia and emphasizes the role
of barter in foreign trade.
iii) Kashmir, on the other hand, shows emergence of copper coinage from about
the eighth century A.D. Extremely poor quality of this coinage has been
explained in terms of the decline of trade based economy and rise of
agricultural pursuits in the valley.
iv) Finally, a point of view questions not only the idea of paucity of coins but also
the decline in trade. This is based on the evidence from what is described as the
mid-Eastern India comprising Bihar, West Bengal and the present Bangladesh
during A.D. 750-1200. While it is conceded that there was no coined money
and that the Palas and Senas themselves did not strike coins, it is also argued
that there was no dearth of media of exchange. To illustrate, it is emphasized
that there was not only a long series of Harikela silver coinage but also cowries
and more importantly churni (money in the form of gold/silver dust) also
functioned as media of exchange.
Well, there may have been some regional exceptions but the all-India perspective fits
in the general hypothesis of Professor Sharma. Even with regard to the regional
exce~tions,the following questions require some attention:'
a) What was the nature and extent of such commercial activities?
b) Were such activities capable of giving rise to stable commercialised class?
C) Who took away the profits of this trade?
d) Did this so called flourishing trade gave any incentive to the toiling, subject
and immobile peasantry?
It is significant to note in this context that:

The relevant sources cited in the context of the mid-Eastern India, are silent about
the participation of indigenous people in the maritime trade of the area.
Even the limited trading activities were confined to the ruling elite.
The miserable conditions of the common man are reflected in the meaning of the
word vangali (literally, a resident of Bengal) which denoted somebody "very poor
and miserable".
Similarly, those who talk about India's trade with Southeast Asia may also do well
to keep in view the position of metal money in that region. Detailed study of
Cambodia, for example, shows that during the two centuries of post-Gupta times
(A.D. 600-800) Southeast Asia failed to evolve any system of coinage and barter
(largely based on paddy and only marginally on cloth) provided essentials of the
Khmer economy. Even when such early medieval coin types as the Indo-Sassanian.
Shri Vigraha, Shri Adivaraha, Bull and Horseman, Gadhaiya, etc. emerged in
Western and North western India and to some extent in the Ganga valley, they could
not make much dent in the overall economy. Apart from the doubts about the
period of emergence of these coins, their extremely poor quality and purchasing
power also indicate the shrinkage of their actual role, Further, in relation to the
rising population and expanding area of settlement, the overall volume of mon'ey
circulation was negligible. Hence, we can say that the case for the relative decline of
metallic money during the f m t phase is based on convincing empirical evidence. This
was bound to have an impact on India's trading activities.
3.3.2 Relative Decline of Trade

Internally, the fragmentation of political authority and the dispersal of power to
local chiefs, religious grantees, etc. seem to have had an adverse effect, at least in the
initial centuries of the land grant economy. Many of the intermediary landlords,
particularly of less productive areas, resorted to loot and plunder or excessive taxes
on goods passing through their territories. This must have dampened the enthusiasm
of traders and merchants. No less discouraging were the frequent wars.amongst
potential ruling chiefs. Though two Jain texts of the eighth century, 29
Early Medievd Framomy :
8th - 13th Century '
S.mnnicchaluha of Haribhadra Suri and the Kuvalayarmrh of Uddyotana Suri,
refer to brisk trade and busy towns, it is rightly argued that these texts heavily draw
their material from the sources of earlier centuries and. therefore, d o not necessarily
reflect the true economic condition of the eight century.
8. Coins of Tenth Century A.D. 1

As regards the decline of foreign trade with the West, it is pointed out that it bad
greatly diminished after the fall of the great Roman Empire in the fourth century. It
was also affected adversely in the middle of the sixth century when the people of
Byzantine (Eastern Roman Empire) learnt the art of making silk. lndia thus. lost an
important market which had fetched her considerable amount of gold in the early
centuries of the Christian era.
The decline of foreign trade was also caused by the expansion of Arabs on the
North-west frontiers of India in the seventh and eighth centuries. Their presence in
the region made overland routes unsafe for Indian merchants. A story in the
Kathacmritsagara tells us that a group of merchants going from Ujjain t o Peshawar
were captured by a n Arab and sold. Later, when they somehow got free, they
decided to leave the North-western region forever and returned to South for trade.
The fights amongst the Tibetans and Chinese during these centuries also affected the
flow of goods along the routes in central Asia. Even the Western coast of lndia
suffered dislocation and disruption of sea trade as the Arabs raided Broach and
Thana in the seventh lcentury and destroyed Valabh~.an important port on the
Saurashtra coast, in the eighth century. Though as we have pointed out. later, the
Arabs played an important part in the growth of Indian maritlme trade after the
tenth century; initially their sea raids had an adverse effect on the Indian commercial
activity. There are some references in the contemporary literature to India's contact
x - 1 .--I . I. 0 . .
with Southeast Asia, but it is doubtful whether it could make up for the loss
. I .l ..r
3.3.3 Urban Settlements : Decay Tm& and Commerce
The first phase was also marked by-the decay and desertion of many towns. It is an
important symptom of commercial decline because the towns are primarily the
settlements of people engaged in crafts and commerce. As trade declined and the
demand for craft-goods slumped, the traders and craftsmen living in towns had to
disperse to rural areas for alternative means of livelihood. Thus towns decayed and
townsfolk became a part of village economy. Beside the accounts of Hiuen Tsang,
the Pauranic records too, while referring to Kali age indicate depopulation of
important cities. This seems to have been the continuation of the trend already
indicated by Varahamihira (5th century). Reference was made in Unit 2 t o the
excavated data from 140 sites. The decay of important towns such as Vaishali,
Pataliputra, Varanasi, etc. is evident from the archaeological excavations which
reveal poverty of structure and antiquities. The pan-Indian scene is marked by
desertion of urban centres or their state of decaysin the period between the third and
eighth centuries. Even those settlements which continued upto the eighth century,
were deserted thereafter. One can mention Ropar (in Punjab), Atranjikhera and
Bhita (in Uttar Pradesh), Eran (in Madhya Pradesh), Prabhas Patan (in Gujarat),
Maheswar and Paunar (in Maharashtra), and Kudavelli (in Andhra Pradesh) in this
category of urban settlements. Even the medieval greatness of Kanauj (in the
Farrukhabad district of Uttar Pradesh) for which several wars were fought amongst
the Palas, Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas, has still to be testified by the excavator's
spade.
The commercial activity during the first phase of early medieval period had declined
but did not disappear completely. In fact, trade in costly and luxury goods meant for
the use of kings, feudal chiefs and heads of tkmples and monasteries continued to
exist. The articles such as precious and semi-precious stones. ivory, harses, etc.
formed an important part of the long distance trade, but the evidence for
transactions in the goods of daily use is quite meagre in the sources belonging to this
period. The only important article mentioned in the inscriptions are salt and oil
which could not be produced by every village, and thus had to be brought from
outside. If the economy had not been self-sufficient, the references to trade in grains,
sugar, textile, handicrafts, etc. would have been more numerous. In short the nature
of commercial activity during A.D. 750-1000 was such which catered more to the
landed intermediaries and feudal lords rather than the masses. Though there were
some pockets of trade and commerce such as Pehoa (near Karnal in Haryana) and
Ahar (near Bulandshahr in Uttar Pradesh) where merchants from far and wide met
to transact business, they could not make any significant dent in the closed economy
of the country as a whole.
Check Your Pmgm 1
I) Write in brief the important features of the economy during c. 700-900 A.D.!
2) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark (d ) or (X).

i) According to R.S. Sharma then was decline of coinage during the post-
Gupta period.
ii) There was abundance of coins in Orissa between 600-1200 A.D.
L
iii) The poor quality of copper coins of Kashmir (around 8th century) can be
ascribed to the decline in trade.
iv) Apart from minted money there were no media of exchange during 8th-
Euly Medicvd Ecoaomy :
Bb- 1 s Century 3) How did the Arabs influence the Indian trade between 8th-12th centuries A.D.?
'4) Give main reasons for the decay of towns between'7th-9th centuries A.D.
3.4 THE SECOND PHASE (c.A.D.900 - 1300)

This phase is marked by the revival of trade and commerce. It was also the period of
agrarian expansion, increased use of money and the reemergence of market ,
economy in which goods were produced for exchange rather than for local
consumption. These dnturies also witnessed a substantial growth of urban
settlements in different parts of the sub-continent.
As already explained (Unit l), the widespread practice of land grants had been a
significant factor in agrarian expansion. Though it is recognised that it is not easy to
quantify this development, one can also not overlook the noticeable regional
variations and disparities. However, the period from the beginning of the tenth
century to thcend of the thirteenth was the age of greater production of both cereals
and pulses as well as of commercial crops. Naturally, it created a favourable climate
for widening the scope of both internal and external trade.
3.4.1 Crafts and Industry

The growth of agricultural production was supplemented by increased craft
production. In the first phase of early medieval period the decline of internal and
external trade meant the narrowing down of markets for industrial products. The
production remalned largely confined to local and regional needs. In the second
phase, however, we notice a trend towards increased crafi production which
stimulated the process of both regional and inter-regional exchange.
Textile Industry, which had been well established since ancient times, developed as a
major economic activity. Coarse as well as fine cotton goods were now being
produced. Marco Polo (A.D. 1293) and Arab writers praise the excellent quality of
cotton fabrics from Bangal and Gujarat. The availability of madder in Bengal and
indigo in Gujarat might have acted as important aides to the growth of textile
industry in these regions, Manaeohsa, a text of the twelfth century, also mentions
Paithan, Negapatinam, Kalinga and Multan as important centres of textile industry.
The silk weavers of Kanataka and Tamil Nadu also constituted a very important
and influential section of the society.
The oil industry acquired great importance during this period. From the tenth
hntury onwards, we get more references to the cultivation of oilstods as well as to
phanaka or oil mills. An inscription from Karnataka refers to different types of oil
pills operated both by men and bullocks. We also notice the affluence of oilmen
f6-1116-,,\ I.-".m- a...- .C 6L-, ..-As-r,-L *La -...l...-..^r:..- C
. *--- .
..
---I .
.*
La
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public works. -M iediater t h t the oil industry offered profits to its members. Trade and Commerce
Similarly, r e f e m to 8- bltivation and cane crushers in this period also
Endicate large scale production of jaggcry and other forms of sugar. Besides the agro-
based industry, the craftamanship in metal and leather goods too reached a high level
of excellence. The literary sou- refer to craftsmen connected with different types
of metale such as copper, brans, iraa, gold, silver, etc. A number of large beams at
Puri and Konarka temples in Orisaa indicate the proficiency of the iron smiths of
India in the twelfth ctntury. Iron was also used to manufacture swords, spearheads
hnd other arms and weapons of high quality. Magadha, Benaras, Kalinga and
%crashtra were known for the manufacture of good quality swords. Gujarat was
known for gold and silver embroidery. The Ginza records of the Jewish merchants
belonging to the twelfth century reveal that Indian brass industry was so well known
that the customers in Aden sent broken vessels and utensils to India to refashion
them according to their own specifications. The existing specimens of Cola bronzes
and those from Nalanda, Nepal and Kashmir display the excellence of the Indian
metal workers.
In the field of leather industry Gujarat occupied an enviable position. Marco Polo
mentions that the people of Gujarat made beautiful leather mats in red and blue
whicb were skilfully embroidered with figures of birds and animals. These were in ,
great demand in the Arab World.
3.4.2 Coins and Other Media of Exchange

The revival of trade received considerable help from the reemergence of metal
money during the centuries under discussion. There is, however, substantial
discussion about the degree and level of monetization. Very often the contenders of
the penetration of money in the market invoke literary and inscriptional references to
numerous terms purporting to describe various types of coins of early medieval
India. Thus texts such as Prabandhachintnrnanl, Lilavatf, Drivyapariksha,
bkbapddlmtf, etc. mention bhagaka, rupaka, virnshatika, karshapana, dinar,
dramnm, niahla, gadhaiya-rnudrn, pdyanaka, tanka, and many other coins with
their multiples. No less prolific are inscriptional references. For example the
Siyadoni inscription alone refers to varieties of drarnrnm in the mid-tenth century.
The Paramara Chalukya, Chahmana, Pratihara, Pala, Candella and Cola
inscriptions corroborate most of the terms found in contemporary literature. There
has also been considerable speculation about the value'of these coins, their metal
content and their relationship with one another. Nothing could be more simplistic
than to guggat the penetration of money in the market simply on the basis of listing
of numismatic gleanings from a mixed bag of inscriptions and literature. We need to
scrutinize the contexts of such references. Aspects requiring detailed exploration are:
i) Whether references to coins are in the context of exchanges in the rural area or
in the urban setting?
ii) the types of exchange centres and the nature of 'market" where such
transactions take place;
iii) - the personnel involved in these transactions; and
iv) o how far are the inscriptional references to coins only notional? etc.
As far as the actual specimens of coins are concerned, one can say that the practice
of minting gold coins was revived by Gangeyadera (A.D. 1019;1040); the Kalacuri
King of Tripuri (iri Madhya Pradesh) after a gap of more than four centuries.
Govindachandra, the Gahadavala King near Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh, the
Chandella rulers ~ift6varmanand Madanavarman in Central India, King Harsha of
Kashmir anddsome Cola Kings in Tamil Nadu also issued gold coins. Reference has
already been made above to certain early medievalcoin types in Western and North-
western I v i a . According to one estimate, about nine mints were founded in different
parts of Karnataka during the twelfth and thirteenth century. An important mint
functioned at Shrimol (near Jodhpur) in Rajasthan.
As far as the actual role of metal money is concerned, the little work that has been
Ann- ,.-r --,4n,nl LI.,:., A-.. A.,- L-I- ..-
A- -L - 3. . .
Early Medieval Economy : Despite the plethora of references to coins, the evidence of overall volume of money
-
8th 13th Century
in circulation is almost negligible. Nor can one overlook the poor purchasing power
of early medieval coins, irrespective of the metal used. All coins of the period were
highly debased and reduced in weight. Also, in terms of the rising population and
expanding area of settlement, the use of money seems to have been highly restricted.
The case study of early medival Rajasthan shows that the revival of trade,
multiplication of exchange centres and markets and prosperity of merchant families
took place only with the help of "partial monetization". Similarly, the cash nexus on
the Western coast (Konkan area) under the Shilaharas (c. 6 . D . 850-1250) was also
marked by limited use of money. The types and denominations of coins remained
not only extremely localised but could not penetrate deep into the economic ethos.
Masses were far away from handling of coins. The currency system of South India
during A.D. 950-1300 also shows that transactions at all levels of the society were
not equally affected by coined money. For example, the fabulous expenses reported
to have been incurred by the Pandyas as regular buyers of imported horses cannot
be thought in terms of what we know as very poor Pandyan currency. Barter was
still an important means of exchange in local inter-regional and perhaps even in
inter-national commerce. There are references which indicate that carvanas of
merchants exchanged their commodities with those of other regions. According to
one account, horses imported from abroad were paid for not in cash but in Indian
goods which may have been silk, spices or ivory. These Indian goods enjoyed
constant demand in the markets all over the world.
Though the revival of even '"partial monetization" was contributing to economic Trade and Commerce
growth, yet no less significant was the parallel development of credit instrument by
which debits and credits could be transferred without the handling of cash money. In
the texts of the period we find references to a device called hundika or the bill of
exchange which might have been used by merchants for commercial transactions.
Through this device credit could be extended by one merchant to another and, thus.
the obstacle to commerce due to shortage of coined money could be overcome. The
Lakhapaddhati, a text which throws light on the life of Gujarat in the twelfth-
thirteenth centuries, refers to various means of raising loan for consumption as well
as commercial ventures t h r ~ u g hthe mortgage of land, house and cattle.

I) Briefly comment on the variety and qual~tyof textiles produced in India between
9th-13th centuries.
2) List the main metal works of Indian artisans between 9th-13th centuries.
3) Can we describe the economy between A.D. 9th-13th centuries as fully

dependent on minted coins?
................................................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
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................................................................................................................................
3.5 ASPECTS OF TRADE
The increased agricultural production and the momentum picked by industrial and
craft production were responsible for giving rise to a hierarchy of exchange centres.
e ---- .:---A L 2 -L- -- r . r A- . . - ...
E a l y Medieval Ecmwny : inter-regional and intra-regional exchange networks were creating cracks in the
-
nth 1% Century relatively closed village economy of the first phase (c. A.D. 750-900).
3.5.1 Inland Tnde

A large variety of commodities wen carried for trading through a network of trade
r 0 u t e s . i ~the country. h t us fvst discuss the commodities of trade.
..
8 ) Cohrmadltkc of T r u e and tbeir Cormurnem
There are numerous inscriptions which refer to merchants carrying foodgrgns, oil,
butter, salt, coconuts, arecanuts, betel leaves, madder, indigo, candid sugar, jaggtry,
thread cotton fabrics, blankets, metals, spices, etc. from one place to another, and
paying taxes and tolls on them. Benjamin Tudela, a Jesuit priest from Spain (twelfth
century) noticed wheat, barley and pulses, besides linstd fibre and cotton cloth
brought by the traders to the island of Kish in the Persian Gulf on their way home
from India. A1 Idrisi also refers to the transhipment of rice from the country of
Malabar to Sri Lanka in the twelfth century. The export of palm sugar and coir for
ropes is noted by Friar Jordanus who wrote in about A.D. 1330. Marco Polo refers
to the export of indigo from Quilon (on the Malabar Coast) and Gujarat. Besides,
cotton fabrics, carpets, leather mats, swords and spears also appear in various
sources a s important articles of exchange. High value items such as horses,
elephants, jewellery, etc. also came to various exchange centres.
The chief customers of Indian goods were of course the rich inhabitants of China,
Arabia and Egypt. Many of the Indian goods might have found their way to Europe
as well as via Mediterranean. While the aspects of foreign trade will be discussed at
length later, it needs to be highlighted that the domestic demand was not
insignificant. A new class of consumers emerged as a result of large scale landgrants
from the eighth century onwards. The priests who earlier subsisted on a meagre fees
offered at domestic and other rites were now entitled to hereditary enjoyment of vast
landed estates, benefices and rights. This new landowing class, along with the ruling
chiefs and rising mercantile class, became an important buyer of luxuries and
necessities because of their better purchasing power.
The brahmanical and non-brahmanical religious establishments, which commanded

vast resources in the form of landed estates and local levies, developed as important
consumers of almost all marketable goods. They required not only such articles as
coconuts, betel leaves and arecanuts, which had acquired great ritual sanctity, but
also increased quantity of food for presentation to gods or for distribution as
prrsndau. The personnel of religious establishments, which numbered up to many
hundreds in case of big and important temples, constituted an important consuming
group to be fed and clothed by peasants, artisans and merchants. Thus big temples
with their vast resources and varied requirements also helped in generating
commercial activity. This phenomenon was more marked in South India where many
temple sites became important commercial centres (See also Unit 2; Sub-sed2.4.3).
b) Tnde Routes and Means of Communication

A vast network of roads connected different ports, markets and towns with one
another and served as the channel of trade and commerce. The overland connections
amongst different regions is indicated by the itinerary of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen
Tsang who came to Indk in the seventh century from across the Hindukush and
visited various towns and capitals from Kashmir in North to Kanchi in South and
from Assam in East to Sindh in West. An inscription of A.D. 953 refers to
merchants from Karnataka, Madhyadesha, South Gujarat and Sindh coming to
Ahada in Rajasthan for mercantile activities. Bilhana, an eleventh century poet from
Kashmir tells us about his travels from Kashmir to Mathura, and how he reached
Banaras after passing through Kannauj and Prayaga. From Banaras he proceeded to
Somanatha (on the Sautashtra coast) via Dhar (near Ujjain) and Anahilavada (in
North Gujarat). From Somanatha, he sailed to Honavar (near Goa), and then went
overland to Rameshwadm on the Eastern coast. Finally, he came t o Kalyani in
Arabic and Persian accounts provide us a more detailed information on the
contemporary trade-routes. Albiruni (A.D. 1030) mentions fifteen routes which
started from Kannauj, Mathura, Bayana, etc'. The route from Kannauj passed
through Prayaga and went eastward up to the port of Tamralipti (Tamluk in the
Midnapur district of West Bengal), from where it went along the Eastern coast t o .
Kanchi in South. Towards the Northeast, this route led to Assam. Nepal and Tibet,
from where one could go overland to China. Kannauj and Mathura were also on the
route to Balkh in the North-west. This alsa joined Peshawar and Kabul and
tlltimately the Grand Silk route connecting China with Europe. This North-western
rob-* was the chief channel of commercial intercourse between India and Central
Asia in the pre-Gupta centuries. But in the early medieval period. it was largely
under the control of Arab and Turkish traders who used it primarily to bring horses
f r o q Persia, Balkh and other regions. The route starting from Bayana in Rajasthan
passed through the desert of Marwar, and reached the modern port of Karachi in
Sindh. A branch of this route passed through Abu in the Western foot of the Aravali
Hills, and connected ports and towns of Gujarat with Bayana. Mathura and other
places in North and North-western India. Another route from Mathura and Prayaga
proceeded to the port of Broach on the Western coast via Ujjain. These routes
played an important role in opening the interior of India to the international sea
trzde which acquired a new dimension in the post-tenth centuries. Besides roads, the
rivers in the plains of Northern India, and the sea route along thd Eastern and
Western coasts in South lndia also served as important means of inter-regional
contacts.
The pleasures and pains of travel in ancient times depended on the geographical
conditions of the trade routes. The routes through desert and hilly areas were
certainly more arduous and difficult. In the plains, bullock-carts were the chief
means of conveyance. but where they could not ply animals, human carriers were
employed to transport goods from one place to another. In the contemporary
literature, there are references to different types of boats which must have been used
in river traffic whereas big ships plied on the high seas.
A sign~ficantdevelopment in the post-tenth centuries was the keen interest shown by

I
rulers to keep the highways in their kingdoms safe. They took measures to punish
i thiefs and robbers and provided military as well as monetary help to villagers to
protect the traders and travellers passing through their region. The Chalukya kings
of Gujarat had a separate department called the Jiala-patha-karana to look after
h~ghways.They also built new roads to connect important ports and markets in their
state and excavated tanks and wells for the benefit of travellers. Trade being an
important source of revenue. political authorities had to be concerned about the
safety and well be~ngof traders and merchants. Marco Polo's reference to Cambay
as a place free from plrates ~nd~cates that lndian kings also took steps to safegu'ard
t h e ~ rports against piracy wh~ch%asa major threat all along the sea route from
South C h ~ n ato the Persian Gulf.
1
3.5.2 Maritime Trade
I
During this period.large scale trading activities were carried through sea. Here we
I
will d~scusSthe main countries engaged in sea trade, the commodities of trade, main
ports and security of the sea routes. Let us first start with the main participa'nts in
maritime trade.
i
a) The Chief Participants
The period under survey was marked by great expansion of sea trade between the
1.
I
two extremetles of Asia. vi7. the Persian Gulf and South China. lndia which lay
midway between the two extremeties greatly becefited from this trade. The hazards
of long aea \o}ages were sought to be curtailed by anchoring on the Indian coasts.
I 1he Asian trade during these centuries was largely dominated by the Arabs. After
ha\ing destroyed the important port and market ol' Valabh~o n the Saurashtra coast
I D the eighth century, they madc themselves the chief ma) ir~r:lc: force in the Arabian
Early Mediev J Economy : Ocean. Later in the ~welrtl:--.... U C L U I , . ~. ,mportant part~clpant~n
-
8th 13th Century
this trade and started lsending her olbn ships to Southeast Asia and lndia. However,
it did not affect the position of Arabs who continued to maintain their supreme hold
on the Asian trade.
Fragmentary informalion in indigenous sources and notices in foreign accounts

suggest that despite the forceful competition of the Arabs, Indians were going to the
lands beyond the seas for trade from the tenth century onwards.
Abu Zaid, an Arab author of the tenth century refers to lndian merchants visiting
Siraf in the Persian Gulf, while Ibn Battuta (14th century) tells us of a colony of
Indian merchants at Aden in the Red Sea. A Gujarati text of the 14th century refers
to a merchant Jagadu of Kutch who traded with Persia-with the help of lndian
agents stationed at Hormuz. In South India, the Colas, took keen interest in
maritime trade. The Tamil inscriptions found in Malaya and Sumatra ind~catethe
commercial activities of Tamil mercantile community in these regions. The Colas
also sent a number of embassies to China to improve economic relations with her.
They even sent naval expedition against the Srivijaya empire in the eleventh century
to keep the sea route to China safe for their trade. However, by and large the
references to the physical participation of Indian merchants are quite limited. This
did not affect the demand for Indian products which reached the outside world
through the Arabs and the Chinese. -
b) Commodities Exchanged -'..

As regards the articles involved in the Asian trade, the Chinese texts indicate that the
Malabar coast received silk, porcelain-ware, camphor, cloves. wax, sandalwood.
cardamom, etc. from China and South-east Asia. Most of these may have been the
items of re-export to the Arabian world, but some were meant for India, particularly
the silk which was always in great demand in local markets. Marco Polo informs us
that the ships coming from the East to the ports of Cambay in Gujarat brought,
among other things, gold, silver and copper. Tin was another metal which came to
India from South-east Asia.
I
In return-for eastern psoducts, India sent its aromatics and spices. particularly
pepper. According to Marco Polo pepper was consumed at lhe rate of 10.000 pounds
daily in the city of Kirisay (Hang-Chau) alone. Chab Ju Kua. a Chinese port official
of the thirteenth century, tells us that Gujarat, Malwa. Malabar and Coromandel
sent cotton cloth to China. It is pointed out by Ibn Batruta (A.D. 1333) that fine
cotton fabrics were rarer and more highly priced than SIUin the cities of China.
India also exported ivory, rhinoceros horns, and some precious and semiprecious
stones to China.
A number of Arabic inscriptions found at Cambay. Samaratha and Junagadh reveal

that merchants and shippers from the Persian Gulf visited Westerh lndia in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The ships coming to the Gujarat coqst from Hormuz
in the Persian Gulf are also mentioned in the Lekhapaddhati.
As regards the articles of trade with the Arab and the Western World, thy Jewish
merchants carried many goods from the West coast of India to the Egyptian
markets. These included spices, aromatics, dyes, medicinal herbs, bron7e and brass
vessels, textiles, pearls, beads, coconuts, etc. India also exported teakwood which
was required for .ship-building and house construction in the almost treeless areas of
Persian Gulf and South Arabia. Some surplus food-grains, mainly rice, were also
sent out from the Indian ports to the communities in other coastal regions which did
not produce enough foodstuffs to meet their needs. The fine and embroidered leather
mats of Gujarat were according to ~ a r c Poloo highly priced in the Arab world.
India was also known for its iron and steel products, particularly the swords and
spears, which enjoyed a wide market in Western countries.
As far as imports from the West are concerned, the most significant item was the
horse. As the number of feudal lords and chiefs increased in the early medieval
period, the demand for' horses also increased manifold. Horses were brought both by
land and sea. Ibn Battuta tells us that horse-dealers coming through the North-
western land routes earned large profits. According to an Arab author, Wassaf
(A.D. 13281 more than 10.000 horses were hroueht annuallv to the Coromandel
coast, Cambay and other ports of India in the thirteenth century. Horses were Tmdr m n d Commerce
brought from such p l a a s a s B a h ~ i n Muscat,
, Aden, Persia, etc. Besides horses,
dates, ivory, coral, emtralds, etc. were also brought to India from the West.
10. A 16th century plnting from Thiruppudaimnruthur Temple in Tirundveli district showing Arab
troden and horse being brought an ships.
c) Ports
There were a number of ports on the Indian coasts, which not only served the inland
trade network but also acted as a link between the eastern and western trade. In fact;
almost every creek that cou!d provide facility for a safe anchorage of ships,
developed into a port of some national or international significance.
On the mouth of the Indus,, Debal was an important port which according to
Al Idrisi (twelfth century), was visited by vessels from Arabia as well as from China
and other Indian ports. Chief ports on the Gujarat coast were Somanatha, Broach
and Cambay.
Somanatba had links with China in the East and Zanzibar (in Africa) in the West,
Broach or ancient Bhrigukachha has had a very long history. Cambay is known as
Khambayat in Arabic sources, and Stambhatirtha in Sanskrit sources. Its earliest
reference goes back to the ninth century A.D. Sopara and Thana were other
important ports on the Western coast of India.
I
On the Malabar coast, Quilon had emerged as the most important port. The Arab
Writers tell us that ships coming from the West called at the port of Quilon for
collecting fresh water before sailing for Kedah in South-east Asia. Similarly, the
Chinese sources of the thirteenth century also state that Chinese traders going to the
country of the Arabs had to change their ships at Quilon.
During the three centuries between the tenth and thirteenth, the Coromandel coast
deveIoped into a virtual clearing house for the ships coming from the East and West.
The Arab author, Wassaf, tells us that the wealth of the isles of the Persian Gulf and
the beauty of other countries as far as Europe is derived from the Coromandel coast
The most important port in this region was Nagapattinam. Puri and Kalingapattam
pxre important ports on the Orissa coast. In Bengal the fortunes of Tamralipti were
reviving though according to some scholars, it was being superceded by another port
of 'Saptagrama.
d ) Safety and Security of Merchants

In view of the heavy returns, the contemporary political authorities showed keen
t-r ---- r Z- rL- I--:llr:-- :>-a r- L---- J 1- I--_I-- A_->-
Euly Mcdkd Ecolw#ly :
&b -
13th Century
Chalukyas of Gujarat (10th-ljth centuries) set up a separate department of harbours
(VelakulaL.rana) under royal control. In South India too, the Cola Kings managed
:heir ports through royal officials who, with the- help of local merchant
organisations, looked after the foreign merchants and collected the portcesses. The
Arab writers unaniniously praise the Rashtrakuta kings for their policy of peace and
toleration towards the Arabs. The Chalukyas of Gujarat also granted religious and
economic freedom tb the muslim merchants in their state. Ibn Battuta tells us that
whenever a foreign merchant died, his property was not confiscated but kept in sal
custody to be handed over to the next of kin. An inscription 0f.A.D. 1244 found a
Motupalli in the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh reveals that the King guarante
p~otectionto the s t o m strayed ships and promised to collect duty as per the law 0.
land in order to win over the confidence of foreign merchants.
3.53 Revival of Towns

The second phase of early medieval India (c.900-1300 A.D.) was a departure from the
preceding two centuries in so.far as it is marked by a very distinctive revival of
urban centres. This revival became an almost all India phenomenon. It is often
described as the "third urbanisation" of the lndian sub-continent. (For details see
Unit 2.)
Check b u r Progress 3
i) a) List -the mcaittaitems of land trade which find mention in inwriptiom.
1 ...................................................................
. . . . . . I............................... ....................
\ '
, . . ...........
....................................................................................................
. . ...................
b) Haw did the rdligioils-establishrne~~ts

help'in trading acti+ities'?
................................................................................................................
2) Describe-briefly the main land routes used for trading purposes.
3) Mark (d ) against the right and ( X ) against the wrong statements given below :
i) The Indian goods reached to outside world through Chinese and Arab
merchants.
ii) The main owrseas trading activities were undertaken by rndian merchants.
iii) Some inscriptions in Malaya and Sumatra indicate the presence of Tamil .
merchants.
iv) There was a settlement of Indian merchants in Aden.
4) a) Write five lines on the import of horses in India.

Tmde and Commerce
b) List 2 ports each of East, We3, and South coasts of India dl*.. .he peril
under study.
3.6 LET U S SUM U P
The present study of trade and commerce during c.A.D. 700-1300 has focussed on :
the two phases of inland and foreign trade,
the nature and extent of the use of metal coins and. the role of other media of
i exchange in the trade network,
contribution of expansion of agriculture and increased agricultural production in
i furthering interests of trade, and
I impact of trade and commerce on the condition of towns through the centuries.
I
The overall picture of trade and commerce during the six centuries under discussion
is that of feudalisation. The way in which money transactions took place, the
manipulations of landed interests including those of state officials and ruling chiefs,
functioning of the ruling elite in the interests of big traders and merchants and
putting restrictions on artisans and craftsmen (see also Unit 4) are indicators of the
process of feudalisation.
3.7 KEY WORDS
Ghnnnkn : Oil mill.
I Jnlnpnthnknrann : Department1 Officer for looking after highways;

Market : Space where buying and selling of goods take place as a regular activity.
I Tellika : Oilman.
I
Velakuln-Knrnnn : Department1 Officer for harbours.
ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
I Check Your Progress 1
I I) The first phase is marked by the decline of trade, metallic currency and urban
I centres and the second phase by the reversal of these. See Sec. 3.2.
Ii 2) i)J ii) X iii)J iv) X Also see Sub-sec. 3.3.1.
I 3) The Arab presence in the North-west and the sea raids adversely affected the
I Indian trade. However, from 10th century onwards they contributed to the
growth of Indian sea trade. See Sub-sec. 3.3.2.
4) The main reason for the decay of town was the decline of trade. 41~0
See
Sub-sec. 3.3.2.
h r l y Medieval Economy :
-
8th 13th Century
1) India produced cotton and silk textiles. Their quality was comparable with the
best textiles in the world. See Sub-sec. 3.4.1.
2) The main metal works were iron, copper, gold, silver, etc. See Sub-sec 3.4.2.
3) There is a noticeable increase in minted money but a number of transactions
were carried through exchange of commodities. The economy was not fully
dependent on minted money. See Sub-sec. 3.4.2.

1) a) Compare with Sub-sec. 3.5.1 (a)
b)
The religious establishments with their vast resources generated a demand
for a number of commodities. See Sub-sec 3.5.1 (a) .
2) A number of routes are mentioned in contemporary sources. See Sub-sec.

3.5.1 (b).
4) a) See Sub-sec. 3.5.2 (b).

b) West-Broach, Cambay; East-Puri, Kalingapator; South-Quilon,
Coromandel.
UNIT 4 ' TRADING COMMUNITIES A N D
ORGANISATION
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Trader as a Link
4.3 Position of Merchants during the First Phase
(c.A.D.700-900)
4.4 Position of Merchants during the Second Phase
(c. A.D. 900-1 300)
4.5 Social Role of Traders
4.6 Organisation of Traders
1.6.1 Guilds : Definition and Fundions
4.6.2 Organisation of Trading Guilds in South India
4.7 Relationship Between Merchants and Craftsmen
4.8 Let Us Sum Up
4.9 K e y Words
4.10 .Ann-ers to Check Your Progress Exercises
4.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you should be able to explain the:
relative position of traders and merchants in the society during the two major
dhases of early medieval India, viz. c.A.D.700-900 and c.A.D.900-1300,
regional characteristics of trading communities,
major activities of traders,
types of traders and merchants,
character and conduct of traders,
trading guilds and their functioning-both in the North and South India, and
control of merchants on artisans and craftsmen.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
Units 2 and 3 in this Block sought to explain the role of trade and commerce in the
economic activity and its linkage with the growth of towns and cities. Their place in
the overall growth of feudal tendencies was also emphasized.The present Unit ought
t o be seen as a complementary facet. An attempt has been made here to demarcate
the role of traders and merchants in the society with reference to their organised
economic activities. The fluctuations in their relative positidn through centuries have
also been shown. The Unit also draws special attention to the overawing influence of
big merchants o n petty artisans and craftsmen.
TRADER A S A LINK
The traders form an important link between producers and consumers. They collect
agricultural surplus and products of artisans and craftsmen from different regions
and distribute them over a wlde area. They trade not only in finished goods but also
During the early medieval centuries, the process of collection and distribution of
goods involved a large number of merchants, big as well as small, local as well as
inter-regional. There were hawkers, retailers and other petty traders on the one hand
and big merchants and caravan traders on the other. The relative position of traders
and merchants in the society is related to the two phases of commercial activity
outlined in Unit 3. While their role was adversely affected during the first phase
(A.D. 700-900) on account of limited commercial exchange, the revival of trade in
the second phase (A.D. 900-1300) led to considerable increase in the status,
effectiveness and power of merchant communities. The ancient Indian texts specify
trade along with agriculture and cattle rearing as the lawful means of livelihood for
vaishjjas. In the seventh century, the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang distinctly
mentions vaishyas as traders and shudras as cultivators. However, the process of the
two coming closer had already started and shudras were undertaking trade in such
articles as wine, honey, salt malt, etc. The barriers of brahmanical varna order were
crumbling in the post-Gupta centuries and people were adopting professions cutting
across varna divisions. Trade was followed by the people of all varnas and castes.
Lome were compelled t o take it up while others found it more lucrative than other
economic activities.
4.3 POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE FIRST

PHASE (c. A.D. 700-900)
In view of the relative decline of trade during these centuries, the role of merchants
in the society was considerably eroded. As trade slumped and markets disappeared,
the merchants had to seek patronage and shelter with the temples and other
emerging landed magnates. It robbed them of their independent commercial activity,
and forced them to cater to the needs and requirements of their patrons. Some
inscriptions from Orissa and Central India reveal that traders, artisans and
merchants were amongst those who were transferred to donees. This must have
meant a serious reduction in their free trading activities. Nor is there any significant
evidence of administrative role being assigned to merchants between the eighth and
tenth centuries. This is in obvious contrast to their role in administration evident
from seals and sealings from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar during the Gupta period.
However, trade did not disappear completely, some merchants were still active,
particularly along the coast. But they were small in number and their activities were
largely confined to the luxury articles required by kings, chiefs and temples. In South
India too, trade was not a very important activity during the centuries under survey.
This is indicated by the relative absence of the mention of merchants as a distinct
class in the records of the period. In other words, it can be said that the first phase
of early medieval India was marked by the thinning away, if not disappearance, of
the prosperous and free merchant class.
4.4 POSITION OF MERCHANTS DURING THE

SECOND PHASE (c.A.D.900-1300)
The second phase of early medieval India brought the mercantile community back
into prominence, and we notice large number of merchants carrying luxury and
essential goods from one place to another. They accumulated fabulous wealth
through commercial exchanges and acquired fame in society by making gifts to
temples and priests. Macy of them look active part at various levels of
administration, and even occupicd the ministerial positions in royal courts.
The literature and inscriptions of the period refer to the large number of merchants
who were known by the specialised trade they followed. Thup, we come across
dealers in gold, perfumes, wine, grains, horses, textiles, curds. betels, etc. Some of
the merchants employed retailers or assistants to help them In trading activities. As
inter-regional trade developed a group of merchants specialised in examining and
r h n n o i n o rninc fnr trader-.
Moneylending also became one of the major activities of mrcbants. Though people
deposited money in temple treasury for the religious purpose of endowing flowers.
oil, lamps,. there are very few referenas to guilds accepting deposits and paying
I interest thereon. There emerged a separate group of merchants, called

nikrhcpa-vaalla in western India, who specialised in banking o r moneylending. The
Ldrb.prddb.ti, a text from Gujarat, rdem to a m e r c h n t ' ~mn who claimed hin share
in the ancestral property to start the business of moneylending. Medhatithi, a legal
commentator, speaks of the association or corporation of moneylenders. The
contemporary literature, however, presents a bad picture of moneylenders and
describes them as greedy and untrustworthy who cheat common man by
misappropriating deposits.
This period also witnessed the emergence of many regional merchant groups, i.e. the
merchants-who were known after the region they belonged to. They were mostly
from Western India. As this region had a wide network of important land routes
connecting coastal ports with the towns and markets of northern India, t k
merchants of certain specific places in this region found it more profitable to
specialise in inter-regional trade. Thus, the merchant groups called Oswal derive their
name from a place called Osia, Palivalas from Patlli, Shrimali from Shrimala,
-' .
Modha from Modhera and so on. Most of them are now a days collectively known
as Marwaris, i.e. the merchants from Marwar. Apart from their functional and
regional names, merchants were also known by various general terms, .the two most
common being-shreshthi and sarthavaha. Both these terms were known from very
early times.
1 I
Sresthi was a rich wholesale deakr who lived in a town and carried on his business
with the help of retailers and agents. At times he lent out goods or money t o small
merchants, and thus acted a s a banker too, though, as we have already pointed out,
moneylending was becoming a separate and specialiscd activity.
I
The sarthavaha was the caravan leader under whose guidance the merchants went to
distant places to sell and purchase their goods. He was supposed to be a highly
capable person knowing not only the routes but also the languages as well as the
rules of exchange in different regions.
I
The expansion of agriculture and the availability of surplus from the 8th19th century
onwards led t o increase in commercial exchanges in South India too. It resulted in
the emergena of a full time trading community looking after the local exchange.
This community also participated in wider inter-regional and inter-oceanic trade. As
in the North, South Indian merchants too specialised in the trade of specific
commodities such as textiles, oil or #me, betd leava, hones, ctc. At the local h4
regional markets called nr-m were the centres of exchange. They were situated in
a cluster of agrarian settlementg, and they integrated not only collection from
hinterland but also commercial traffic from other areas.
The numbers of these n a p r a m s increased considerably during the Cola period in the
I
eleventh and twelfth centuries, and the term napnttu, i.e. member of the napmu
assembly, became a generic term for all Tamil merchants (See also Unit 2; Sub*.
2.4.2).
1) Mark (J 1, on the right and ( X ) on t k wrong statarrznts pAen below.

i) J3e mcrchaats had a promincmt position in the vu,.i:h dr:rivg -be ~ r ~ c ~ i
C. A.D. 700-900.
ii) Ciriwx travelkr H i m Tsang menttcm vaishva. a. tsi i d e ~ai 112 5hudfi:b
as cultivators.
iu) Dtrieg the second phase (A.D 900-1 Wt m-T>apt. r -1 r. :.;ltc.< r .-en i g l
the sratc administration.
iv) Sredhi w ~ ss small retailer nlcrchant.
I V) Naprum were prcmiticnt ~rar!inp centres.

Early Medlevll Ecoaomy : : e lines a n the practiu of money lending during the pctioc!
W ~ t five
8th- 13th Century
1.D. 900-1300.
4.5 SOCIAL ROLE OF TRADERS
As growth of trade brought economic prosperity t o merchants, they sought to gain

social prestige by participating in the maintenance of temples, priests and teligious
functions. Numerous inscriptions refer to the grant of cash or goods by merchants
for these purposes. Same merchants became very influential and joined the ranks of
state officials and ministers. A tenth century inscription refers to a merchant of
Modha caste who was the chief of Sanjan (near Thane) in Maharashtra. In Gujarat,
the merchant family of Vimala played an important role in the political and cultural
life of the region. He and his descendants Vastupala and Tajapala occupied
important minis@rial positions a t the court and are known for building the famous
marble temples dedicated to Jaina gods at Mount Abu. A thirteenth century
inscription from central Gujarat reveals that many important merchants, traders and
artisans were a part of the local administrative bodies.
Character and Condwt of Tradem

The foreign authors and travellers such as Al-Idrisi (twelfth century) and Marco Polo
(thirteenth century) praise Indian traders for their truthfulness and honesty in
business dealings. But in the contemporary Indian literature we come across many
instances of greedy and dishonest merchants. The Kashmiri author Kshemendra
refers to a typically selfish merchant who used to feel ovejoyed at the approach of a
famine or some other calamity because he could expect good money on his hoarded
foodgrains. A text af the eleventh century from Western India, divides merchants in
two main class-on the basis of their position and character-high and low. It points
out that rich merchants who indulged in large scale sea or land trade enjoyed great
reputation while small merchants such as hawkers, retailers, etc. who cheated people
by using false weights and measures were looked down upon in society. It also
includes artisans in the list of dishonest people. It may, however, be noted that some
of these views reflect the contemporary feudal tendency in which persons working
with their own hands and resources were considered low in society.
4.6 ORGANISATION OF TRADERS

The merchants derived their power and prestige not only from wealth but also from
the guilds or associations formed by them to protect their interests. In the first phase
the decline of trade weakened the corporate activity of merchants, and many of the
guilds were reduced t o mere regional or occupational subcastes. But as trade revived
in the second phase, merchant guilds reappeared as a n important feature of the
contemporary economic life.
4.6.1 Guilds : Defmition and Functions

What was a merchant guild? How did it function? What were the benefits which
accured to its members? These are important questions to be answered. Well the
guilds were voluntary associations of merchants dealing in the same type of
commodity such as grains, textiles, betel leaves, horses, perfumes, etc. They were
formed by both local as well a s itinerant merchants. The association of local
merchants having permanent residence in town was more permanent in nature thdn
t the association of itinerant merchants which was formed only for a specific journey mdb~
ceerllld(kr .ad
and was terminated a t the end of each venture. O
m-
The guilds framed their own rules and regulations regarding the membership and the
code of conduct. They fixed the prices of their goods and could even decide that
specific commodity was not to be sold on a particular day by its members. They
could refuse to trade on a particular day by its members. They could refuse to trade
in a particular area if they found the local authorities hostile or uncooperative. The
I
. guild merchants also acted as the custodians of religious interests. The inscriptions
refer to numerous instances when they collectively agreed to pay an additional tax
on the sale and purchase of their goods for the maintenance of temples or temple
functions.
The guild normally worked under the leadership of a chief who was elected by its
members. He performed the functions of a magistrate in deciding the economic
affairs of the guild. He could punish, condemn or even expel those rpembers who
violated the guild rules. One of his main duties was to deal directly with the King,
and settle the market tolls and taxes on behalf of his fellow merchants. The growth
of corporate activity enabled guildchiefs to consolidate their power and position in
society, and many of them acted as the representative of their members on the local
administrative councils.
A member of the guild worked under a strict code of discipline and was also robbed
of some initiative or action but still he enjoyed numerous benefits. He received full
backing of the guild in all his economic activities and was, thus, saved from the
harassment of local officials. Unlike a hawker or vendor, he had greater credibility in
the market on account of his members ip of the guild. Thus, inspite of the fact that
1
guildchiefs tended to be rude and aut oritative at times, the merchants found guilds
an important means of seeking physical and economic protections.
The digests and commentaries of the period refer to the corporate body of merchants
by various terms, such as naigama, shreni, samuha, sartha, samgha, etc. The
naigama is described as an associatio~!of caravan merchants of different castes who
travel together for the purpose of carrying on trade with other countries. Shreni,
according to Medhatithi, was a group of people following the same profession such
as that of traders, moneylenders, artisans, etc. though some authors considered it to
be a group of artisans alone. The Lekhapaddhati indicates that a special department
called the Shreni-karana was constituted by the kings of western India to look after
the activities of the guilds of merchants and artisans in their region. Another text
Manasollasa reveals that many merchant guilds maintained their own troops
(shrenibala) for personal safety. Inscriptions too refer to the corporate activity of
merchants. An inscription from western India refers to vanika-mandala which was
probably a guild of local merchants.
4.6.2 Organisation of Trading Guilds in South India

The expansion of agriculture and the growth of trade from the tenth century led to
the emergence of many merchant guilds or organisations in South India too. The
inscriptions refer to these organisations often as samaya, i.e. an organisation born
out of an agreement or contract among its members to follow a set of rules and
regulations.
The two most important merchant guilds of South India were known as the
Ayyavole and the Manigraman. Geographically, the area of their operation
corresponded to the present day state of Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and
South Andhra Pradesh. The Cola kings from the tenth century onwards made a
concerted effort to trade and commerce through trade missions, maritime
expeditions, abolition of tolls, etc. It greatly increased the activities of thew guilds
which were involved in not only inter-regional but also inter-oceanic trade across thc
Bay of Bengal.
The merchant guild called Ayyavole was also known as the guild of "the 500 Swami
of Aihole" nanadeshi. While some have argued that such organisations were
primarily traders in various types of merchandise and not a single unified
corporation of merchants, a detailed study of Kannada Ayyavole shows that the
The organisation might have had an initial membership of .500. But there is no
denying the fact that with the growth of trade and commerce, the Vim B8nanj.s
(representing the trading guild of Ayyavok) operafed on a trans-regional plane and
had developed deep s o c i ~ c o n o m i cinterests between the ninth and fifteenth
centuries. They spread from Bhalvani (in Sangli district in Maharashtra) in the north
t o Kayalpattinam (in Tamil Nadu) in the South. The number "five hundred" also
became conventiowl as the guild became a much larger body and drew its members
from various regions, religions and castes. It is in this context that the term
~ n a d e s h came
i to be used for this organisation.
In course of outward expansion, the members of the Ayyavole guild interacted with
the local markets called n a y m m , and promoted commercial activity by collecting
agricultural goods fiom the hinterland and distributing the goods brought from
elsewhere. The commercial influence of Ayyavole spread even beyond South India. It
is indicated by the inscriptions found at .Burma. Java. Sumatra and Sri Lanka. As
the mercantile activities of Ayyavole increased, some of its members became quite
rich and powerful, and acquired the title of samaya chakravarti. i.e. the emperor of
.
the trading organisation. It may suggest that as in the North, certain individual
,.
merchants in South too were trying to establish their control on the working of
>
Another important merchant guild of South, India was the M n n i y m m . It first
appeared along the Kerala coast in the ninth century A.D. However, as i t gradually
came into close contact, with the Ayynvole, it greatly improved upon its
inter-regionhl activities and covered a large part of the peninsula. A ninth century
Tamil inscription found at Takua pa on the West coast of Malaya indicates that it
was engaged in the long distance sea trade from the very beginning.
A n j u v n ~ n mwas another body of merchants in South India, which probably

represented an association of foreign merchants, and not a group of five
communities or castes as some scholars believe. Like the Mnnigramnm, it also began
its commercial activity along the Kerala coast in the eighth or ninth century, and
gradually spread out to other coastal areas of South India by the eleventh century. It
interacted both with local merchants as well as the Ayynvole and Manigramam
organisations.
The importance acquired by trading guilds is apparent in the conscious attempt to.
trace exalted genealogies of traders of various corporations. The Vira Bananjas of
the Ayyavole, for instance, are said to have been born in the race of Vasudeva and
their qualities are compared with those of various epic heroes. A typical prashasti
(panegyric) of the Vira Bananjas may be seen in the following description found in
the Kolhapur stone inscription of the Shilahar King Gandarditya dated in A.D. 130 :
"Hail! They who are adorned by a multitude of Dumerous virtues obtained by

following the religion of the Five hundred Heroic Men renowed in the whole
world; who are virtuous by reason of the maintenance of the code of the heroic
Bananjas consisting of truthfulness, pure conduct, agreeable behaviour, political
wisdom, courtesy and mercantile knowledge .....who are exalted with their
unfailing adventurous spirit ....who are born in the race of Vasudeva, Khandali
and Mulabhadra ...who are invincible when they fight; who are like Brahma in
respect of proficiency of the sixtyfour arts; like Narayana in the possession of
C h n h (discuss); like Rudra, who is the fire of the world destruction in slaying
their opponents by their gaze....who are like Rama in perseverence; like
Aj u n a in valour; like Bhisma in purity of conduct; like Bhima in adventurous
spirit; like Yudhishtira in righteousness ...... like Karna in charity and like the
sun in brilliance......"
In short, the vast trading network in South India was controlled by a number of
merchant organisations which worked in close cooperation and harmony with one
another. The guildchiefs, on account of their control on trade and trading
organisations, established close links with the royal houses and enjoyed great name
and fame in the society.
4.7 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MERCHANTS AND

CRAFTSMEN
The exact nature of relationship between the merchants and craftsmen, the two
interdependent sections of commercial world, is not recorded in the contemporary
sources. It is, therefore, not known whether craftsmen such as weavers, metal-
workers, etc. acted independently or worked under the command of merchants who
supplied them money or raw material or both. There is. however, some evidence to
suggest that as merchants came to exert greater control on the mobilisation of raw
material and finished products, their influence on the activities of artisans increased
considerably.
Albiruni, who came to India in the eleventh century as well as Lakshmidhara, a
jurist of the twelth century, tell us that artisans lived in the midst of merchants. It
may suggest that merchants supplied capital and raw material to artisan^ who were
to produce goods as per the demand and specifications provided by merchants. An
inscription of the 1lth century from Erode in Tamil Nadu refers to an asylum given
by merchants to the craftsmen, and thus indicates the dependence of the latter on the
----La-. ,.--..-:....*:,.-m A " *-..A- A
. A,
.
--
--
.- A....al,.-..A L..-... *--AaA *.-
E u l y Medieval Economy : ability of artisans to market their goods personally. There are references to some
8th --13th Century oilmen and weavers who sold their goods themselves and became rich enough to
make endowments to temples and priests. In general, the artisans and craftsmen
during the early medieval period were economically dependent on big merchants.
meel Your Prgm 2

1) What role merchants played in Administration?
2) Mark (d ) on the right and ( X ) on the wrong statements given below.

i) Al-Idrisi and Marco Polo praise Indian merchants for their honesty.
ii) During the period under study people working with their own hands were
considered low in society.
iii) Guilds were established by the state to regulate trading.
iv) Murignmrrm, the merchant guild in South India came into existence along the
Kerala mast.
v) During the period of our study artisans controlled the merchant activities.
3) Define the Guilds d merchants. List their main functions.
4) What was the role of Ayyavole in the expansion of tradingactivities in Soutll India'.'
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
4.8 LET US SUM UP

Seeing trader as a n important link between the producer and consumer, this Unit
underlined :
the ups and downs in The relative position of traders and merchants in early
the centuries of relative decline in trade(c.A.D. 700-m), with the thinning
away, if not the complete disappearance of the prosperous and free merchant
class;
the revival of trade and commerce during C.A.D.~OO-1300bringing the mercantile
community back into prominence by accumulating fabulous wealth and acquiring
fame in society by making gifts to religious establishments. Many traders also
! become influential with administrative set-up;
emergence of regional merchant groups;
' organisations of traders, viz. guilds, which regulated corporate activity of
merchants;
trans-regional and inter-oceanic activities of guilds in South India;
the role of itinerant traders; and
growing hold of big merchants over artisans and craftsmen.
4.9 KEY W0RD.S

'
N a p r a m : see Unit 2.
Naprattar : member of nagnram.
N d p m : trading guild.
Nandahi : guild of traders having a membership from different regions and castes.
Pnrha8ti : descriptionsi, of exaggerated praise.
Suthavnha : carvan leader.
Shreni : general term for guild of traders, artisans and craftsmen.
Shrenibala : fighting force maintained by guilds.
Shreshthi : general term for trader.

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1 9
1) i) X ii)J iii)J iv) X (Sreshti was a rich wholesale dealer ) v)J

I 2) During this period money lending was emerging as a specialised commercial practice.
See section 4.4.
1) Your answer should include the influence of merchants in society and their position
in administration. Also read section 4.5.
2) i)J ii)J iii) X iv)J V)X (artisans were mostly dependent on merchants)
I 3) The guilds were voluntary associations of merchants dealing in the same
commodity. The main functions of guild were to fix the prices, area of activity,
decide market regulations, etc. See subsection 4.6.1.
4) The Ayyavole was the guild of merchants in South 1ndia.This was a strong body of
merchants and contributed to the expansion of trade not only in South India but
overseas also.
I SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK
Jha, D.N., ed. Feudo1 Social Formation in Early India, Delhi, 1987
E u l y Medieval Economy :
-
8th 13th Ccntuq
Sharma, R.S. Indian Feudalism, 2nd ed., Delhi, 1980.
R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India, New
Delhi, 1983.
R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, c.300-1000, New Delhi, 1987.
Thapar Romila, A Hisiory of India, London, 1983.
Jain V.K., Trade and Traders in Western India (A.D. 1000-1 300) Delhi, 1990.
Deyall John S., Living Without Silver; The Monetary History of h r l y Medieval North
India, Delhi, 1990.
I UNIT 5 SOCIAL ORGANISATION
Structure
, 5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Sources for the Reconstruction of Society
5.3 Brahmanical Perspective: Growing Rigidity
5.4 Voice of Dissent
5.5 Changing Material Base and The New Social Order
5.6 The New Social Ethos
5.6.1 Emergence of Shndrm as Cultivators
5.6.2 A k n c e of Intermediary VUMS in Bengal and South India
5.6.3 . Rise of a New Literate Class
5.6.4 .Phenomenal Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes
i) Amongst BrPhma~@
ii) Amongst KhPtrj.os
iii) Amongst Vaishym and Shudrrrs
5.7 Land Distribution, Feudal Ranks and Varna Distinctions
5.8 Increasing Social Tensions'
5.9 Let Us Sum Up
5.10 Key Words
5.11 Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises
After reading this Unit you will be able to familiarise yourself with the:
myth of an unchangifig and the so-called static Indian sqciety,
copious agd varied literary and epigraphic sources useful for reconstructing the
nature of social change, .
f
varying perspectives on the social set-up ranging between a call for making it more
rigid and an all-out cry to question its fundamental bases, b
role of the chan$ng material base in social transformation,

leading feat& of the new social ethos, such as the changing position of vaishyas
and shudras, rise of a new literate class, multiplication of castes, weakening of
vama order and emergence of feudal ranks, and
increasing evidence for social tensions.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
For almost a century, we have been fed with the falacious colonialist and imprialist
notion about the Indian society being static through the millennia. This Unit seeks to
show that the Indian social organisation during five hundred years under survey
(8th-13th century) was extremely vibrant and responsive to changes taking place in
the realms of economy, polity and ideas. The Unit focusses on the essentials of the
new social ethos, whose tone was being set by the nature of new land rights and
power bases.
5.2 SOLTRCES FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF

SOCIETY
. .
There is an extremely wide ranging source material for the reconstruction qf social
organi~tionduring hdf a millenium (circa eighth to the thirteenth centuries). These
sources comprise both literary and epigraphic notices. Practically all major powers of
Ihdia are known to us through copioys inscriptional data. Though no quantscation
~ - - -- ----
has been attempted at Bn all India level, the number of the post-Gupta inscriptions
must run in thousands even on a rough impressionistic assessment. These inscriptions
are available in a variety of languages and scripts (See also Unit 7). These records
help us in identifying rregional and local pecuharities without sacrificing a macro view
of the sub-continental scene.
The literary sources are also very varied. It is not merely the writings on
dhannashastras in tha form of commentaries and other d8urm-nibondbrrs which tell
us about the ups and downs in the social system. Even works belonging to the realms
of kavyas (poetic works), drama, technical and scientific works as well as treatises .
and architecture throw enormous light on the post-Gupta developments in the sphere
of society. Kahana's Rajatarangini, Naistwdhiyacbarita of Shriharsha, P r I l b d a
Chintamani of Merutunga, Soddhala's Udaya-Sundari-Katha, Adipurana of
Jinasena, the dohas of the Siddhas, Medhatithi's and Vigymeshwar's commentaries
on the Manusmriti add Yajnavalkyasmriti r e s e v e l y , 'and works such as
Manasollasa, Mayamata and Aparajitapriccha are useful aids for reconstructing the
social fabric of India during the period under survey.
5.3 BRAHMANICAL PERSPECTIVE: GROWING .

.RIGIDITY
Coming of mle@ws such as the Hunas, Arabs, Turks, etc. had created a fear
psychosis and-resulted in a tendency, where the emphasis was on the need to
preserve the age-old social order. Shankaracharya, the famous religiophilosophic ,
leader stated that the varna and ashramadharmas were in a disturbed state. &.
Dhanapala, a writer of the eleventh century, also talks about chaos in the conduct of
vama order. Various rulers between the sixth and thirteenth centuries make rather
pompous claims about preserving the social order. These are reflected in their
inscriptions. Varnasb-dharma-sthapana, i.e. the establishment of the system of
varna and ashrama becomes a frequently used expression in contemporary
inscriptions. A twelfth-century work called Manasollasa eveh mentions
vamadhkub-an bfficer responsible for the maitenance of v ~ m uIt~ n&o . be
underlined that thisitrend of closing social ranks, making social system rigid and
denouncing all efforts to change the system was largely the concern of Brahmanical
law givers and polit@ advisers who had developed vested interests in maintaining a
status quo (See alsa Unit 6). However, it was by no means a universal phenomena.
- 5.4 VOICES OF DISSENT

The fundamental b m of the caste system were being questioned, speclally.by
non-brahmanical followers. Centuries ago the ~ u d had h raised doubts about the
rationale of castes based on birth. His anger was particularly heaped upon
a
brahmanas. Thou h these voices could not achieve si&cant breakthrough in the
long run, they did ot cease either. Simmering discontent against the brahrnanical
social order r&&s head at regular intervals. No wonder, in Dhanuaparik&a
(eleventh century) Jaina Amitagati determined caste on the basis of personal
conduct. The caste superiority of the brahmanas was challenged by the Jainas in such
works as the Khthdnwhpraltarurrr. A'satirical work called Latalcamelaka menfions a
~ u d d h k monk
t who deniesimportance of caste, regards it as baseless and denounces
, ', pollution and caste-based segregation. Kshmendra, the literary genius of Kashmir
refers to Kula-JaWdarpa (vdnity of caste and clan) as a disease of the society for
?
:
rn - which he himself +as a physician. The Padmapurana reveals a conflict of two
ideologies-the orthodox one enjoining on the s h u b a life ofpenury, and the
heterodox one urging upon him the importance of wealth.
. An eleventh cen*
but on -patio&.
work focuses on social ranks and divisions bgsed n& on birth
While the priests of different religions are called hypocrites, thet
.'
second broad so& c l d c a t i o n of householders takes note of the fdowing six -2
I
categories:
1 the highest included chakravartins,
m the high ones comprised the feudal elite,
the middle ones included traders, moneylenders, possessors of cows, buffaloes,
camels, horses, etc.
small businessmen and petty cultivators,
the degraded ones such as the members of guilds off artisans and craftsmen, and
the highly degraded included chandaias and others following ignoble occupations
I
such as killing of birds and animals.
It js obvious that this social categorisation takes note of economic factors in the
determination of social status. Even if such attempts were not aiming at a more
-
egalitarian society than the one espoused and buttressed by the brahmanical'
interest; even if such categorisations show their biases and prejudices, it needs to
be highlighted that such reconstructions were evidently more rational.
I
CHANGING MATERIAL BASE AND THE NEW

SOCIAL ORDER
The aforesaid review of broad but conflicting trends shows that the social
organisation was in a flux and far from being harmonious. lqdeed, it could not have
been so, particularly in view of the momentous changes taking place in the economic
structure of the sub-continent. The mechanics of the scxial systeni is difficult to
I comprehend if the improving economic conditions of a sizeable number of lower
classes are ignored. One single factor which seems to have set the tone of the
post-Gupta society, specially from the eighth-century, was the ever growing
I phenomenon of land grants (See also Unit 1.2.1). Its impact on the agrarian
expansion changed the entire social outlook. This was coupled with:
a fillip to tendencies of localisation,
its bearing on fluctuations in the urban setting,
its nexus with the monetary system,
its role in increasing social and economic immobility and subjection of peasantry
and non-agricultural toiling workers, and
the resultant hierarchy of ruling landed aristocracy (See also Block-1, Unit 1-4 ahd
Blmk 3, Unit 9.3.4).
A new social ethos was in the making. It was shown above that the new trends in
Indian economy were conductive to feudal formation. In the realm of political
organisation too, as will be discussed in Block 3, a great majority of power centres
were marked by feudal tendencies based on graded land rights. No wonder, the sOcial
landscape could not escape the domineering impact of the fast pace of economic
changes outlined above. The resultant social changes demolish the myth of an
unchanging and static social organisation of India which was propagated .by !
colonialist and imperialist historians. Regrettably, even nationalist historians too did
e
not question such assumptions. More recent writings, specially of the last three
decades, have rightly focussed on the dynamism and vibrancy of the Indian social
fabric by highlighting its interlinks with changhig economic patterns.

1) List the sources which throw light on the social reconstruction between eighth
and thirteenth centuries.
2) Which of the following Atements are right( J)or wrong (x)?
i) The foundational bases of caste system were questioned during the period
8th-13th century A.D.
ii) The social structure remained static.
iii) The vanm system was in a diiturbed state.
iv) An eleventh century literary work bases social rank divisions on occupations
'rather than birth.
3) Discuss in about'ten lines the voices of dissent raised against the varna order.
-.- -
.
5.6 THE & SOCIAL ETHOS
The post-eighth century sodal organisation &h seems to have prevailed till at least
the establishment of the Turkish political power in the thirteenth century, was
mBrked by:
modifications in the varna system such as the transformation of shodks into
cultivators thereby bringing them closer to the vaishyas,
newly founded brahmanical order in Bengal and South India wherein the
intermediary varnab were absent, and finally, rise of the new literate class
struggling for a pla& in the varna order,
phenomenal increw in the rise of new mixed castes,
unequal distribution of land and milrtary power, which ,in turn, accounts for the
emergence of feuddl ranks cutting across varna distinctions, and
increasing evidencd of social tensions.
5.6.1 Emergence of Shudras as Cubbatom

. The expansion ef the tural space and agricultural activities hgd been responsible for
changes in notiom abcbut persons entitled to undertake these. The law books of the
postdGupta centuries hclude agriculture in the sama~~ya-dhrumrr (corninon
occupation) of all the varnas. The smriti of Parashar further emphask that in
,- addition to their traditional Mold duties (studying, teaching, sacrificing, officiating
as sacrificer to help others, acceptance of gifts from a worthy peison of three higher
varnaa and making of @), the brahumas could also be associated with agricultural
activities, preferably through labour of s h h . It was also enjaised uponbrdmmas
that in or+r to avoid any kind of sin, they should show proper treatmentltooxen
and offer certain fixed quantities of corn to King, Gods and fellow brahmanas.
. Surely, such fdmalitie~hdicate thaf very s i d c a n t dent was being made in the .
brahmanical social order and the v a r norms~ were being mught to be redefined. A
major indicktor of this effort was the bridging of the gap between the vaisbyas and
the shudras. While this trend makes it beginnings ,in the early centuries of the
Christian era, it is significantthat in the post-Gupta centuries the vaishyas practically
lose their identity as a peasant .caste. The famous Chinese traveller of the early .
seventh century, Hsuan-Tsang, mentions shudras as agriculturists. Al-biruni, who '
came to India alongwith Mahmud Ghanavi in the first quarter of the eleventh
century, also notes the absence of any difference between the vaishyas and shudras.
The Skanda Purana talks about the pitiable conditions of the vaishyas. By the
eleventh century they came to be treatd with the shodras, both ritually and legally. .
Al-biruni, for example, says that both vaishyas and shudns were punished with
amputation of the tongue for reciting the vedic texts. There were certain shudras who
were called bhojyanna, i.e. food prepared by whom could be taken even by
brahmanas. Many Tantric and Siddha teachers were shudras performing works of
fishermen, leather workers, washermen, blacksmiths, etc. A text of the eighth century
states that thousands of mixed castes were produced as a result 'of marriages between
vaishya women and men of lower castes. There is also a mention of anashrita
shudras (shudns who were not dependent) who were well-to-do and sometimes
became members of the local administrative committees and even made their way
into the ruling aristocracy.
b
Such aqhievements of shudns were, 0J c o r n , rather rare. Dependent peasants,
ploughmen and artisans were greatly needed to strengthen the early medieval
economic and political set-up characterized by a relatively self-sufficing local
economy and the emergence of a dominant class of rural aristocracy. Such a need
was being fdfdled by the approximation of the vaishyas and shudras.. This happened
, despite persistence of brahmana orthodoxy reflected in the attitude of Parashar who
threatened the shucbrrrs abandoning their duty of serving the dvijas with the dire
consequence of hell. Even some orthodox sections of the jainas had developed the
notion that the shudras were not eligible for religious initiation.
5.6.2 Absence of Intermediary Varnas in Bengal and @utb India

The aforesaid tendency of removing distinctions between the vaishyas and shudras
resulted in the emergence of a social order typified by an absence of interne-
varnas in Bengal and South India. The new brahmanical order in these areas
provided mainly for brahmans and shudrrs. This may have been partly due to the
influence of non-brahmanical religions in these regions. However, the nature of the
progress of brahmanism also contributed to this development. It was not a case of
mass migration of violent Sanskrit spealung people. There was considerable, '
intermixing and acculturation. Tribal and non-brahmanical population in the
peripheral regions were admitted to the brahmanical system as shudras. Many early
medieval texts provide long lists of aboriginal forest tribes who had been instrumental
in the rise of political powers. From the ninth to the thirteenth centuries almost'all
powers fought Abbiras. The Brabmavaivarta Purana, which is attributed to Bengal
of the thirteenth century, refers to such tribal people as like Agaris, Ambashthas.
Bhillas, C l u m b k , Kauncbas etc, who were accommodated as shudras in the
brahrnadcd order. This is true of the Abhiras as well as far as the Deccan was
1 at: v -..L-itm~ita dealing with the career of a Sena King of Bengal in the twelfth
century speaks of the reordering of the social order. The King raised the position of
the Kaivarthas, potters, blacksmiths, garlandmakers while the goldsmiths and
t r a d e r - b n l r u were d e p d e d . In the region of another Sena King ( ~ ~ s h m a n a
Sena), a writer says in connection with the unfurling ceremony of traders' banner
called Shakradhvaj~:"0where are the traders who once held you aloft. You are
now being used as plough or animal post." Vallalasena's dwading of trading
brabmanns can also be favourably compared with allusions to nishpd brPhmonas
(aboriginal priests making their way into the brahmma fold) who got reoognised as
bcabmanas but were assigned low status in the society. In South India, a Shaiva
brahmana teacher called Basava preached religious equality of men and women. The
tendency to eliminate intermediary v ~ r a a is s also noticeable in.the status of scribes.
The Kayaithas, Karanas, L e k h h s and IipiLarrs are classed as shudras. Same was
true of gavundas (modem day Gowdas in Karnataka) in medieval Deccan.
5.6.3 Rise of-a New Literate CIass

1 .
The {henomenon of land grants involved land transactions, keeping of ownership
I --:-c------
- - 2 - --2 r n ~ n t This meantea c
nf m ~ ~ c l ~ r ~ rtatistim. h of s-&t$
of writers and record keepers. Though the first kayastha is mentioned in Gupta
ipcriptions from Bepgal, the post-Gupta inscriptions are full of references to a gar
variety of people involved in record keeping activities. Apart from kayasthas, these
included kmnas, e a n i k a s , pwtapala, lekhaka, diviw, aksharachanchu,
dhannalekhin, aksMpatalika, etc. Though these scribes were being recruited from
different varnas, latek they got crystallized into distinct castes wth attendent marriage
restrictions. From the ninth century we hear of a large number of kayastha families
such as Valabha, Gapda, Mathur, Katana, Shrivastavya, Negam, etc. The use of Kula
and Varnsha with kayastha from the eleventh century and terms such as jati and
gyati with kayastha &om 12th-13th century show that the emergence of the
kayastha caste was evident. Individual kayasthas began to play leading role in
learning and literatme. Tathagatarakshita of Orissa who belonged to a family of
physicians by profewion and kayastha by caste, was a reputed professor of Tantras in
the Vikrarnashila U$versity (in Bihar) in the twelfth century.
5.6.4 Phenomenhl Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes

This is one of the mdst distinctive features of social changes during the centuries
urider reference. Thd Brahmavnbarta Purana dictum deshabhda (difference based
on regions/temtorie$) leads to differences in castes. A village named
Brihat-Chhattivama (inhabited by 36 varnas) is mentioned in a tenth century
inscription from Benkal. No vama seemed to have remained homogeneous and got
fragmented on account of territorial aflliations, purity of gotras and pursuance of
specific crafts, professions and vocations:
i) Amongst Brahmanas: The multiplication of castes as a phenomenon appears to

be most pronounced among brahmanas. As already mentioned, they were no
longer confined to their traditional sixfold duties. Apart from occu~yinghigh
governmental positions such as those ktf ministers, purohitas, judges, etc. they
had also started performing military functions. For example, the senapati of
Prithviraj Chauhan was a brahmana named Skanda and another brahmana
named Rak was Leading the army of a ruler of Sapadalalaksha (In Rajasthan).
Inscriptions from Pehoa and Siyadoni and dated in ninth-tenth century mention
brahmanas as horse dealers and betel sellers. The eleventh century Kashmiri
writer Kshemendra mentions brahmanas performing functions of artisans,
a dancers and inddlging in the sale of wine, butter-milk, salt, etc. Functional
d@nction of bdhmanas is reflected in such titles as:
Shrotriya, pandii, maharaja-pandita, dikshit, yajnik, pathaka, upadhyaya,

thaklrura:agnihotri, etc
Mitakshara, the famous commentary on the Smrili of Yagyavalkya speaks of the

ten-fold gradation ofl brahmanas ranging between Deva (who is a professor, and
devoted to religion and shastras) and Chandal, who does not perform srrndhya three
times a day. In betwgen were the shudrabrahmanas who lived by profession of arms
and temple priests.
Divisions within the brolhmana vama were also caused by temtorial affiliations. In
North India we hear d Sarasvat, Kanyakubja, Maithi, Ganda and Utkal
brahmanas. In Gujartat and Rajasthan they were identified in terms of their mola
(original place of habitation) and divided into Modha, Udichya, Nagara, etc. By the
late medieval times, the brahmanas were split into about 180 mulas. There were also
the feelings of superiority. While there was a phenomenal migration of brahmanas,
certain regions were ponsidered to be papadeshas (inpious regions). These included
Saurashtra, S i d h and Dakshmapath.
ii) Amongst Kshatiiyas: The ranks of kshatriyas also swelled in the post-eighth
century. Numerous works give varying lists of 36 clans of Rajputs in northern
India alone. They arose out of different strata of population-kshatriyas,
brahmanas, some other tribes including even the original ones and also out of
the ranks of foreign invaders who settled here and got assimilated into the Indian
social system. While the traditional notion invested the kshatriya vama as a
whole with func%ons of rulership, the ideologues were never opposed to
. I recagnising in many cases the non-kshatriya rulers as kshatriyas. It is said that
from amone the kanutred "resnectahle men were enrolled amnnv the Shekhavat
and the Wadhela tribes of Rajputs whilst the lower kinds were allotted to castes
of Kolis, Khantas and Mers". Thai there was a conscious attempt to give exalted
genealogies to rulers in many parts of India has been discussed in details below
, (See Units 10.4, 11.4.3 and 12). Some of the new kshatriyas were called
Samskara-Varjita, i.e. they were deprived of ritualistic rites. This may be taken
as a coverup for their admission to the brahmanical social order through inferior
rites.
iii) Amongst Vaishyas and Shudras: The process of caste proliferation did not leave
the vaishyas and shudras untouched. While these two broad varnas, as seen
above (Unit 5.6. I), were clearly coming closer to each other, there is an equally
unmistakable evidence of jatis (castes). Like the bral~maoas,the vaishyas too
were being identified with regional affiliations. Thus, we a&unt for vaishyas
called Shrimal's, Palliwals, Nagar, Disawats, etc. No less striking is the
heterogeneity of the Shudras who had been performing multifarious functions.
They were agricultural labourers, petty peasants, artisans, craftsman, servants
and attendants. The Brahma Vaivarta Purana lists as many as one hundred
castes of shudras. In their case too, these sub-divisions were based on regional
and territorial affiliations. In addition, shudra castes were also emerging which
were related to a specific process of industrial working, e.g. Padukakrit,
Charmabra (makers of shoes, leather workers), etc. Crystallization of craftd into
castes was a complementary phenomenon. It seems that napita, modaka,
tambdika, suvanrakara, sutrakara, malakara, etc. emerged as castes out of
various crafts. These castes increased with the growth of nrling aristocracy and
their dependence is reflected in their characterization as ashrita. Their subjection
and immobility is indicated in the transfer of trading guilds (called shrenis or
prakritis) to brahmana donees. An inscription of 1000 A.D, belonging to
Yadava mahasamanto Bhillama-I1 defines the donated village as comprising
eighteen guilds. Incidentally, these guilds also functioned as castes.
;:heck Your Progress 2
I) List the six duties of brahmaoas.
.............................................................................................................................................
2) What led to the increase in .the rise of new mixed castes? Answer in about ten
.............................................................................................................................................
3) W c h of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).
6
i) During eighth to thirteenth centuries varna norms were being redefined.
ii) The intermediary varnas were present in Bengal and South India.
iii) An unequal distribution of land and military power accounted for the growth
of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions.
iv) The famous Chinese traveller'Hsuan-Tsang mentions shudras as
. .
.n-m.lt..r;ctc
5.7 LAND DISTRIBUTION, FEUDAL RANKS AND
VARNA DISTINCTIONS
The studies of the past-Gupta economic and political structures (Blocks 1and 3
respectively) have @ken due note of newly emerged graded land rights. The
hierarchy of officials and vassals (See also Unit 9.4) also shows the impact of unequal
distribution of land. The kultifarious functions of vassals and officials (See Unit 9.9,
show among other feratures a strong predilection of military obligations. The nature
of power dispersal and its links with the structure of land distribution were bound to
influence the social wt-up as well. One very significant dimension of this impact was
the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions. Constituting the
ruling aristacracy wag no longer the monopoly of Lrsbatriyas.-That the feudal ranks '
were open to all varuas is clear in the 1Mansam (a text on architecture) when it lays
down that everybody irrespective of his varna could get the two lower military ranks
in the feudal hierarchy: praharka and astragrahin. Although lowest in rank, the
astrPgrPhin was entitied to have 500 horses, 5000 elephants, 50,000 soldiers, 5000
women attendants and one queen. We do not have to take these figures literally but
surely, the text is an important indicator of v a m distinctions getting a rude shock by
new distribution of 4nd and power. Further, the titles such as thakur, raut, nayaka,
etc. were not confined to kshatriyas or Rajputs. These were also conferred on
kayasthas and other mtes who were granted land and who sewed in army.
Kulluka's commentaty on the Smriti of Manu mentions the tendency of bigger
merchants joining the ranks of the ruling landed aristocracy. In Kashmir, rajanaka, a
little of high honour literally meaning "nearly a kingn, got closely associated with the
brahumas and later on it became a family name in the form of razdnn.
Feudal titles were also bestowed upon artisans. For example, the Deopara inscription
of Vijayasena tells us that Shulapani; who was the head of artisans of Varendra (in
West Bengal), held the title ranaka .
The symbols and ilsipia of social identity amongst feudal rank holders were alsb
related to landed postsessions. Badges of-honour,fly whisk, umbrella, horses,
elephants,%palanquin$, acquisition of pancha-mahashabda (See also Unit 9.6), etc.
depended on the sc- place in the feudal hierarchy. To illustrate, chakravarth and
mahasamantas were permitted to erect the chief gate (sinhadvar) which could not be
done by lesser vassals. The provision of varying sizes of houses for different grades of
vassals and officjals was also the product of the impact of unequal holdings.
5.8,' INCREA$ING SOCIAL TENSIONS
Though various modifications were taking placewd developments were happening

which cut across vama distinctions, nevertheless, the pace of social changes in the
pst-eighth centuries was far from being an agent of harmonious and egalitarian
set-up. The manifestations of social tensions were too many.
A society which was based on an unequal distribution of bases of economic power

was bound to be iniquitous. Though the shudras were rising in their status but
untouchability was very much part of the social fabric. A fairly large dumber of'
shudras appear to have been the actual workers, whether on land or in industry, .
working for their feudal overlords, notwithstanding the few and rare examples of
rurrrshrita shudras. Pursuit of the so-called impure occupations, being guilty of
prohibited acts, adherence to heretical acts and physical impurities were major factors
for the growth of untouchability. The Brihad Naradiya Purana reveals the
beginnings of the exdusion of the shudras from places of workship. The chandalas
and dombas were to cany sticks by striking which they made themselves known so
that people could avbid touching them. When Vastupala was the governor of
Cambay, he construcked platforms and thus stopped the promiscuous mingling of all
castes in shops where curd was sold. Though the brahrnanical lawgivers were showing
their concern f ~ther proprietory rights of women, specially on stridban, it was also
an age when the b e o u s practice of sati seems to have made a real beginning.
Kina Warsha's mnther nerfnrminn it even before the death of her husband
Prabhakanarandhhe, is a classic example. It is mentioned in the Harshacbarita of
Banabhatta. The Rajatarangini comprising chronicle of Kashmir also refers to the
performance of sati in royal families. The archaeological evidence is to be seen in the
numerous sati-satta plaques found in both North and South India. .
Sectarian rivalries must have caused sufficient tensions in the society. A brahmana
who believed in Jainism was considered to be an outcaste. In the Latakamelaka, two
brahmanas indulge in the exchange of hot words and charge each other with
'abrahmanya without any rhyme or reason. The p d e l between the multiplication of
religious sects and that of castes in medieval times is very close. Differences in rituals,
food, dress, etc. caused religious splits. For example Budhism split into 18 sects: The
Jainas in Karanataka had as many as seven sects: Karnataka was also the scene of
tussle between the Lingayats and Virashaivas. Very often, the religious sects tended
to crystallize into castes. Isn't it an historical irony that the religions whose avowed
aim was to abolish caste distinctions and cleavages based on birth were themselves
swallowed by the caste system? It is also true that quite ~ f t e nthese sectarian tensions
were products of the land grant economy. There seems t o v e been an inevitable
competition amongst numerous religious sects-both br anical and
"91;
non-brahmanical, to grab as much land as possible. Indeed, great majority of
religious establishments tended to become lafiied magnates. or example, some
rulers of the post-eighth centuries, such as Avantivarman of the Mattamayara region
(possibly a Chalukya prince of central India, near Gwalior) and a Cedi King of
Dahala are said to have dedicated their kingdoms to be religious heads of the Shaiva
Siddharta school and then apparently ruled as vassals. The movement of a particular
sect of the Jainas emerged in the eleventh century in Gujarat and Rpjasthan, which
was called vidhi-ehaitya. It was a sort of protestant movement aiming at denunciation
of greedy and acquisitive Jaina ascetics who were Qrhg to grab land.
The rise of kayasthas, the new literati class, had its own implications as far as social
tensions were concerned. This class had clearly emerged as a challenge to the
position of brabmanrrs. The example of kayastha Tathagata-rakshita of Orissa
, becoming a reputed professor of Tantras in the Vikramashila University has already
I been cited above (See Sec. 5.6.3). Kshemendra of Kashmir clearly writes that the rise
of kayasthas led to loss of economic privileges becah hyaatbp officials hesitated in
' resuming landgrants to bmhmmm. In Kashmir the members of the temple-purohita
corporation used to organise prayopaveebrr (hunger strikes) as a weapon for getting
their grievances redressed. As if with a vengeance, the brdmamw in order to
reiterate their superiority, often despised kayaPthPs as shrdrPa.
No less significant were the manifestations of rural tensions. The damara revolts in
Kashmir, rebellion of the kaivarattas in the region of Ramapala in Bengal, acts of
self-immolation in situations of encroachments on land in Tamil Nadu, appropriation
of donated land by shpdrps in the Pandya territory are indices of distrust agpinst the
new landed intermediaries(See also Unit 1.5, Block-1). .
b

1) C o w e n t on the increasing social tensions in the post-eighth centuries in about
10 lines.
-
2) Write a note oh the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across vama distinctions.
Answer in 10 Unes.
.............................................................................................................................................
3) Mentien six castes that emerged out of various crafts. , .
5.9 LET US 'SUM LIP

Z
This survey of social changes during the centuries between eighth and thirteenth
centuries highhghts the following:
extremely rich and varied source material for the survey
the brahmanical perspective with a concern for social rigidity and the need to
maintain the vama order,
questioning of the bases of caste system where an emphasis is put on consideration
of economic factors in the determination of social status,
changing material base and its impact on the emergence of the new social ethos,
modifications in the varna order, particularly the changing position of the vaishyas
and shudras and the disappearances of intermediary varnas, specially in Bengat
and South India,
rise of kayasthas-a new lite~aticlass,
multiplication of castes in all varnas,
linkage between land distribution and the emergen& of feudal ranks and how the
later were cutting across varna lines, and hally,
absence of a harmonious and egalitarian society marked by various sources of
tension.
5.10 KEY WORDS

k
m ~ t n : hdependent shudras.
. asBCita : dependent shudras.
bhojyannn : those shudras, whose food preparations could be taken by
brahmanas.
gavundas : scribes in Karnataka with landed interests.
haia-jati F r p a : vanity of caste and clan. I*
ashrita : dependent shndras.

mula : place of origin of a family Kaste. Social Organisation
papadishas : impious regions.
prakritis : trading guilds.
samskara-vajfqa : those who were deprived of the rights to perform rituals.
varnadhikarin : officer responsible for the maintenance of vanus.
I 5.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
1) Base your answer on Sec. 5.2
2) i) J ii) X iii)/ iv) J
3) Base your answer on Sec. 5.4
4 1) The sixfold duties included studying, teaching, sacrific& etc. See Sub-sec. 5.6.1
2) Refer to Sub-sec. 5.6.4.
3) i) J ii) X iii) J iv) J
I 1) Base your answer on Sec. 5.8

2) Refer to Sub-sec. 5.7
3) Some of the castes were napiter, modaka, malakara etc. Refer Sub-sec. 5.6.4.
I .-
UNIT 6 IDEOLOGY
Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Ideology: Varied Standpoints
6.2.1 Ideology as a System of Knowledge
6.2.2 Sociological Approaches
6.2.3 Psycho-cultural Approaches
6.3 Religion, Ideology and Society
6.4 ' Ideology: The Early Indian Setting
6.5 Ideology: Its Role and Nature in the Post-Gupta Cenhires.
6.5.1 Land Orahts: Their Philosophy
6.5.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage
6.5.3 Tantricism
6.5.4 Hero-Stones -
6.5.5 ReliGon as Ideology-For Whom?
6.6 Let Us Sum Up .
6.7 Key Words
6.8 Answers?~Check Your Progress Exercises

complexities of difining ideology,
nuances of ideology and the ways of looking at these,
major s t a m in the writings on ideology from various standpoints,
recent developmdnts in the analysis of ideology,
place ojreligion and ideology in society,
philosophical background of land grants in the post-Gupta centuries, and
specific religious developments tn India through the millennia and their
potentiahties to act as ideology.
6.1 INTRODUCTION . ,
&Unit deals with the pioblem o f ideology. Broadly, three major issues have been
discussed. First, the theoretical dimensions of ideology take cognizance of various
approaches of studying ideology. It also mentions distinctive contribution in each i'
case. Second, the Unit has also attempted to determine the place of religion and
ideology in society. Finally, the theoretical understanding of ideology is applied in the
Indian setting. In this cbntext, the focu's is on the role and nature of ideology in the
post-Gupta centuries, though certain important religious developments of the
pre-Gupta millennizizlhavealso been mentioned. The overall thrust underlines the
need to study ideology in its potentialities to sway masses.
6.2 IDEOLOGY: VARIED STANDPOINTS

The concept of igeology has been one of the most controversial concepts in the
. .
history of socispolitical thought as well as in the history of ideas. An understanding
of multifarious components of ideology depends on the standpoint from .which it is -
viewed. The standpoints are many:.
. It can be viewed as a system of knowlehge,, ,.
scholars have emphasized its.sociologica1 components, and
there have also been writings which emphasize the need to study it through
. psychological and cultui?l approaches.
Before undertaking an analysis of ideology as a concept of social thought it is
Ideolog
necessary to distinguish between ideology as a concept and ideology as a political
doctrine. The analysis of ideology in terms of its nature and functions is quite afar
from its ann'-.;is as a body of political beliefs, such as conservatism, liberalism,
~ 0 c i d k .i. .
6.2.1 Ideology As a System of Knowledge

Amongst the earliest conceptions, the expression 'Ideology' designated a
philosophical discipline con&mdt to examine the methodological foundations of all
sciences and to guarantee their impartial application. Its basic conception goes back
to the d&s of famous English thinker Francis Bacon (1561-- 1626 A.D.). He
maintained that progress in science can be guaranteed only if scientific thought can
be secured against fallacious ideas. With his doctrine of "idols" (phantoms of
misconceptions) Bacon hoped to elucidate why human reason is inhibited from
perceiving actuality.
. .
Bacon spoke of four types of idbls which affect humans very strongly. The idols of
the tribe represent the incapacity to reflect reality adequately. This basic cognitive
barrier-common to all humans-is further compounded by the idols of cave: human
being appears as an isqlated cavedweller who tends to judge the outside world only
from his personal viewpoint. The idols of the market place are misunderstandings in
communication which originate in the imprecision of language. Finally, the idols of
the theatre consist of obstacles conditioned by authority. tradition, convention and
irrational doctrines. Thus, Bacon's doctrine of idols-the earliest form of a theory of
ideology-points to feeling, will, communication and transmitted prejudice as factors
disturbing pure cognition. Only by disciplining reason can unprejudiced knowledge,
and thereby truth, be attained.
This hypothesis of Bacon was the basis for the French ideologues of the latter part of
the eighteenth century (Condillac, Cabanis and de Tracy in particular) who sought
to do for philosophy what the Englush thinker had done for science. The basic
assumption of the ideologues was that all ideas, all knowledge and all faculties of
human understanding (perception, memory, judgement) rest on sensory data. The
study of the origin and development of ideas in terms of sensations is the only
guarantee against errors in cognition and judgement.
Fallacious ideas can41ayclaim to a certain authority in society; indeed they may even
be championed by those in authority. Consequently, the "ideologists" must not
hesitate to apply their scientific methods to the critique of religion and official
political ideas. Ideology is, in this sense, a genuine scientific endeavour inlpoten,tial
opposition to every sort of authority. However, the post-revolutionary France
considered criticism of religious and political ideas as a threat to social stability.
'Ideology' became a term of abuse, and ideological thought was rejected as
destructive. For example, Napoleon saw "ideologists" as "ideologues" in a pejorative
sense), i.e. isolated worshippers of reason, lacking in common sense-as people who
operate on ideas and not facts.
6.2.2 Sociological Approaches

C.W. Frohlich in Germany was first to state in 1792 A.D. that human thought
depends on social relations. He goes on to demand that the critique of religion and
metaphysics be carried to its logical conclusion by a change in property relations.
According to Frohlich only a property-free society can make right thinking and
,' moral action possible. This suggests an aspect of the ideology problem which is
systematically developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.
The works of Marx and Friedrich Engels represent a watershed in the study of the
concept of ideology. They viewed ideology as a system of false ideas, a statement of
class position, and a justification for class rule. Ideologies are secondary and unreal,
since they are part of the "superstructure" and as such reflection of the more
fundamental material economic "base".
Marx and Engels attached a derogatory connotation to ideology, since they viewed
all ideological thought as the dishonest use of reasoning; as the conscious or
unconscious distortion of facts in order to justify the position of the ruling class. "The 17
class, which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its &ing
intellectual forcew.Ideology represents, in EngeIs' memorable phrase, "false
consciousness".
5
In presenting such a motion of ideology, Marx and his d a t e were profiting from
FeuerbachP ( a German Philosopher) insight into the projective character of the
religious conceptual world. He perceives in religion the necessarily false form of
consciousness deriviog from social relations and conditioned by contradiction
between human needs and the means available for satisfying them @ax Weber in
Germany had seen the rationale of religion in this contradiction (See also Sec. 6.2.3).
For Marx critique of ideology implies more than mere negation of religion, since the
latter constitutes priqation for manyit is the reflection of characteristic human traits
which have emerged under specific socio-historical donditions. Religion is understood
as an "expression" of the social order and as a "protest" against it. Thus, religion is
exposed merely in its role of justifying the political status quo: it is also perceived in
its negative, anticipatory function and is included in the critique of &al conditions
which require ideological clarification. For example, the enlightened man o p ~
any further enlighteximent in order to protect his own interests. Criticism of religion
in a society where it has a power-political function is criticism of the political statos
quo.
n arx and Engels, b i basing ideas on the socio-economic system, raised an issue that,
, at the hands of Karl Mannbeim came to be known as the "Sociology of knowledge",
i.e. the study !,f social bases, conditions, varieties and distortions of ideas. However,
unlike Marx and influenced by Weber, Mannbeim gave up primarily class approach
and based ideology on the total social structure, particularly political parties.
Conclusions strikingly similar to those of Marx were reached via an entirely different
route by two early European sociologists-Mosca and Pareto. Both believed in a
h(
scientific approach to social anaiysis.
According to Mosca, irs the most decisive feature of any sooiety is its ruling class. A
society's art, culture, politics, religion, etc. are all determined by the dominant social'
stratum. As such, soaial analysis must begin and end with the ruling.class. The leaders
maintain, perpetuate, rationalize, and justify their own rule through the skiiful
manipulation of "political formulae" or idelogies.
Pareto divides all human conduct into two categories logical and non-logical--in
terms of whether it employs suitable means in pursuit of attainable objectives. He
stresses the prevalence of the irrationhl in human conduct. He insists that significant
portions of human behaviour are motivated and sustained by non-logical drives lying
well below the level of consciousness. All societies, he points out, are filled with
taboos, magic and m).ths. In the political realm, codes, constitutions, platforms, and
programme fail to meet the criteria of logical action. his is because, among other
things, they are stated in the vaguest, most rhetorical, and most meaningless terms.
Thus, in the analyses of society by Mosca and Pareto, ideology is a major varidble.
Used synonymously with "myth", "political formula", or "derivation", ideology is
viewed as the guiding force i m f i ' a n society and the principal means for attaining
social solidarity.
Among contemporary sociologists, Parsons defines ideology as "an empirical belief

system held in c o m n by the members of m y collectivity". It binds the community
together, and it legititnizes its value orientations. More significantly, ideology involves
an element of distortion. Daniel Bell is an exponent of the "functionalwapproach to .
ideology. It implies: ,
a action orientation,,
ability to promote or undermine legitimacy,
potential for attaiqing social solidarity, and
value integration.
The "functional" nature of ideology)us also been in thaesense of those forms of

social consciousness that are so moulded as to maintain exploitative relation? of
production in'any class society. The general function of ideology is to maintain social
cohesion through mystified social relations and class domination. In this way ideology
in general is a mystified form of consciousness. Being part of social consciousness,
ideology in general appeals to every person in the social formation. However,
ideology does not spring automatically out of consciousness. In other words, "
consciousness does not develop (in an evolutionary sense) into ideology. Ideology has
a material origin in the first place. The analysis of its function is pursued within the
social formation as a totality with the social relati,on of production as the object of
that analysiS. Inevitablf, the investigator is led to consider, in dealing with
class-relations, in whose benefit ideology is. It is the specific social formation of
which a specific ideology is an element, and the class struggle appropriate to it, which
determines the character of that sp&c ideology.
In sum, the sociological approaches are centrdly concerned with ideology as a system
of socially determined ideas, without necessary truth-value but with great potential
for social solidarity as well as for social control, mobilization, and manipulation. In
addition, ideologies may serve to justify (or reject) a particular set of goals and values
and to legitimize (or denounce) political authority. Some writers atta .h a derogatory
connotation to ideology, whereas others see it in a neutral light.
6.2.3 Psyc)o-cultural Approaches

The psychological theories see ideology primarily as a means or managing personal
strain and anxiety, whether socially or psychologically induced. Among the most
important exponents of this approach are Sigmund Freud and Franas Sutton.
Suggesting that religion and ideology have much in common, Freud makes the
follo+g statement: "ReLigious doctrines are all illusions, they do not admit of proof
and no one can be compelled to consider them as true or to believe in them....". The
strength of religious-ideas lies in the fact that it:
performs the function of wish fulfilment,
affords protection and security to the individual,
controls instinctual behaviour and relieves humans of their sense of guilt, and
counteracts human's alienation from society.
The case for substituting "ideology" wherever Freud uses "religion", is strengthened
by his following statement:
Having recognised religious doctrines to be illusions, we are at once
confronted with the further question: may not all cultural possessions, which
, we esteem highly and by which we let our life be ruled, be of a similar nature?
Should not the assumptions that regulate our political institutions likewise be
called illusions?
Sutton and his colleagues offer a conception ol ~deologyas a response to strain .

generated by social roles. Individuals daily confront conflicting demands and anxiety
situations in the course of performing their roles. Ideology is a system of ideas that
enables humans to cope with strain.
Such psychological aporoaches also rekind us of Max Weber's emphasis on the ,

"religious anchorage" ,f economic, political, social and cultural institutions primarily
because ."religion7' wzls human's saviour in situations of scarcity, anxiety and
deprivation. Weber thought that specific religious features are not only partially
independent of the relevant social and economic conditionsBntthg religious
determination of life conduct and "economic ethic" was also a major consideration.
Weber's was thus an anti-Marxist position.
Although there is some relationship between ideology and strain, the actual linkages
are by no means clear or simple. This is because the individual may react to strain in
a variety of ways. Hence ideology is merely one way of responding to stress.
Among the psycho-cultural approaches to ideology Leon Dion refers to ideology as -

*a more or less integrated cultural and mental structure". By this he means a pattern
of norms and values that is both objective (cultural) and subjective'(mental). Clifford
Gee- defines it in terms of symbols and symbolic action. For him ideology is more
than a mere psychological response to strain; it embodies social and cultural element
as well. Broadly speaking, ideology is a cultural symbol-sjlstem that aims to guide the
humans in their political life: "Whatever else ideologies may be.... They are, mest
distinctively, maps df problematic social reality and matrices for the creation of
collective conscience."
We have identified and e x m e d at some length several approaches to the concept

of ideology. Each approach throws light on a different dimension of concept;
together they reveal its extraordinarily rich heritage. Ideology is an emotion-laden,
myth-saturated, action-related system of beliefs and values about humans and
society, legitimacy abd authority. The myths and values of ideology are
communicated through symbols in simplified and economical manner. Ideologies
have a high potentid for mass mobilisation, manipulation, and control; in thaJ sense,
thky are mobilised belief systems.
P
Check Yohr Progress 1
1) List the four types of idols referred by Bacon?
.............................................................................................................................................
2) How "Ideology" was conceived by Marx and Emgels. Answer in about ten lines.
..............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
3) What are the categoties of human actions defined by Pareto?
6.3 RELIGION, IDEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Without identifying religion and ideology, it may be safely asserted that writin& in
the last decades-particularly those of Marxists in varied disciplines-have
considerably enriched the study of both as cultural forms and processes.
Amongst the classic statements about the relations between religion and society one
can mention scattered and unsystematic references to religion in the works of Marx
and Engels. As early as 1844, Marx wrote:
"The basis of keligious criticism is "man makes religion, religion does not
make man. Religion is the self-consciousness and.self-esteem of man who has
either not yet found himself or has already lost himself again*.
For Marx "man is up abstract being encamped outside the world." The only way for
man to rid himself of this illusion is to destroy the social world that produces it. As
hiam PrWop: ..
-
R e l i o n s distress is at the same time the expression of real distress and also
the protest against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature.
So the struggle against religion is necessarily a struggle against that world whose
"halo is religion" and "of which religion is the spiritual aromn". It ,si in this context
that religion becomes the "opium of people". Here Marx anticipdtes one of the
crucial elements of his concept of ideology, namely, that religion compensates in the
mind for a deficient reality; it reconstitutes in the imagination a coherent solution
which goes beyond the real world in an attempt to resolve the contradibns of the
real world. So Marx confirms his conviction that the ideological inversion responds to
and derives from a real inversion. As he suggests:
Man is the world of w,the state, society. This state, this society, produce
religion, an inverted world consciousness because they are an inverted world.
It was largely the earliest exponent of sociology of religion, Durkheim to begin with,
who contributed to the discussion on religion as an ideology, Like Marx, Durkheim
made clear that religion and ideology have a ,socialbasis, particularly in patterns of
I social relations and organisation, but they also have a degree of autonomy, followihg
c e m rules peculiar to culture.
i
Max Weber, a junior contemporary of Durkheim and a product of Bismarckian
Germany, is known for his numerous writings not only on religions of specific
countries such as India and China but also on specific religions as well as sociology of
religion. From the perspective of sociology of relgion, he highlighted the following
three forms of relationship between social organisation and religious ideas:
Social groups with particular economic interests often show themselves to be
more receptive to some religious ideas than to others. ~ h & they e were
chivalrous warrior heroes, political officials, economically acquisitive classes or
finally, where an organised hierocracy dominated religion, the results were
different than from where genteel intellectuals were decisive. The social stratum
including artisans, traders, entrepreneurs engageed in industry are attracted by all
sorts of individual p h u i t s of salvation. Everywhere the hierocracy has sought to
monopolise the administration of religious values. The individuals quest for
salvation or the quest of free communities by means of contemplation, orgies or
asceticism has been considered highly suspect and has had to be regulated
ritually and controlled hierocratically. From the standpoint of the interests of the
priesthood in power, this was considered natur.al.
Religious ideas lead to the formation of certain groups, such as monastic orders,
guilds of magicians, or a clergy and these groups may develop quite extensive
economic activities.
The gap between the elite and the masses poses a problem with which each of
the great religions of the world has had to wpe with. With specific references to
religion in China, particularly Confucianism and Taoism, Weber shows how the
former remained amfin@ to the Emperor and the bureaucratic order but
broadly excluded the masses. In contrast, the brahmanns in India, who were
royal chaplains, spiritual advisers, theologians and authorities on questions of
ritual propriety, achieved a "systematic rationalization of magic" and effected a
compromise between their own elite interests in a digdied way of life and their
need to provide for the release of the masses from the misfortunes that were their
lot.
I
Surely with such an analysis, Weber had produced one of the most sensitive and
complex accounts of "elective &ties" between social groups and sets bf beliefs
or ideologies. However, Weber's notion of the "religious anchorage" and his
emphasis of channelling effegs of "ideas" rather than "material interests" in
determining people's action make him an anti-Marxist.
Recent developments in the analysis of ideology have been concerned with

improving explanations of how anti why ideology takes a particular form and
how it works. Two important developments are noticeable.
First, more attention has been given to what Geertz has called "autonomous
p r v ~f symbolic formulation," which as already seen above (See Sec. 6.2.3),
md Culture: entails examining ideologies as systems of,interesting symbols and the ways in
1. l rl1Ul-T
which they provide plausible interpretations of problematic social reality. This
h a helped us in appreciating Intricate and complex nature of symbolic processes,
wh~chcannot beldifferentiated s~rnplyin terms of false consciousness versus true
consciousness. P
.
ii) Second, there is now an awareness in the field of ideology in relation to classes
and groups as being one of contestation and a 'lived relationship', not a
mechanical procless.
IDEOLOGY: THE EARLY INDIAN SETTING

There are certain crucial questions which need to be raised before the specificities of
early Indian re@on$ are taken up for discussion. If ideology is considered to be
subservient to the interests of ruling/dominant classes, do we simultaneously assume
the existence of an ideology of the dominated classes? What is the raison d'etre of
dominant ideas? Are they dominant because they are supposed to be widely shared
by the dominated classes themselves? Under what conditions do the dominated
groups come to sharp interpretations of the world that legitimize the existing social
order not only in the eyes of the dominant group, but also in their own eyes? Do we
say that the ideas of xhe dominated do not constitute an ideology since they do not
legitimize the existinp social order?
We review below certain phases of Indian religions to illustrate the theoretical

position. The Indian scene may not enable us to answer various questions raise'd,
- nevertheless it would be worth determining the parameters of religion functioning as
ideology in early India.
Amongst one of the learliest phases, the question of religion being an "intensifying
factor" of "catalyst" of the urban growth under the Harappans has been highlighted
in recent specialised !writings.That this role has been attributed to rehgion on
negative evidence is Pather apparent to be overlooked. Equally exaggerated is the
enthusiasm with whiph it is treated like an ideology. W e it is possible to infer
certain soclal divisions, it is not easy to share D.D. Kosambi's dogmatic assertion of
the prototype of brahmaaa priesthood recognizable in the Harappan metropolis. .
Eh in if parallels from other contemporary centres of bronze age civilizations are
mvoked, one would do well to recall V. Gordon Childe's perceptive observation on
pnest kmgs of Sumet, viz., it was the economic system "that made the God (through
his represent )rive) a great capitalist and landlord his temple into a city bank." It must
have been the potential of the people to generate agricultural surplus necessitating
huge granaries at Mbhenjodaro, Harappa and possibly at Kalibangan t w . This is
coupled with extensive mechanism and network of internal as well as long-distance
overland and maritime trade symbolized in the Lothal "wareha&"' This must have
been instrumental in giving shape to such forms of religious manifestations as we are :
able to even speculate about.
The existence of pi Aary producers and managers of production in the later Vedic
period is generally rbgnized by scholars. We argue that there was not only an
antagonism between the two but amongst the non-producing classes too (bralunanas
and kshafriyas) and that the latter struggle can be rationalised in terms of fight for
agricultural surplus. But do the exalted sacnficlal cult of the Brahmanas and the
atma-vidya of the dpanishads constitute ideologies of brahmanas and kshafriyas
respectively? It may8betempting to call both as ideologies of the ruling class.
However, such chargcterization is not only simplistic but also ignores the dialectics of
the development of these rdigio-philosophic systems. That none of them is a
monolithic uniform idea should be apparent from the minutae of various sacrifices.
Just one of the numerous ceremonies of only one sacrifice, viz., the ratnahavimshi
ceremony of the rajLsuya shows how the tribal and matriarchal elements were being
submerged by class, territorial and how priestly domination was being replaced by
that of the Kshatriyps. That sacrifices aimed at the creation of large communities by
transcending consideiations ought not be overlooked in the present context.
prescribed for the admission of the Vratya chief of Magadha
to Vedic society and the chief of the nishadas called Sthapati finds a place in Vedic
rituals meant for higher orders.
Again it is generally accepted that as opposed to brahmanical Sanskrit works, the Pali
texts of the Buddhists provided a different rationale of the origin of kingship, and the
new monarchs of the Ganga Valley in the sixth-fifth centuries of the pre-Christian
era were favourably disposed towards non-brahmanical religions. But it would again
be an over-simplification to say that the Buddha's was an ideology of the kshatriyas.
This is being suggested not only because all the concerned monarchies were cekainly
not in the hands of the kshatriyas but also because it would unjustifiedly restrict the
social base of early Buddhism. Apart from the material sustenance received by the
Buddha from peasants and traders who were certainly out of reckoning of upper class
dominance, a fairly extensive popularity of the master amongst brahmanas too is not
unknown.
Ashok's Dhamma, which was anything but religion in the literal sense of the term,
and is perhaps closer to ideology, offers yet another matiifatation. If the imperatives
of Dhamma are to be understood, one will have to go beyond the zeal of the
so-called "philosopher-king" and the "revolutionary" impact of the great event-the
Kalinga War. Recent studies on the concepts of state and empire, striking a severe
blow to the notions of "centralised" Mauryan empire, enable us to highlight the
compulsions of the economic logic of the set-qq and comprehend the driving forces
behind Ashok's Dhrunma.
6.5 IDEOLOGY: ITS ROLE AND NATURE IN THE-

POST-GCTPTA CENTCTRIES
Since we are concerned with ideology within the broad framework of society and
culture between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, it would be worth working out its
role and nature. We have been emphasizing the dominance of land-grant economy in
the post-Gupta centuries. Could this phenomehon of almost pan-Indian dimensions
be seen as an ideological force? Why land-grants at all?
6.5.1 Land Grants: Their Pbilosopby

Epigraphic records, which constitute our principal sources, are marked by a
contradiction. On the one hand, they are quite eloquent about descriptions of cruelty,
violence and lust for temtorial power on the part of kings, while on the other, same
powers show magnanimity to blPhmana donees. Perhaps these grants were means to
satisfy or the,manifestation of Kings, vanity. The pompous genealogies, full of
grandiloquent titles for donor and his predecessors were typical examples of political
psychophancy. Apparently, there was certain amount of selfishness on the part of
donor kings. The ostensible purpose for these large munificent gifts was to earn
puoya not only for donors but for their predecessors as well.
It is argued that landgrants served the purpose of financial support to selfless'

brahmanas-who were engaged in imparting learning and educition. The brahmanas
used to lead a plain and simple life. Such an argument is an oversimplification for wc
have already seen (Units 5.6.1 a& 5.6.4) that the vocations of bralunanas were
getting diversified. There was a distinct transformation of brahmanas from
priesthood to landlords-they were emerging as a property seeking and property
owning class.
A significant dimension Uf the epigraphic evidence under discussion is the close

correspondence between dhannashastric prescriptions and terminology of gift
making in inscriptions. The whole concept of dana (gift making) was undergoing
perceptible change. The dharmashastms underline prayashchitta (expiation,
repentance) for sins committed in this world. Imagine, which King would have been
free from sins and transgressions? After all, they had all been guilty of Loot, arson,
killing-particularly in wars. The lawmakers, who were invariably brahmanas,
instilled a feeling of fear by a graded system of sins and punishments and by evolving
such notions as that of mahapatakw.
I
4
Society and Coltore: The'sense of y i l t in kings coupled with principle of its prayashchitta was exploited
8th-13thCenbry ,
by brahmanas. Huge gifts of cows, bulls, land and gold were strongly recommended
by them if the kings did not want themselves or their ancestors to lead a miserable
plight of an insect or lower animal in the next world. Of all the items of gift, land got
the pre-eminent position. Vyasa, who is quoted very often in epigraphic records, is
known to have laid down that giver of land lives in heaven for, 16000 years. Many
puranas, similarly, stipulate that the donor of land would have the good fortune of
being in the charming company of apsaras (celestial nymphs). In the hands of
brahmana lawgivers, the sacred texts did not remain abstract theories and
prescriptive works only. Instead. they seem to have acquired the character of some
sort of policy statements.
Were the kings who madelarge gifts of land, only victims of avarice of brahmanas?
Evidently not. The quest for legitimacy was a major consideration for political
authorities. (The issue has been discussed in detail in Block 3; see specially Units 9.7,
10.4 and 11.5). In the present context it would be sufficient to underline the
mutuality of interests bf the donor as well as the donee. The pmhastikaras (eulogy
singers), the dharmasbastrakaras (lawmakers) and purohitas (brahmana in the
court) were all collaborators in the new landed order.
How did this new order manifest itself in the cultural ethos of the post-Gupta
centuries? It appears that at the level of ideas the post-Gupta scene in the entire
sub-continent is marked by two distinctive strains,. viz. growth of bbakti and an
all-pervasive influence of tantric practices. It is possible to explain their widespread
dispersal in terms of the growth of the feudal mode of production epitomised in the
phenomenon of land grants. +
65.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage 8
For about half a millennium from the mid-sixth century, Shaiva and Vaishnava saints
(Nayanmars and Alvars respectively) and their followers practised and propagated
bhakti in the cduntryside and went to pilgiim centres singing and dancing. The
overall pattern is that of consolidation of classical brahmanical society in early .
medieval India. Origiqating in sixth century Kanchipuram, area under the Pallavas,,it
had traversed the full length of Tarnilaham by the end of the ninth century and ,
engulfed all the major kingdoms of the Cholas, Pandyans and the Cheras. If we are
to believe in a recent analysis, the spread of the Bhakti movement in the north,
epitomised in such a popular work as the Bhagavata Purana, was also the result of
the impetus given by the Tamil saints. The spread of the movement is inthately
associated with the temple base, which, in turn, derived its raison d'etre and
economic sustenance &rough land grants received from not only kings and men at
the helm of political affairs but even from influential members of the society.
\
Some recent writings on the Pallavas, the Cholq and the Alirars as well as
Nayanmars have been able to show the gradual importance of the paddy cultivation
in the Kaveri Valley ahd the resultant pattern of brahrnanical settlements, which, in
turn, contributed to the growth of the 'Chola power. To illustrate, the specific spread
of the temple movement in the Kaveri Valley may be looked at. The three famous
Nayanmars, viz., Appar, Sambandhar and Sundarar sang 307,384 and 100 hymns
respectively. Out of thme 442 temples, as many as 3 15 belong to the Chola period
and all of which are concentrated in the Kaveri Valley (126 being situated north of
this river while 189 were to its south). That this temple Bhllrti movement was an
important tool of the consolidation of political power by feudal chiefs and kings is
apparent from the similarities in the vocabulary and symbols used to designate
temple and its officers on the one hand andl the King and his retinue on the other.
For example: Koyil stands for both palace and temple; crowned deities were
comparable with crowped kings; rituals of worship 1s conceived on the same pattern
as the rituals of service to the King-bathing, anointing, decorating, dressing of deity,
were replicas of similat practices in the court. Taxes and tributes were paid to
temples, as they were experted forkings as well. Like the palace, temple is also
constrbcted with mandapas; prakaras, dvarapalas, etc. (pavilions, walled enclosures,
doorkeepers respectivdy),Ahe chief deity of the temple, like the King, was
accompanied by his consort and relatives and served by a whole m y of musicians,
dancing girls, actors, garland makers, etc. To compare the feudal p9amid consisting
of plurality and co-existence of the lords-each commanding loyality from h&
I
J
'immediate vassal-we sek in the Bhakti'moyement a clear recognition of the plurality
and co-existence of different deities-each deity occupying the position of the lord
for his devotee. The devotee habitually addresses the deity as udaiyar or tambiran
standing for "lord" and "master" and describes himself as adiyan, i.e. slave. What
becaye the hallmark of greatness in the age of growing brahrnanical power was the
surrender of pride in th.e self and voluntary acceptance of the position of "the servant
of the Lord" -sls Kulashckhara Alvar had proclaimed. To all this must be added the
concerted drive on the part' of men of religion of evolve a mechanism of regular
pilgrimage ost&nsiblyto earn merit (Punya). It is well known that the brahmanical
literature alone mentions more than 400 tirthas in early medieval times and that he
Mahabharata and the Puranas alone contain at least 40,000 verses on tirthas,
sub-tirthas and legends connected with them. And this is not all-one can add not
only numerous sthalapuranas but specific digests on tirthas dealing with brahmanical
and non-brahmanical centres of pilgrimage.
6.5.3 Tantricism . .
Tantricism, like bhakti, permeates all religions in the post-Gupta centuries, not
excluding even the so-called puritanical non-brahmanical religious systems. R.S.
Sharma has retionalised it in terms of the preponderance of the cult of the Mother
Goddess consequent upon the spread of agriculture as a result of land grants. A
fascinating dimension of this analysis is the process of cultural interaction of priestly
Sanskritik and tribal elements. A recent study, based entirely on literary data, argues
that the Devi Mahatmya of the Markandeya Puraoa (c. sixth century A.D.) is the
first comprehensive account of the Goddess to appear in Sanskrit-the explanation is
sought in terms of Sar+skritisation. It is yderlined that the basic impulse behind the
worship of Goddess is of pon-Aryan and non-Sanskritic origin. A survey ofShakti
sculptures in Madhya Pradesh alone refers to as many as 400 images. A great
majority of their names such as Charchika, Umarimata, Bijasanidevi, Behamata,
Biiasanidevi, etc. link them with popular tribal deities.
6,5.4 Hero-Stones
In recent years there have been some very refreshing and stimulating writings on'the
notions of Death-in terms of rituals, religious beliefs and practices, art forms an$
above all, in association with socio-economic developments. These have resulted in a
special genre of literature on an obscure field of religious and art history of the
sub-continent. These stidies centre round the hero-stones, which are littered over
most parts of the Indian sub-continent. There has been a long and almost
continuous history of these relics for more than 1500 years and extends to both
brahmanical and nbn-brahmanical religions. They are locally called viragals,
natugals, paliyas, govardhana stambhes, kirti-stambhas, ehhaya-stambhas, or
merely as chhahis, stambhas devalis, etc. These tablets Qr pillars fall into several
poups originating in ritual or cult practices as well as religious or social customs of its
batrons :
The chhaya-stambha is among the earliest archaeological evidence, and it seems to

be rwtedip the social practic& of the Buddhists.
The nhidhi represents the ritual death'practices exclusively by the Jains.
The viragals or at least the currency of this term-cross religious demarcations, if
not the conventional geographical limits of southern India.
The kirti-stamba, paliya, chatri, devali and stambha share the country between
the Himalayas and the Vindhyas-mostly in Gujarat and Rajasthan.
The change in style of hero-stones seems to refleg a change in the status of the hero
being memorialised. Many of the earlier stones from Tamil Nadu come from the
North Arcot district which is known to have been at that time q area of Livestock
breeding, where cattle-raiding would be one method of increasing wealth. Later,
elaborate stones commemorated heroes who claimed to belong &I the upper caste
groups, often claiming Lshntriya status. The indication of the hero's religious sect
may have been due to the influence of the bhakti sects. The following is suggested on
an impressionistic basis: topographically and ecologically there is a frequency of such
memorials in upland areas, in the vicinity of passes across hills, and in areas regarded
~racti~~onallt I\ frontier /one> w h ~ c otten
t ~ ~ncludedprimarily pastoral region, the
%i;\L~rt\ot t o ~ ~ . s and
t s the e d g c ~of what have come to be called the 'tribal areas' of
I ~rltrnlI I I L ~ I ~ .
Hero-stone\ are relatively Infrequent in the large agricultural tracts of the Indus and
thc Ganga valleys a& in the agriculturally rich delta areas of the peninsula. Frontier
.tones were often majntalned as buffer regions where political security was transient
and where roya! armies did not necessarily guarantee protection to local inhabitants.
They would, therefore, inevita hly have recourse to their own arrangements for
protection, in which the village hero or the local chief played a major role. This
would suggest a differentiation of military functions in a decentralised political
syktem. Further, since these relics proliferated in the post-sixth century period, it
would be worth finding out the correlation and correspondence, if any, between the
distribution of land grants on the one hand and that of the memorial stones on the
other. This is particularly desuable in view of several assumptions:
a) the phenomenon of the lanJ grants is associated with the expansion of

agriculture,
b) both memoriai stones and land grants are considered -to be useful mechanisms of
cultic integration- the cult of Vithoba in Pandharpur (Maharashtra) is in itself a
case of the hero-stone being transformed into a deity, and
c) both the phenodena have also been instrumental in the processes of state
formation.
6.5.5 Religion as Ideology -For Whom?

Such prominent manifestations of the religio-philosophic outlook of people of the
Indian sub-continent of the post-Gupta centuries as the rise of bhakti, tantricism,
pilgrimage, etc. are indeed products of the land grant economy. Though the
lardamanas were the biggest beneficiaries of the mechanism and may have also
worked consciously in league with contemporary rulers to prepare a philosophic .
background, it would again be difficult to rationalise these developments only in
terms of dominating lbrahmana ideology. Surely, it is impossible to eliminate the
symbiotic relationship between the brahmaoas on the one hand and the tribals on the
other. The traffic of ideas was certainly a two-way one. And this receives support
from an unexpected quarter. For example iconographic studies have so far remained
confined to identification, description and interpretation of divine images and their
attributes. Largely forming a pa^ Df art history, these works have rarely been looked
as an index to soc~o-teligiouschanges at macro and micro levels. Treating
iconography as an integral part of the history of religions a recent work on Vaishnava
lconogrqphy in the $amil Country tries to trace the evolution of the concerned
subject through folk movements and integration of tribal cults of pre-Pallavan
centuries. Similarly, another 6ork undertakes a micro study of the process of cultural
coalescence and agencies of acculturation in the growth of Murugan. The growth of
.
this significant deitv of the Shaiva pantheon is presented as a convergence of two
cultural streams-'Sanskrit' and 'Tamil', without taking any of them as 'monolithic or
unidimensional'. -4nanalysis of sacrifice and divine mamage in the South Indian
Shaiva tradition has glso been done in the light of the many traditions that have
contributed to their formation, including vedic, epic, puranic, classical Tamil and
southern folk traditions.
Whd about the Buddhists and the Jainas? They were also affected by the nuances of
the land g r a ~economy.
t Though the sphere of the influence of the Buddhists was
shrinking, it was not the case with the Jainas. In Karnataka, Gujarat and Rajasthan
specially, they had c h e d out a place for themselves in the mind of people. Bbt ideas
such as bhakti, tantdc practices and pilMmage were essential components of their
creed too. The so-called 'Brahmans-Peasant Alliance' in the post-Gupta southern .
India is based on v skimpy aAd shaky evidence. Even the hypdhesk of the rural
3
base of the temple ovement under the patronage of brPhmnna-king collaboratiod
leaves many gaps if tihe role of bhakti as an ideology is to be fully appreciated. To-
illustrate, the Tarnilaham, where this rural-based model has been applied, also
an extensihe hternal trade network as well as an ambitious programme of
--A,:,, +-,A, o
t.
+;
& W h a t urac the rnle nf tradem and mprphantr in +ha ,
,.
*I
. ,F
the temple movement? Perhaps because of the violent attitude of the Alvars and the
Nayanmars, at least in the initial few centuries, non-brahmanical religions which used .
to get .the support of these communities, had almost vanished frop Tarnilham. t id
traders and merchants switch their allegiance to the new temple movement? Or they
did not need any ideological prop? Evidence is mounting to show that even
merchants and their assemblies (nagarams) exercised control over land and had
interest in its agricultural output. Further, did not templt: also tend to erect barriers
of both language and rituals between peasant laity and the priesthdod? If then,
ideology is to be understood in terms of a mechanism of class interests in general and
ruling class interests in particular how does one explain the role of bhakti? This
dilemma would apply to other major post-quota religious manifestations as well. The
role of religion in society, particularly aF ideomgy ought to be seen in its
potentialities to sway masses and not cl sses.
1) Discuss the relationship between Religion, Ideology and Society. Answer in
about fifteen lines.
2) What role did ideology play in the post-Gupta centuries. Answer in aboit ten
lines.
............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).
i) Bhakti, tantriiism, pilgrimage etc. were products of land gant economy.
ii) Reli@ousideas had no role in the formation of groups like the monastic
orders.
iii) Marx said.that "religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature"
iv) Man did not say that 'religion is. the opium of the ahasses"
v) The brahmanical literature meritions more than 4Oa'firthas in e d y medieval
times.
Society and Culture:
8th-13thCcahrly 6.6 LET US SUM UP
This Unit w& concerned with three broad issues, viz. the theoretical dimensions of
ideology, religion and ideology and their place in society and finally an application of
these in the specific Indian setting through millennia.
The underlined facets of the theoretical dimensions of the ideology showed:

complexities of d e w g ideology.
differences betweeg ideology in terms of nature and functions and ideology as
body of political belief.
ideology as a system of knowledge is based on assumption that all ideas, all
knowledge and all faculties of human understanding rest on sensory data.
major stages in tha writings on ideology from sociological standpoint with a
pronounced focus on M a n and Engels.
fundamental postulates and critique of psycho-cultural dimensions of ideology,
and
high potential for mass mobilisation and manipulation on the part of ideologies.
The section dealing with the place of religion and ideology in society has focusid
on :
recent developments in the analysis of ideology which are concerned with
improving explanations of how and why ideology takes a particular form and how
it works, and
certain question requiring answers bearing on the name, role and functions of
ideology.
The issues raised in the theoretical discussions of ideology are sought to be applied 'in
the specific Indian setting through the millennia-literally from the Harappan times to
the thirteenth century A.D. The points highlighted in the discussion include:
-
weakness of the hypothesis about the autonomy of religious ideas,

hegemony and dominance attributed to religion and ideology are exaggerated and
somewhat unwarranted,
philosophic backgmund of h d grants in the post-Gup@centuries, and
the need to study the role of religion in society, particularly as an ideology, in its
potentialities to sway masses and not classes.
6.7 KEY WORDS

slave
Vaishnava saints
Congruent having some size a d shape
Dana gift miking
p a t sinner
Pavilion in palace/temple
Saiva saints
Wded enclosure in palace/temple
eapiation
religious merit
a V&C sacrifice
Lord/Master
6.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOtTR PROGRESS .
EXERCISES
1) These are idolr of tribe: idols of cave, idols of market and idols of theatre. See
Sub-sec. 6.2.1.
2) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 6.2.2.
3) Base your answer on Sub-sec 6.2.2.
1) Base your answer on the views expressed by Mam, Max Weber and Geertz.
See Sec. 6.3
2) Base your answer on Sec. 6.5 and its Sub-secs.
3) i) J ii) X iii)J iv) X v) J
A UNIT 7 DEVELOPMENT OF REGIONAL
CULTURAL TRADITIONS
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Temple Architecture
7.2.1 Major Styles
7.2.2 Presidink Deities
7.2.3 Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples
7.2.4 Ecdogiaal Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation
7.2.5 Rok of Decorative Elements
Organisation of Building Programme
Chronological and Geographical Spfead of Indian Temples
Temples and Ibdian Cultural Ethos
Sculptures: Stone and Metal Images
Paintings, Temcottas and the "Medieval Factor"
Education and Learning
L d Chronicles and Eras
The New Religious Trends
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises
This Unit aims at acquainting you with the development of regional cultural
traditions and after reading it, you should be able to understand the:
emergence of regional cultural units,
manifestations of re6onalisation in various spheres of peoples' activities in the
realms of arts, literature,education, learning and religion,
development of architectural styles and basis of classlfying various temples,
terminology used in the descriptions of architectural features,
relationship between the ecological setting and temple constructions.
impact of the availability of raw materials on the construction of temples,
role of temples in the overall cultural ethos,
emergence of localised schools of sculptures in stone and metal,
regionalisation of larlguages, scripts, chronicles and eras, and
linkages between the essence of the "medieval factor" - the spreaa of feudal ethos
and the cultural manifestations.
7.1 INTRODUCTION
The centuries between the eighth and the thirteenth stand out rather prominently
from the point of view of the making of cultural traditions in India. The most
arresting feature of thew traditions is regionalism, which gets reflected in every
sphere, whether it be the formation of political power or the development of arts or
the transformations in languages and literature or even religious manifestations. In
very general terms, the emergence of regional cultural units such as Andhra, Assam,
Bengal, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtm, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu,
etc. was the outcome of significant material changes. As already delineated (Block I),
the pace of agrarian chmges and the developments in the no!?-agrariansector were
setting the tone of f e u d socio-economic formation (see also Unit 5 in this Block).
1 As we shall see in Block 3, nor could the political structure remain unaffected by
these developments.
It should, not, therefore, surprise us if the cultural rhos too got permeated by similar
strains. The Mudrakshasa, a play writtcn in Sanskrlt by Vishakhadatta and generally
ascribed to the fifth century, speaks of different regions whose inhabitants differ in
Development of Rqional
Cnltanl Traditions
customs, clothing and language. The identity of some kind of subnational groups is
recognized by the Chinese pilgrim Hsiuan-Tsang who visited India in the first half of
the seventh century and mentions several nationalities. The Kuvalayamala, a Jain
text of the eighth century and largely concerned with western India, notes the
existence of 18 major nationalities and describes the anthropologcal character of
sixteen peoples, pointing out their psychological features and citing the examples of
their language. The Brabmavaivarta Purana, ascribed to the thirteenth century
Bengal explicates deshabheda - differences based on regions/territories.
I Indian temples have symbolised the very ethos of life-style of people through the
millennia. The panorama of Indian temple architecture may be seen across at
extremely wide chronological and geographical horizon. From the simple beginnings
at Sanchi in the fifth century of the Christian era to the great edifices at Kanchi,
J h a n j a w and Madurai is a story of more than a millennium.
i
I The prominent Shilpashastras that deal with the subject of temple architecture are:
1 Mayamata, Manasam, Shilparatna, Kamikagama, Kashyapasbipa and
I Ishanagurudevapaddbati
In the majority of these works the subject is dealt with under the three heads of:
the geographical distribution
e their differentiation from the point of view of shapes, and
their presiding deities and castes.
All these topics, however, are not mentioned in all these.works. Some later texts as
the Kamikagama and Kashyapashilpa show that the nature of ornamentation,
.
number of storeys, the size of prasadas ctc. ,I,W ,,. t ituted bases of differentiation.
7.2.1 Major Styles

The ancient texts on Indian temple architecture broadly classify them into three
orders. The terms Nagara, Dravida and Vesard indicate a tendency to highlight
typological features of temples and their geographical distribution: These terms
describe respectively temples that primarily employ square, octagonal and apsidal
ground plans which also regulate the vertical profile of the structure. Nagara an*,
Dravida temples are generally identified with the northern and southern temple styles
respectively. All of northern India, from the foothills of the Himalayas to the central
plateau of the Deccan is furnished with temples in the northern style (See Illus. 1).
There are, of course, certain regional variations in the great expanse of this area. A
work entitled Aparajitapriceha confines the Nagari (Nagara) style to the
Madhyadesha (roughly the Ganga-Yamuna plains) and further mentions Lati and
Vaimti (Gujarat and Rajasthan respectively) as separate styles. The local
manuscripts of Orissa recognise four main types of Orissa style temples, viz., the
Rehka, Bhadra, Kharkhara and Gaudiya.
The ~ravidaor southern style, comparatively speaking, followed a more consistent

development track and was confined to the most southemly, portions of the
sub-continent, specially between the Krishna river and Kanyakumari. The term
Vesara is not free from vagueness. Some of the texts ascribe the Vesara style to the
country between the Vindhyas and the river Krishna but there are texts placing it
'between the Vindhyas and the Agastya, the location of which is uncertain. Since the
temples of the Nagara type are found as far south as Dharwad (in Karnataka) and
those of the Dravidian type as far north as Ellora (in Maharashtra), a narrow and
compartmentalised geographical classification is misleading. At certain periods there
- I s
8th-13thCentwy,
SodetgradCWuc:, occurred striking overlapping of major styles as influends from'different regions
confroqed each other, e.g., the temples of the early Chalukyas whose kingdom was
strategically positioned in the middle of the peninsula in the seventh and eighth
centuries. The Kandariya Mahideva temple in Khajuraho is another striking exanfple
. where the vMous architectural elements 'combined into an integrated whole.

simjldY,the Kerala temples display variety in their plan t@s. Square, circular or
apsideended buildings are utilized. The earlibt examples in Kerala go back to the
twelfth century.
7.2.2 Presiding Deities

Temples were dedicated not only to two great gods of the Brahmanical pantheon,
viz., Shiva and Vihqu but to the Great Mother Goddess as well. In fact, consecration
and depiction of divinities big and small, benevolent and malevolent, celestial and
terrestrial, atmospheric .and heavenly, devas and asuras and countless folk deities
such as vakshas, vakshis,' apsaras and kinnaris represent a world of their own. It is
.indeed fascinating to see that even animal or bird 'vehicles' (vahanas) of these
divinities shed their mu!eness and become eloquent carriers of meaningful
symbolism. Thus, Nmdi, the agriculiural bull of Shiva is fully expressive of the god's
sexuality (See Illustration No. 2); tiger, the mount of Durga embodies her fierce
strength and aggressiveness. The river goddesses, Ganga and Yamma are identified
by their vahanas, vii, crocodile and tortbise respectively. Lakshmi's association with
elephants, lotus flowers and water not only symbolise her popularity as the goddess
of fortune but more importantly as a divinity conveying the magical power of
-
agricultural fertility an aspect that goes back to the days of the Rigvetla. Swan
canying Saraswati typified not only her grace and elegance but classic Kshira-nira i
viveka - the tremendous intellectual discerning capacity which is an integral . - 1 I
element of this goddess of learning. The Kashyapashilpa has a chapter on the deities
to be enshrined in the principal styles mentioned above. Thus, the Shantamurtis
(peaceful, calm and serene deities) are to be installed in Nagara; couples or moving
deities in vesara shrines; and heroic, dancing or enjoying deities in the Dravidg
structures. However, these injunctions about presiding deities, like the basic styles,
ought not to be taken in a cornpartmentalised sense. Similarly, textual prescriptions
about the Nagara, Dtuvida and Vesara styles being associated with brahmana,
Kshatriya and Vaishys varnas respectively cannot be taken literally.
9
f-- Check Your Progress 1
1) How do we come to know about regional cultural units?
.............................................................................................................................................
2)" List six major works which dea1:with the sub,ect of temple architecture.
1) 2) "
3) 4)
'5) 6)
3) List the three major temple styles with their geographical distribution.
............................................................................................................................................
. .
,
..I ........................................................................................................................................
4) . List the main deities placed in different styles of temples.
Development of Regional
7.2.3 Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples C d b n l Tnditiom,
Each temple style has its own distinctive technical language, though some terms are
common but applied to different parts of the building in each style. The sanctuary,
which is the main part is called the vimana where the garbhagriha or the inner
sanctum containing the main presiding deity is located. The part surmounting the
vimana is known as the shikhrua. The other elements of ground plan are: mandapa
or pavilion for the assembly of devotees; antarala, which is a vestibule connecting the
vimana and mandapa and the pradakshiapath, i.e. circumarnbulatory passage
surrounding these. The natmandir or dance hall and bhogamandapa were evolved
subsequently in the Orissan temples such as the famous Sun temple at Konarka, to
add to the dignity and magnificence of the deities who were honoured in them. The
exterior of the Nagara type is characterized by horizontal tiers, as in the jagamohan
or porch in front of the sanctum of the Ligaraj temple at Bhubaneswar, and the
viman, is usually circular in plan. Fundamentally, there is no structural similarity
between the Brahmanical and the Jain temples in the North except that the need for
housing the various Tirthankaras dominates the disposition of space in the latter.
' The ~ r i v i d astyle has a polygonal, often octagonal ohikhara and a pyramidal
vimana, which is rectangular in plan. A temple of the Dravida type is also notable for
the towering gopurams or gatetowers of the additional mandapas. From the days of
Ganesh ratha of the Pallava times (seventh ceniury) at Mahabalipuram (near
Madras) to the gigantic Brihadishvara temple (c.985-1012 A.D.) of the Cholas at
Thanjavur:the Dravida style took many strides. (For various Temple plans see
lllustration Nos. 3 to 8.)
7.2.4 Ecological Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation

I
The stylistic evolution of temples was also rooted in ecological setting which gave
1 them specific regional identity. In the relatively heawy rainfall areas of the western
I
coast of India and Bengal, temples have sloping tiled roofs, giving rise to timber
gables. T o overcome the hazards of snow and hail, wooden sloped roofs are also
1 employed in the temples of the Himalayan belt. In general, the hotter and drier the
I climate, the flatter the roof; open porches provide shaded seating, and pierced stone.
.screens are utilised to fiter the light. Some such features which are noticeable in the
famous Ladkhan temple of the Chalukyas at Ahole (north Karnataka) are direct
adaptations of thatch and timber village and community halls.>Thedistribution of
space in Jain shrines was affected by their placements on high hills. These structures
are characterized by an air of seclusion and aloofness. Some such typical examples
can be seen at the Shatrunjaya and Palitana hills in Gujarat or the Dilwara temples at
Mount Abu in southern Rajasthan.
Apart from the ecological influences, the availability of raw materials also affected
styles of craftsmanship. While the transition from wood to stone attributed to the
Mauryas of the third century B.C. was in itself a great step forward, local raw
materials played a dominant role in techniques of construction and carving. No
wonder, the Pallava King Mahendravarman (early seventh century) is called
vichitra-chitta (curious minded) because he discarded conventional perishable
materials such as brick, timber and mortar and used the hardest rock surfact (granite)
for his cave temples at Mahabalipuram. Hard and crystalline rocks prevented detailed
carving, whereas soft and sedimentary stone permitted great precision. Friable and
schistlike stones, such as those by the Hoyshal architects and craftsmen at Belur and
Halebid (Karnataka) in the twelvth and thirteenth centuries promoted the carving of
mouldings created by sharp and angled incisions. Brick building traditions continued
I
to survive where there was an absence of good stone and techniques of moulding and
carving bricks doubtless influenced the style of temples in these areas, e.g. the
temples at Bishnupur in Bengal. The influence of timber and bamboo techniques of
construction represent a unique architectural development in north eastern state of
Assam. Almost no stone temples are found in the Himalayan valleys of Kulu, Kangra
and Chamba. It is obvious that timber and brick building traditions dominate temple
f ~ r min
s these areas. The sloping and gabled roofs which are preserved only in stone
in the temples of Kashrnir can be seen in these areas in pure wooden conrext. In the
ninth celitury or so, a remarkable multi-towered temple was excavated into a natural
I
escarpm :nt at Masrur in Kangra.
Society and Culture: 7.2.5 Role of D e c o r a t i v e Elements
8th-13th Centmry
T h p evolution of vadious styles in tenns of decorations, ornamentations and other
embellishments is a natural phenomenon. However, it needs to be stressed that these
elements did not affect the basic structure of temples already outlined above.
Amongst conspicuous decorative elements one can mention growth of pillars from
simple oblong shafts in early Pallava structures to extremely finely chiselled (almost
giving the impressioh of lathe work) columns in Hoyshala temples. Later still, the
temples of Madurai and Rameshvaram give extraordinary place to long corridors
studded with animals based caryatids. The niches, pavilions and horse shoe-shaped
windows (kudu) (See llustration No. 9), among others, are also important decorative
motifs which help in the delineation of stages of evolution. In general, the tendency is
to make constant indrease in embellishments.T o illustrate, the kudu which at the
Mahabalipuram monuments has a plain shovel-headed firial, develops a lion head in
the Chola monuments. The process of excessive ornamentation is noticeable in North
India too. Shikharas, ceilings and other walls receive great attention of artisans and
craftsmen. Extremely exquisite catvings in marble in the ceilings at Dilwara Jain
temples at Mt. Abu do not serve any structural purpose and are purely decorative.
Sometimes it is argued that multiplication of roofs constitutes a distinctive feature of

temples of Malabar, Bengal and the eastern and western Himalayas. In a west coast
or Malabar temple the walls resemble a wooden railing in structure and were made of
wood, though stone bpies from about the fourteenth century also exist. Such
temples (for exampl&,the Vadakkunath temple at Trichur - 15th-16th century)
may have either a simple pitched roof of overlapping slabs, or they may have a series
of pitched roofs one above another, which bear an obvious resemblance to the
multiple pitched roofs of Chinese and Nepalese temples.
In the Kashmir Valley of the western Himalayas, temples bear two or three roofs
which were also copiled from the usual wooden roofs. In the wooden examples the
interval between the two roofs seems to have been left open for light and air; in the
stone buildings it is dosed with ornaments. Besides this, all these roofs are relieved
by types of windows comparable to those found i6 medieval buildings in Europe.
Example of such roofs in Kashmir may be seen in Shiva temple at Pandrethan and
Sun temple at Martand. In Rengal, temples have been identiaed which have been
borrowed from leaf-huts that are very common in the region. In this form of temple
with curved caves we also find the same tendency to a multiplication of roofs one
above another. The temples at Bishnuvir such as the famous Keshta Raya (17th
century) are built with a variety of roofs forms on square and rectangular plans. Even
contemporary Mughal architecture makes use of this so-called "Bengal roof" in
sandstone or marble. (For various types of roofs see lllustration Nos. 10 to 15 for
pillars No 16 and niches No. 17).
7.3 ORGANISATION OF BUILDING PROGRAMIME

In the erection of the structural temple an organised building programme was
fonowed. Bricks were baked either on or near the site and stone was mostly quarried
locally. From reliefs carved on temples and from a palm-leaf manuscript (See
Illustration No. 18) that has been discovered about the building operations carried
out at the world famous thirteenth century Sun temple at Konarka, (See lllustration
Nos. 19, 20) it is learnt that stone from quarries was sometimes transported to the
building site on wooden rollers drawn by elephants or floated on barges along rivers
and canals. At the site the masons roughly shaped the stone blocks which were then
hoisted into position by rope pulleys on scaffolding. Ramps were a!so constructed of
timber and sand to facilitate the placing of extremely heavy stone pieces in place. A
classic example of this is the stone constituting the huge shikhara of the Brihadishvar
temple at Thanjavur. Whis shilchara weighing about 80 tonnes is popularly believed to
have been raised to it6 present height of about 200 feet by being dragged on an
inclined plane, whichhad its base about seven kilometres, away at Sarapallan
(literally, meaning 'elevation from depression'). Occasionally, as in Konarka, iron
beams (For iron beams see Illustration No. 21) were used in the sanctuary and hall.
The architects, artisans and workmen engaged in the various activities associated with
the building of a temple were organised into groups which functioned as guilds. The
above-mentioned Kdnarka temple manuscript lists the workmen, their salaries and Development of R m l
C.lbml Trdltiocms
rules of conduct and provides an account over several years of the various building
operations. Quite often, these get reflected in stone as well, e.g., an eleventh century
panel from Khajuraho shows cuttings, chiselling and transporting stone for temples.

1) What are the main parts in a temple plan?
2) How did the ecological setting and raw material decide the shape of the roof of
the temples?
,,3)' In which are& multiplication of roofs was used for temple decoration? .
+
.............................................................................................................................................
'7.4 CHRONOLOGICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL

, SPREAD OF INDIAN TEMPLES
In this section we mention some of the prominent temples according to their
chronology and geographical spread.
THE NORTHERN.STYLE
Northern, Central and Western India (Fifth-seventh centuries)
The Pawati temple at Nachna (South-east of Khajuraho, M.P.); the Dashavatara
temple at Deogarh.(Jhansi District, U.P.); the brick temple at Bhitaragon (Kanpur
District, u.P.); ihe Vishnu temple at Gop (Gyarat); Mundeshwari temple (an unusual
example of octagonal plan) at Ramgarh (Bihar) and temples at Sanchi and Jigawa
(both in Madhya Pradesh).
The Deccan and Central India (Sixth-eighth centuries) E

Cave temples at Ellora (near Aurangabad in Maharashtra, see Illustration No. 22),
Elephanta (near Bombay) and Badarni (north Karnataka; Early Chalukyan temples)
in north Karnataka at Btdami, Aihole (Ladkhan temples), and Pattadakal
(Papanatha and Galganatha temples).
Western and Central India (Eighth - thirteenth centuries)

Harihara and other temples at Osian (North of Jodhpur, Rajasthan); Jelika Mandir
(Gwalior); Chandella temples at Khajuraho (specially, Lakshman, Kandariya
Mahadev and Vishvanatha); temples at Roda (North of Modhera in Gujarat); Sun
temple at Modhera (Gujarat) and Marble temples of the Jains at Mt. Abu
(Rajasthan). '
-- -
society and Ctllture:

8th-13th Century
Eastern India (Ei&th - thirteenth centuries)
Parashurameshvar Vaital Deul, Mukteshvar, Lingaraj and Rajarani temples (all at
Bhubaneshwar); Sun temple at Konarka (Orissa) and the jagannatha temple at Puri
(Orissa).
The Himalayan belt (Eighth century pnwards)

Sun temple at Martand; Shiva temple at Pandrethan and Vishnu temple at
Aventesvamin (all in Kashmir); temple at Masrur (Kangara, Himachal Pradesh) and
brahmanical temples in Nepal (Kathmandu, Patan and Bhadgaon).
THE SOUTHERN STYLE

The Deccan and Tamil Nadu (Sih-tenth centuries)
Cave temples, the Rathas and the 'Shore' templepf~hePallavas at Mahabalipuram
(near Madras); (See Illustration No. 23) the Vdikunthaperumal and Kailasanatha
temples at Kanchipuram (also near Madras); Chalukyan stqctures at Aihole ( ~ e g u t i
temple), Badami (Malegitti Shiva temple) and Pattadakal (Virup@csKatemple) and
the Kailas temple at Bllora carved out under the patronage of the RashtrakuJas,
Karnataka, Tgmil Nadu and Kerala (~enth-seymieenth centuries)

Brihadishvar temples of the Cholas at Jhanjaw and Ganga;! 6ndacholapuram;
Hoyshal temples at Belur, Halebid and Somnathpur (all irl Karnataka); later
Chalukya temples in -ataka (at Lakkundi and Gadag); the Pampati temple of the
Pandyas at Vijaynagw; the Shrirangam (near Trichinopoly, Tamil Nadu) and
Minakshi temples (Madurai, Tamil Nadu,See Illustration Nos. 24,25); the
Kattilmadam (at Chalpurarn, District Palghat, Kerala) temple and ~arasguram
temple at Tiruvallam (near Trivandrum).
THE VESARA STYLE

The Buddhist Chaitya halls of the early centuries of the Christian era and situated in
the western ghats in the modem state of Maharashtra may be said to be prototypes of
this style. Its most conspicuous feature-is the apsidal ground plan. As already
mentioned, tiwe is certain vagueness about its essential components and
geographical distribution. Amongst the early examples (seventh-tenth centuries) can
be cited the structures at Chezarla (Andhra Pradesh), Aihole (Durga temple),
Mahabalipuram (Sahdeva and Draupali rathas) and Kerala (Shiva temples at
Trikkandiyur and Tiruvannur). The classic post-tenth century examples include the
Nataraja shrine at Chidambaram (Tamil Nadu) and the Vamana temple at
Kizhavellur (District Kottayam, Kerala). <
I
CULTURAL m O S
7.5 TEMPLES AND I N D ~ N
Indian temples symbalised the very mundane urges of humans and were for varied
activities of the community as a whole.
To begin with, general education within the temple was of great importance. Many
endowments to temples were specifically made for establishment of colleg&which
were incorporated into temple complexes. Teaching of such subjects as gramm'ar and
astrology as well as recital and teaching of texts such as the Vedas, the Epics
Ramayana and the Mahabharata and the Puranas were encouraged. Music and
dance generally formad part of the daily ritual of the temples and during special
celebrations and annual festivals these played a particularly dominant role. Large
temples wouldpaintab their own musicians - both vocal and instrumental, together
I
with dancers, actors and teachers of performing arts. The life-size delineations of
such musicians in a tenth-century temple at Khajuraho (See Illustration No. 26) as
well as in the Sun temple at Konarka and nata mandir (dancing hall) forming an
absolutely integral element in the Orissan and other temples also provide eloquent
testimonies to that effect. And, of course, who can forget the performance of the
great cosmic-dance of the Mahadeva Shiva himself at the Chidambaram temple. No
Iess important was the institution of devadasii. These teruple maidens played a
significant role in dancing as well as in singing of devotional hymns by which the
temple god was e n t e m e d . The fact that the Chola emperor Rajaraja 1 (984-1-012)
constructed two long streets for the accommodation of four hundred dancing women
attached to the Brihadishvar temple (Thanjavur), gives us an idea of the lavish scale
Pandrethan
A
A Avantipur
A Martand
A Main Brahmanical temple sites

- .
on which he endowed the temple and its functions. Many temples had regular
festivals which provided opportunities for mingling of mythology and folklore, as for
instance, the annual hthayatra of the Jagarinatha temple at Pun. The undertaking of
pilgrimage (tirthayatra) is yet another mechanism through which the participation of
the community in temple activities was facilitated.
As temples prdvided work and the means of livelihood for a large number of
persons, they were able to exert great influence upon the economic life of people.
Even small temples needed the services of priests, garland-makers and suppliers of
clarified butter, milk and oil. One of the most detailed accounts that have been
preserved of the number of people who were supported by a temple and the wages
they received is that given in an inscription on the above-mentioned Thanjawr
temple, and dated 1011 A.D. The list includes cooks, gardeners, dance-masters,
garland-makers, musicians, wood-carvers, painters, choir-groups for singing h@ns in
Sanskrit and Tamil, accountants, watchmen and a host of other officialsand servants
of temples, totalling more than six hundred persons (See also Units 6.5 and 11.5) ,
7.6 .SCULPTURES: STONE AND METAL IMAGES

The regional spirit asserting itself is seen in sculptural arts as well. Stylistically,
schools of artistic depictions of the human form developed in eastern, western,
central and northern India. Distinctive contribution also emerged in the Himalayan
regions, the Deccan and the far South. A great majority of these regions produced
works of arj that were chqracterized by what has been described as the "medieval
factor" by the great art historian and critic Nihar ~ & j a nRai. This "medieval factor"
was marked by a certain amount of slenderness and an accent on sharp angles and
lines: The roundness of bodily form acquires flatness. The curves lose their convexity
and turn into the concave. Western and Central Indian sculptures, Eastern Indian and
Himalayan metal images, Gujarati and Rajasthani book and textile illustrations,
Bengal terracottas and wood carvings and certain Deccan and Orissa miniatures
registered this new conception of form through the post-tenth centuries.
The pivot of the early medieval sculpture is the human figure, both male and female,
. in the form of gods and goddesses and their attendants. Since these cult images rest
on the assured foundations of a regulated stiucture of form, it maintains a more or
less uniform standard of quality in all art-regions of India. Curiously, the creative
climax of each art-region is not reached at one and the same time all over India. In
Bihar and Bengal it is reached in the ninth and tenth centuries; 'in Orissa in the
twelfth and thirteenth; in Central India in the tenth and eleventh; in Rajasthan in the
tenth; in Gujarat in the eleventh; and in the far south in the tenth-eleventh centuries.
It is in the Deccan alone that the story is of increasing torpor and petrification -
indeed, Deccan ceases to be a sculptural province after the eighth century.
It is not only the cult images but non-ironic figure sculptures too which conform to
. more or less standardised types within each art-province and hardly reveal any
personal attitude or experience of the artist. The multitude of figures related
themselves to a large variety of motifs and subjects. These include: narrative reliefs, ,
historical or semi-historical scenes; music and dance scenes, mithuna couples in a
variety of poses and attitudes, arrays of warriors and animals and shalabhanjikas
(women and the tree) (See Illustration No. 24).
Metal images cast in brass and oct-alloy (ssthta-dhataj, copper and bronze emerge in
profusiom in eastern India (Bihar, Bengal and Assam), Himalayan kingdoms
(specially Nepal and Kashmir) and more particularly in the south. The North Indim
images largely portray brahmanic and Buddhist deities penqeated with tantrik
influences. The main types represented in the remarkable galaxy of South Indian
metal images are the various forms of Shiva, especially the Nataraja, Parvati; the
Chaiva saints such as Apgar, Sambaudar and Saudarar; Vaishnav saints called Alvars
and figures of royal donors.
All oaer the country, the post-Gupta iconography prominently displays a divine
hierarchy which reflects the pyramidal ranks in feudal society. Vishnu, Shiva and
Development of Regional
Durga appear as supreme de!ties lording over many other divinities of unequal sizes Coltan1 Tnditioas
and placed in lower positions as retainers and attendants. The supreme Mother
Goddess is clearly established as an independent divinity in iconography from this
time and is represented in a dominating posture in relation to several minor deities.
Even hitherto a puritanical religion l i e Jainism could not resist the pressure of
incorporating the Mother Goddess in its fold, which is fully reflected in the famous
Dilwara temples at Mt. Abu in Rajasthan. The pantheons do not so much reflect
syncretism as forcible. In the rock-cut sculptures of Ellora one can feel the fighting
mood of the divinities engaged in violent struggles against their e n e m i ~The
. reality
of unequal ranks appear in the.Shaivite, Jain and Buddhists monastic organisations.
The ceremonies recommended for the consecration of the acharya, the highest in
/
rank, are practically the same as those for the coronation of the prince.

1) List two main temples each of the five categories listed under Northern style.
2) List four temples of the Southern and Vesara styles each.
Which were the main groups of people associated with various activities in
temples?
4) What are the peculiar features of sculptures described by art historians as

' "medieval factor"?
7.7 PAINTINGS, TERRACOIT'AS AND THE L
"MEDIEVAL FACTOR"
The medieval tradition in paintings has the following traits:
sharp, jerky and pointed angles, e.g., at the elbow and the shoulders,
sensuous facial features - sharp and peaked nose, long wide swollen eyes
projected sharply and crescent lips,
richness of variegatled patterns, motifs etc. gathered and adapted to the grip of
sharp curves, and
an intense preference for geometric and abstract patterns of decoration.
The manifestations of these traits can be seen in the paintings on the walls of the
Kailas temple (eighth century) of Ellora; the Jain shrine at Sittanavasal (ninth
century) and the Brihadishvar temple at Thanjavur (eleventh century), both in Tamil
Nadu. However, these traits are still more pronounced ine!t well-known
manuscript-illustrations of Bihar and Bengal, Nepal and Tibet in $he post-tenth
centuries. Textiles sudaces also offered a very rich field for the development of this
tradition. At least from the thirteenth century onwards West Indian textile designs,
and later, those of the Deccan, South, Orissa and Bengal also register their impact in
unmistakable terms.
The feudal ethos of the post-Gupta economy, society and polity is also noticeable in
the terracotta art. The change is noticeable in the patrons and content of depictions.
Art activity, as a whole, was being feudalised. The pre-Gupta art at Bharhut, Sanchi,
Karle, Amaravati, Nagaqunakonda, etc. was patronised mainly by the mercantile and
commerical class, artisans and craft-guilds as well as royal families. Art in the Gupta
period (fourth-sixth centuries), when feudal tendencies had just begun to appear,
reflects that vitality and zest of renewed brahmanism - for the first time brahmanical
temples were construcded in permanent material, i.e. stone. The art of the post-Gupta
centuries (650-1300 A.D.) was supported mainly by kings of different principalities, ,
feudatories, military chiefs, etc. who alone could patronise large-scale art activities.
The terracotta art, which had once symbolised the creative urges of commonman,
ceased to be so and instead, became a tool in the hands of resourceful patrons. The
output of miniature portable terracottas made for the urban market dwindled in the
post-Gupta period. Though some of the old urban centres such as ~aranasi,
Ahichchatra and Kanauj survived and some new ones like Tattanandapur (near
Bulandshahr in U.P.) merged in the early medieval period, very few of them ha9e
yielded terrawttas. Instead of producing for the market, the clay modeller
(pitakaraka) become subservient to the architect and now produced for big
landlords, brahmanical temples and non-brahmanical monasteries. Terrawtta
acquired the character of an elite art and was preserved in feudal headquarters and
religious centres such as Paharpur, Rajbadidanga (Bengal), Vikramashila ( B i b ) ,
Akhnur and Ushkar (Kashrnir). Terrawttas in the post-Gupta centuries were used by
landed aristocrats and kings to dewrate religious buildings and their own places on
auspicious occasions such as marriages as rewrded by Bana in the Harshacharita.
.7.8 EDUCATION AND LEARNING

Just as the Church was the principal organiser of education in Europe in tbe
Medieval times, similarly the post-Gupta centuries saw the concentration of the
centres of education in religious establishments, such as the Virrrs, mathas and
temples. Colleges also existed in some royal capitals such as Dhara, Ajmqr.
AnahillaFura, etc. The fame of Mithila in North Bihar and Nadia in Bengal as centres
of brahmanical learning increased in these centuries. Kashi (Varanasi) with its Shaiva
monasteries was also a flourishing seat of brahmanical learning. Kashmendra tells us
that students from such distant regions as Gauda (Bengal) travelled to Kashmir for Development of Regional
CdtumI T d o m
study in the mathas. The evidence of Hemachandra reveals the existence of
Vidya-mathas in Gujarat in the twelfth century. Numerous agraharas in the south
were developing as educational centres. Amongst notable universities, one can
mention Nalanda, Vikramashila and Odantapuri (all in Bihar), Valabhi (Gujarat),
Jagadalla and Somapuri (in Bengal) and Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu.
The concept of temple libraries was evolved from the eighth century. The real
,ginnings in this sphere were laid by the Jainas. The long lists of their
achers/preceptors - bhattarakas and shripujyas, and the place of honour given to
em is symptomatic of this development. Their espousal of the cause of Shastradana
dift of religious texts/manuscripts) explains the great bhandaras (store houses) such
is patan, Khambhat, Jainsalmer, etc., which became integral parts of Jain
:stablishments in Gujarat, Rajasthan and Karnataka in particular. The trend was
picked up by brahmanical mathas as well and we get a phenomenal pcd$feration of
the manuscript tradition almost all over India.
That tantra and mantra became a favourite subject of study may be inferred from the
fact that a full-fledged department of Tantra was run in the University of
Vikramashila. The Tibetan traveller Taranatha, who came to India in the 17th
century is very eloquent about tantrik curricula at Nalanda, Odantapuri and other
prominent universities of Bihar and Bengal. The growth and popularity of occult
sciences also constitute a significant feature of the post-eighth centuries. The list of
subjects pursued by people in the thirteenth century has been given in Rajashekhara's
Prabandhakosha. It includes many occult sciences in the long list of more than 70
subjects.
Amongst the most notable phenomena in the sphere of learning may be recounted:
a) .regionalisation of languages,
b) emergence of regional scripts, and
c) growing verbosity in literature.
The post-Gupta centuries are epoch-making in the history of language and literature
Although the large-scale dispersal of Sanskrit &owing brahmanas was resulting in
the spread of that language in distant areas due to the landgrant phenomenofl. The
scope of. Sanskrit was graduaUy getting confined. It was being used by the ruling class
at the higher administrative levels. In the Naishadhiyaeharita we find the dignitaries
present in the svayamvara of Damyanti having the fear of not being understood and,
as such, taking recourse to Sanskrit.
'According to Al-biruni, vernacular literature which was used by the common people
was neglected by the upper and educated class. However, a development of
undeniable significance is the differentiation of Apabhramsha into proto-Hindi,
proto-~engali,proto-Rajasthani, proto-Gujrati, proto-Marathi, proto-Maithili, etc.
The Apahhramsha, which formed a link in our period between the Old-classical
languages guch as Sanskrit and Prakrit on the one hand and modem vernaculars on
the other, originated much before our period. The Kuvalayamala, an eighth century
work,.enumerates as many as 18 Apabhramshas spoken in various regions of India,
which tQrned into modem Indian languages later. In the list of Rajashekhara, Prakrit,
Paishachika,'Apabhramsha and Deshabhasha are mentioned alongwith Sanskrit as
subjects to be studied by a prince. Vernaculars such as Avahatha, Magadhi, Shakari,
Abhiri, Chandali, Savali, Draviti, etc. f.ormed part of curriciduhi mentioned in the
Varna Ratnakara. The pace of linguistic variations quickened in the country in the
post-Gupta centuries mainly on account of lack of inter-regional communication and
mobility. The migrating brahmanas enriched the vocabulary of regipnal languages.
They also helped to develop and systematize local dialyts into langpages through the
introduction of writing. ,
The emergence of regional scripts run parallel to the growth of regi6nal languages.
,As there are numerous languages, so also there are quite a large nuthber of scripts
used to express these languages. From Maurya to Gupta times the s~riptchanged
mainly as a result of the passage of time and anyone knowing the Brahmi script of
the Gupta period could read inscriptions from any part of the country. This was not
possible after the seventh century. From this period the regional variations become so
I
Society md Cubre: pronounced that one has to be well-versed in several scripts to be able to rwd.
8th-13th Centory
Obviously, the regions1 script was produced by regional insulation and the availability
. of the locally educated scripts to meet the needs of local education and
. administration. Manu$cripts, inscriptions and other written material use Devanagari,
Assamese, Bengali, Osiya, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Sharada (in Kashrnir) scripts.
That the proliferation of scripts went beyond linguistic confines, is clear from the case
of Tamil. A study of various inscriptions leads one to an inescapable conclusion that '
dough the Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas adopted Tamil as their language,
each seems to have adopted a different script, .perhaps to indicate their regional
identity. The Cheras used a cursive variety of Tamil Brahmi d e d VATTELUTIV
(rounded script). The Pandyas seem to have populan'sed the KOLELUITU (script
of straight lines) and the Cholas combined the two. This is not all. For philosophic
and religious discourses, in the three kingdoms put together, the scholars gave rise to
the Tamil Grantha script. Hundreds of manuscripts in this script are said to have
reached as far north as Tibet, where Buddhist monasteries became great repositories.
While editing a medieval Sanskrit text called Subhashita-Ratnakasha, D.D.Kosambi

brought to light many neglected poets but characterized it as a decadent poetry or
- writing of a decadent age. sometimes we understand such phenomena in absolute or
total sense. It is not necessary that economic, political, social and cultwal decline run
simultaneously. Also, the yardstick of "decadence" cannot be worked out in absolute
terms. The erotic sculptures of Khajuraho, Bhubaneshwar, 'Konarka and Belur may
appear to some to be products of a perverted mind but the same art pieces are taken
by others to be manifestation of vital cultural ethos of people. '
The post-eighth centu~iessaw prolific literary output in realms of bhilosophy, logic,

legal texts, devotional poetry of the Alvars and the Shaiva Agamas, Kavyas,
narratives, lyrics, historical biographies, scientific writings, shilpasbastras, etc.
Nonetheless, in keeping with the growing paraphernalia and personal vanity of the
new landed classes, the language of most of these literary compositions became
extremely verbose and ornate. This omate style marked by pompous adjectives,
adverbs and sirnilies b ~ a m thee hallmark of literature as well as inscriptions.
Although the prose styje of Bana, which is known for highly complex and elaborate
sentence constructions, was not exactly initiated, it did continue to serve as a model
for the post-seventh catury writings.
In the realm of poetry too, dvayashraya or Shlesha Kavyas were being produced
consciously. These works contain verses conveying two different senses when read in
different directions. The Ramacharita of Sandhyahra Nandi presents both the story
of Rama and the life oh Kirig ~ a m a p a l aof Bengal. The marriages of Shiva and
Parvati and Krishna and Rukmani are described in a twelfth century work (Parvati
Ruluniniya) produced in the (3haulukya court. Hemachandra is credited with the
composition of Saptasqnbbana having seven alternative interpretations. The tendency'
of working out the intdcate pattern of double, triple or even more meanings reflects
the artificiality of life.
I
AND ERAS
7.9 LOCAL C~RONICLES
Hsiuan-tsang, the Chinese p i l p m of the seventh century writes that he learnt
thoroughly the dialects in all the districts through which he journeyed. Further, writing
general observations on languages, books, etc. he says:
"with resped to the records of events each province has its own official for
preserving them irl writing. The record of these events in their full character is
called Nilapita (blue deposit). In these records are mentioned good and evil
events, with calamities and fortunate occurrences."
The existence of historical chronicles in Kashrnir (Rajataranm), Gujarat (Rasniala.

Prabandha, Chintamani, Vasanta Vilasa, etc.), Sind (Chadmama) and Nepal
(Vamshavalis) supports the presumption that the archives of different states, as a
rule, contained such royal chronicles as stated by Hsiuan-tsang. These chronicles are
further c o n h a t i o n of the tendency of regionalisation noticeable in the overall
cultural pattern and traditions.
-
An analogous development which further strengthened this tendency is visible in the
rise of localised eras. In addition to the older Saka and Vikrama eras which had a
vast and expansive usage upto the Gupta epoch and, to some extent even later; the
post-Gupta centuries are marked by regional systems of time ieckoning. Harsha
himself founded an era in the early seventh century. His contemporary in Assam i.e.
Bhaskaravarman started Bhasksrabda, which is used in some manuscripts from &at
region. An era in Bengal also'came into being. The Jains started using the Mahavira
samvat. The great Vaishnava saint and teacher of Assam, viz., Shankaradeva is
credited with the starting of Shankarabda - a reckon~ngafter him.
'
I
7.10 THE NEW RELIGIOUS TRENDS
The religious rituals and practices underwent important changes during the centuries
under discussion. In accordance with the growing practice of land grants alongwith
the surrender of other property and service to the I a r d and then receiving fiscal
rights and protection as prasad or favour, there grew the puja system. The puja was
interlinked with the doctrine of bhakti or complete self-surrender of the individual to
his god (See also Unit 6.5.2).
Both puja and bhakti became integral ingredients of tantriasm, which arose outside
the Madhyadesha in the aboriginal, peripheral areas on account of the acculturation
of the tribal people throughout large-scale religious land grants. Brahmanical land
rights in the new territories could be maintained by adopting tribal rituals and deities,
especially the Mother Goddess, which eventually produced the tantras (see also Unit
6.5). Tantricism permeated all religions in the post-seventh centuries-Jainism,
Buddhism, Shaivism and Vaishnavism. If a thematic compilation of thousands of
manuscripts is undeytaken, it would be noticed that literature on pujas, vidhis, tantra
and occult sciences is phenomenal. Even the jainas, who had been allergic to such
practices gave birth to countless such manuscripts. The jaina Bhandaras are full of
such manuscripts as Dharmachakiapuja, Dashalakshanapj a , etc. This is so,
notwithstanding the original meaning of puja in the Jaina Anga literature, specially in
the context of monks. In that context it is 'said to have symbolised "respect" shown to
him and not the "worship" of limbs. It is unmistakable, however, that puja of idols of
tirthankaras had the connotation with which we are concerned. According to R.C.
Hazra, new topics in the Puranas, from the sixth, century onwards, mainly relate to
uana to the brahmanas and their worship, tirtha (pil&image), sacrifices to the
planets and their pacifibtion (installation of the images of naragraha, becomes quite
conspicuous in temple architecture), vrata (religions vows), puja etc. Purtadharma
which involved the building of temples, tanks and works of public utility, was
emphasized as the highest mode of religion in the Puranas. Purtadharma was the
dominant ideology behind the large-scale building of temples in this period (See also
Unit 6.5).

-
1) What are the four main characteristics of early medieval tradition in painting?
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
-.
2) Discuss the scripts of Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas.
society and Cdtpro:
8tb-13th Cenhuy
b
3) List four main sygtems of calculating time period (eras) in usage in post-Gupta
period. .;
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................. ...............................................................................................................
4) Briefly comment bn the meaning of puja and Purtadhanna in new religious

trends. ,
7.11 LET US $UM UP

This Unit has focussed on "regionalism" as the hallmark of the making of Indian
cultural traditions in the centuries behveen the eighth and the thirteenth A.D. The
manifestation of these include:
the emergence of r~gionalcultural units such as Andhra, Bengal, Gujarat,
Karnataka, etc.
development of architectural,styleswith broad regional specificities reflected in the
three principal typGs Nagara, Dravida and V-,
the bases of classifpg temple styles in terms of geographical distribution,
differentiation in gfound plans and presiding deities,
distinctive technical language used for describing architectural features,
the impact of the emlogical setting and the availability of raw materials on building
activities,
the evolutionary phases of decorations, ornamentations and other embellishments,
the emergence of territorial schools in the making of sculptures in stone and metal, -
the role of the "medieval factor" in sculptures, terracottas and painting,
the emergence of ptoto-types of modem Indian languages as a tesult of
' '
differentiation of tlpabhramsha,
the growth of regional scripts, chronicles and eras, and
the permeation of feudal ethos in arts, literature, education learning and religion.
7.12 KEY WOiRDS

AntarPIa : vestibule, ante-room
Apsidal : building with a ground plan of semi-circular termination
Bhadra : flat face or facet of the Shikhara Development of Regional
Caltoml T d C o m
Bhattaraka : Jain religious teacher/preceptor
Bhadra-deul : 'auspicious temple', it refers, however, to the jagamohana in
front of the deul
Bhoga-mandapa: the reflectory hall of a temple
Caryatid : sculptured female/animal figures used as columns or supports
Deul : general name for a temple as a whole
I Finial : finishing portion of a pinnacle

Garbha-griha : sanctum sanctorum, the most sacred part of a temple
Gopuram : monumental gateway
Jagamohana : hall in front of the sanctum
i
Kalasha : water-pot; pitcher-shaped element in the finial of a temple
Kudu - : foliated arch on dravidian temple-ornamental motif derived
from the Buddhist Chaitya arch
Mandapa : large open hall
Matha . : monastery
Nata-mandir : dancing/festive hall, usually in front of the jagamohana
Irasada : palace/shrine; also used in the sense of favour by God/Lord
Pustakaraka : clay-modeller
Ratha : literally a temple chariot used on ceremonial occasions in South
Indian temples; also applied incorrectly to the monolithic Pallava
structures at Mahabalipuram
Rekha-deul : order of temple characterized by curvilinear shikhara
Shikhara : spire, tower
Torpor : inactiyeness
Vimana : towards sanctuary containing the cell in which the deity is
.. enshrined.
7-13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
1) Texts like Mudrakshara, Kuvalyamala, Brahmavaivarta Puranaand
Hsiuan-tsang's work inform us about regional cultural units. See Sec. 7.1.
2) See Sec. 7.2.
3) The three main temple styles are nagara, dravida and vesara. See Sub-sec. 7.2.1.
. .
4) Shiva, Durga,'Saraswati and Ganga etc. are main deities. See Sub-sec. 7,2.2.
1) Garbhagriha, vimana, shikhara, mandaps and pradakshinapth are the main
parts, See Sub-sec. 7.2.3.
2) The shape of the roof was most of the times decided by the climatic conditions
and the raw material available. See Sub-sec. 7.2.4.
3) Malabar, Bengal and the eastern and western Himalayas were the main regions
where this was popular. See. 7.2.5.
4)' Stones were raised by rope pulleys on scaffolding and ramps were also used. See
Sec. 7.3.
1) See Sec. 7.4 under northern style.
2) See Sec. 7.4 under the southern style and the Vesara style.
3) Musicians, garland-makers, painters, woodcarvers, accountants, devadasis, etc.
were the main erouv of veople. See Sec. 7.5.
Society .ad Culture: 4) The main feature is a certain amount of slenderness and an accent on sharp ,.
BcL-13I Ceahry
angles and lines. See Sec. 7.6.
4
3
check Your Progress 4
1) See Sec. 7.7.
2) All the three had Tamil as their language but adbpted three different scripts to .
maintain their identity.
3) There were Harshas system, Bhaskarabada, Shankarabda, Mahavir Samvat, See
Sec. 7.9.
4) See Sec. 7.10.
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Jha, D.N. (Ed.) Feudal Social Formation in Early India, New Delhi, 1987.
Sharma; R.S. Perspectives in Social and Economic History o f Early India, New
Delhi, 1983.
Sharma, R.S. Urlian Decay in India 1987, New Delhi.
Sharma. R.S. Indian Feudalism, New Delhi 1980, 2nd Edn.
Sharma, R.S. Material,Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India, New Delhi.
1983.
Thapar, Romila.Wstory o f India 1'01. I., New Delhi.
CAY) A.D.
I. Tempk W k h ~ (Northern
s Style).
2. Shivn .ad Pnnnti seated on Nnndi

(Hinghjgarh 10th century).
3. plm a( Labhmnm Temple (Kbjmnbo, lOtL cemhry).
4. Plan (semi-circular) of Duqp Temple (Aihole, Ulh century).

6. Plan (apsidal) of Vamana Tcmpk
5. Plan (octagonal) of Mundeshvari Temple (KizB.vellur, 11th century).
(Ramgarb, 7th centuq).
7. Plan of V l h u Tempk (Shrimnpm).

\
AS), 1f1.1 m m j i ~ -., 8. Plan of Lingamj. Temple* .

to siuhurtersgue sdt ni ubnun to noitmodds s a .Q
.(pldar, at8 , l d s b d t e q ) slqmsT edtmeaeIe3 sdt
.(yuiam dtr-i) , q o 3 ) slqmsT unllziV l o loor 9111 te zwobniw bsqd-dssrod sdeq .OI
13- N d bpe Tempk.
18. A p.B-M mlusaipt ahmt temple cooshction showing the arcitect,
calculmtions, heigbt m e t i o m dphn.
19. Sun Temple (Konarka, 13th cent or^).'

..
20. Platfonn of deul and jagamoh.lu, stonewheel (Konarh).

21. Iron beams ceiling in the natamandir (jagmnnath temple, Yorij.
22. Kailmsh Temple (Fllora, 8-Yth century).

, -- 25. Colon.de witbin ~ i n aTemple.
~ i
'
24. m d d i Tempk (Midmni).
'IL;NIT 8 NATURE OF REGIONAL
i Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Major Political Developments
8.2.1 Northern and Eastern lndia
8.2.2 Watcrn and Cehtral lndia
8.2.3 The Deccan
8.2.4 Southan India
8.3 Recobstructions of Indian Polity between Eighth and Thirteenth Centuries
8.3.1 Feudal Polity
8.3.2 Scgncntary State
8.3.3 Integrative Polity
8.4 Let Us Sum Up
8.5 Key Words
8.6 Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises
8.0 OBJECTIVES
~ f t e reading
r this, Unit you should be able to explain the :
contents of polity,
major political developments in different regions of the Indian sub-continent such
as Northern and Eastern India, Western and Central India, the Deccan and
Southern India,
links between the developments in Western and Central Asia on the one hand and
those of the Indian sub-continent on the other, and
principal reconstructions of Indian polity between eighth and thirteenth cenluries.
8.1 INTRODUCTION
This Unit seeks to define the essential components of Indian polity through major
II
political developments. The sub-continent has been divided into various regions for
the purpose. There has also been an effort to mark the impact of certain
developments across the north-western borders (in West and Central Asia) onethe
Indian political scene. Finally, the major thrust of the 'unit is on understanding the
nature of regional politics. i.e. to deal with the questi~nof characterizing formls of
polity in India.
i The study of polity calls for analysis of the nature, organisation an4 distribution of
power. Political set-ups differed from region to region due to different economic an&
geographical potentialities of the regions. In India, the period between eighth and
thirteenth centuries was very significant not only from the point of view of economic
formations (see Block-1) but also from the point of view of political processes.
Indeed, the two are interlinked. The nature of polity during the centuries under
'discussion may be better understood in the context of.major political developments
in different regions of the Indian sub-continent.
I 8.2 MAJOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS

Broadly, important regions requiring detailed investigation can be identified as
northern, eastern, central, western and southern India. In addition, the Deccan also
'
constituted as a substantial political power h e .

ID- POWJ L ~bR- 8.2.1 Northem and Eastern India '
V u i a t b r :&b To 13th Century

In this section we discuss the major areas of Northern and Eastern India.
i) WSHMIR '
Kashmir was mainly occupied with the internal political developments but on some
occasions it was alsb involved in the politics of Northern India. It was ruled by the
Karkota, Utopala apd two Lohar dynasties. Muktapida', also known as Latitaditya,
conquered a part of Kanauj and annexed some parts of Tibet. Many irrigation works
were undertaken by some rulers of the Karkota family. Embankments and dams
were built on the main rivers which brought a large area of the valley under
cultivation. Howev!t, the tenth century saw the emergence of a new development in
Kashmir politics. .Military ambitions of rulers and emergence of mercenary warriors
made the common p a n miserable and political conditions unstable. There were at
least twenty kings between c. 1000 and 1300 A.D. Very often they became toots in
the hands of powerful priests and no less powerful landlords such as the damaras.
b There were conflict$ amonmt priests and damaras too. Queen Didda, and kings such
as Samgramaray, Kalash, Harsha, Jayasimha and Sinhadeva were involved in the
politics of these centuries in Kashmir.
In the Ganga Valley, Kanauj became the centre of gravity due to its strategic and
geographical potentiality. It was located in the middle of the doab which was easily
fortifiable. The control over Kanauj implied control overtthe eastern'and western
parts of the Ganga doab which was very fertile. It was also interconnected with the
land and water routes. It was, therefore, not surprising that the three leading
contemporary powers such as the Palas, the Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas clashed
over the possession of Kanauj. The Palas were primarily centered in the Eastern
India, the Pratiharas in the Western India and the Rashtrakutas in the Deccan. But
all the three powen tried to control the Ganga plains, especiall!~Kanauj. The
political boundaries of the three empires kept shifting from time to time.
iii) BIHAR A N D BENCAL
The political basis of thepalas was the fertile land of Bihar and Bengal and external
trade relations, especially with the Southeast Asia. The founder of the dynasty,
Gopal, had been responsible for taking Bengal out of chaos in the early eighth
century. Before him matsyanyaya, i.e. law of fishes prevailed in Bengal and political
instability was very marked. Dharmapala led a successful campaign against Kanauj
but could not control it for a long time. The failure to maintain cohtrol over Kanauj'
forced the Pala rulers to extend their influence towards the further east. Devapala
brought Pragiyotishpur (Assam) under the influence of Palas, and Nepal also -
aecepted the domidance of the Palas. After Devapala, the Pala poyer was not ver)
effective in the North Indian politics, though the dynasty continued till the early
thirteenth century. The polity of the Palas was within the framework of the
monarchial set-up 8nd in this private and the state interests developed
simultaneously. Thie empire consisted of areas administered directly and' areas
adrhinist'ered by the vassal chiefs. Ramapal, the last important sovereign of the Pala
dynasty who ruled from c. 1080 to 1122 A.D., is known to have organised a control
of u ~ d k and a districts (vioaya) called snmantha-chakra (circle of vassal chiefs). His
reign is a l s q m a r k d by a peasant rebellion of Kaivarttas.
iv) ASSAM '
Towards the fuithir east, Assam was in the process of transition towards the state
polity during the centuries under survey. A isam consists of two river valleys, viz.,
those of the Brahdaputra and Surama. By seventh century the Varmans had
eqtablished their aricendancy and brorvght about territorial and political integration of
the Brahmaputra vauey into Kamasupa. The Varmans made land grants to the.
brahmanls who in turn extended the scope of cultivable land and brought the tribal
people in the netwprk of state system. The Varman rulers constructed many
embankments thereby giving stimulus to wet rice cultivation. Shalastambha kings in
Pragjyotishi contidued the practice of the Varmans in the eigth and ninth centurias
and made many Iahd grants to brahmmas and religious institutions. Later,, Palas
also continued thici trend. The medieval Assam inscriptions refer to tefms like rJ1,
qjni, qjaputra, rajanyaka and ranaka who appear to have been landed
intermediaries.
vj ORISSA Nature of Regiond Politio
In Orissa a number of small kingdoms and principalities appeared along the coast of
Bay of Bengal and in the hilly hinterland. Kalinga, Kongoda, Dakshina Tosali and
Uttara Tosali were situated at the Bay of Bengal and Dakshina Kosala in the upper
Mahanadi valley. The borders of the different kingdoms varied from time to time
but the topography of their centres and their spatial distribution remained almost
unchanged from the sixth to twelfth centuries. The kings donated lands to
kahmanas who performed various administrative and ritualistic functions. Land
1. Canp King Naruimhdeva who commissioned the Sun Temple at Konarkp.

Indian Polity In Its Regional grants were also made to religious institutions. The rice cultivation in the fertile
vu*tiom :8thD' lJth Cmtur).
riverine nuclear areps and trade lihks, both internal and externar. gave stimulus to
the state system of bifferent kingdoms. Chiefs belonging to the Samavamsha ruled
initially in western brissa and gradually extended their sway over a large part of
Orissa. After the fall of the Sulkis, the Bhaumakaras seem to have divided
Kodalaka-mandal (bhenkanal district) under. the rule of $wo feudatory families, viz.,
. the Tungas an6 Na~das.The Bhsnjas are known to us from about fdty inscriptions.
The dynasty had va ious branches. Mayurbhanja, Keonjhar, Bandh, Sonepur and
b
Gumsur regions of rissa comprised the territories of different Bhanja familm. The
Gangas in the twelfth century constructed many temples including the famous Sun
temple at Konarka, t o consolidate their hold over tribal areas.
8.2.2 Western and Central India

Western India, especially Gujarat and Malwa, was under the influence of the Gu j a r a
Pratiharas. Malwa was very fertile and Gujarat was a part of internal and external
trade network. The Pratiharas resisted incursions of the Arabs and were also drawn
into North lndian politics. The lure of Kanauj was too great. Bhoja, the greatest
Pratihara ruler contfiolled Kanauj and it was a part of his empire for
sometime.later, Gujflrat was lost to Rashtrakutas thereby adversely affecting the
economic base of thd Pratihara empire. However, Bhoja's successor Mahendrapal
not only maintained intact the vast empire inherited by him, but also further
expanded it towards less than seven of his records have been found in "
south Bihar and nor
The post tenth centuty scene in Central and Western India saw the rise of numerous
powers, who claimed:to be Rajputs and many of whom were feudatories of the
Gujara Pratiharas. *he emergencebf these Rajput families is linked up with
increase in land gran(s and consequent new land relationships. The) were also the
products of fusion ofiforeign and local elements, and some segrnentption of a few
clans. Amongst theselnewly emergent powers in Central and West& lndia one can
include the Chandellds in Khajuraho, the Chauhans in Ajmer, the Paramaras in
Malwa, the Kalachuris in Tripuri (near Jabalpur), the Chaulukyas in Gujarat, the
Guhilas in Mewar and the Tomaras with'their headquarters in modern Delhi. The
different Rajput clans,constructed their fortresses on a large-scale which represented
the numerous foci of ower. Certain amount of inter-clan marriages amongst some
of these Rajput s led to wider areas of social and political activity.
The political develop*ents in North, Western and Central lndia were considerably
influenced by the chaQges taking places in the contemporary West and Central Asia.
The coming of the A+bs (seventheighth centuries), first as traders and later as
invaders, had already made substantial impact in India. The Gurjara Pratiharas,
Palas and the Rashtrdkutas had to deal with this challenge in economic and political
spheres.
The Samanids ruled over Trans-Oxiana, Khurasan and parts of Iran in the ninth
century. Among the Sgmanid governors was a Turkish slave, AMptigin, who later
. established an indepenpent kingdom with its capital at Ghazni. After sometime
Mahmud (998-1030 A.D.) ascended the throne at Ghazni and brought Punjab and
Multan under his contiol. Mahi@udundertook many raids and plundered many \
temples in Indla known for their wealth, largely1to consolidate his own position in
Central Asia. Another ~ Q U that
S ~ penetrated lndia was that Bhur in North-west
Afghanistan. Shahabuddin Muhammed ( 1173-1206 A.D.) of this house conquered
Multan, Uchch, Lahore; created a base in Punjab and finally defeated the Chauhan
ruler Prithviraj in the $econd battle of Tarain in 1192. He also defeated Jaichandra
of the Gahadaval dynasty (Kanauj based) in the battle of Chandwar in 1194. Such
attempts of Central Asian chiefs finally led to the establishment of the Turkish
empire in North lndia In the early thirteenth century under the Mamluk Sultans such
as Qutbuddin Aibak arld Iltutmish.

in about 1s lines, the major political developments in Nqrthem lndia.
of ~egionalPolitics
.........................................................................................
(2) Discuss in about 10 lines the political history of Western and Central India.
13) .Which of the following statements are right ( 4 ) or wrong ( x ) ?

i) Kanauj, in the.Ganga Valley became prdminent due to its strategic ana.
geographical potentiality.
ii) The Rashtrakutas were primarily c e n t r d i n Eastern India.
iii) The Varman rulers of Assam gave impetus to the construction of irrigational
works.
iv) The famous Sun Temple at Konark was constructed in the twelfth century.
8.2.3 The Deccan

The Deccan also known 8s the bridge between North and South India was under the
control of the Rashtrakutas from the early ei&h century. They contended with the
Gurjara Pratiharas over the control of Gujarat and Malwa and tried their fortunes in
the Ganga Valley. Nor did they let powers in the.eastern D e w n and southern
India live in peaa. The eastern Chalukyas at Vengi (in modern Andhra Pradesh),
k 'avas and Pandyas in Kanchi and Madurai respectively (in Tamil Nadu) also had
tc ,ear their wrath.
*
Dhruva (c. 780-93 A.D.), Amoghavarsha - and Krishna I1 (c. 814-914 A.D.) were
important scions of the Rashtrakutas. Some other powers of the Deccan were the
Chalukysis of Kalyana, the Yadavas (Seunas) of Devagiri and the Kakatiyas of
Warangal.
8.2.4 Southern India

The souihern India broadly covers the portion of the peninsula which lies south of
130 Northern latitude and between the Malabar and Coroyandel coasts. It also
comprised modern states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, southern Karnataka and southern
Andhra Pradesh. Tbe Coromandal (from cholamandalam) plain extending from the
tip of the peninsula to the northern edge of the broad delta of the Godavari and
Krishna rivers was the major core region of the South India. Tamil plain's northern
most part was Tondiaimandalam and Pandimandalam was the southernmo'st portion
of the peninsula. The malabar coast was significant due to the potentialities of sea-
trade. The Coromandel coast too had a number of enirepots such as Kaveripatnam,
Pondicherry. Masulipatam etc. These geographical configurations greatly influenced
the political structure of the South India.
'
Map1 India c. 1000-1200 A.D.
By mid eighth century the erstwhile powerful kindgoms of the Pallavas and ., Nature of Redorul PolItIa
Chalukyas were spent forces. However, their legacies were inherited by their political
successors, viz., the Cholas and the Rashtrakutas respwtively. Also, the political law
of a tussle between the power based in the Kaveri Valley and that of Karnataka
became a concrete course for many centuries. This was the case of not only the
relations between the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas in the late eighth and early
ninth centuries but also of the strained ties between the Rashtrakutas and the
Cholas, when the later succeeded the Pallavas. Wgtern Chalukyas, the political
successors of the Rashtrakutas, continued the trend and were often at loggerhead?
with the Cholas from the early eleventh century. Very often the small chiefdoms af
the Deccan such as those of the Nolambas, Vaidumbas, Banas, etc. became victims
of,these big power rivalries. Vengi (coastal Andhra Pradesh) was also an important
bqne of contention amongst these powers.
The post tenth century scene in the south is also marked by three important
phenomena :
i) internecine wars amongst the Cholas, Pandyas and the Cheras,
ii) involvement of Sri Lanka, and
iii) expansion of Indian influence beyond the sea~-particularly in the Southeast
Asia. This climaxed in the naval expdition in the times of the Chola King .
Rajendra-I (first half of the eleventh'century).
The Cholas under Rajendra-1 had also reached up to the Ganga Valley-a venture
immortdised in the great temdle at Gangaikondacholapuram (north east of
Thanjavur).
8.3 RECONSTRUCTIONS OF INDIAN POLITY

-
BETWEEN 8TH AND 13TM CENTURIES
- - - -
The writings on this subject s i h the early 1960s have broadly followed three
approaches, viz., emphasizing feudal, segmentary and integrative character of polity
(See also Block 9 of EHI-02)
8.3.1 Feudal Polity
(See also Unit 1.7) R.S. Sharma expounded this view in his book Indian Feudalism .
published in 1965. It is based on the pan-lndian character (See also Unit 1.2.1) of
land grants. It focuses on : I
a) administrative structure based on the control and possession of land,

b) fragmentation of political authority,
c) hierarchy of landed intermediaries,
d) dependence of peasants on landlords, ,
e ) oppression end immobility of peasants. and

f) restricted use of metal money (See also Unit 3.3.1 and 3.4.2)
he d e g ~ of
e the dependence of the pea!ants on landlords might differ from region
to region. However, the development of agrkulture. handicrafts, commodity
production, trade and commerce and of urbanisation (See also Block-I) could create
conditions for differentiation in the ranks of the peasantry. Hierarchical control over
land was created by sub-infeudation in certain areas. Which gave rise to graded types
of landlords.
Recently the validity of the feudal formation in the context of medieval India has
been questioned. It bas been suggested that the medieval society was characterised by
selfdependent or free peasant production. The peasants had control over the means
and the processes of production. It is added that$here was relative stability in social
and economic structure and there was not rnuchr&ange at the level of techniques of
agricultural production. The conflicts were over the distribution and redistribut~onof
the surplus than over a redistribution of means of production. The appropriation of
agrarian surplus to ;he state formed the chief instrument of exploitation. The high
fertility of land and the low subsistence level of the peasant facilitated the state
appropriation of the surplus in conditions of relative stability. This line of approache
I n d i a Polity In I t s Wegionrl does not take note of superior rights and inferior rights of one party or another ovir
: Cmtuq
Ijth land. In fact in early medieval times in the same piece pf land the peasant held
inferior rights and the landlords held superior rights. The land grants clearly made
the position of landlords stronger over the land as compared to that of peasants. The.
critique of feudal polity unfortunately does not take note of massive evidence in
support of the subjection and immobility of peasantry, which is an indispensable
element in feudal system. Also, this critique is a disguised attempt to reinforce the
colonialist view of stwnating and unchanging lndian society.
8.3.2 Segmentary State

An attempt has been ,made to view the medieval polity, particularly that of the
medieval South India, in terms of segmentary state. The segmentary state is '
understood as one in which the spheres of ritual suzerainty and political sovereignty '
do not coincide. The titual suzerainty extends widely towards a flexible, changing
periphery and the political sovereignty is confined to the central core area. In
segmentary 'state there exist several levels of subordinate foci, organised pyramidally
beyond a royal ckntre- From the primary centre of the ruling dynaSty kings unified
their subordinate centres ideologically. In the state segments actual political control
was exercised by l o d elite. It is also assumed that there existed close co-operation
between brahmanas and dominant peasants. However, the segmentary state .
formulation has some limitations. Ritual suzerainty is confused with cultural
suzerainty. It also relegates the different foci of power to the periphery and does not
see them as components of the state power. Moreovq, the heterogeneous'character
of South Indian peasantry is not adequately understood. In so far as the notion of
segmentary state subordinates political and economic dimensions of the State
structure to its ritual dimensions, it does not inspire much confideye. The notion
has been applied to the Rajput polity as well. Aidan Southall and Burton Stein are
major exponents of this view.
I
8.3.3 Integrative Polity 1
This formation has been worked out by B. D. ~hattopadhyaya.The study of 1
political process calls for consideration of the presence of established norms and - I I
nuclei of &te system,'horizontal spread of state system implying transformation of A
pre-state polities into state polities and integration of local polities into a structure
that went beyond the bounds of local polities. The proliferation of ruling lineaps
(ruling families) is s e n as social mobility process in early medieval India. The
diffused foci of power are represented by what is broadly called as the sunanta
system. The samanta were integrated into the structure of polity in which the
overlord-subordinate relation came to be d o m i n a ~ over
t othir levels of relation in
the structure. The transformation of the sammta into a vital component of the
political structure is itself an evidence of ranking and in turn clarifies the political
basis of integration. Rank as the basis of political organisation implies differential
access to the centre as also shifts within the system of ranking. It is also assumed
that the rank as the basis of political organisation generated crisis between the
rankholders and also between them and the overlord. This emphasis on ranking
brings the integrative polity formulation closer to the notion of segmentary state.
The integrative' polity, like the feudal polity, sees political processes in terms of a
parallels with contemporary economic,'social and religious developments, such as:

\.
i) horizontal spread of rural agrarian settlements (See also Unit 1.2).
ii) horizontal spread of the dominant ideology of social order based on v u n a
division (See also Unit 2.1 and 2.3), and
iii) integration of local cults, rituals and sacred centres into a larger stkucture (See +
also Unit 2.3).

However, this formulation suffers from definitional vagueness. The terms "lineagl:
domai.n" and "state society" are not clarified. Further, the samantas even in their
trans-political sense remained a landed aristocracy. More importantly, neither the
segmentary state nor the integrative polity models provide alternative mqterial bases
which could be contrasted with that of the feudal polity. Both integration and
segmentation can be explained in terms of land grants which formed the crucial
element in the feudal structure. In as much as local landlords of chieftains derived
their fiscd and administrative powers from the King (the overlord), paid tributes and
performed military and administrative obligations towards him. they worked for Natureof Rcgioml Politia
integration. On the other hand, when they ruled over the local peasants i d a n
autonomous manner it amounted to the segmentation of authority. "Lineage
geography" which is crucial for the reconstruction in terms of integrative polity, is
not available 6n pan-India scale. Except in the case of the Chauhans and Paramaras,
'lineage' did not play an important part in the organisation of polity. Even ranks
were'formed on the basis of unequal distribution of land and its revenue resources.
Similarly, the distinction between political and ritual suzerainty coupled with their
association with the core and the periphery respectively, which is considered the
cornerstone of the concept of the segmentary state suffers from the absence of
empirical data from many important regions of the Indian sub-continent. On the
contrary, the reconstruction of medieval lndian polity in terms of feudalism relies on
such elements which can be applied to practically the whole of India.

I) Outline the political developments in the Deccan and South India. Answer in
about IS lines.
2) Write a note on the concept of Feudal Polity. Answer in about ten lines.
3) What db you understand by the term Segmentary State? Explain in about I0

lines. I
.. ;
..........................................................................................
badin !olity 'la Ib R t g i o d
1\.
V.rl.tbm : 8tb To 13th Century
...........................................................................................
8.4 LET US StJM UP

The geographical confi urations, the economic structure and ideologital apparatus
1
greatly conditioned the nature of polity from region to region in lndia between the
eighth and thirteenth cknturies.
-
In Kashmir the powerful landowning social groups-particularly priests and
c & m q s influenced the internal politics.
Ga,nga Valley and Hanauj were an important bone of contention till at least
mid-ninth century. Three important powers of North and West lndia as well as
that of the Deccan, viz., the Palas, Gurjara Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas were
actively involved in this.
Assam was undergoing the processes of transition from tribal polity to state polity
and was getting linked up with Northern India.
In Orissa too. the state was emerging with strong tribal elements.
In Western and Centlral lndia there was phenomenal increase in Rajput families
most of whom were feudatories of the Gurjara Pratiharas.
Developments in Webt and Central Asia had considerable impact on the lddian
political scene. From the days of the arrival of the Arabs as traders in the seventh
century to the establishment of the Turkish empire in the beginning of the
thirteenth century, the Indian sub-continent remained an important target of
external forces.
In the Deccan and the South the tussle between the Karnataka based powers and
those in the Kaveri Valley was a recurring theme. Equally persistent was the lure
of the coastal Andhra Pradesh (Vengi). Wars amongst the Cholas, Pandyas and
Cheras and occasion@linvolvement of Sri Lanka in these encounters are other
important features of the political scene in the region. Also, the Chola kings made
duccessful efforts td lreach beyond the seas-as far as the Southcast Asia. ' .
The reconstruction$ of medieval lndian political structure have broadly followed
three lines of enquiry-feudal polity, segmentary state and integrative polity.
While the latter two seem to have limited and localised applicability, they have
not been able to ratianalize the concepts in terms of alternative material bases:
Their reliance on the essential elements of mode of production of the 'feudal
model' coupled with latter's applicability on almost pan-Indian scale make
R.S. Sharma's contedtion more accephble in the present state of research. Indeed,
polity of different regions is still to be analysed separately and there is a need to
establish empirically the relationship amongst dwferent regions of the lndian
sub-continent.
8.5 KEY W O R D S
Damaras : Powerful landlords in Kashmir
Mandal : An administrative diviJion
Matsya-nyaya : Law of the fishes---state of chaos

Rajanyaka : Landed intermediary and an official
Renaka : Landed intermediary and an official
Samanta Chakra : Circle of Vast.~lChiefs
Naturr of Re-l Polttio
EXERCISES
.-
Cheek Your Progress 1
I) Your a'nswer should include the political d e v e l o p m e r i ~ a l s h r n i rand Ganga
Valley. See Sub-scc. 8.2.1
2) See Sub-sec. 8.2.2 '
3) i) ii) x iii) W iv)

I) Your answer s9ould include the political history of Rashtrakutas, Cholas,
Pandyas and Cheras. See Sub-secs. 8.2.3 and 8.2.4
2) See Sub-sec. 8.3.1
3) Distinction between ritual and political sovereignty. Base your answer on Sub-
set. 8.3.2
UNIT 9 NORTHERN AND EASTERN
INDIA
Structure
9.0 Objectives
' 9.1 Introduction
9.2 The Region ~ e f i n e d
9.3 Dispersal of Powers : The New Royalty
9.3.1 Growth of Administrative Units
9.3.2 Transfer of Administrative and Fiscal Rights
9.33 V u 4 s u King Makm
9.4 Tnnqformcd Bureaucracy
9.4.1 M ~ a a l sVand Land
.&
9.4.2
Th'e Power Hierarchy of Sun&
9.4.3
Feudalbation of Bureaucracy
landholding and Clan Considerations
9.4.4
9.5 Functions of S.mmt.s
9.6 Inter-vassal Relationship
9.7 Land Grants and Legitimization of Political Authority
9.8 Let Us Sum Up
9.9 Key Words
9.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
9.0 OBJECTIVES
.' areas included in .Northern and Easrern India.
real nature of kingship,
distribution of administrative and fiscal power,
emergence of lmulticentered power structure,
role of vassals and state offieials,
changes in the bureaucratic set up, in the light of land-distribution,
power hierarchy of samantm and functions of snmantm,
influence of clan on landholdings,
inter-vassal relationship, and
ideological base of political authority.
f
, 9.1 INTRODUCTION
The preceding Unit (No. 8) had attempted to introduce you to a theoretical debate ,
on the nature of political organisation in the Indian sub-continent between the eighth
and thirteenth centuries. The present Unit, however, is a specific case study of North
and East India. The overall reconstruction has been done within the framework of +t-'
what has been described as feudal polity. The Unit seeks to show the limits of the so '
called ceqtralised monarchies and the real nature of new royalty. We will discuss the /
pattern of landholdings, the distribution of adminisrrative and fiscal powers and the
transfer of judicial and policing rights. We will also analyse the emergence of a new
type of bureaucracy, the hierarchy of samantu and the multifarious functions of
samantu and other officials. All these are indicators of the rise of multi-centered
power structure in the ;region under discussion. The Unit also seeks to highlight the
ideological base of this structure.
/
-
Northern and htw India
9.2 THE REGION DEFINED
Writings since the early 1950s have opened up great many issues bearing-on the
political structure of Northern and Eastern India. It was a product of a set of
changes at all levels and in all spheres. The pace of these changes was determined by
the mechanism of land grants (see also Block-1). Broadly, the understanding of
centuries and the regions under discussion in terms of feudalism have been the most
dominating strain of recent historical writings on the political set up.
How does one define Northern and Eastern India? Generally, territories north of the
Vindhyas and up to the Himalayan tarai are included. However, modern states
comprising Gujarat, Rajasthan and most of Madhya Pradesh are being excluded
from this discussion, for, they have been taken as constituting Western and Central
India (See also Unit-lo). Thus, Kashmir, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana and
Uttar Pradesh make up Northern India while the Eastern India comprises Bihar,
Bengal (including prtsent day Bangladesh), Orissa and Assam as well as other states
of the Brahmaputra Valley. Important political powers of these regions have already
been identified in Unit-8.
9.3 DISPERSAL OF POWERS :THE NEW ROYALTY

Early medieval Indian kings are known to have used very high sounding and
pompous titles, such as puamabhattaraka, maharqjadbiraja, parameshvara, etc. This
has very often formed the basis of seeing these kings as very powerful centralised
monarchs. However, this is not true. The evidence relating to the territorial divisions
and distribution of administrative and fiscal powers shows the real wielders of
power. The growing bardic sycophancy had begun to create an aura around kings,
treating them as rulers of rulers and ascribing divinity to them. As a result of this
image building the King was increasingly becoming more of a private person than
the real head of the state. It was not a centralised power structure but a multi-
centered system of power.
9.3.1 Growth of Administrative Units

The overall political structure is marked by dispersal of political and economic
powers. The epigraphic evidences refer to bhuktis, mandalas, vishayas, etc. The Palas
'
had, for instance, under them Pundravudhana-bhukti, Vardhamana-bhukti, D a ~ d a -
bbukti, Th-bhukti, etc. Mandalas were widespread in Bengal but not so frequent in
Bihar. Pala inscriptions also refer to nayas or vithis and khandala as some sort of
administrative units.
I
A twelfth century copper plate grant of Vaidyadeva from Assam mentions bhukti,
mandala and vishya. In Orissa too vishayas and mandalas assigned as fiefs to royal
scions are mentioned in records of the twelfth century. Pattalas and pathakas were
administrative units under the Gahadavalas.
The literary sources of the period are also eloquent about many of the aforesaid
administrative units. Harishena's Kathakosha, a work of the tenth century, refers to
a vishaya in the sense of the principality of a King who has a samanta under him.
Rajrtatangini, the chronicle of Kashmir. distinguishes between Svamandal and
mmdalantar, which suggests that kings in Kashmir exercised direct administrative
control mostly over their own man&lns while other mandalas were governed by
umantaa with a n obligation to pay tribute and a commitment of allegiance. At the
lawest level perhaps villages also may have acquired a lord either by land grants
placing villages under samanta chiefs or by forceful occupation or by the submission
of individuals. There is a reference to qulma as consisting of three to five v,illages.
Further, allusions to gramrpati, gramadhipati, dhshagtamapati, vimshatimsha-
~ u n n p a t i sahrsragramapati
, indicate a hierarchy of villages. The mode and
quantum of payment to village heads are also specified. Dashasha (bead of ten
villages) got as much land as he'could cultivate with one plough. Vimshntisha (head
of tw pty villages) got land cultivable through four ploughs. Shatesha (head of one
d
hun red villages) was to master one full village as his remuneration.
l n d i ~Pollt) In Its Regional 9.3.2 Transfer of Administrative and Fiscal Rights
Vuirtiom : 8th To 13th Century
It was not merely the multiplication of administrative 'units at different levels. Giving
away fiscal and adminibtrative rights, including those of policing and administration
of criminal law and justice, to donees of land grants created a landed aristocracy
between the King and the cultivators. The intensity of the process varied from one
region to another.
Dispersal of administrative power which is a n important trait of feudal polity, is also
indicated by constant shift of the seats of power. Typical examples of this tendency
are to be seen in allusions to about nine skandhavaras (victorylmilitary camps) in
the Pala records. As many as twenty-one skandhavaras figure i n the Chandella
records. However, in this respect the Pratiharas enjoyed relative stawlity, for only
Ujjayini and Mahodaya (Kannauj) are known t o have been their cajtitals. Like the
shifting capitals, fortresses also assumed the functions ~f power centtk. It is
significant that the Palas built as many as twenty fortresses in their empire.
9.3.3 Vassals as King Makers

The gradual accumulation of power in the hands ot ministers is another indicator of
the nature of royalty in early medieval centuries. Ksheniendra's candid references t o
the greed of ministers and Kalhana's vivid picture of the machinations and tyranny
of the damaras make it obvious that the ministers were self-seeking persons with .
hardly any concern for the public g o o d Manasollasa, a text of the twelfth century
advises the King t o protect his subjects not only from robbers but also from
ministers as well a s officers of finance and revenue.
The records of Somavamshins of Orissa show that vassals could even depose and
install kings, although such cases were neither too many nor bad any legal sanction.

I ) Comment on the high sounding titles of early medieval kings. .
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
- 1
2) Name the main administrative units in different regions of Easttrn and Northern
lndiq.
3) What d o you understand by transfer of administrative and fiscal rights? Write in

brief.
Northan and Eastern India
9.4 TRANSFORMED BUREAUCRACY

Parallel to the dispersalsof administrative powers as manifested in the localised units
was the transformation in the bureaucratic apparatus in the administrative system.
Payment to officials and vassals by land grants, the hierarchy of samantns,
feudalisation of titles of kings and officials and distribution of land to members of
the clan are some of the features of this new bureaucracy.
, 9.4.1 Officials, Vassals and Land

The Brahrna-khanda of the Skandn Pur-, which is generally regarded as throwing
light on the history and culture of India from about the eighth-ninth to the
thirteenth centuries, gives a long description of a legendary grant of a number of
villages along with 36,000 vaishyns as well as shudras four times that number, made
in ancient times by King Rama to 18,000 brgmanas after the performance of certain
religious rites. The donees were to be served by these vaishyns and shudrns. Rama
enjoined the people, so transferred, to obey the commands of the donees, who had
later divided the villages amongst themselves. That such allusions are not merely
mythical but had definite roots in historical evidence is borne out by literary and
epigraphic records which are widely dispersed-both chronologically and
geographically.
The bestowal of land on the officials in charge of the administrative divisions of
1, 10, 20, 100 and 1000 villages is mentioned as early as Manu (c. 200 A.D.). The
practice of service tenure picks up momentum in the post-Gupta centuries.
I
The Partabgarh inscription of Mahendrapala-11 irecords the grant of a village which

was in possession of talavargika Harishena. There is mounting evidence of purely
military grants. Literary works dealing with Bihar and Bengal between tenth and
twelfth 'centuries make frequent references to various kinds of grants Such as deshya,
Jcaraja, gramaja and pratipattaka to ministers, kinsmen and those who rendered
military services. The Kamauli plate of 1133 A.D. refers to grant of a tract of land to
a chief on rajapatti (royal fillet or tiara) by one of the ancestors of Govindacandra
Gahadavala. The rajas, rajaputras, ranakas, rajarajanakas, mahasamantas etc.
mkntioned in Pala land charters were mostly vassals connected with land. Sometimes
even vassals made further grants with or without the permission of their overlords.
This is calied sub-infeudation and was particularly marked under the Gurjara
Pratiharas. Since the original grantee was given the right to cultivate his benefice or
get it cultivated, to enjoy it or get it enjoyed, to d o it or get it done, the field was
wide open to sub-infeudation and eviction. The medieval land grants of Orissa also
refer to bhogi, mahabhogi, brihadbhogi, mmanta, mahasamat., ranaka, rajavlabha,
L -. All these appear to be landed intermediaries who also performed military and
ac ~inistrativefunctions.
( 1 In the eleventh and twelfth centuries key officials were also being paid through
I regular and exclusive taxes. Officers connected with revenue collection, criminal
administration including policing, accounts and members of the palace staff enjoyed
levies specifically raised for them. Thus, the akshopatalikm, pratihlrm and
vifhotiathus (possibly a revenue official of a group of twenty eight villages) under the
Gahadavalas received such sustenance.
Early twelfth century inscriptions of the Gahadavalas mention akshapata: .-prmtho,
akshapatala-adaya, prntblm-pmmtho and vishatiathuprqtha. It is'not clear vhether
these levies accounted for the total remuneration of the concerned officials or jcs!
Indlm Pomy 1. Ib Red& formed an additional emolumerlt. Yet, it is apparent that sucp state otYicials had
V u i . :~8th~ To 13th CmPuV become so powerful as to claim grants of perquisites for t'hems~lves.In sum, the
right of various 'statel officials to enjoy specific levies-irrespectwe of the tenure of
these levies-was bound to create intermediaries with some interests in the lands of
the tenants.
9.4.2 The Power $kriarehy of Samantas
By the twelfth century a hierarchical system of &mantas had become considerably
elaborate. A text of thc twelfth century classifies various vassals in the descending
order on the basis of the number of villages held by them: "Mahamandalcshvua
(1 ,00,000 villages), m~dalika(50,000 villages)", mahasamanta (20,000 villages),
'samanta, Iaghu-samanta and catum~nshtka(10,000; 5,000 and 1,000 villages
respectively)". Sandhyakara Nandi who wrote about Bengal under Ramapala, refers
to mandaladhipati, samanta-cah-chudamani, bhupala and raja.
The hierarchy of sunrantas is corroborated by epigraphic evidence too. Rajanakas
and rajaputras figure~ininscriptions of the former Chamba state. Slmanta,
mahasamanta, mawmantadhipati and thakkura figure in some eleventh century
inscriptions of Garhwal. The Tezpur rock inscription of 830 A.D. refers to Shri
Harjaravarman of the Shalastambha dynasty (of Assam) as mahuajadhiraja-
parameshvara-pammabhattaraka under whom came the mahasamanta Shrisuchitta.
Shilakuttakavaleya is mentioned as a samanta in this inscription. We conie across
raja, rajanya, ranaka and rajaputras in the Shaktipur copper plate of
Lakshamanasena of Bengal.
9.4.3 Feudalisation of Bureaucracy
Numerous officials art: listed in inscriptions belonging to almost all North Indian
states. The Pala land Warters, for example, mention nearly four dozen officials and
vassals-some of them even being hereditary. More than two dozen oficials are
listed in the Gahadavala inscriptions. The situation was no different in the territories
of the Cahamanas, Clhandellas and the Kalachuris. Even feudatories kept a long
retinue of the officers. More than two dozen of them functiolied under Samgrama
Gupta, a rnahamandalika of the Karnatas of Mithila. The feudalisation of the titles
and designations of these officials,becomes a conspicuous phenomenon of the times.
An indicator of this development is the use of the prefix maha. While the early Pala
kings such as Dharmapala and Devapala had less then half a dozen maha-prefixed
officials, the number went up to nine under Navayanapala. The number of such
officials under Samgrama Gupta was as high as eighteen. One car! even discern a
pattern in this newly dmerged set up-the lower the power of the lord the larger the
number of the dignitaries bearing the title mrha in his kingdom. Similarly, the later.
the kingdom, the greater the number of maha prefixed functionaries. The growing
feudalisation of officials is also found in the practice of using the same terminology
to express the relationship between the officials and the King as was used between
the vassals and the King. The expressions such as padapadmopajiyin,
rajapadopajivin, padaprasadopajivin, puamesvara-padopajivin, etc:.,applied to both
vassals and officials, They indicate that officers subsisted on the favour of their
masters and thus show that they were being feudalised. Officials were placed in
various feudal categories according to their status and importance. Even kayastha
scribes were invested with such titles as ranaJca and thakkura to indicate their feudal
and social rank rather than their functions.
9.4.4 Landholding and Clan Considerations
.-
The exercise of important governmental functions was gradually being linked up
with landholding. There are numerous instances of assignments not only to chiefs
and state officials but also to members of the clan and the relatives. Thus, we find
references to estates hdld by a chief of the Chinda family ruling in the region of the
modern Pilibhit distridt of Uttar Pradesh. As illustrations of clan considerationh, it is
possible to cite numerous instances of apportionment of villages in units of twelve.
The (Una) plates of the time of Mahendrapala of Kannauj (c. 893 A.D.) mention the
holding of 84 villages by mahasamanta Balmvaman. References to queen's gram and
bhukti, junior princes as bhoktsies (possessors) of villages, aejr (allotment) of a
rdaputra and rajakiyaqbhop (King's estate) are not unknown. The holders of 84
villages had formed a ~ectionof chiefs known as catur8ehIkm by the end of the
twelfth century. Relatiirely speaking, the practice of distributhg land on clan
. .
considerations had a greater frequency in the Western and Central India than in the . Northun and Entern India
Northern and Eastern India. This practice of distributing land to the members of
clan is reminiscent of tribal system of apportioning spoils of war amongst members
of the tribe.

1) Give a list of different types of grants prevalent in different parts of Northern
and Eastern India.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
2) Write five lines on the hierarchy of samantas.
3) Was their feudalisation of Bureaucracy? Comment.

.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
..........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
4) Were land grants given on the consideration of clan'?

.............. ..........................................................................
?
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
9.5 FUNCTIONS OF SAMANTAS

By the end of the period under survey, the multifarious functions of the samantas
had come to be recognised. Some of these included regular payment of tributes,
compliance with imperial orders and attendance at ,the imperial court on ceremonial
occasions, administering justice, military obligations, etc. The Rajaniti RatnPlrrva
written by Chandeshwar of Mithila (north Bihar) in the thirteenth century classifies
=mantas into sakara and abara depending on \heir obligations in respect of the
payment of tributes.
Regional The Chandellas of Jttjakabhukti (Bundelkhand) made frequent land grants to
lJtb Century '-mijitary officials. Ajayapala, the brclhmana senapati of Paramardin was a recipient of
pida of land $ 1 166 A.D. A few years later in 1171, a whole village was granted to
the brahmaqa senapati Madanapala Sharma, whose three immediate predecessors .
b e t_akk@as. The grant was free from past, present and future dues-a
charadteridic of all Chandella grants. Sometimes death in the battlefield also resulted
in grants to military personnel. An evidence of a purely non-sectarian copper plate
charter of land given to a hereditary brahmana military official is the Tehri plate of
Trailokyavarman (1207-08 A.D.).
Grants for military service were made to kayasthas as well. Members of the Vmtavya
Kayastha family functioned as warriors. This family enjoyed importance in
Chandella administration for nearly three hundred years from Ganda to Bhojavarma.
Though there are many instances of land grants to rautas and ranakas by
Gahadavala kings, military services and acts of bravery are not specified as response
for these grants. But it is equally true that they were vassals, distinct from regular
officials under the direct control of the state because ranakas and rautas are not
mentioned in the list of officials given in Gahadavala inscriptions. It is significant
that the Latakamelaka, a satirical work composed in the twelfth century under the
patronage of the Gahadavalas, refers to a rauttaraja called Samgramavisara.
Enjoying a gramapatta apparently for military service, this rauttaraja appears as a
prominent social figure.
9.6 INTER-VASSAL RELATIONSHIP

The nature of the bond between the superior and inferior vassals and between the
vassal and lord is rather uncertain. While there is some evidence about a written
contract embodying only the obligations of the vassal, the Rajatarangini also shows
signs of mutual oral understanding between a tenth century King, Chakravarman
and a leading damara chief called Samgrama. We do not find many such instances.
On the one hand we hear of vassals' autonomy in their respective spheres, there is
also available on the other hand the evidence of the Pala King (Ramapala) seeking
help of his vassals to suppress the revolt of the kaivarttas in the late eleventh
century. It is, however, interesting to note that the sentiments of loyalty and
allegiance to a common overlord went beyond caste considera?ions..Thus, the
shabara chief and a vakhya caravan leader, who have a common overlord, regard
themselves as sambandhins.
Some insights into the lord-vassal relationship are also provided by the usage of
panchamahashabda, which seems to have developed as a samanta institutiod in the
post-Gupta centuries. Many inscriptions show that a measure of the high feudal rank
enjoyed by some vassals was their investiture with the panchamahashabda by their
overlords.
A copper plate inscription of 893 A.D. records a grant of land by the ntlhasamanta
~akavarman,whose father had obtained the panchamahashabda through the grace
of Mahendrayudhadeva (Mahendrapala of Kannauj). Surprisingly, the term was not
kno"wn in the Pala kingdom, although it is known in Assam and Orissa.
There is little doubt that the acquisition of the panchamahashabda was the highest
distinction that could be attained by a vassal-indeed, even the Yuvaraja (crown
prince) enjoyed no higher feudal privilege than this. The samantas continued t o becr
this epithet even after adopting such grandiloquent titles as paramabhattarla-
maharajad hiraja-parameshvara.
According to a text of the twelfth century, the privilege of pancharnahashabda -
signified the use of five musical instruments. These are referred to as shringa (horn),
t m m a t a (tabor), shankha (conch), bheri (drum) and jayaghanta (bell of victory). In
some parts of North India, the term panchamahashabda indicated five official
designations with the prefix maha. If the word shabda is connected with the root
sbap, it acquires an additional meaning of oath or vow. If so, it would have an
important bearing on the rendering of panchamahashabda in terms of state
officials' and lord-vassal relationship.
The lord-vassal bond and the samanta hierarchy do not show any distinctive sign of Northern and Eastern India
decay even in the changed economic scenario of the post-tenth century. Trade and
cash nexus are recognised as factors whlch weaken feudal formation. There are clear
signs of the revival of internal as well as external trade and currency between tenth
and twelfth centuries (see Unit 3 Block-I). Indian feudalism as a political system, far
from getting dissipated, shows remarkable flurd~tyand adaptability. A phenomenon
of a somewhat similar kind has been noticed In the 17th century Russia where serf
economy began to adapt itself to the developing markets. It IS, however, necessary to
add that feudalism as an economic system does show slgns of cracking up. This is
specially true of Western lndia where the self-suff~c~ent feudal economy had come
under special strain due to revival of trade, money and urban growth. The situation,
however, is not without its contrasts-the east, VIZ.Brhar. Bengal and Onssa, show a
considerable resrlience. Further, land service grants to vassals and offlc~alsare more
common in the west then in the east, wlth the exceptron of Orlssa.
9.7 L A N b GRANTS AND LEG&TIMIZATION OF

POLITICAL AUTHORITY
As far as the political organisation is concerned, the pan-lndian character of land
grants served an important function. This was to give socialand legal sanction to the
political authority, viz., the King or the vassal. In Bengal and Bihar under the Palas,
brahmanas, Buddhist monasteries and Shaiva temples emerged as landed
intermediaries due to land grants. Elsewhere in North and East India, brahmanas
were principle donees. These predominantly religious donees were agents of
providing legitimacy to political authorities. An important way to achieve this
objective was to work out glorious genealogies of chiefs and kings. Their descent was
sought to be traced from mythical epic heroes such as Rama and Krishna. The
beneficiaries of land donations also tried to provide ideological support to the ruling
authorities by undertaking cultural interaction-specially in tribal areas. For
instance, an important indicator is the way in which symbols of tribal solidarity and
coherence were being absorbed within the fold of brahmanism. I n Orissa the political r
power was consolidated through the effective instrument of the royal patronage of
tribal deities. The absorption of the cults of Gokarnasvami and Stambheshvari and
.
the process of the emergence of the cult of Jagannath are pointers of the new .
ideological force (for detailed discussions, see Block-2, Unit-6). Incidentally, these
functions of the post-Gupta land grants, viz, imparting legitimacy to ruling powers
and providing ideological support were not confined to Northern and Eastern India.
They can be seen, of course with varying degrees, in all other regions as well:
Check Your Progiess 3

I) Write the main functions of sammtas.
2) What d o you understand by panchmahashabda?,

Indian Polity In Its Regional
,/ .-
........................................................................................
i
Varintiom : 8th To 13th Century .........................................................................................
3) Were land grants made by the kings to legitimize their authority?
.........................................................................................
r:.
1
9.8 LET US SUM UP . .
The Northern and Eastdrn lndia comprises modern states of Kashmir, Punjab.
Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, Assam and parts
of northern Madhya Pradesh. The political structure of these regions between Jhe
eighth and thirteenth cehturies was marked by:
a new kind of royalty which was far from being centralised,

rise of new administrative units to which were transferred numerous fiscal, judicial
and policing functions,
the emergence of numerous foci of power.
simultaneous transformation of bureaucracy along with the changes in the real
nature of the ,authority of the King,
new landholdings as the basis of power structure giving rise to a hierarchy of
vassals. and
feudalisation of state officials as dell as of the entire political apparatus.
9.9 KEY WORDS

Adaya : Taxes
Akshapatalika : Revenue Official
Bhogi : Landed intermediary performing I
administrative function.
Bhukti : Administrative Unit
-
D u ~ b : Head of ten villages Nolthun and Emtern India

1
D~&P : Land grant to ministers, kinsmen and those .
who rendered military services.
: . Same, as deshya
i .
Grrunaja
K uJa .:. Same, as deshya
\
v -
Khandala : Administrative Unit
Mandalantu : Administrative division under the charge
of a samanta rather then overlord.
_ Padopajivin : Vassals/ Officials subsisting
on the favour of their overlord.
pathaka : Administrative Unit
Pattda ' : ~dministrativeUnit
. Pratipattaka : Same, as deshya
Rajavdlabha : Same, as bhogi
#
Shatesha : Head of one hundred villages
i
-' L
. Skandhavya : Victory/ military camp / -
Vimhatioha' : Head of twenty villages
,
Vhhatiathus . : Probably a revenue official of a group
of 28 villages
Vithi ' : Administrative Unit

EXERCISES
1) The early medieval kings "sed high sounding titles though their actual pQwer
was shrinking. See Sec.9.3.
2) In Bengal bhukti, mandalas, vkhayas, nayas, vithi, etc. In Assam bhukti, mandrl
etc. In Kashmir gulma, mandalas, etc. See Sub-sec. 9.3.1.
3) The King giving certain tights for revenue collection or administration to donees
of grantees. See Sub-sec. 9.3.2.
Check J' ar Progress 2.
1) Th: 2 were different grants to different category of people like, ministers.
warriors, kinsmen or landed intermediaries, like desbya, karaja, brinabhugi,
ranaka, etc. See Sub-sec. 9.4.1.
, 2) There was a definite hierarchy of samantes depending on the'size of: grant and
powerenjoyed by grantees. See Sub:sec. 9,4.2.
j) During this p~rioda number of state officials were also paid through land
grants. This indicates some sort of feudalisation of bureaucracy. See Sub-sec.
9.4.3.
Some times grants were given to such people who did not perform any particular
iork. The only consideration was their being relatives or cla-mmen. See Sub-sec.
4.4.4.
/ Check Your Progress 3
1) In some cases obligations on functions were attached. In many cases the
..
samantes were supposed to collect revenue, provide army or maintain law and
order, etc. See Sec.9.5.
2) Panchamahashabda developed as a feudal institution. It was the bighest honour
a vassal could achieve. For other details read Sec. 9.6.
Sa
3) A number of gr nts were made to religious groups or individuals who were
zxpected to pr vide legitimacy to Kings to rule. Bmhmpnas were the main
2
beneficiaries. See Sec.9.:.
C
--
--- --
INDIA
c.A.D. 700-1000
1 Northern & Eastern
2 Western & Central
Map2 Northrm, Eastem. Weatem .sd Ceafml lndL c. 7W1000 A.D.

UNIT 10 WESTERN AND CENTRAL
INDIA
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The Rise of Rajput Dynasties
Origin Legends: Their Political Implications
Distribution of Political Authority
10.4.1 Prolifuat:mn of Rajput Clans
10.4.2 Formation of Lineage Power
10.4.3 Process of Rising in Social Status
Consolidation of Lineage Power
Nature and Structure of Polity
10.6.1 Political Instability
10.6.2 Bureaucratic Structure I
10.6.3 Lineage State and Feudal Polity

Let Us Sum up
Key Words
OBJECTIVES
After studying this Unit you will:
know about how various political power configurations emerged in Western and
Central India,
understand the nature of the distribution of political authority as well as the.
structure of polity, and
be able to analyse the patternsof the formation of political powers rnd their
consolidation.
INTRODUCTION
In conventional studies on Indian polity there is greater stress on the genealogy of
the ruling dynasties and chronology of their rules. Changes in polity are mostly
conceived as chadges represented by dynastic shifts. In view of the inadequacy of this
framework, recent studies on the polity have attempted to view the ancient and
medieval polity from the perspective of possible processes which were in operation.
There is a marked emphasis now on themes such as state formation, structure of
polity, nature of power and political control, etc. However generalization at sub-
continental level need to be,probed further from a microscopic point of view. In this
Unit we shall know about the emergence and evolution of regional polity in Western
and Central ~n'dia.This region comprises modern states of Rajasthan, Gujarat and
most of Madhya Pradesh.
Owing to the fact that regional political formations in various pans of India have
not been studied fully, the generalizations at sub-continental level require further'
precision. The study of regional political formations should, however, assume
importance in view of the fact that:
I) there were frequent shifts in the centres of powers, and
2) the formation of new polities was a continuous process.
Western and Central India provide us with examples of fresh spun in the emergence
of local states. For example, the Rajput clans such as the Gurjara Pratihara. Guhila.
Paramara, C!,ahamana as Well as the Kalachuris and Chandella exploited, political
uncertainties of post-Gupta and post tenth centuries in Western and Central India.
They dominated tfie pqlitical scene for centuries, especially during the period
n d l u Polity In 118 ~egi0n.1 extending from the eighth to the thirteenth centuries. The picture of the political
ui.tmn~ : 8th To 13th. <:enlury processqs that resulted !in the replacement of old dynssties by-new Rajput powers of :.
uncertain. origin is not clear. None the less, an attempt has been made to work out :
some essentia1,traits of the nature of the distri'bution of political authority. Unlike
Northern and Eastern India, the region under discussion shows some influence of
lineage-at least in some parts of the region (See also Unit 8.3.3). Even in these
parts. the dispersal of administrative and fiscal powers along with the changes in the
bureaucratic set-up----all based on new landholdings set the tone of feudal polity. ' 'i
10.2 THE RISE OF RAJPUT DYNASTIES

The A r a b Invaded Slnd and Multan In 712-13 A.D. Within the next 25 years tJey . .
overran Marwar. M a l \ r ~and Broach and threatened other ot lndla These
raids contributed to remarkable changes in the polit~calmap of Western lndia and
2 the Deccan. Powers lihe Rashtrakutas and clans n o y known to us as Rajputs came .
to the fore in this period. These clans. not heard of in earlier times, begad to play an
important part from about the eighth century. With obscure origins the lineages like
the Paramaras and the Chahamanas, after passing through many'vicissitudes, came .
to the fore in the context of the inter-state conflicts of the major powers such as the
Gurjara Pratiharas and Rashtrakutas (See also Unit 8.2.1):
The rise of the Rajputs to political prominence appears to be accidental. but an
understanding of the early pol~t~cal debelopments shows that their appearance on the
political scene was not sudden. The emergence of these clans took plact within the .
existing hierarchical political structure. Their emergence. therefore. should be
understood as a total process.
. 10.3 ORIGIN' LEGENDS : THEIR POLITIC.AL

IMPLICATIONS
The problem of the origln of Rajput dynasties IS highly complex and controversial!
Their gotrochhara mak6s them kshatriyns of the Lunar family (Sonravamshi) while
o n the basis of old kavyas some maintain that they were of the Solar race. The
myths of Solar origin tegard them as kshatriya created in kaliyuga to wipe-out the
mlecchas (foreigners). Rajast h a n ~bards and chroniclers regard them as fire-born
(Agnikula).
According to the Agnikula myth recm'ded b j a court poet, the founder of the house
of the Paramaras or~glnatedfrom the firepit of sage Vasishtha on blount Abu. The
man who thus sprang but of the fire forcibl! wrested the wish-granting cow of sage
Vasishtha from sage Vishwamltra and restored it to the former. Sage Vasishtha gave
him the fitting name of paramara-daler of the enemy. From him sprang a race
which obtained high edteem by virtuous kings. The Paramara ~nscriptionsalso
declare the origi.1 of the Paramaras from the firepit of sage Vasishtha on the Mount
Abu. /
The Rajasthani bards went a step further and ascribed the fire origin not only io the
Paramaras but also to the Pratiharas,.the Chaulukyas of Gujarat and the
Chahamanas. Speaking of the fire origin of the Chahamanas the bardic tales said
that Agastya and other sages began a great sacrifice on the Mount Abu. Demons
rendered it inlpure by showering down filthy thlngs. Vaslshtha created from the
firepit three warl'iors Pratihara, Chaulukya, and Paramara. but none succeeded in
keeping the demons away. Vasishtha dug a new pit from where issued forth a four .
armed figure. The sages named him Chahuvana. This wgrrior defeated the demons.
This Agnlkula myth was nothing more than poetic imagination of bards. In their I
hunt for a fine pedigree for their patrons they had woven the story of'the fireorigin:
of the Paramaras. They found that it could splendidly explain the orfgin of the
Chahamanas too if th* added'some more details.
-
The problem.of the origin, when viewed in its totality instead of viewing it from the Watern md Central India
angle of any particular dynasty, would help us understand its political significance.
The practice of hew social groups claiming kshntriyn status became \yidesp;ead in the
early niedieval period. Kshntriyn status was one of the various symbols that the
emergent social groups sought for the legitimation of their newly acquired power.
The early medieval and medieval Rajput clans, representing a m.ixed caste and
constituting a fairly large section of petty chiefs holding,estates. achieved political
emingnie gradually. There was corrpsponding relationship between the achievement .
of political eminence by Pratiharas, Guhilas. Chahamanas and other clans and their
movement towards a respectable social status, viz. acquiring a kshntriya lineage. In
this context it is'important to note that these dynasties claimed descent from ancient
. kshntriyns long after their accession to power.,Let us note the example of the
Gvrjara Pratiharas, chronologically the earliest and historically the most important
of the Rajput dynasties. In an inscription of the late ninth century issued by King
Bhoja-1 the.y claim Solar descent for the dynasty and say that Lakshmana, the
brother of the epic hero Rama was the ancestor of their family. Their inscript~ons
are silent on the question of origin till the glorious days of Bhoja. This epigraphic
tradition of the Sola'r descent is connected chronologic,ally with the period during
which the (iurjara Pratiharas were the dominant political power. The tradition, thus.
represents a stage of imperial prominence with the temptatjon to establish a l i n k with
the heroic age of the epics. The tradition of the legendary kshntriya origin of powers
such as,thc Paramaras and Chahamanas too had not originated at the initial stage of
the rise gf these powers. I n short, the entry to the Rajput fold was possible through
the acquisition of political power. And the newly acquired power was to be
. legitimised by claiming linkages with the kshatriya lines of the mythical past. (See
also Unit 9.7).

I) Why did the bards create the Agnikuln myth? Answer in about five lines.
2) List the reasons for the need to study regional polity.
................................................................................
r . .
3) Which of the following statements are right ( / ) or wro& ( >c ) ?

i) Rajput clans suddenly appeared on the Indian political scene.
1 ii)' New sociai groups started claiming kshntriyn status In the early med~eval
period.
iii) Arabs invaded-Sind in s i x a century A.D. .
b iv) There is no problem regarding the origin of Rajput dynasties.
1 .10.4 DISTRIBUTION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY

In India the distribution of political power did not CoHow a unifeym pattern. A study
I of the process of emergence of the political powers in nicdicval Wcstern India kllow*
'- that the distribution of political authority could be orpaniscd by a netucirk of
lincages (kuln. vnmshn) within the framework of tk lnonarchical form al' p o l ~ v 'l'hc
.
ladlaPoYLy ~nIb R @ o d political annals of the Rajput dynasties such as the Chahamanas of Rajasthan and
widam : lJtbCcltrq the Paramaras of southern Rajasthan, Gujarat and Malwa provide examples of the
clan based distribution of political authority.
k
10.4.1 Proliferation of Rajput Clans

The bardic chronicles of Marwar state that Dharanivarab of the Paramara dynasty
of Abu made himself master of the Navkot Marwar which hl: afterwards divided
among his nine brothers: Mandovar to one brother, Ajmer to the second and so on.
Thus, apart from the Paramaras of Malwa there were at least four lines of the
Paramaras ruling in : il Abu, ii) Bhinmal. iii)Jalor, and iv)Vagada. Similarly, apart ' , -
from the Chahamanas bf Broach there was another line of the Chahamanas in
Pratabgarh region. It ww headed by a mahrsunanta of the Pratihara overlord. The
ancestor of thii'mahwmnta was a member of the famous Chahamana line of
Shkarnbhari. The Chahamanas of Shakambhari with their cradle land in the tract
extending from hwhkat to Harsa (central and eastern Rajasthan) had themselves
branched off into Chahamanas of i)Nadol, ii)Jalor. iii)Satyapura, and iv)Abu.
During about five centuries of their rule they exercised control over a vast region in
western Rajasthan and Gujarat.
The Chapas were another Rajput clan of the early medieval period. They ruled over
principalities like Bhillamala, Vadhiar in Kathiiwad, and Anahilapataka in Gujarat.
Similarly the Guhilas ruled over the regions of Udaipur and Mewar.
Apart from the subdjvisions of major clans, the emergence of various minor clam
was another important mpect of the proliferation of the Rajputs in early medieval
period: The continuing brocess of the formation of Rajput clans was through the
acquisition of political power. The new clans and subdivisions of earlier clans were
drawn into Rajput political network in a variety of ways.
10.4.2 Formation bf Lineage Power

The formation and con~oliditionof lineage power did not develop in a uniform way.
One of the indicators of the process of lineage power formation was the colonization
of new areas, as is evident in the expansion of the number of settlements. The
colonization of new areas could result from the annexation of the new territories by
means of organised military strength. The Chauhan kingdom of Nadol known as .
Saptrshata is said to have been made into Saptmahrsrikadcsha by a Chauhan chief
who killed chiefs of the boundaries of his kingdom and annexed their villages.
Territorial expansion of the Western Indian powers was accomplished, on some
areas, at the expense of tribal settlements. For example, Mandor Pratihar Kakkaka
is said to have resettled a place which was terrible because of being inhabited by the
Abhiras. Similarly, there are examples of the suppression of' tribal population like
Shabaras, Bhillas and Pulindas in Western and Central India.
Similar movements are found in the case of the CSuhilas and the Chahamanas as
well. For example, though the Guhila settlements were to be found in various parts
of Rajasthan as early as the seventh century, slightly later traditions recorded in the
inscriptions of the Nagada-Ahpr Guhilas trace their movement from.Gujarat. The
bardic tradition also suggests that the Guhila kingdoms in south Rajasthin
succeeded the earlier tribal chiefdoms of the Bhils.
The movement of the Chauhanas was from Ahichhatrapura to Jangaldesha
(Shakambhari) which, as the name indicates, was an inhospitable area. Their
movement led to its cobnization. A tenth century record says that Lakshmana, the
son of Vakpati-I of the Shakambhari Chahamana lineage started with few followers
and fought against the Medas who had been terrorising the people around Naddula
with their free-booting raids. It so pleased the brnhmana masters of the area that ,
they appointed him the guard of the towns. Gradually Lakshmana built up a small
b a d of troopers and suppressed the Medas in their. own temtory. The Medas agreed
to keep off from villages paying tribute to Lahhmana. He became a master of 2000
horses and extended his dominions at ease and built a great palace in Nadol.
Political authority of a lineage could even be brought about by simply replacing one
lineage by another as evident in the case of the Chahamanas of Jalor, a splinter line
of the Nadd Chahamaba.branch. Kirtipala, a son of Nadol Chahamana Alhana was
. dissatisfied with the shdre of land assigned to him. A man of ambition, he found that
the situation in Mewar offered an advantage for an invader. Having failed there, he
made his way into the region which was ruled by the Paramaras. He attacked Jalor,
their capital, and made it the capital of his new kingdom. Similarly Chahamana line
of Broach was brought into being when a Chahamana chief Bharatravaddha-11
founded a principality over the tract of the Gurjaras of Broach. He was helped by
Pratihara Nagabhata-1 in ousting'the Gurjaras from Broach in the chaotic situation
created by the coming of the Arabs. He then assumed the title of
mahasamantadhipati in 756 A.D.
Thus the formation of lineage power evolved through multiple channels and .
processes which were not compartmentalised and interacted with one another.
I
10.4.3 Process of Rising in Social Status

The political history of Western lndia shows that a large ethnic group of an area
could successfully compete for political power. It could also lay the fdbndations of
large state structures lasting for centuries. Starting from a local agrarian base a
lineage could in course of time, emerge as a big regional power by integrajing other
local lineages. For example, a tract of land variously called as Gujaraba,
Ghujuabhumi, Gurjjaruhba, etc. all referring possibly to the same area (territories
contiguous with southern Rajasthan) was the base from where many lineages >
emerged.
In the process of stratification that develeped within the Gurjara stock, some families
attained political dominance and became ruling lineages. From sevepth century
onwards various lineages that had branched off the Gurjara stock through the
channel of political power became widely distributed in Western lndia. Gurjara-
Pratihara power represents a classic example of the rise in the social ladder. It would
suggest that potential and dominant power strugtures could emerge from within local
agrarian bases by following a path of upward mobility in favourable political
circumstances.
10.5 CONSOLIDATION OF LINEAGE POWER

The emergence of the political powers in Western and Central lndia was associated
with certain features. At the level of economy the patterns of land distribution are
noteworthy. From about the late tenth century there are evidences for the
distribution of land among the members of Chahamana ruling lineages. King
Simharaja, his brothers Vatsasraja and Vigrharaja and his two brothers Chandaraja,
and Govindaraja had their own personal estates. In the areas held by the
Chahamanas of Nadol assignments called as grsa, grasabhumil or bhukti were held
by the King, the crown prince, other sons of the King, queens and so on. The
incidence of these assignments was higher in Rajasthan than in other parts. This
feature apparently represented a process which gradually developed and was
associated with the spread of a clan. Another pattern was the holding of units
consisting of villages which were part of administrative divisions as mandala or
I
bhukti. These units seem to have become centres of some kind of local control. The
units of 84 villages (chaurasia) which were held in Saurastra by the Gurjara
Pratiharas gradual19 spread to Rajasthan. This extension facilitated the land
distribution and political control among the ruling elites. Between the tenth and
twelfth centuries the kings and princes of Chahamana and Paramara clans held such
big holdings. The process coincided with the construction of fortresses on a large
scale in different locations. Apart from serving defence purposes the fortresses also
worked as foci of control for their rural surroundingi and hdped the process of the
consolidation of ruling families.
The marriage network among the ruling clans is another pointer t o the process of the
consolidation of clan power at the social level. Marriage network brought about
inter-clan relationship which had significant political implications because the
families were m ~ s t l ythe ruling Rajput clans. Apart from Paramara-Rashtrakuta and
Chahamana-Paramara matrimonial relations, the Guhila marriage network was
varied and widespread. Though the Guhilas extended their marriage relations with
Chaulukyas, Rqshtrakutas, Chedis and Hunas in addition to those with Rajput clans
like Chahamana and the Paramara, the. marriage network mostly constituted the
-u
--
~ i r P&Y
a 1n Its ~agioad Rajput clan categary. The choice obviously was political as the families cited above
:#b To lab Cmconstituted the r u l i n ~elite of the early medieval Western India. Inter-clan marriage
- ~lationshipswere expected to lead to collaboration in wider activities of socio-
political nature since Chey facilitated the presence of clan members in different.--
kingdom and courts.
1
Check Your Progross ;1
1) Write in about five lines about the settlement of new areas as an indicator of the
pr6cess of lineage power formation in Western India.
2) Cite examples of the assignment of land among royal klnsmen in Rajasthan in

the post-tenth centpry,
&
3) Which of the follo\king statements are right ( V )orw;ong ( x ) ?

i) The newly acqlpired power was sought to be legitimised by claiming
respectable social status.
ii) The marriage network among the ruling clans had nothing to do with wider
activities of socio-political nature.
I
iii) Interclan marriages had significant political implications.
iv) The acquisitioniof political power had no role in the formation of Rajput
clans.
I
..
10.6 NATURE AND STRUCTURE OF POLITY
The political geography of early medieval Western India and the evidence of the
formation of political aqthority in disparate zones by ever proliferating lineages in
Gujarat, Rajasthan and Malwa show that there was not always a necessary
corresponding rilation between a ruling lineige and a fixed territory. The movement
of lineages outside their early centres of power led to the establishment of new ruling
families. Guhilas of Meqar may be cited as one among such lineages.
10.6.1 Political Instability I/
Mobilization of militarystrength could not only displace a ruling lineage but also
create new locus and neliwork of power. The case of the Vagada branch of the main
1
line of the Paramaras pmvides an example for this. The Vagada branch was in
existence from as early as the first decade of the ninth century. Following the' death
of Upendra Paramara, Mis son was ruling in ~ a n s w a r aarrd Dungarpur area as a
feudatory of the house of Malwa. This Vagada branch continued to be a loyal 1
feudatary line for centuries till Chamundaraja; one of Its rulers defied the Paramartis
of Malwa and became independent in the second half of the eleventh century. T h e
Vagada was lost to the of Malwa id the beginning of the twelfth century.
After the successor of nothing is heard of the Vagada branch.-Three
d e e d e s later we find on$ Maharaja Shurapala ruling over the region of the erstwhile
Vagada branch, This shaws that by 1.155 the Paramara were dethroned by the .
members of a family whyd as their geneology shows, were not connected with the
Paramgra dynasty cf Va$ada, Within next 25 years this line was also uprooiedrnd a
Guhila King was rueng- g v $ ~ y ~ & - B yt39:
-t in turn appears to have been
disposyssed of @'newly' establish J-l(bdo_mma ~ I e who r styled himself
'mahshajqlhiraja.
Chalukya overlord.
seems t o have establlshbd h ~ n n e lthere
f with the help o f his
10.6.2 Bureaucratic Structure

I t i s hardly likkly that t h early
~ medieval powers such as the Chaulukyas, Paramaras
and hah ham an as could i i v e stable government to the colintry without a powerful
bureaucracy i n the structure o f thcir polities..-~ecome across the namcs of a number,
o f officer: who evidently assisted.in the transaction of' the.,al'fairs of the state.'
. -
Lekhapaddhati furnishes the {lames 01' karanas (departments) of the government. It'is
supposed to be applicable to the ChauLukyi~gtivern-mcnt as the largest number o f its
, documents are datable to the Chaulukya poriod i n t t ~ c history of (iujarat. A few
karanas rncnticjncd i n thc work also figure in the C'haulukya records. S r i - K a r a ~ a
(Chief secretariat). for instance, i\ a familiar term in their inscriptions. Also known
from ,their records are Vyaya Karana or the ilccounts department, Vyapara-Karana
or the department in chargc of general supervision of tradc and the collection of
import and export duties and mrrndrrpika-karna or the secretariat in charge of the
collectio~~ o f taxes. Such karanas wCrc headed by ministers known by the term
mahan~atyas.Little except the namcs of. these ministers arc.,available in the rcco'rds
and t l ~ actual
r nature and functions .of bureaucracy are difficult to determine. Besides
the mahamatyas, there were other officers called mahamantrins, mantrins and
sachivns. 'l'he information about thcir status i s also very meagre as they are only
casually mentioned i n only a fkw inscriptions. Of' the more frequ6.ntly mentioned
off'iters in early medieval Wcstern India was mahasandhivigrahiits who was a
fa
minister o f peace and war and whose duties also included that of . conveyor ,
of a
grant. A mahamatya mahasandhivigrahika of the Chaulukyas was also in charge of
the Sri-Karana and the Mudra (the department that issued passports and col.lected
import duties). Another oll'iter mentioned was mahakshapatalika or the head o f
accounts or record office. He kept a full. account of the incomi of the statc and also
o f the expenditure. He also registered land grants under the Paramari
administration.
Mahamantrin or mahapradhana, literally meaning a chief minister. was an official o f
great iniportance. He held charge ol t he royai seal and exercised general supervision .
(over all departoicnts. Dandanaynkr or senapati was also an important official. who
was primarily a niilitary ol'f~cer. I h r Chahamana records show that the cavalary
commanders and baladhipas or officers in charge o f the military stationed in
outposts and towns were placed under him. The whole administration was controlled
by a department. the Baladhikarana, stationed at the capital.
l'he so called ccntral officialdoin also ~ncluded.among others. the dutaka who
conveyed the rulers sanction o f a grant to local officiats who then had the charter
drawn up and delivered. Mahapratihara (the l.ord chamberlain) and bhandagarika
(in charge o f p b i s i o n s ) also figure as governmental officers.
10.6.3 Lineage State and Feudal Polity

From the Gupta period onwards there was a marked interrelatedness o f polities.
which was the result o f the horilpntal spread o f statc society. The differentiated
polities, including clan based ruling lineages, had certain vital components that cut
across all major political structures o f the early medieval period. The region o f
Western and Ceritral lndra was no exception.
. ,
T o begin with, let us be familiar wlth the material base o f lineage based state. (See
also Unit 9.4.4). I t was not just consolidation o f the lineage power i n terms o f
political power. Much more than that was the factor o f landholding. One gets the
impression o f some sort o f land grabbing o n the part o f the members o f ruling
famil~es.The exercise o f Important gokernmental functions was gradually being
linked up with landholding. Thhs. under the rule o f the Gurjara Pratiharas we
find references to estates held by chiefs o f the ~hahamana.Guhila and Chalukya
clans. Mathanadeva, another chief of the Gurjara Pratihara lineage also claimed t o
have obtained his allotment as-svabhogavapta (own share). The Nadol plates o f
Rajaputra Kirtipala dated i n 116.1.refer to a group of twelve villages which a junior
prince had received from the reigning prince. The Kalvan plates o f Yashovarman (of
the time of the Paramara King Rhojadeva) mentions a chief who had acquired a
royal charter o f 84 villages, obviously from his overlord (See also Unit 11.4.2).
1ndl.n ~ o m yI. 1b R-~I Unlike the Chahamana and Gurjara Pratiharas, there seems to be somewhat lesser
V**iom : 8th To 13th C c n t ~ frequency of land grants based on clan consideration amongst the Paramaras. But
the Paramara records refer to more groups of villages than is the'case with the
Chahamana records. Groups of villages in units of twelve or its multiples (12, 24, 36
etc.) and even in units pf sixteen or its multiples have been mentioned in at least
scvcn cases. A Paramara inscription of 1017 refers to a stray example of district
,comprising 52 villages, which does not fit in either in the pattern of the multiples of ,
twelve or in that of sixteen. But, it cannot be ascertained fully, whether the clan.
system of administration covered the major part of the Paramara kingdom.
Irrespective of the incidence or frequency of clan influences, the more substantive
component of the so-called lineage state is the nature of landholding. As already
indicated (see Unit 8.3.3). so far the lineage state or integrative polity has not offered
any alternative materialbbase of political structurels. No wonder, therefore, even in
these states of Western and Central India the phenomenon of different foci or kvels
of power cuts across all1 major political structures which reiterates the validity of the
hypothesis of feudal polity.
What is broadly labelled as samanta system was not, however, a uniform category. It
included a wide range of status all of wbch corresponded to the landed aristocracy .
of the period.
The Kingdoms of all the major powers of Western and Central India included the
territories which were under the controi of the feudatories who were known under
the generic title 01' man&lika, but sometimes styled themselves as mahuajadhirrl(*,
mahamandalesvara, mPllamandalikas, mahasamantas and samantm. The most
important of the feudatory princes of the Chaulukyas were the Paramaras of Abu
and the hah ham an as of Jalor; others of minor importance being the Mer King
Jagamalla and Paramara Somesvara. Similarly, a considerable portion of the
Chahamana state, especially in Nadol and Jalor, was held by landed intermediaries
variously known as thakkuras, ranakas, and bhoktas, on the condition that they
supplied certain quotas of soldiers when required by the overlord.
The categories of feudatory chiefs under the Paramaras consisted of those officers
and princes :
i) who were rewarded by the King with land in consideration of their valuable
services;
ii) who had built up their own principalities during the period of aggrandisement
and acknowledged the supremacy/ of the premier line. (To this categoby belonged
the Pararnaras of Vagada, and the Paramaras of Kiradu),
iii) who had carved out their principalities by the force of their own arms in
defiance of the central authority during the difficult days of the Paramaras. (In
this category came the Paramara Mahakumaras who used subordinate titles but
were for all practical purposes independent), and
iv) who were defeated ahd forced to accept the suzerainty of the Paramaras and
were given the status of a vassal.
Rig feudatory chiefs such as the Paramaras of Arnbudamandala and the Paramara
Mahakumaras enjoyed large amount of internal autonomy. They could create their
own sub-feudatories and appoint their own officers. I t was possible for feudatory
chiefs also to distribute their lands among their dependents. The thrkkarrs served
the feudatory chiefs in almost all the feudatory states under the Paramaras. The
feudatories could also assign taxes, alienate villages and exempt certain people from ,
taxation. This practice of'granting land and its associated fiscal and adm~nistrative
rights is called sub-infeudhtion. There is surprisingly sufficient evidence for this,
particularly under the Pratiharas. It was practiced both in the areas of direct
Pratihara control as well as those under their vassals. Examples of sub-infeudation
caused by service grants ih Gpjarat under Chaulukyas are also known. A subordinate
functionary, probably a bania under Bhimadeva-11. constructed an irrigation-well
and a watering trough attbched to it, and for their upkeep he granted certain plots of
land to a man of Pragvatl clan. probably a merchant. The evidence for the I
prevalence of sub-infeudation in the Paramara kingdom does not seem to be clear.
Thus, in course of time the samanta system encompassed a proliferating range of
designations and assumed the characteristics of a hierarchical political formation
repraented'by the ranks such as ranaka, rauta, thakkura, samanta, mahasamanta,
etc.
?he incidence of grants to state officials vary from one region to another. To
I illustrate, while we hear about half a dozen Paramara official ranks. only a few of
them are known to have received land grants - none at least in.the eleventh
' century. But very large terrritories were granted to vassals and high officers under
; the Chaulukyas of Gujarat. Chaulukya copperplates of 12th-13th centuries and their
' comparison with the data of the Lekhapaddhati help us in stressing that vassals and
high officers gradually merged into one another. In the I I th to 12th centuries key
' off~cialswere also being paid through regular and exclusive taxes. Thus, the
pattakilm and dushtasadhym of the Kalacuri kingdom and baladhipas of the
Chahamanas received such sustenance. Indeed some Chandella inscriptions of the
late twelfth and early thirteenth century specifically enjoin the feudatories, royal
officials, forest officials. constables, etc. to give up-their perquisites in the villages
transferred as gifts. There are also references to resumption of such rights.
The feudatories owed fiscal and military obligations to the overlord. Generally the
authority of the feudatories was derivative, dependent on the fulfilment of certain
conditions of which supplying the overlord with certain quotas of soldiers in time of
need was one. The paramar& of Vagada fought in the cause of the imperial
Paramaras of Malwa for more than once. The Paramaras of Abu, Kiradu and Jalor
being the feudatory chiefs of the Chaulukyas of Gujarat, laid down their lives in the
cause of their masters many a times. However, the feudatory chiefs were eager to
free themselves whenever there was an opportunity. In this case the relation between
the suzerain and vassal rested absolutely on, the force one could use. For example.
the Guhilas of Mewar accepted the Paramara overlordship when they were defeated
6y Vakapati-11 but tried to re-establish their lost position during the period of
confusion which followed the death of Bhoja-I. Similarly, Chahamana Katudeva
tried to assert his independence during the last years of his overlord Chaulukya
Siddharaja so that Chaulukya Kumara'pala deprived him of his principality a n d
brought Naddula under direct administration pjacing a dandanayaka in charge of the
area. Kumarapalaalso removed from Abu its febellious prince Vikramasimha and
installed the latter's nephew Yasodhavala, on the throne. Yasodhavala's son and
successor Dharavarsha rendered distinguished~serviceto three genergtions of
Chaulukys overlords. But even he turned agajnst Bhima-11 and was either won over
or forced to submission to the Chaulukya ovtrlordship.
The most important duty of a feudatory prince was to help his suzerain against the
enemy. Sometimes the feudatories conquered new territories for the suzerain or
brought another prince under the later's vassalage. An inscription seems to imply
that at tbe accession of a new King the feudatories swore loyalty to their new
overlord who confirmed them in their possession. Feudatories are also said to have
paid tribute to their overlord both in cash and kind. However, there was no hard
and fast rule regarding the obligations of the feudatory chiefs of different categories.
The general relations between the overlord and the feudatory depended upon the
circumstances and relative strength of the feudatory vis-a-vis his suzerain. The
feudatories under Chaulukyas of Gujarat such as the Paramaras of Abu or the
Chahamanas of Nadol ruled over, quite extensive territories and had their own
systems of administration.
Instability of the political conditions was partly the result of the samanta-feudatory
system. Often the strength of the feudatory bonds depended upon the personality of
the overlord. Overlbrds who went on expeditions t o distant lands had to entrust
some of their capable generals with the administration of certain territories as
feudatory chiefs. The personal relations between the King and the subordinate, which
might have been strong enough to keep the territories together for a generation or
two, faded out in the course of time and the feudatory chiefs tended to assert their
independence. Often samanfas had no permanent bonds and were prepared to
transfer their allegiance to a powerful invader in return for greater privileges.
r-
Indm Potkf In Ib R w Ch k Your Progress 3
Vulatlom :8th To 13th Century pe
I). In column A some terms from Lekhapaddhati are given and in B the
I
. degiagnnts with which they were connected. Match A and B. .
-
A? B
-i) Yyayohrana a) Chief Secretariat
ii) Vyapara-kardna b) Accounts Department
iii) Shri-karma C) Dept. in charge of supervision of trade
iv) Mmdapka-khrana d) Dept. in charge of collection of taxes
2) Discuss in about 10 l i n e the powers and functions of the feudatory thiefs.
. . . . . . . .
, ...........................................................................................
.I . .
or wrong ( x )?
3) Which of the followjng statements are right ( v )
i) Samanta system was not a uniform category and included a wide range of
status.
i
ii) Centralization is an essential characteristic of the state structure.
iii) Feudatories were permanently bonded to their overlords and could no@
transfer their allggiance to others.
-
10.7 LET US SUM UP
From about the beginnink of the eighth century there emerged a political set up in ,
Western lndia and Central lndia in which new' social groups acquired political power
by various means such as settlement of new areas. The pattern of the emergence of
the Rajputs, which was partly clan based organization of political authority, show$
some deviations from developments outside Western lndia. However, the mobility of
new powers towards kshatriya status for legitimation was not specific to Western
lndia as a similar process was in operation el~ewhere~in early medieval India. After
seeking legitimacy for theit new kshatriya role the ruling clans of Western and
Central lndia formulated detailed geneologies in the period of their transition from
feudatory to independent itatus. They consolidated their political position by means
of specific patterns of land1 distribution and territorial system. ode other prominent
features of the polity in the region are :
1 *
organisation of bureaucracy which could'connect different modes in their political
structures marked by different foci or levels of power,
dominance of overlord-wbordinate relations,
C
landholding as an imporcant component of the somanta status,

integration of local polities into larger state polities,
certain amount of land based ranking associated with politico-administrative roles ,
and services, and
wielding of vast-administrative and financial powers by vassals and offlcen to the,
extent of sub-infeudation,
\
10.8 KEY WORDS
Baladhipa : Military officer put in charge of customs house.

Chaurasia : '~oldersof grant of 84 villages.
I
Duahtmadhyas k Police officials in charge of criminal administration.
Cotrocchua. : Announcing of gotra.
Legitimation : Seeking lawful acceptance or justification.
" Lineage : A line of descent, kula or vamsha.
Mleccha : Name applied to the Arabs, Turks and other foreigners.
\
pa&imony : Lands or villages granted to dependents for maintenance jagirs.
1 1
EXERCISES
Check Your Prowess 1
I) The Apikula myth was created by the bards to find a fine pedigree for their
patrons and splendidly explain their origin. See Sec. 10.3.
2) See Sec. 10.1.
3) i) x ii) iii) x iv) x
Check Your Progess 2
1) The colonization and annexation of new areaslterritories led to the spread of
clans etc. See Sub-sec. 10.4.2. I
2) See Sec. 10.5.
3) i) ii) x iii) 4 iv) )(
Check Your Progess 3

I ) i) b ii) c iii) a iv) d
.
2) Your answer should be based on the powers and functions mentioned in
. ,Sub-sec. 10.6..3.
3) i) i) iii) x
UNIT 11 THE DECCAN
Structure
I I .O Objectives /
I I. I Introduction
1 1.2 Identification of the Region
11.3 Formation of Political Authority : The Historical Background
1 1.4 Emergence and Expansion of Ruling Families
1 1.4.1 The Lineage and its Territory
1 1.4.2 The Patterns of the Emergence of Ruling L~neages
1 1.4.3 Fabrication of Genealogies 1
1 1.5 The Power Brgkers .

1 1.6 Inter-Lineage Networks
11.7 Land and Integration of Dispersed Foci and Levels of Power
1 1.8 The Bureaucratic Structure
1 1.9 Resource Base of the State
11.10 Political Instability in the Deccan Polity
11.11 Let Us Sum Up
11.12 Key Words
11.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we will know about the nature, organisation and distribution of power
in one select region-the Deccan. After studying this Unit you will be able to :
understand the geographical spread of the Deccan,
list the major and minor powers that.exercised their authority over different
territories of the DBccan between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries,
grasp the political processes of the formation of local powers and their integration
into the power structure beyond local bounds,,
grasp the totality of the differential distribution of power, And
understand the nature of early medieval polity in the Deccan.
11.1 INTRODUCTION
Keepi,ng in view the general trend of political developments, specially the nature of
polity in Western and Central lndia (Unit lo), the present Unit should be seen as a
complementary component. Beginning with the historical genesis of state society in
the times of the Mauryas, the Unit demardtes important strands in the political
structure in the Deccan during the early medieval centuries. It attempts to show the .
operation of such factors as lineage and land rights in the rise of states. Also, the
social and economic bases of political power are identified. Finally, it also highlights
the nature of the integration of plethora of power levels.
11.2 IDENTIFICATION OF THE REGION '
The name Deccan apparently derives from the Sanskrit term 'Dakshina' meaning the
South. As to the exact limits of the region called the Deccan, the historical e v i d c n q
give divergent pieces of information. Sometimes its correspondence is established
withJhe whole ,of peninqalar lndia and sometimes it is restricted to a part thereof. 111
its narrowest delimitatioh the Deccan is identified with Marathi speaking area and
lands immediately adjoining it. But the term Deccan may be extended so as t o cover
the whole of lndia sauth of the Narmada. Generally, it is understood as designating
a more limited territory in which Malabar and the Tamil regions of the extreme
south are not included. Southern India as distinguished from the plateau of the The Deam
Deccan (from which it is separated by the Krishna-Tungabiiadra rivers) has a
I
i
character of its own.
t
Thus limited, the term Deccan signifies the whole region occupied by the Telugu
speaking populations as well as Maharashtra with certain parts of northern
Karnataka (Kannada speaking).
11.3 FORMATION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY :THE

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The Deccan was among those nuclear regions which were covered by the state
society by as early as the Mauryan period (third century B.C.). The territorial
expansion of the Mauryas had resulted in a horizontal extension of authority. The
Mauryan control in the Deccan which was supervisory in nature was exercised
through the viceroys and a section of the bureaucracy stationed in provincial
headquarters. The establishment of provincial.headquarters and the association of
the local chieftains in a subordinate position ww the emergence of a ruling elite after
the retreat of the Mauryan authority from the Deccan. These local elite groups
consolidated themselves, ascended to power and established ruling houses after the
disintegration of the Mauryan power. The process was particularly marked during .
the Satavahanas. They evolved a system of government in which vice-royal functions
were assigned to the local chieftains conquered by them and assimilated into their
power structure. The Satavahana administrative units which were placed under the
supervision of the functionaries drawn from the clans of local chiefs emerged later as
seats of political authority during the post-Satavahana period.
The total political mechanism came to be built up on a kinship base. It was
characterised by a system of alliances controlling subordinate semi-tribal fam-ilies
dominant-in different local bases. A permdent ruling class came to be established
when the titles became hereditary with further intensification of the process of
assimilation and consolidation of the ruling elite. Incidentally, the Satavahanas have
left for us the earliest inscriptional evidence of land grants in India. This
phenomenon, as already seen (Units 1.7 and 8.3.1) was to affect not only social and
economic processes but also the political structure. In course of time, these
developments culminated in the real crystallization of state in the Deccan.
Cheek Your Progcss 1

I) Read the following statements and mark right ( d ) or wrong ( X ).
i) The Decean is to be identified with Marathi speaking area only.
ii) The understanding of the real nature of political structure is possible only
through totality of socio-economic groups and their resource mobilisation.
iii) The Deccan was outside the pale of state societies till as late as the eighth
century.
iv) The administrative units placed by the Satavahanas, under the supervision of
the subordinate officers belonging to local elite families emerged later as
seats of political power.
2) Define three linguistic areas that constitute the Deccan.
3) Write ten lines on the emergence of the ruling elite in the Deccan in the post-
Maurya period.
11.4 EMERG&NCE AND EXPANSION OF RULING

FAMILIRS
The crystallization of the state had taken place. over a major portion of the Deccan
much before the eighth century. However, it does not mean that there were no shifts
in the centres of power and changes in the pattern of the emergence of ruling
lineages. The emergenae of new ruling lineages was a cont'inuous process.
AS elsewhere in India the inscriptions of the Deccan from the seventh century start
producing elaborate genealogies of the ruling lineages. The inscriptiohs issued
between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries speak of the emergence of several
major and minor ruling powers such as the Rashtrakutas, Chalukyas, Silaharas,
Kakatiyas, Sevunas (YBdavas), Hoysalas, etc.
he. period in the Deccan was characterised not only by the emergence of the new
ruling lineages but also the branching off of the existing ones. Thus, apart from the
main Chalukyan house ruling from badami, there were collateral Chalukya lines
ruling in various places such as Lata, Vengi as also a line bearing the Chalukya .
name in vemulavada. lhdividual members claiming to belong to the Chalukya kula
or vamsha in different localities in Karnataka are also known. Similarly, apart from
the main Sevuna lineap ruling from Devagiri, we hear of a minor Sevuna family
ruling over a territorial divisiop called Masavadi. We al$o hear of differegt branches
d i n g in different localities bearing the name of a particular line, a s for example, the
Haihayas of Morata and Aralu, the Kadambas of Karadikal, Nurumbada, Goa,
Hanagal, Banavase and Bandalike. The Gangas and the Nolambas had thrown off
many junior branches. The branches of a ruling line continued to be operative for
centuries even after the main line disappeared from the arena. As an example can be
cited the Vengi line of the Chalukyas, which was brought into being by Pulakesin-I1
of the Badami Chalukyas. The minor branches of the Gangas, the Kadambas and
others also outlived the main lines of their respective families.
11.4.1 The Lineage and its Territory

The status, power and territorial extent of the lineages w-re not uniform. Somei~mes
the relationship between the lineage and its territory was expressed in the form of the
name of the area in which the lineage was dominant as for example the Gangavadi,
Nolambavadi etc. The ducleus of the power of a lineage could be a small territory.
The Sevunas of Masavddi 140, and the Haihayas of Aralu 300 were powerful over
the areas comprising the number of villages indicated in the suflixes to their names.,
-t
'
The changing distribution patterns of ruling lineages did not necessarily correspond The haul
to static territorial units. For example, the Kalachuris who appear in the sixth
century A.D. as the rulers of a vast area comprising Malwa, Gujarat, Konkan,
Maharashtra and Vidarbha also estqblished several nuclei of power as in Tripuri
(near Jabalpur) and Ratanpur in the upper Narmada basin. One of their branches
ventured into a remote area of Eastern India which came to be known as Sarayupar.
A segment of the Kalachuri line migrated to Karnataka. Kalachuris of Karnataka
claim to be the descendants of the Kalachuris of central India.
11.4.2 The Patterns of the Emergence of Ruling Lineages

The formation and mobilization of lineage power developed along a variety of ways.
A lineage power could be brought into being by simply replacing another. The Vengi
line of the Chalukyas was brought into existence by eliminating the erstwhile
powerholders of the Telugu speaking country when Pulakesin-11 of the Badami
'!
Chalukya line conquered it. Second, it could involve settlement of new areas by an
immigrant line and change of the economic pattern of the region. For example,
Kalanjara having been conquered by the Pratiharas and subsequently by the
Rashtrahtas, some members of the Kalachuri line living there migrated southward
to seek new pastures. A segment of it'migrated towards the forested tract of Kuntala
and settled at Mangaliveda now in the Sholapur district of Maharashtra.
Generally the emergence of a ruling lineage as a potentially dominant political force

was from a local. often agrarian, base. The interpretation that the term Chaluki
resembles the name of an agricultural implement would make one think that the
Chalukyas were originally tillers of the soil who took to arms and founded a
kingdom subsequently. However. the emergence of the Hoysalas who were the hill
chiefs of the forests was characterised not by their association with an agrarian base
but by their ability to command other hill forces and to use the political situation in
the plains t o their advantage. .
Again, although it is generally true that the large state structures of lndia of the
early medieval period thrived in potentially rich resource bases or nuclear regions in
Ganges basin, Kaveri basin and Krishna-Godavari doab, the resource potential was
sought to be expanded. In this context it is notable that Orugallu (Warangal), away
from the Krishna-Godavari doab, remained a base on which the large state structure
of the Kakatiyas was built. Before the time of the Kakatiyas the tanks were small,
the irrigation facilities inadequate and the area of cultivation limited in extent. The
Kakatiya kings like Beta-11, Rudra, Ganapathi, Prataprudra got several tanks built
in different parts of their kingdom. Prataprudra tried to increase the extent of
cultivable land by cutting down forests and bringing large tracts under cultivation.
e.g. in the Rayalaseema area. A similar movement of the expansion of arable lands
also characterised the early phase of the emergence of the Hoysalas in the Southern
Katnataka.
11.4.3 Fabrication of Genealogies

i Many of the ruling families, which headed large power structures in the Deccan like
the Chalukyas of Kalyan, the Sevunas of Devagiri and the Kakatiyas of Warangal.
i
began their political career as humble feudatories under the Rashtrakuta sovereignty.
Rashtrakutas themselves were ruling in the feudatory capacity in central lndia prior
to the rise of Dantidurga in the first half of the eighth century. The exploits of
Rashtrakuta Dantidurga and his successors who grew into a regional power from a
small patrimony somewhere in Berar can be cited as instances as to how a small
family could not only make a bid for political authority .but also establish the
qundations of large state structures.
Indian Polity In Its Regional
Variations :8th T o 13th Century
1. WESTERN GATE 10. RUINS OF SVAYAMBHU

2. OUTER MOAT SIVA TEMPLE AND FOUR
3. MUD FORT TORNA GATES
I I. VISHNU TEMPLE '
4. NORTHERN GATE
12. VENKATESWARA TEMPLE
- - - ~
'
5. EASTERN GATE
13. NELA SHAMBUNIGUDI
6. SOUTHERN GATE
- .-- --
.. TANK
I- 4
7. INNER MOAT & BASTIONS
15. OMTI-KONDA (EKASILA)
8. INNER FORT (KANCHO-KOTA)
9. SHAMBUNIGUDI
Orugallu Fort
A notable feature of the process of the emergence of ruling lineages in early medieval
Deccan is their attempt to align their local roots with a mythical tradition or trace
their descent from mythical-heroic lineages. The Rashtrakutas and the Sevunas
profess to be descended from Yadu, a puranic hero. The Hoysalas claimed descent
from the lunar race through that eponymous hero Yadu and said they were the
Yadavas and Lords of the excellent city of Dvaravati, the legendary capital of the
Yadava Prince Krishna. Similarly, while the spiritual guru of the Kakatiya king
Ganapatideva provided them with the Suryavamsi Kshatriya identity, an inscription
of the king himself traces the geneology from a mythical and legendary account of
Manu, Ikshvaku, Bhagiratha, Raghu, Dasharatha and Rama.
Such claims are often dismissed on the ground that they were later inventions. It is
true that such claims, freely drawing their inspiration from mythology and puranic
legends, lack historical accuracy as they refer to times for which no records exist.
But from the point of view of political processes the attempts to claim descent in
solar or lunar lines assume impyrtance because these claims sought to conceal rather
than reveal the original ancestry. Hoysalas for instance were the hill chiefs who
gradually established their command over the rest of the hill chiefs, migrated to the
plains and established a nucleus of power. The Kakatiyas were the shudrm. Their
political power and "low origin" had to be reconciled by assuming a higher status for
themselves. In other words the achievement of political dominance was Sought to be
correlated with a torresponding social status. The Chalukyas of Kalyan, for example,
sought this status by claiming that their progenitor was born out of a handful
(Chuluka) of water taken by the Sage Bharadvaja i. e. Drona, or the water of Ganga
poured out from the cavity of his hands by Ashvatthama, the son of Dron'a. The
ex
Kshatriya status was a symbol of legitimation. The new and upcoming non- kshatriya The I)cccan
groups sought to validate their political power through this. H e n ~ ethe Yadu vamsha
came in very handy and most lineages traced their descent from Yadu.
11.5 THE POWER BROKERS l
The process of legitimation of royal power cannot be viewed simply in terms of a

newly emerged local polity seeking validation through connections with a respectable
ancestry. The validation of power was sought not only in areas where a transition to
state society was taking place but also in established states of the Deccan. It means
that the need for validation was constant. . ,
Theoretically the temporal power was required to guarantee protection. According to a
phrase (Dushta nigaha-Shishta pratipalana) which occurs constantly in the inscriptions
of the Hoysalas in southern Deccan, a King'sduty was two-fold: to restrain the evil and to
protect the good. The phrase summarises d l the commands addressed to the king by the
dharmashastraf. However, the protection did not simply mean physical protection of
subjects. It also meant the protection of the social order. In fact, the danda or force was
intended by the priestly class not so much as a political expedient; it was intended more
for the preservation of the social order.
However, the state society was to cut across the barrier of disparate dharmas or
Oorms if it were to spread horizontally. The territorial spread of the bmhmanas,
heads of religious sects, institutions such as temples and the mathas which
represented some kind of a central focus to disparate norms was therefore supported
by the early medieval states. There is an obvious emphasis on the mutuality of
interests of the ruling chiefs and the menlinstitutions of religion. In fact, the latter
were not only at the receiving end but also contributed to the sanctioning of the
authority of rulers. Formation of the ruling elite is quite evident. That accounts for
the territorial mobility of the religious beneficiaries and massive support in the form
of munificent gifts of gold and land made by the royalty and the nobility to them.
There are many examples of the brahmanas of one province moving freely to settle
in another. While the immigrant brahmanas who received grants from the
Rashtrakuta kings included those from Vengi (Andhra). Pataliputra (Bihar),'
Pundrawardhana (in Bengal) and Kavi (Gujarat), those in the Sevuna kingdom
included brahmanas from central India and Uttar Pradesh. The kings identifying
themselves with a particular religious sect or cult, calling themselves as the parama-
maheshvaras, or p~uamabhagavatas,and even attributing their political rise to the
grace of the divinities was not unknown in the Deccan. For example Ta~la-ll,the
overthrower of the Rashtrakutas believed that it was the favour of Jagadguru lshvara
Ghalisasa, the head of a brahmadeya village, that had secured him the throne.
Madhavavarman, the founder of the Kakatiya family, is said to have acquired an
army comprising thousands of elephants and lakhs of horses and foot soldiers by the
grace of the goddess'Padmaksh~. The benefactions of some kings of .the Deccan, for
example Kakatiya Prola-I and Beta-11 seem to have been confined to the followers of
the Shaiva doctrine. There were also a few persecutions here and there.
11.6 INTER-LINEAGE NETWORK

An essential feature of the early medieval polity in the Deccan was a marked inter-
relatedness of the polities. No political unit or entity operated in isolation. Military
activities of the mighty rivals for the hegemony over the fertile-strategic lands would
render neutral existence of the small powers impossible.
While owning real or nominal allegiance to the overlord power, the smaller polities
would conserve and consolidate their strength and resources.
In a polity of this nature, the more powerful among the subordinate powers such as
the mahamandaleshvaras were always to be feared. Their tendency to form alliances
against the overlord or to grow at the cost of the other subordinates of the overlord
needed to be checked. It is well-known how the Chalukyas of Kalyan, who were the
feudatories of the Rashtrakutas, entertained political ambitions and declared
Indian Polity I n Redona1 independence realising the weakness of the Rashtrakuta power structure during tne
Vulatiom :8th To 13th Cmtur~ period of the successors of Krishna-111. In the mid-twelfth century the Sevunas, the
Hoysalas and the Kakatiyas utilised the Chalukya-Kalachuri struggle for their own
good and asserted their independence.
Despite these possibilities the intet-lineage relations could not be disregarded as they
proved extremely helpful in situntions of the military exploits requiring mobilization .
of greater force. As examples can be cited the Hoysalas of Southern Karnataka
rushing to the aid of their ovsrlord Chalukya Someshvara-11. Similarly, the Gangas
helped their Rashtrakuta ovzrlords in capturing the fortified town Chakrakuta in
Bastar in central India.

I ) List the names of any five ruling families which emerged in the Deccan between
tht: eighth and thirteenth centuries.
iii) ....................................................................................
2) Read the following and choose the right answer. Mark ( \/ ) in the columns.
i) The patterns of the emergence of the ruling lineages in the early medieval
Deccan shows that:
A a) only the Kshatriyas could wield political power
b) any clan or a larger ethnic group could make a bid for political power.
ii) The state encouragd the territorial spread of the brahmanas and religious
institutions because:
a ) it was deemed lo be an act of merit.
b) they posed a threat to the social order.
C) they represented some kind of uniform norms.
d ) the state society had t o cut through the barrier of disparate social norms
if ~t were to spread horizontally.
LAND A N D INTEGRATION OF DISPERSED FOCI

11.7
- A N D LEVELS OF POWER
An important p0in.t that needs to be noted with reference t o the structure polities is
the phenomenon of the dispersed distribution of power which was not specific t o the
Deccan alone but was present in all major political structures of the early medieval
period. '
These diverse or diffused foci and levels of power in the Deccan were represented by
what is called the Samanta-feudatory system. Two types of feudatory powers were
noticeable in the Deccan:
I) Those petty lineages which were integrated by a n expanding polity into its' power
structure by either reducing them t o submission by military manoeuvres or by
peaceful means.
2) Those which came to be created by the political powers by means of the grant of
landed estates as a reward for their help in some military exploit. However, these
latter were originally app@inted only as governors of an area with feudatory
privileges s6ch as the panchamahashabdas (See also Unit 9.6). But the principle of
hereditary transmissions df office tendW t; convert them in course of time into
full fledged feudatories. Most of the feudatory powers of the larger polities were
such pre-existing lineages /ncorporated into their power structures. For example,
when the Rashtrakutas started expanding their power, they had to deal with the
representatives of the famous ruling lineages of the Deccan. Among their The Deccan
feudatories were the Chalukyas of Vengi, Chalukyas of Vemulavada and many
individual petty chiefs. The feudatories of the Hoysalas. Sevunas and Kakatiyas
bore the names of the erstwhile lineages like the Nolambas. Gangas, Chalukyas,
Kadambas, Abhiras, Haihayas and so on. .
Inter-marriages into the families of the suzerain and subordinate served as the social
bases while the recognition of the enjoyment of the landed estates by the local
powers served as the economic bases of the interlinked political process.
In strict political terms the use of force was not unknown especially when the local
powers stood in the way of the expansion of a lineage's power. The territories of the
Nishad Boyas, a race of hardy warriors who inhabited the region around Nellore
were sought to be integrated by means of involving their chief men into the
bureaucratic structure. But when the Boyas continued to offer resistance to the
advance of the Chalukya arms in the south, the King dispatched an army under
1
Pandaranga with instructions to demolish the strong-holds of the Boyas and to
(subjugatetheir country. Similarly, Kakatiya Rudra reduced to submission the Kota
chiefs.
Another important political mechanism of the integration of diffused foci of power
was the system of ranking i.e. the conferring of titles and ranks associated with roles
and service's. Kakatiya Ganapatideva conferred upon Recherla Rudra, a Reddy by
caste, the rank of mnndnlikn along with royal insignia like throne, a pair of chauris,
etc., in recognition of the help that Rudra rendered to him in a situation of crisis. .
Ranks in the families of chiefs varied from one generation to the next. The Kayastha
chiefs under the Kakatiyas who were a class of warriors and whose rank was sahini
(men in charge of cavalry) were elevated to the position of mahnmandaleshvnras by
the king Ganapatideva. These chiefs from the time of Gangaya sahini onwards
became the governors 6f a large region extending from Panugallu in Nalagonda to
Valluru in ,Cudappah district. This elevation in their position was in recognition of
the participation of Gangaya sahini in several battles on behalf of Ganapatideva.
Thus in a situation in which the basis of territorial political control was not static,
the ranks which had a correlation with such structure could not remain static either.
Integration of dispersed foci of power was not confined to the award of feudal ranks
such as nnyaka, snmanta, samnntadhipati or mahasamanta, mandalika,
mahamandaleshvara, etc., but also extended to bureaucratic positions. Irrespective of
multiple forms of integration, it must be realised that the mechanics of integration
always did not work only in the direction of integration. Second, whether it was
integration or disintegration, land rights served a common feature. Local landlords
or chieftains performed the role of integrators when they derived their administrative
and financial powers from their overlords, paid tributes and performed various other
obligations to them. However, the same landlords became real breakers and wreckers
when they lorded over peasants and artisans unmindful of overlords' concern. They
acted as an autonomous power within their territory. even though the degree of
autonomy varied from region to region. If the central government became weak the
feudatories used to be practically independent; in such a situation they could exact
their own terms for supporting the fortunes of their titular overlord. Their position
became still more strong if there was a war of succession. They could then take sides
and try to put their nominee on the imperial throne thus playing the role of the kfng
makers. On such occasions they could settle their old scores by dethroning their
overlord and imposing their own terms on the new successor. Rashtrakuta Dhruva,
Amoghavars ha-1 and Amoghavars ha41 owned their thrones to a considerable degree
to the support of their feudatories.
11.8 THE BUREAUCRATIC'STRUCTURE

The political processes of the early medieval Deccan came to be characterised by the
dominance of the overlord subordinate relation over other relations and the role of
the bureaucracy in the over all'structure of polity was varied and sometimes limited.
In the Rashtrakuta grant charters only the royal sign-manual and the names of the
composer of the grant and the person who conveyed it to the grantees are found.
Ministers and secretaries are conspicuous by their absence. The assumption of a very
@
lndlrn PoMy In Its R e g i d big secretariat at their capital is not supported by any information about the maliner
Vuhd- : 8th To 13th Century in which the daily business of administration was carried on at the capital. Although
a body of high ranking officers and ministers known as nmntyas or mantris existed
in the capital to assist the King the questions regarding the size, constitution and
position of a regular council of ministers, if any, have not been satisfactorily'
answered. In the capital and in provincial headquarters in the Rashtrakuta
administration the revenue records, records bearing upon land ownership and
original drafts of copperplate grants were carefully preserved.
In the areas directly administered by the officers of the state, the provincial
governors (Rashtrapatis) enjoyed considerable power over their subordinates h ' t h e
provinces. Some of the provincial governors were royal princes. The provinces which,
are said to have been administered by the princes and queens in the later Chalukya
administration appear t o have been those bestowed upon them as their personal fief.
Some others were appointed as governors in recognition of their distinguished
military services. Petty offices like those of the supervision over small units
consisting of 10 or 12 villages very soften went tp relatives of the provincial
governors.
Provincial governors and district level governors in the Rashtrakuta administration
were assisted by a body of assistants called the kashtrmnhnttarns and
Vishnynmahnttaras respectively. But very little is known about their powers, modes
of election, meetings etc. Their powers must have been considerably less than those
of the village councils which were made up of the rural elite.
The nature of the office of the village headmen and divisional headmen, the revenue
officers who helped the state officers of the subdivisions shows that these officials
were often remunerated for their services in the form of hereditary rent free fields.
The integration of dispersed foci of power also expressed itself in the absorption of
the members of local lineages into the bureaucratic structure. In the Rashtrakuta
structure, the district and provincial governors and lower officers like Vbhayapatis
enjoyed feudatory status and were allowed to use feudatory titles. Apparently they
were the descendants of the local kings who were once independent but were
subsequently conquered by the imperial powers. In such cases they seem to have
continued as the government's officers.
RESOURCSE BASE OF THE STATE

The main source of the state income was agricultural taxation. Private individuals
holding arable lands paid to the state the land tax which formed the backbone of its
revenue. The cultivators were also subject to some additional imposts called the
Upgkriti. Upakriti and Wanikn seem to refer to a kind of customary tax levied by the
government on villagers and townsmen in return for some service performed for their
benefit by the k i n g or their officers.
Land taxes were assessed both in kind and cash. In the Kakatiya kingdom the taxes
in kind were generally paid in two instalments in the months of KIlrtikn and
Vnishnkha, the two main crop seasons. Under the Rashtrakutas they could be paid
*
in three instalments in Bhadrnpnda, Knrtikn and Mnghn, the king's officers went
rourfd the villages to collect his share of the grain from them. The State's share of a
householder's income was also collected in kind.
Land was divided into dry, wet and garden lands for purposes of assessment in
accordance with the nature and fertility of the soil. Part of the state income came
from the pastures and forests, the ownership of which was cia-imed by the state. It
also claimed ownership in mines, hidden treasures, waste lands, orchards on State
lands, lakes and public wells.
Other important source of state income included customs, excise duties and charges
levied on trade and industry. Sunkamu or Sunka, a term used in this context was of,
broad import and denoted duties on exports and imports excise duties and customs -
duties collected on articles of merchandise brought to and taken from market towns.
Iri the-Kekatiya system the tolls collected on articles of trade were farmed-out to
merchant associdtions cami,ii$irrg members of the trading community oh payment of
a fixed s~;z :; ;kc gcv^:rcrfiment.
Regular offerings and tributes by the feudatory chiefs comprised another source of The Dcerm
the income of the state. A Rashtrakuta inscription refers to an occasion when King
Govinda-111 toured about in the southern parts of the empire to collect the tributes
due from his feudatories. Special presents were exacted from the feudatory chiefs on
the occaSions of festivities in the imperial household.
The picture of the State expenditure is not clear. There is no mention of a
department in charge of public works or of officers directly appointed with the duty
s f carrying out irrigation and other welfare projects. Apparently the state undertook
no direct responsibility for the construction and maintenance of irrigation works
though some Hoysala and Kakatiya kings were known for evincing keen personal
interest in creating,a series of irrigation works. Influenced by the belief that the
construction of tanks was an act of merit, the kings, chiefs, nobles, officials, religious
leaders,' merchants and wealthy men sponsored the construction of tanks. State
doesn't appear to have spent enormous cash resources on the salaries of the menin
its service as the practice of remunerating by grant of landed jagirs to officials was
on an increase throughout this period in theaeccan. In military organisation too the
state forces consisted partly of the standing army directly recruited by the
government and partly of the levies contributed by the provincial viceroys and
feudatories.
11.10 POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN THE DECCAN

POLITY
~nstabilitywas built into the nature of early medieval polity. Frequent changes in the
composition of territorial limits of the political powers itself is an0indicationof this.
(See the map showing the territorial extent of the Sevunas in different periods.)
State society even in nuclear areas did not necessarily have a stable locus.
Mobilization of military strength could displace existing power holders and create
new locus and networks of political relations. We have already noted the
decentralised character of the state with different foci of power. The shifting
allegiances of the diffused foci of power, e.g. those represented by the subordinate
chiefs or samantn.feudatories would add to political instability.
Increasing land assignments to various classes of functionaries, including those
rendering military service, rent-free grants of villages to various categories of
beneficiaries and an increase in the incidence of land grants by the diversification of
the ruling elite would weaken the control of the state over revenue resources of the
constituent territorial units. A tilt in the balance of loyalty of the landholders and
the m a n t a landed aristocracy would weaken its control on its polity as well. These
weaknesses surfaced in the face of external threats and brought about the
disintegration of even long existent power structures. The dramatic fall of the mighty
Rashtrakuta empire can be noted as an example. In 967 A.D. Rashtrakutas under
Krishna I11 were the masters of practically all the territories to the South of the
Narmada. Only six years later, with the overthrow of his nephew Karkka by their
Chalukya feudatory Taila in 973 the empire of the Rashtrakutas fell and remained
only in memory.

1) Which of the following statements is right or &ong? Mark ( 4) or ( X ).
i) The phenomenon of differential distribution of power was a special feature
of the Deccan alone.
ii) An important political mechanism of the integration of diffused levels of
power was the system of ranking.
iii) All the feudatory powers in the early medieval polity of Deccan enjoyed the
same'measure of internal autonomy.
2) In Column A are given the names of some prominent regional polities and in B
the iiames of their feudatories. Match A with B.
a) Rashtrakutas i) Haihayas of Morata and Aralu:

b) ~akati~as ii) Velanadus
47
Indian Polity In Its Rcgbnal c) Chalukyas of Vengi iii) The Shilaharas of Konkan
Variations : 8th To 13th Century
d) Sevunas iv) The Kota chiefs. 1
3) Write in ten lines about the integration of the dispersed foci of power into the
state society.
4) List the main sources of State income.

i) ....................................................................................
!
iii) . ................................................................................... .
iv) ........:...........:.............................................
.- ~.
Map 3. Territarial extent of Sevunas

The Dearn
11.11 /LET US SUM UP
11
The foreg%& account of the political structure in early medieval Maharashtra.

Andhra Pradesh and northern Karnataka shows:
the local chieftains who were integrated into the Mauryan polity in the Deccan
emerged as the ruling el!tes and introduced monarchicpl ideology and form of
*- polity in the Deccan,
.o the formation of the new ruling lineages and centres of power was a continuous
process,
various social groups, often non-kshatriya in origin, continued to emerge and
&ow into big political powers by integrating preexisting lineage powers into their
structures. These latter represented diffused foci of power and became vital
components in the newly emerging political structures.
the overlord-subordinate relation came to be dominant over other levels of
relations in the political structure,
apart from claiming Kshatriya status to legitimise the acquired power, the early
medieval lineages also encouraged territorial spread of brahmanas and religious
institutions as they could provide a central focus to disparate norms.
land rights explain inter-lineage network,
*, resource base of the state relied upon the vast agrarian surplus which sustained -
integrative elements in society, and '
state also penetrated into growing networks of trade and exchange and diversified
, and expanded its resource base considerably.
11.12 KEY WORDS
Dyda : Force
Eponymous : One which gives his name to people, place or institution
Kmika : Tax on villagers/townsmen in return for services performed
for their benefit by kings or their officers
Panchamabashabda : A feudatory privilege
Puamabhagavata : Devotee of Vishnu and associated divinities
Puamamaheshvara : Devotee of Shiva
Rashtramahattarr : Official of province
Sahini : Men in charge of Cavalry
Sunkamu/Sunka : Customs and excise duties
Upakriti : 'See Kanika
I
b

EXERCISES
"1 (i) X (ii) V (iii) y (iv) d
2) See Sec. 11.2
3) See Sec. 11.3

I) SeeSec..ll.4
2) (9 b - (ii) d - --
ladim Polity In Its Regiotul Cheek Your Profiess 3 a $
Vuiatiom :8th To 13th Century

1) (i) x (ii) M (iii) X
2) (a) iii (b) iv (c) ii (d) i
3) See Sec. I I. 7
4) See Sec. l 1.9
INDIA :II
c.A.D. 700-1000
1 The Deccan
2 9outh India
- F
:
UNIT 12 SOUTH INDIA '
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
. 12.2 The Region
12.3 Emergence of Political Powers
12.4 Perspectives on the South lndian Polity
12.5 Sub-regional Polities
12.6 The Agrarian Order and Polity
12.6.1 The Nadu
12.6.2 The Bmhradqs
12.6.3 Valanadu
126.4 The Temple
126.5 The Nagman : The Market Centre
12.7 Taxation .
12.8 Bureaucracy
12.9 Military Organisation
12.10 Structures of Control
12.1 1 ideological Bases of South lndian Polity
12.12 Let Us Sum Up
12.13 Key Words
12.0 OBJECTIVES
I After reading this Unit you should be able to:
I determine the parameters of South lndia in terms of regional polity.
I sketch the broad spectrum of political powers.
I identify important ways of studying polity of the concerned region.
1. delineate major foci of polity and their socio-economic bases.
I
1 .
'e know about major components df the political structure such as taxation.
bureaucray and military control, and
outline the ideological bases of South lndian polity between the eighth-thirteenth
i centuries. 1
I
I
12.1 INTRODUCTION -
A
This is the last Unit concerning regional variations of early medieval polity. It deals
with South lndia, which broadly covers the portion of the peninsula lying south of
130 Northern Latitude. It begins with the emergence of the Pallavas in the sixth
century of the Christian era and ends with the establishment of the Tamil macro-
region as a regional state with distinctive politico-cultural features under the Cholas
(ninth-thirteenth centuries). After analysing the major lines of enquiry the Un~tseeks
to demarcate'various tiers of administration. These tiers have been identified with a
distinct focus on their social and economic bases. The nature of resource
mobilisation and apparatus to regulate it have also been sketched. Finally. the
ideological support of the South lndian polity has been suggested.
l n d h Polity 16 Im R e
V u l d a m :IMb To 13tb CIlltury 12.2 THE REGION
Here South India refers to the region called Tamil Nadu, not in its present form as a
linguistic state, but as a macro-region, which evolved from the seventh to the
thirteenth centuries and at times extended into parts of South Karnataka, southern
Andhra and South Kerala. This region may be divided into various zones, which had
a long historical evolution, viz., the core and subsidiary zones in the plains, on the
basis of its river systems and a.secondary zone located in its north-western parts
marked by the upthrusting eastern ghats and the edges of the plateau leading to
Karnataka and Kerala. These zones represented different politico-cultural regions,
which were known as m ~ d a l a m sfrom the Chola period onwards. The geography of
the whole region determined to a large extent the nuclei of the regional polities
which emerged during the c nturies under discussion.
'i
12.3 EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL POWERS '
The post-Gupta history of India is dominated by the evolution of a number of

regional polities. Some of them emerged as regional states (Orissa and Tamil Nadu)
coinciding with regional cultures. Others were smaller polities located as buffers
between larger ones. This is well illustrated by the larger polities of South India such
as those of the Pallavas of Kanchipuram and the Pandyas of Madurai in Tamil
Nadu (sixth to ninth centuries A.D.). Dispersed between these larger ones were
several smaller powers such as the Western Gangas, Kadambas, Banas and a host of
others, owing allegiance alternatively to the larger lineages of the Deccan (See also
Unit 11.4) and Tamil plains or occasionally establishing their independence. The
most powerful of these regional polities was, however, that of the Cholas (ninth to
thirteenth centuries),wh with the Kaveri Valley as the nucleus of their,power,
succeeded in establishing their territorial sovereignty covering the whole of the Tamil
macro-region. The Cholas were able to estab1ish.a regional state with its distinctive
politico-cultural features.
12.4 PERSPECTIVES ON THE SOUTH INDIAN POLITY

There are three different perspectives on the Tamil regional polity. The pioneering
works on South lndian polity in general and Tamil polity in particular showed a
direct concern with administrative institutions and their history and were devoted to
the study of institutionq like kingship, brahmadeya with its sabha and the temple,
their orpnisation and functions. They neither adopted a viable framework of
analysis nor an integrated approach to study the political processes and their
linkages with the socioeconomic organisation. In short, they treated polity in
isolation from society and economy. They were also influenced by imperialistic
notions of the state and empire, centralised monarchies and powerful bureaucracies..
Their assumptions were that all the known features of a modern state were prevalent
in the earlier periods.
New perspectives on pality have been provided by more recent works, which
emphasise the need for understanding the inter-connections between social
formation, economic ocganisation and political structures. They focus on the
processes of evolution and change, leading to the emergence of regional polities and
the role of institutions such as the brahmadeya and the temple in the formation of
political structure. As a result, the theory of the centralised state followed by the
conventional studies has been seriously questioned. As an alternative, the concept of
the segmentary state has been used to charazterise the medieval South lndian state.
The main difference between these two perspectives is based on the nature of local
organisations, the degree of their autonomy and the extent of central control or
direct political control txercised by the ruling dynasties over the different zones of
the Tamil region. The first view assigns greater and more effective control to the
central authority over all regions, despite the existence of local initiative and
autonomy (what they called "local self government")hile the second view rejects it
as contradictory and assigns a high degree of autonomy to the local Organisations
n n A P mnrn r;tnmnl'cn.rmr~;nnt.r tn thn rrml:nn A r r n a a t r r n v n n r t :m t h a nnr- nwsn
As against both these extreme views, the studies of the Chola' itate, based on a South India
careful statistical analyses of the rich inscriptional data, provide a third perspective
suggesting the need for modifications of both the above views. They show the
development of a centralised polity from an earlier stage of independent peasant
regions controlled by peasant assemblies. These peasant regions were integrated
through various institutions and through the introduction of innovative
administrative measures by a political authority. The zenith of the Chola power was
reached in the eleventh century, which also marked the crystallization of a
centralised polity.
12.5 SUB-REGIONAL POLITIES

Under the Pallavas of Kanchipuram and the Pandyas of ~ a d u r a(sixthi to ninth
centuries), two sub-regions of the larger Tamil region became the territorial bases of -
two monarchies, in the Palar-Cheyyar Valley and the Vaigai-Tatnraparni Valley
respectively. The Pallavas were influenced by the political climate of the Deccan and
Andhra regions, where they originated as the subordinates of the Satavahanas (See
also Unit 11.3). The Pallavas later emerged to power in the p6st-~atayahanaperiod,
ivhich was marked by a transition t o the brahmanical socio-political order and a
land grant economy. Hence, the Pallava polity introduced into the northern part of
the Tamil country the sanskritic elements of the Gupta and post-Gupta periods as
they developed in the Deccan and Andhra regions. However, this polity of northern
Tamil Nadu (known as Tondai nadu) was slightly different from the North lndian
brahmanical variety due to the specific agrarian context. The nature of agrarian
society in the region was dominated by peasant organisations, which had evolved
from the early historic period, popularly known as the "Sangam" age (first to the
third centuries). Though Pallava statecraft was inspired by the Dharmashastra
'
model, the northern regal forms were adapted to suit the Tamil regional context and
the Pallavas succeeded in establishing a brahmanical monarchy, a territorial base
around Kanchipuram and new forms of integration through the brahmadeya and the
temple. This is illustrated in their copperplate records, which are bilingual (Sanskrit
and Tamil) and in the Puranic religion and temples which they sponsored. The
Pallavas acquired legitimation through impressive genealogical claims of descent
from Vishnu and epic heroes, their basic ideology being derived from Puranic
cosmological. world view. The Pandyas of Madurai also established a monarchical
state of the same type, although they claimed descent from Shiva and Chandravarnsa
(lunar lineage), with the sage Agastya as their preceptor.
The Pallava and Pandya dynasties aspired for control over the Kaveri Valley, the
most fertile add well irrigated agricultural core of the Tamil region. They also set in
motion a process of agrarian expansion and integration through the brahmadeya and
the temple, which helped to integrate the agrarian or peasant units called the nadus
(also k u r r m ) (see also Units 1.2.2 and 1.3).
Check Your Progress 1 -

..
I) What are the three main perspectives of studying South lndian polity?
l n d h PoYy In Ib Rqlonrl ) What are the spkific features of agrarian society of northern Tamil Nadu?
Vulrtiona : 8th To 13th Centur; --
................. ................................................
1 .................... .
.................. t...................................:......;.........................
. ..
\s
12.6 THE AGRARIAN ORDER AND POLITY

>
For a proper understanding of the agrarian order and polity wc will study a number
of aspects. Let us start with the nadu.
1.2.6.i The Nadd

It dates from pre-Palllava times and is marked by common agrarian t'katures and a :.
kinship based social arpnisation. The production processes in the ndu were
controlled by the nattrr assembly (the Nadu) composed of the heads of'pcajant a
families of veWm (agriculturists). The nadu consisted of subsistence level settlenkntb.

coming together for common economic and social activitks. The integration of the -
*
nadus into a larger and sy,stematic agrarian organisation through land grants to
b r l m a n m (brahmadcya) and the temple by the ruling families (Pallavas, Pandyaa
and Cholq) let to the emergence of the first regional Tamil polities. Special emphasis
was laid on the const~uctionof irrigation works, advanced irrigation technology and
their management through the b r l m a n a assembly called the Sabh.. Thus, the
earlier subsistence level production of the nadu was transformed into a surplus
oriented one which resulted in a restructuring of the.economy (see also Unit 2.4.2).
The brlmadeya and temple not only helped in agrarian integration but also played
political roles by acting as instruments of mobilisation and redistribution of
resources.
With its expansion and integration through the brah&leya and the temple, and duc
to new irrigation worb, the internal structure of the nadu also changed. Land rights
and tenures became wore complex, land relalions became stratified, and the
composition of the netter also underwent changes. The kinship basis of social
organisation was eroded and gave place to a brahmanical caste and ritual ranking,
i.e. caste hierarchy.
The nadu, although it ev6lved as a kinship bas* agrarian unit, shows the prevalen4
of awariety of collective controls over production. This is seen in the k.hi rights or '
hereditary rights in land which were transferable by.sale or donation. Various '
categories of rights in land existed and were determined and enjoyed within the
norms accepted by the contemporary organisations of the brabmrdeya, non-
brahmadeya(ur) settlements and the family.
In the earlier conventional approach, the nadu received only marginal attention in:-
its significance was lost in such studies. In view of the segmentarypate, a high
degree of autonomy is assigned to the nadu as a segment and hence the medieval
South Indian'state is characterised as a segmentary and peasant state. However, t k
nadu cannot be studied independently of the other institutions. In reality, the mdu
brahmadeya and the temple together mark the phased opening of the Tamil plains.
With the recognition oh the nadu as the basic unit of agrarian organisation, the o l d a
t h e m of the uncha'ngini village communities has lost its validity. The debate now
centres on the degree of nadu autonomy and the stability of the natter organisation
and hence also on the validity of the segmentary state concept.
12.6.2 The Brahmadeya
Land grants to brahrnanas are known from early historic times. However, it is only
by the end of the sixth century that it assumed an institutional character in the
Tamil region. Bmhmadeyrs were invariably created by iuling families in hitherto
uncultivated land or among existing settlements (within a nadu or kottam) by
'clubbing together two or more settlements. They introduced advance farming
methods-irrigation, management of means of production and resources. The
Pallava and Pandya reservoir systems were managed by the brahrnana assembly viz.
the Sabb.. The brrhmadeym were separated from the jurisdiction of the nadu. The
major brrhrnadeyaa also'bqcame independent units (tan-kuru) from the tenth century
especially under the Cholas, adding to their economic and administrative/political
signir~cances.They are often regarded as pace makers of royal authority, enlarging
the sphere df political action.
f i e Sabba or the assembly of the brahmana landowners grew into a more prominent
institution vis-a-vis the Ur, the assembly of a non-brahmadeya settlement. The
growing maturity of the Sabha is illustrated by the famous Uttaramerur (Chingleput
district), a major brahrnadeya and tan-kuru of the eighth to thirteenth centuries as
well as by Manur (Tiruneleeli district), an important brnhmadeya of the eighth and
ninth centuries. The tan-kuru had a central function also and often had under its
purview several other centres of agricultural and craft production. The brahmanical;
temple, which was invariably the nucleus of many of these settlements, was also
under the supervision or direct control of the Sabha, which functioned through
various committets called vuiyams.
12.6.3 Valanadu
Revenue surveys and assessment of land revenue were systematically undertaken
under the Cholas, in the eleventh century. In the process, new and larger revenue '
units were formed by grouping some n d u s together and even by partitioning some
under different valanadu-s. This was determined by their irrigational -needs and hedce I
vdanadu-s had consciously chosen boundaries such as water courses. The valanadu
was an artificial unit and a politicoeconomic division created by the will of a
political authority. The valanadu-s were named after the kings who created them.
Their organisation was also linked with the establishment of a hierarchy of officers
and a department of revenue collection, which kept detailed records of revenues.
This department (the puravu-vui-tinakkalrm) was the most impressive of the
ldrninistrativc machinery eZrolvcd by the Cholas for mobilisation of resources.
12.6.4 The Temple

The temple was looked upon and functioned as a "superordinate" instrument of the
political apparatus from the ninth century. Under the Cholas its role progressively
increased and diversified, thereby forging institutional links for territorial
sovereignty. This is well illustrated by the imperial temples such as those at
Thanjavur and Gangaikondacholapuram. Its economic outreach became phenomenal
with a widening orbit through huge temple endowments land and money grants. gold
deposits, merchant interaction through gifts and the luxury trade of larger merchant
l&orporations. ItS social function was the integration of various ethnic and
-
-5
professional groups through ritual ranking within the brahmana varna order. Temple
administration was in the hands of the h b h a , ur and the Nagararn. In the
redistribution of resources the temple assumed a more direct role than even the
brrhrnadeya. It is through the temple that the ~ h o l a sachieved a greater degree of
centralisation in the eleventh century, f o it~ broke local ties by virtue of its economy
and management of resources across nadu limits. It provided a foothold for the King
to intervene in local affairs through royal officers "quditing" or enquiring into temple
endowments, scale of expenses and making reallocat~diis.The temple was. in short.
the symbol of royal authority.
t2.6.5 Nagaram: The Market Centre

Aaguam was another major tier of administration. .merged by the ninth century
Indian Polhy In Its Regional as a market centre with a merchant body (nagarattar) administering it. With the
Variations :8th To 13th Century growing needs of an expanding agrarian society, such market centres came up in
most nadug to serve their exchange requirements as well as those of the )mhmrdcya
and other settlements. The nadu and nagnram were m'utually supportive. The
nagaram members ware themselves agriculturists who could channelise their surplus
produce into trade. They became a full fledged trading community called the
nagarattar. At the same time the nqgaram, like the brahmadeya enjoyed a special
status, with considerable autonomy vis-a-vis the nadu. The nagarm, often created or
sponsored by the ruling family, had direct revenue arrangements with the King's ,
government-and participated in temple administration. The brahmadeya and

nagaram brought the nadus together in a system of unified political organisation and
economic exchange, thereby assisting in the process of a state synthesis.
A network of naprruns emerged between the ninth and twelfth centuries. The royal
and political centres as' well as larger commercial centres such as Kanchipuram and
Thanjavur were designated as managarams or great nagarams. This network was
further brought into a wider inter-regional exchange due to the revival of ~ & t h
Asian trade by the tenth century involving South India, Sri Lanka, Southeast Asia
and China. The Cholas promoted this trade by undertaking maritime expeditions to
Sri Lanka and Sri Vijaya (Sumatra) and sending trade missions to China. They
extended their patronage to their merchant organisations by issuing royal charters .
for establishing mercantile towns protected by mercenaries. Warehouses'and
distribution centres knpwn as erivirappattana interacted with the n a g u m as well as
other smaller localised merchant organisations like the manigramm and foreign
merchant organisations like the Anjuvannm. They traded in luxury goods, exotic
items from other countries and in South Indian textiles. They also obtained in
exchange agricultural products from the Chittkameli Periyanadu. The Chittbmeli
was an organisation of agriculturists belonging to all the "four castes" (atuwunya).
It originated in the Tamil regiog and extended their activities into South Karnataka
and southern Andhrl regions in the twelfth century.
-,
Check Your Progress 2 I
I) Why and how the internal structure of the Nadu changed?
2Y How brahmadeya became more important?

South India
3) How the temple came to occupy significance in polity?
4) How ayr.mr came into prominence?
12.7 TAXATION
The existence of a regular taxation system, which the segmentary state concept
denies, is indicated by a statistical analysis of tax t e k s in Chola inscriptions. The
major land tax called kdrmmai was uniform as also many other smaller ones
related to land. There was a system of storage and transfer of revenue from the
locality to the government at the vrlmrdu, nadu and ur levels. Taxes, both central
and local, have been identified. Increase in non-agricultural taxes over time has also
been recognised. Local official involvement in tax collection also increased. Local
forms of collection and re-investment in regional economy avoided problems of
antral collection and redistribution. The state's active interest in trade and
commercial ventures provided a second resource base. Royal ports were consciously
developed and tolls were levied by royal agents. Exemption from tolls also formed
part of the policy of encouragement of trade venture&.
,,
12.8 BUREAUCRACY
The Chola, state was viewed as a highLy bureaucratised one by the pioneering
scholars. This is denied by the followers of the segmentary state theory. Statistical
data from inscriptions, however, have been used to show the existence of officers at
I
Indlmn Pdlty In Ib R e g i o ~ l both central and local levels. The term adhikui pref~xedto names of important
Vuirtber :llth To personages with the Muvenda ve!an Ule indicates the presence of a bureaucracy
especially in the hiera'rchically structured revenue department. Ranking among
officers is also shown by the terms perundaram (higher grade) add sirut.ram (lower
grade), both in the 'civil' and 'military' establishments. Officers at the royal court
(udan kuttam) and officers touring the country (vidaiyil adhikari) are also known.
. The King's government was present in the localities through a hierarchy of
officers - the mandal~mudali,nadu vagai and kadhyastha acting as important links
between the King and the locality.
\-I'
12.9 MILITARY ORGANISATION

m e r e is no conclusive evidence in Chola records of the existence of a regular army,
recruited by clearly defined criteria. Hence there are alternative interpretations of the
meagre evidence. According to the conventional view, there was a royal military
force. But this denied by the proponents of the segmentary state concept, who
look at the military forces as an assemblage of "segments", peasant militia and/or
caste and guild armies. However, there are references in inscriptions to grants for
army chiefs and to army camps at strategic points indicating the existence of a royal
force. The higher and lower grades were also prevalent among the Right Hand units
of the army corps known as the Velaikkuu. There was also a Left Hand unit
mentioned in royal records. Armies of local chiefs supplemented royal military
expeditions.
12.10 STRUCTURES OF CONTROL

f
Given the nature of politico-cultural zones which evolved from the early historic
period, the Cholas evolved different structures of control by adopting the concept of
the mandalam to designate such zones. Each mandalam was named after the King. It
was one of the innovations of Rajaraja-l (983-1014 A.D.), who also initiated revenue
surveys and the valanadu system. For example. earlier structures such as the K o t t m
(a pastoral-cum-agricultural region) were left undisturbed in the Tondaimandalun'
(also called Jayankondacholamandalam), but the tan-kuru was introduced. The
valanadu replaced earlier chief6incies in the Cholamandalam and the adjoining
Naduvil nadu or mandalam in the north. Similarly, army units came to be stationed
at strategic points in transit zanes-and routes of trade leading to the adjoining
Karnataka region to establish lines of communication. Chola princes and mandda
mudalis were appointed to rule over such sub-regions.
Lesser chieftains. described as feudatories, represent another distinct level of
intermediate strata in the Chola polity. Arrangements were made by the King with
the powerful chiefs. under different terms, either by conceding a certain amount of
local autonomy in return for military support or in return for trading interests in
zones of transit. Somelchieftaincies were conquered but re-instated and others were
newly created lineages supborting the king in return for local control. They were also
ranked at different levels as chiefs or even as Chola officials with 'civil'and 'military'
service tenures and policing rights.
12.11 IDEOLOGICAL BASES OF SOUTH INDIAN

POLITY
In the Pallava and Pamdya polities genealogies claiming descent from divinities, epic
heroes, and lunar lineage formed an important ideological force. KshalYiya status
and the gift (dana) provided additional concepts in support of sovereignty. Puranic
religions and world view were other important aspects of the ideological base.
The Chola genealogies are more complex in their ideological claims. Apart from the
solar lineage, the Cholas directly linked themselves with the "Sangam" Cholas, the
Kaveri region and the temple building activities of their ancestors for legitimating
their claims to sovereignty. Above all, they adopted and promoted in a signifidnt
way the bhakti ideology of the Tamil Vaishnava and Saiva saints by popularising it
through temple building, temple rituals and iconography. The symbolism of the
temple, equated with territory/cosmos considerably enhanced royal power. The ritual
and political domains coincided which shows further limitations of the idea of
segmentary state (for a critical evaluation of this idea, see also Unit 8.3).
' Check Your Progress 3

1) Was there a bureaucracy in ~ h o l astate? Give names of some officers.
I What was the Chola system of administrative control?
.i2 LET U S SUM UP

'iis Unit was concerned with the :
region of South India comprising modern states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and
southern portions of the states of Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh,
@ the nature of political structure in the aforesaid region between the eighth and
thirteenth century.
relative viability of hypotheses concerning so called centralisation and
segmentation in the political order,
expansion of agriculture and trade network and their impact on the evolution of
centres of administrative and fiscal powers,
nature of resource mobilisation and mechanism to regulate it, and
role of prominent socioeconomic ~ n religious
d forces in providing $mlogical
support to the newly emerging'polity.
Indian Pollty In Its Regional
Vuiatiom :8tR To 13th Century 12.13 KEY WORDS
Bhakti : Devotional cult

Chittirm e l i : Organisation of agriculturists belonging to all the
'four castes"
: Warehouses and distribution centres
-
Kadamrri : A major land tax
Kottun : Pastoralcum-agricultural region
~..
Mad hyastha : ~ b c officer-impartially
a~ supervising royal orders
relating to land aqd other grants
I
Ma"iIala mudali : Chief of a mandalam
Mandalam : Term used for a politicocultural region
Nadu : Peasant assembly or organisation
Nadu vaqd : Officer organising the nadus ,
Perundarm : Higher grade amongst officials

Purava-vari-tinaikkdm : Department of revenue records
Right Hand and Left Hand : A vertical division of the army into
Right and Left Hand groups
,'
,
'
Sabha : Bmhmana assembly
Sirutuun : Lower grade amongst officials

Tan-kuru : Independent unit
Ur : Non-brahmadeya~settlementand assembly
Valanadu : Artificial revenue unit created by the Chotas
Variyam : Committee through which the %bha functioned
Vidayil adhikui : Officials touring the country

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1 .
I) The South Indian polity was first studieg through the organisation and
functions of institutions. The recent works emphasise the need for understanding
the interconnections between social formation, economic organisation and
political structure. The third view points out the development of a centralised
polity from an earlier stage of independent peasant regions controlled by peasant
assemblies. See Sec. 12.4.
2) The organisations and their influence were the main features of agrarian
society. Also See Sec. 12.5.
1') Through integration and expansion of bnhmadeya and temple the Nadu
underwent a change. New irrigation works also contributed. Land right and
tenures became complex. Land relations also became stratified. Also see
Sub-sec. 12.6. I.
2) After brahmadeyas bwame independent units they gained economic and
administrative significance. See Sub-sec. 12.6.2.
3) Through large donations and grants temples became important. With the hdp of
the temples Cholas could intervene in local affairs and tempJes became the
symbol of royal authority. See Sub-sec. 12.6.4.
4) Nagrama came into existence to fulfil the exchange requirements as market South India
centres. In due course through inter-regional and South Asian trade they became
very important. See Sub-sec. 12.6.5.

I ) There was a hierarchical bureaucracy under-the Chdlas both at central and state
levels. See Sec. 12.8.
2) The Cholas dvolved the administrative zones (mandalam). These were generally
placed under princes. Chieftains were also governed through well established
norms. See Sec. 12.10.

Burton Stein Peasant State and Society in Medieval
South India, Delhi, 1980.
C. Minakshi : Administration and Social Life under
the Pallavns, Madras, 1977 (Rev.Ed.)
D.N Jha(ed) : Feudal Social Formation in Early India, Delhi, 1987.
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri : The Cholas, Madras, 1975.
: History of South India, Delhi, 1984.
South Indian History and Society,
Delhi, 1984.
R.S. Sharma : Indian Feudalism, New Delhi, 198 1.
1 Romila Thapar : History of India, Vol. 1, New Delhi, 1983.
I T.V. Mahalingam
Y. Subharayalu
: South Indian Polity, Madras, 1955.
Political Geography of the Chola
Country, Madras, 1973.
t
UNIT 13 RISE OF TURKS AND

MONGOLS IN CENTRAL ASIA
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Central Asia
13.2.1 Central Asia: A More Detailed View
13.2.2 Central Asia: An Ensemble of Micro-Regions
Pastoral Nomadism
Civilhition and Turkish Nomads: Early Contacts
13.4.1 The Tiukiu Empire
13.4.2 Two Forms of Contact
Turkish Irruptions
The Mongols
13.6.1 Chengiz Khan and the Steppe Aristocracy
.13.6.2 Conquests and Expansion
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers t b Check Your Progress Exercises
The rise of the Turks and Mongols; their rapid conquests and expansion over the
regions of Central Asia and the adjoining territories between the tenth and thirteenth
centuries, marks the beginning of a momentous period in history. Its consequences
#or India were direct, palpable and far-reakhing. After reading this Unit you should
be able to:
know who the Turks and Mongols were and what precisely was their role in an
exciting period of history,
acquaint yourself with the geography and some of the characteristics of Ce~tral
Asia as a region of considerable historical sigdicance, and
place medieval India in a larger historical contep of political and social
developments.
13.1 INTRODUCTION
1
I
The tenth century witnessed a westward movement of a warlike nomadic pimple
inhabiting the eastern corners of the Asian continent. Then came in wave upon wave,
each succeeding invasion more powerful and more extensive than the last. In a
relatively short span of time, the barbarian hordes had overrun and brought down the
once prosperous empires and kingdoms of Central and West Asia, reaching the .
shores of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. While between the tenth and twelfth
centuries the invaders were primarily 'Turks', the invasion of the thirteenth to
fifteenth centuries involved a kindred but more ferocious people, the Mongols.
Nthough the devastations caused by these dovements here immense-particularly

those wrought by the Mongols-they left behind a trail'of blood and gruesome
massacre wherever their advance was resisted. These invaders were eventually
tamed by the civilizations they had conquered. Settling down in conquered territories,
the resulting fusion between them and their new environments became the basis of a
new order.
Mahmud of Ghazni's invasions of India at the close of the tenth century, followed
some hundred years later by the Ghorian invasions (both Ghami and Ghor are in
Afghanistan) were distant proieitiorh of these vast nomadic movec --'9. As in other
.1 .
"mdependent political !entity;the Delhi Sultanate in the early years of the thirteenth
' century. The term 'W Sultanate' signifies the rule of Turks over large parts of
Northern India from their capital at Delhi. in more than two centuries of existence,
the Sultanate gave bifh to institutions-political, social and economic-which though
greatly different from the ones existing earlier, were a unique combination of what
the Turks had brought with and what they found in India. One could say the same
?bout the Mughal empire which succeeded the Delhi Sultanate. -
In this Unit we will be taking a w s - e y e vim o f . d m d o ~
Central Asia by the dse of Turks and Mongols.
13.2 ' CENTRAL ASIA

-1
.Before we discuss the rise of Turks and Mongols, it is necessary to form a mental
p i m e of the regions comprising Central Asia and to acquaint ourselves with some
of their outstanding features. 'Central Asia' is a loose geographical term that refers to
the huge and varied territory bounded in the South by an immense chain of
mountains of which the Himalayas form a part. Its northern limits may be roughly
placed around the Ural mountains; the western alonn the Aral and Cas~ianSeas; and
the eastern somewhere between the lakes Balkash and Baikal, perhaps around lhe
Thfer Irtysh (S=W).
As the name of a region Central Asia has at least one other competitor, namely,
hukestan, though not identical in geographical spread, Turkestan does cover a very
large portion of the territories one includes in Central Asia. Perhaps it also offer$ a
more apt descriptioa of a region whose population is @ominanrly Turkic in
pornposition. But, when using the term in an historical context, one has to remember
that 'Turkestan' is an ethnonym: it signifies an e t l d c temtory as well as a human
community. And, in both respects, changes down the centuries have b e b profound.
Both the physical and human boundaries of Turkestan hzive shifted, contracted and
expanded by turnsiuntil perhaps our own times when modem states acquired
relatively stable bou~dariesand populations. In terms of modern political frontien, it
comprises the Soviet Sociplist Republic of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan,
bghizia and 'Chinese ~hkestan'.
133.1 Cential Asia: A More Detailed View

As we close in on Central Asia, focusing attention on its distinctive natural features,
an area of considerable complexity comes into view. It looks like an extraordinary
mosaic of mountains, deserts, oases, steppes and river valleys. The foothills and the
valleys contain oases, i.e. fertile islands of cultivation surrounded by desert. And
beyond the deserts are the Eurasian steppes-those limitless expanses of arid and
patchy vegetation. Towards the north and east the Steppes once again disappear into
the great Siberian desert.
As we shall see latet, the steppes have been crucial in determining the course of
, history of Central Asia and indeed of the world. For, atjeast, a few thousand years
the steppe environment could support only one kind of fife-the nomadic as opposed
to sedentary.
The oases, by contrast, were the rallying points of settled existence. The history of
civilized communities in Central Asia goes back to a few thousand years at least.
Periods of peace, intermittently ruptured by barbarians churning on the periphery,
led to the extension of imgation works and agriculture. With the growth of trade and I
handicrafts, towns sprouted. Together these enabled garden kingdoms and dates to
flourish. The oases Were thus real counterpoints to the preponderance of deserts and
steppes. Owing to them Central Asia could emerge as the centre piece in a
commercial highway connecting the far-flung civilizations of India, China,
Mesopotamia, and Europe. We will talk more about this a little later.
13.2.2 Central Asia: An hscrn~leof Micro Regions

At another level, Central Asia could be seen as composed of distinct micro regions,
or, in other words, territorial units that owe-tbeir identity to a peculiar & of
~eographyand history-Khwarizm, Khurasan, Transoxiana, Soghdiana, Semireck
Farghana-these are same of the names you will frequently come across in any
btorical literature dealing with the area. Most of these regions have been broadly
bdicated on the map.
~ransoxiana (i.e. Land across the Oxus) is the region carved out by the rivers Oxus
m d Jaxartes (also knom as, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya respectively). Both
)low into the inland Arhl Sea arid are the two most important rivers of Central Asia.
The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana in the eighth century (A.D.), called it
wawaraunnalu, literally meaning "that which is beyond the river". Along the middle
of the Oxus-Jaxartes babin flows the Zarafshan river, after whose ancient name
Aghd, the region came to be called Soghdiana. The two. most famous towns of
Central Asia, Samarqmd and Bukhara, are located within this tract.
T o the south of the Aral Sea, around the fertile delta of the Oms, is the region
b o w n as Khwatizm (niodern Khiva). Here, as early as the seventh or sixth century
(B.C.), a large centraked state came into existence which lasted a few centuries. At
-
?he end of the first centiry A.D., KhwariPn became part of the vast Kushan empire
which straddled the Hindukush and included the whole of North India within its fold.
Cultural contacts between India and Central Asia were greatly strengthened as a
consequence.
To the west of Transoxiana begins the region of Khurasan. As a land-locked region;
IUl(msan has no access' to the sea. Its rivers peter out into lakes and swamps. But
around its oases excellent pastures abound. These have recurrently attracted nomads
to descend into its valleys from across the steep mountains that jut out into Central
Asia from the Eurasian steppes. "Because of such movements of people Khurasan
inevitably became a cockpit...."The Arabs used it as a springboard to conquer
Central Asia.
To the east of the Jaxartes, along its middle reaches is the Farghana valley-the
pncestral home of Babur, the first Mughal ruler of India. As early as B.C. 102.the
Chinese subdued Farghana and, henceforth, Chinese influence over Central Asia
remained an abiding factor.
U

1) Give the main geographical features of Central Asia.
..............................................................................................................................................
- 2) Name a few Micro-regions of Central Asia giving their geographical extent.
..............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
Write five lines on the region called Turkestan.
Rise of Turks rind Mongols
in Contra1 Asia
13.3 PASTORAL NOMADISM.

st'#
The Turks and Mongols were the product of deserts and steppes that encircle Central
Asia in a massive area, extending north and east of Transoxiana. More specifically,
they descended from the mass of nomads who roamed in the area of the Altai
mountains, south of Lake Baikal-regions that are now part of outer Mongolia. They
had a primitive mobile civilization based on tribal organization and ownership of
herds of cattle, sheep and horses. In addition, the tribes often possessed camels,
mqles and asses. The animals supplied most of the essential needs of the nomad in
the way of food, clothing and shelter. Milk and flesh gave him nourishment. The hide
of animals was used as clothing, and also to make tents, yurts, in which he lived.
Pastoral nomadism was governed by one great drive-the searchfor grazing lands.
This kept the nomads constantly on the move, from place to place, with their flocks
and herds. In the absence of agriculture and fixed habitation, the 'nomads
attachment to land was minimal, lasting only as long as it yielded fodder for the
animals. When the tribes camped, each tent or household was allotted a piece of land
for its exclusive use. Once exhausted, the tribes migrated in search of new pastures.
Mobility, thus, was central to nomadic society, and the horse its most outstanding
asset. One description of pastoral nomads aptly characterises them as a people whose
country was the back of a horse. In consequence, among the Mongols, for instance,
no offence was greater than stealing a horse. It invited execution.
\
Horsemanship combines with skill in archery made the nomads a formidable fighting
force. The Mongols brought the art to perfection in the thirteenth century. Galloping
at full speed, they could rain arrows in every direction-forward, rear, and
sideways-with deadly accuracy.
Opportunities for testing and amplifying these skills were provided in plenty by the
steppe environment where conflict over grazing lands were normal occurrences.
Periodically, these magnified into large-scale bloody battles.
It would, however, be too simplistic to see all nomadic irruptions into settled areas as
merely a spill over of conflicts within the steppes. The inadequacies of a pastoral
economy have as much to explain. Although it met most of the basic needs of the
nomads, specially when supplemented with hunting or fishing, pastoralism had one
serious drawback: ~nlikeagriculture,it produced no durable reserves. Its produca
were rapidly consumed. Therefore, nomadic urge was not only to acquire more and
better foraging lands but also products of agrarian communities. Pastoralism by its
very nature veered to a 'mixed economy'-secured by trade and alliance or by
aggression.
13.4 CIVILIZATION AND TURKISH NOMADS:

EARLY CONTACTS
According to an old view, it was the Oxus that clearly demarcated civilization from
barbarism. The classic expression of this view was the one given by Firdausi, the
famous tenth century poet at Mahmud Ghazni's court. In his Shahnama, Firdausi
poses a stark antithesis between the two worlds of Iran and Turan: "Two elements
fire and water which rage against each other in the depths of the heart." For Firdausi,
Iran was the realm of the Turks, of barbarism. A natural antipathy, born of opposed
ways of life, set apart the two racial groups.
I
However a closer look at the Oxus regions reveals that the two worlds had been in
'
tenth century. Although the Oxus had been the historic bastion against nomadic
incursions, it was relentlessly breached by the nomads, no less in times of peace than
during violent collisions. Far from being stark and clear, by the tenth century the
boundary had become greatly blurred.
13.4.1 The Tiukiu Empire

The fitst contact betwesn civilization d d Turkish nomads dates back to the mid-sixth
century when a vast nomad empire, extending all the way from the borders of China
to Byzantium, came int6 existence. The empire, known as the Tiukiu empire, was
really a confederacy of twenty-two tribes of a people then called the Toghuz-Oghuz.
It lasted for close to two hundred years. During the next three centuries, the Tiukiu
dominions in Central Asia came to be partitioned and repartitioxied between its
constituent tribes and other newly arrived Tlirkic nomads (the Qipchaqs, the
Qarlughs and the Oghw called Ghur). Stray elements of the Oghuz had already
found their way into the upper Oxus lands a couple of centuries earlier. The en bloc
migration of the Oghuz across Siberia during the eighth century brought them "into
the field of Muslim Writers." The appellation of 'Turks' or 'Turkeman', which came,
into use in the late tenth century, was initially applied by these writers to Oghuz
tribesmen. Its gradual extension to Turkic nomads in general appears to have
proceeded alongside a progressive weakeningeof the Oghuz ethnlc identity as tribes
either broke away from the larger confederacy or new ones were incorporated into it ,
, after being defeated.
13.4.2 Two Forms of Contact 1

'I
'
The contact between the Turks and settled people took two major forms: (i) military
conflict, and (ii) commercial transactions. In either event the result was mutual
assimilation and acculturation. Let us first discuss the military conflict.
The natural instinct of the nomads was to conduct raids into settled areas south of
the Oxus. To ward off these attacks, states in western Asia evolved active defence
policy centred on Transoxiana-the principal staying zone for invasions from the east.
During the sixth century the Sassanids, who ruled Iraq and Persia, were the bearers
of this-mission. In the eighth century it was the Arabs. After penetrating Transoxiana
and displacing a considerable Turkish population east of the Jaxartes, the Arabs laid
out fortified walls and rabats (frontier-posts) along the frontier, manned by aemilitary
guard system. On either side, Muslim and Turkish, the frontier bristled with colonies
of guards. On the Muslim side, they were called ghazis, i.e. men whose business it
was to defend the faith against infidel hordes. Though belonging to hostile camps,
both groups nonetheless "came to live the same kind of borderline existence,
adopting each other's weapons, tactics and ways of life and gradually forming a
common military frontier society, more similar to each other than to the societies
-from which ihey came and which they defended."
In TrCQ.oxiana the distinction between Turk and non-Turk had been worn thin by
the time of the Arab takeover in the eighth century. Internal disturbances had often
prompted Transoxianean leaders to enlist Turkish mercenaries as a
counterbalancing force. At least one account has it that the earliest settlers of the
Bukhara oasis came from 'Turkestan'.
The second form of contact was established through trade and commerce. The centre
of a nomad empire has always attracted merchants because of the ready market it
provided for products of the settlements. In the case of the Tiukiu empire, the
attraction was more pronounced because it lay across the great Silk Road, the
premier channel of international commerce. The bulk of these materials was of every
day use, like lather, hides, tallow, wax, and honey. It also included luxuries like furs.
Then there was the regular traffic in slaves-also procured from the steppes. From
these northerly regions the foods anived in Khurasanian towns lying on caravan
routes and eventually reached Iraq and Baghdad, the supreme centres of
consumption in West Asia, via the transit trade.
Tenth century accounts refer to numerous settlements of the Turks &I the lower Syr
in-....--A,...
- ...L,.~~ ;..L~I.;+~..~~Y .A+
. . . ~ ~ ~ ..rrmnrlr I... ..n.-n
t n ~ c r rn nttle--i~~~
! fishermen and agriculturists." Most of these Turks were of Oghuz extraction, the Rise of Turb and Mnnprols
in Centrrl Anis
.
i group under whose leadership the Turks emerged the rulers of Central and West
Asia!
Check Your Progress 2 .

1) Write' in brief the main features of nomadic life of peOple in Central Asia.
...............................................................................................................................................
2) Write flve lines on Tiukiu Empire.
3) Discuss the main items of trade between Turks and settled people. Which trade
route was followed by them?
13.5 TURKISH IRRUPTIONS

Not only were the Turks known, settled, or commercially active in the civilized parts
of Central Asia, they often rose to positions of considerable influenze iu the
prevailing military administrative apparatus. The dominant social . a s e s of
pre-Islamic Transoxiana, the dihqans (small landed propriefors) inerchants had
made increasing use of Turkish mercenaries as the coercive arm for guarding and
extending their patrimony.
The Arabs, who conquered Transoxiana (in the early eighth) century, pushed the
Turks beyond the Jaxartes, converting Mawaraunnahr into a bulwark against
barbarian inroads. However, in the long run, the idea of employing Turks as soldiers
was not lost upon the Arabs either. The hardy steppe background made the Turk a
warrior. With training and discipline he could be made into a first rate
machine. Moreover, he could be bought like any other commodity: markrrs
/'
Transoxiana abounded in slaves captured from Central Asian st:-ppes
north of Mawaraunnahr.
Establishment of Delhi Under the Omgyyads (A.D. 661-750) recruitment to the military was almost totally
Sultanate confined to the Arabs. The replacement of the Omayyads by the Abbasids in
A.D. 750 as undermined the Arab monopoly of the army especially in the decades
after the Caliphate-of Harun a1 Rashid (d. 809 A.D.). The civil wars among the sons
and successor of this last great Caliph shook the foundations of the Abbasid empire.
In these circumstances, recruiting mercenaries of foreign origin, not involved in the
internal affairs of the empire, see,med to be the answer.
The Caliph Mu'tassim (A.D. 833-842) was the first to surround himself with a large
body of Turkish slaves and make it the base of his troops. In order to impart them a
distinct and separate identity, the Turkish soldiery was kept well away from the
indigenous population and could only marry women of the same origin: "Thus he
created a sort of military class, whose role-was to protect the Caliph and the regime
without taking part iri the palace struggles or in the political or religious internal
quarrels. But the reverse happened, and the interference of this cl?ss in the conduct
of the state took on proportions which became more and more disastrous as the
officers of the guard, divided into rival clans ....supporting different claimants ...and
did not hesitate in so doing to trigger off palace revolutions."
Withethe weakening of the power of Abbasid Caliphs their control over Islamic world
became nominal and limited just to issue farmans to confirm their authority. It gave
way to the emergency of a number of small independent kingdoms during the 10th
century the Jahirids, the Saffavids, the Buwaihids, Qara-Khanids and the Samanids.
Alaptgin, the Samanid governor and slave of the Turkish origin, established an
independent kingdonl at Ghazna. The Ghaznavid kingdom became prominent under
Mahmud Ghamavi (A.D. 998-1030). Under him, the Iranian influence reached its
peak. Mahmud claimed to have traced his descent from Iranian mythical hero
Afrasiyab. This process Islarnised and Persianised the Turks completely. Mahmud -
also made regular inroads in India. As a result, Punjab became part of the Ghamavid
Empire.
Mahmud's death was followed by the emergence of the mighty Seljuqs. They soon
overran Iran, Syria and Transoxiana. These developments gave a great jolt to the
power of the Ghaznavids which became confined to Ghazna and parts of Punjab
only.
During t h i twelfth century, the Seljuq power was destroyed by a group of Turkish
tribes. The vacuum created by the Seljuqs led to the rise of the Khwarizmian in Iran
and the Ghorid power in north-west Afghanistan. T o begin with, the Ghorids were
vassals of Ghazna. On the other hand, the Khwarizmian ruler's started in a big way
engulfing Ghazni and almost whole of Central Asia and )an. ~ n b e such
r
circumstances it was not possible for the Ghorids to expand at the cost of the
Khwarizmian power. The possible direction left was India. This process of expansion
started towards the end of 12th century.
13.6 THE MONGOLS

In the early decades of the thirteenth century Asia and Europe experienced a new .
wave of nomad conquerors from the east, an invasion more formidable and
devastating than any other known to history before. These new invaders were the
Mongols, who are best known'for the great empire which they formed under Chengiz
Khan. By the close of the thirteenth century, the Mongol empire covered a vast
portion of the known world: China, Manchuria, Korea, North Vietnam, Tibet,
Turkestan, Afghanistan, Iran, Mesopotamia, Southern Russia and Siberia.
Before rising to world dominion, the Mongols were dwellers of the steppe region,
north of China and eadt of Lake Baikal. T o their east lived a kindred people, the
Tatars, presumably M~ngolisedTurks, who lent the name-of 'Tartars' to the Mongols
in European literature in conjunction with Tartarus, the Greek word for ell. T o the
west of the Mongols lived the Keraits and Naimans, once again people Qfturkish
origin and speech. All these people were in different stages of development,
mrnhinino h ~ r d i n ok i t h h ~ ~ n t i n
and
o fichino2n varvino tieoreec
Rise of Turks and Mongols
The sudden rise of Mongols to power appears t o fall in line with ah old pattern in Ccntml Asia
characteristic of the steppes. Long periods of internecine conflict between bands of
nomads would throw up a leader of outstanding ability who after ironing out
diierences between the warring hordes welded them into a powerful coalition.
Through choice or compulsion, the smaller, fragmcntcd nomadic groups were
absorbed into the coalition. The next stage saw the nomads aggressively directed at
the surrounding sedentary societies.
13-6.1 Chengiz Khan and The Steppe Aristocracy

Chengiz Khan built the Mongols into a stupefying striking force. Born of a powerful
Mongol chief sometime in the sixties of 12th century. Chcngiz Khan (also spelt as
Chingiz, Chengez Khan), or Temuchin as hc was originally called. Three decades of a
bitter struggle within the steppes paved the way for Tcmuchin, who eve~tually
emerged as the pre-emir:ent leader of the Mongols. During this time he developed his
skill both as a warrior and a canny tactician who cxccllcd in dividing and
circumventing. his enemies.
The nucleus of Chengiz Khan's army, and his imporial government, came from a
mrps of carefully selected guards (bahadur). Units of the Mongol army were put
under command of generals drawn from it. Military mobilisation reached its peak
under Chengiz Khan. Using a well-established nomadic tradition, he enrolled all
adult males into mingghan, literally "units of ten thousand". The mingghan in turn
were divided into smaller units of ten and hundred. Ten mingghans constituted a
tuman and these were deployed for largescale operations. Each of these units was
placed under the command of a general whose worth had been personally tested by
Chengiz Khan. The~authorityof the commander extended over the soldiers and their
families. Thus, administrative control and military mobilisation were parts of a single
mechanism.
13.6.2 Conquests and Expansion ,
The first military efforts of Chengiz Khan were devoted to bringing the pastoral tribes
of the eastern steppes under his sway. Temuchin now ruled over an immense
confederacy of Mongol, Turkic and Manchurian tribes. He was the head of all their
kibitki (tents) and his family held the conquered/hordes in patrimony.
At a k d t a i (assembly of nomad chefs) held in 1206, Temuchin was declared

"Qaghan of all Mongolia" and received the title of Chengiz Khan.
Internally consolidated, the Mongols burst out of the confines of Mongolia. At the
end of a series of annual campaigns beginning in A.D. 1211, they breached the Great
Wall of China and laid hold of Peking.
Soon after, their attention was drawn to Transoxiana and Khurasan which formed the
dominions of the Khwarizm Shah. The defence of the Khwarizm empire crumbled
before Mongol siege-craft which used battering rams, flame-emitting machines (using
naphtha), mangonels or catapults (manjaniq), etc. ~ u k h a r aand Samarqand fell in
1220 in the midst of fearful carnage. A witness reporting on the state of Bukhara
said: "They came, they sapped, they burnt, they slew, they plundered, they
departed."
It had taken the Mongols just about three years, 1219-22, to complete the
annexation of Transoxiana and Khurasan. Two years after, returning to Mongolia in
1225, Chengiz Khan died. By then the whole of northern China had been annexed.
The empire was divided among his sons. Ogedei, his third son, was declared the
Great Khan in 1229. They as yet unconquered Eurasian steppes went to Jochi. The
second son, Chaghtai, received Turkestan, and Tolui, the youngest, got the
Mongolian homeland.
Hulagu, one of the successors of Chengiz Khan, attacked Baghdad in A.D. 1258.
The city was the capital of the Abbasids. It perished in blood and flame. According
to a conse -timate some 800,000 were savagely murdered. The Abbasid
Cab d himself mel a &lent end.
1. hinqjdq
Emally, four great empires a y d b e d out of the .Moog01 conquests:The Golder
Horde rule1 the Volga steppe land and southern RuSsia; the nLbrnn who contra
Afghanista and Iran; the Chaghtai empire which hduded most of Central Asia,
and the em re of KuMai Khan which ruled over China and neighbouring territonz
These empha lasted Well into the 15th century.
1) How Turks got in~~olved
with the Arab caliphate?
2) How Cxengiz K h a ~rose to.Power?

.
3) Give a brief account of Chengiz Khan's conquests outside Mongolia. Hiw of Turks and illongols
in Central Asia
13.7 .LETUS,SUM UP
We hope this Unit has given you a general overview of the developments in Central
Asia during 10-13th century. Now you know briefly the geographical features of
Central Asia. You have also learnt about the nature of pastoral nomadism. In due
course, the Turks, who were mainly nomadic tribes, established powerful e g d o m s .
We also described the consolidation of Mongol power under Chengiz Khan and the
Mongols' expansion into Central Asia, etc. In the next Unit, we will narrate the
expansion of the Turks towardq India, and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate
by them.
13.8 KEY WORDS
Nomad: Groups of people who do not have a settled habitation.

Eurasian Steppes: A geographic region on the borders of Europe & Asia.
Kushan Empire: The Empire covered the north-westem part of India and ruled
from mid first century A.D. to the end of third century A.D.
Land-locked region: A geographic region which has no access to sea.
Shahnama: A tenth century poetic work written by Firdausi in Persian.
Silk Route: Overland route-srarting from China passes through the
North-West frontier of India, across Central Asia and Russia
to the Baltic.
Omayyads: The dynasty of Caliphs which ruled from A.D. 661-A.D. 750.
Tatars: A nomadic tribe.
13.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOURPROGRESS
I Check Your Progeae 1 Check your PrbgFegs 3

1) See Sec. 13.2 1) See Secl. 13.5
I
I 2) See Sub-sec. 13.2.2 2) See Sub-sec. 13.6.1
I *.
3) See Sub-sec. 13.2.2 3) See Sub-sec. 13.6.2
f
1) See Sec. 13.4
UNIT 14 ESTABLISHMENT AND
CONSOLIDATION
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 India from 7th to 12th Century: An Overview
14.3 Initial Conquests up' to Circa 1190 A.D. . .
14.4 The Ghorian Invasions, 1192-1206
14.5 Why the Turks Succeeded?
14.6 Conflict and Cansolidation 1206-1290
14.7 The Mongol Problem
14.8 Political Consequences of the Turkish Conquest of India /
14.9 Let Us Sum Up U.
14.10 Key Words

14.0' OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will know:
the political and socio-economic condition of India during the centuries

preceding the Turkish conquest,
the stages in which Northern India was conquered,
the 'causes' of Turkish success; and
the conflicts, nature, and basis of power of the class that ran the Sultanate.
14.1 INTRODUCTION
In the last Unit, we took an overview of the region called 'Central Asia', its peculiar
environment, and its volatile population of nomad wamors. These nc~madsset out of
their steppe habitat in great numbers and came into contact and collision with the
surrounding civilizations of China, Europe, West Asia and India.
The empires of the Ghamavids and the Seljuqs were built on the ruins of the
Abbasid Caliphate. In the final analysis, both these states were products of the
acculturation of the Turks in the institutions of settled societies. The latter, too, saw
considerable changes iri their own mode of organisation and direction after coming
into contact with the hbngols.
Under the Seljuq umbrella, the Turks had expanded into the Meditarranean and
Byzantine territories. Anatolia (modem Turkey) was conquered and settled by the
'Ottoman Turks'. The Seljuq empire which warded off pressure from incoming tribes
was itself engulfed by political developments drawing upon nomadic movements. The
Khwarizmian empire which undermined the Seljuqs, was swept away by the Mongols.
These cataclysmic and cyclical developments convened the 'Old World' into a vast
melting pot.
In this Unit we will be looking at the conquest of India by the Turks, leading to the
~ctahlichmentnf the nelhi Sirltanate at the heoinnino nf the 1 Bth rentiirv
Establishment and
14.2 INDIA FROM 7TH TO 12TH CENTURY: AN Consolidation
OVERVIEW
We have already discussed the political, social and economic conditions of lndia
during this period in Blocks 1 to 3 of this course. In this section, we will recapitulate
in brief the conditions prevalent in lndia during this period. It will help you in
understanding this Unit.
Politico-economic Order, A.D. 700-1200

The five centuries or so preceding the Turkish invasions have been described by
Indian historians as 'feudal'. Though the use of this concept in characterising the era
has been subjefted to some criticism, the political and socio-economic realities of
lndia during this time answer to many of the general, and some of the specific,
features of feudalism.
The central essential feature of feudalism in India (as in other parts of the world
where it came into vogue) was the grant of land by the king among his officers and
certain sections of society. In return, the grantees (or feudatories, vassals) were under
obligation to serve the king and supply him with men and materials whenever he
called for them. A portion of the revenue collected by the feudatory went to the king
by way of annual tribute. T~G-remainderwas used by them to maintain armed levies
which were put at the disposal of the king in times of war.
."
The ~ ~ r q m \ l l e r f feudatories
ul were permitted to grant land, in turn, thus creating
t 6 r own sub-'teudatories and in the process giving birth to a hierarchy of commands
and obligationi. In India, the feudatories came to adopt various titles. The more
impp~tant-&Yescalled themselves mahasamantas, m_ahamandaleshvara, etc. The
-*6ser ones took the titles of raja, ranaka, samanta, thakura, bhoghika, etc.
The origins of this system-the alienation of rights over land by the king-have been
traced back to the land grants made to Brahmans from the 2nd century onwards.
These Brahmans, who were the beneficiaries of these grants not only collected the
land tax, but also looked to the maintenance of law and order. From the 7th century
onwards, the practice was extended to other sections of society also. In particular, the
officers of the king were granted land in lieu of cash salaries, With time there was a
tendency for these grants to become hereditary, leading to the disappearance of the
distinction between royal officials and 'feudatories', hereditary feudatories being
appointed to royal offices, and officials being granted the titles and, presumably, the
privileges of feudatories.
From 7th century the ruling class was inevitably ruralised. The tendency reinforced
an environment in which urban life had steadily declined (since the Mauryas) along
with commerce as witnessed by the extreme paucity of coins for the period under
consideration. In such conditions, the officials and aristocracies 'lived off the land'.
Dislocation of centralised political power, the appearance of landed magnates and
crystallisation of warrior castes, notably the Rajputs, Were the natural fallout of this
environment.
14.3 INITIAL CONQUESTS UP TO CIRCA 11 90 A.D.

The period between the 9th and I lth century saw the emergence of 'warrior
castes'--military ruling clans which ultimately coalesced into a single caste, that of the
Rajputs, the term being derived from the Sanskrit word rajaputra. The four Rajput
clans that claimed a special status during his timepere the Pratiharas, the Chalukyas,
the Chauhans (also called Chahamanas), and the Solankis.
1) Mahmud of Ghazni
w
In political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghami were the actual
precursors of the Delhi Sultanate. Beginning in A.D. 1000, when the Shahiya king,
Jaypala was routed, the incursions became almost an annual feature of Mahmud and
came to an ead only with his death in A.D. 1030. After taking Multan, he occupied
Punjab. Later, Mahmud made incursions into the Ganga-Yamw doab. The major
interest of Mabmud in India was its fabulous wealth, vast quantities of which (in the
form of cash, jewdery, and golden images) had been depoeited in temples. From
1010 to 1026, the inva8ions were thus directed to the temple-towns of l b m w a r ,
Mathura, Kannauj and,finally !bmnath. The ultimate result was the breakdown of
Iudian dstance, pa*g the way for Turkish conquests in the future. More
importantly, the afternlath of the campaigns had exposed the inadequacy of Indian
politics to offer a unit4 defence agairlst external threats.
Within a short time'of Uahmud's death, his empire met the fate of other empires.
Newly emerging cemtre$ of powers, formed around growing clusters of Turkish .
soldieradventurers,replaced the older ones. The Ghamavid possessions in Khurasan
and Transoxiana were thus annexed, first by the Seljuqs (Unit 13), and later by the
K h w a r h Shah. In their own homeland, Afghanistan, their hegemony was brought
to an end by the principality of Ghor under the Shansabani dynasty. However, in the.
midst of these buffeting, the Ghaznavid rule survived in Punjab and Sind till about
A.D. 1175.
The extent of the Ghaznavid territory in the north-west India is difficult to ascertain.
Towards the north, it included Sialkot and probably, Pesbewar. The southern limits
w a r steadily plshed),back by the Chauhan Rajputs who re-established control over *
portions of h j a b .
hthe initial phase of invasions, Muhammad Ghori's military objective was to gain
contrd over Punjab and Sind. Unlike earlier invaders, he decided to enter the Indus
plains through the G o a d pass and not through the more common Khyber pass
W e r north. By 117g1Peshawar, Uchh and Multan were seized.Later, Lahore was
~ttacked.Muhammad Ghori now pressed his conquests further into India. Within a
short time, military operations cam6 to be directed against the Rajput kingdoms
controlling the Gangetic plains. The Chauhans faced the most acute pressure as they
ruled the territory from Ajmer to Delhi-the gateway to Hindustan. Bhatinda was
besieged in 1191. The garrison quickly surrendered, but the Chauhans, under
Rithviraj, speedily retrieved it after inflicting a humiliating defeat on the Ghorians.
In the following year, Muhannmad Ghori returned with a larger force. At the famous
battle of Tarain, fought in 1192, he conclusively defeated the Chauhans. All places of
military importance-Hansi, Kuhram,Sarsuti-were immediately occupied and
garrisoned. Muhammad Ghori returned to his projects in Central Asia, leaving
behind 'an occupation army at Indraprasth (near Delhi) under the command of
Qutbuddin Aibak'. The latter was given wide powers to extend and consolidate the
conquests.

1) What were Mahrnud Ghazni's main objectives for invatling India?
.............................................................................................................................................
2) Briefly mention the initial conquests of Muhammad Ghori in India.
14.4 THE GHQRIAN INVASIONS:1192-1206

way for the ascendancy of the Turks. From this date onwards, the Rajput power
eritered the phase of irreversible decay. For some time to come, the Ghorians did not
think it convenient to immediately take over the administration of all the conquered
territories. Wherever it seemed feasible, they allowed the Rajputs to continue,
provided Turkish suzerainty was acknowledged. Thus Ajmer, for instance, was
allowed to be retained by Prithviraj's son as a vassal ruler. This uneasy balance,
powever, was often disturbed by the recurrent conflicts between the imperial designs
of the Ghorians and local rulers.
I ,
Under Aibak's leadership, the Turks continued to make territorial advance in all
bedions. After having refortified Hansi towards the end of 1192, Aibak crossed the
Yamuna to establish a military base in the upper Doab, Meerut and Baran (modem
Bulandshahr) capitulated iri. 1192. In 1193 Delhi was occupied. Its location and
historical tradition made it most suitable as a capital for Turkish power in India. It
was both close to the Ghorid stronghold in Punjab as well as conveniently placed for
sending expeditions towards the east. In 1194 Aibak ~ ~ o s s ethed Yamuna for the
1 second time and captured Kol (Aligarh).
The a ~ o v military
e successes encouraged Muhammad Ghori to confront king
I
Jayachandra of the Gahadavala dynasty in the vicinity of Chandwar (between Etah
and Kanpur). Jayachandra, eventually lost. Afterwards, Turkish military stations
were placed at Bharas, Asni and other important towns. However, the capital city of
Kannauj could not be occupied until 1198-99.
I
The other important areas over which the Ghorians were able to extend their sway
were Bayana, Gwalior and Anhilwara in 1195-96, and Badaun in 1197-98. The
opening of the 13th century saw action against the 'last surviving imperial
Rajputs'-the Chandellas of Bundekhand. Around 1202, Kalinjar, Mahoba and
Khajuraho were occupied and grouped into a military division.
I
From 1203 onwards, the Turks made forays into the eastern provinces of the Indian
subcontinent with varying degrees of success. Magadha was conquered for the
'Sultanate' by Bakhtiyar Khalji and his tribesmen. Under him,the Turkish intrusions
could also penetrate Bengal (ruled by the Lakshrnanas).
In general, during this phase, the Ghorians were able to extend their hegemony over
a very considerable part of Northern India. But, as yet, they stood on shaky ground.
Areas once conquered tended to slip out of control. It took several decades before
their control found firm ground.
14.5 WHY THE TURKS SUCCEEDED ?
Various reasons have been assigned for the success of the Turkish conquests of North
India. Many of the contemporary chroniclers do not go beyond the standard
explanation of attributing this major event to the 'Willof God'. Some British
historians, who initiated the study of Indian history in greater depth, accounted for
the success of the Turks as follows: The Ghorian armies were drawn from the warlike
tribes inhabiting the difficult region lying between the Indus and the Oxus. They had
gathered military powers and expertise fighting the Seljuq @es and other fierce
tribes of Central Asia. On the other hand, <heIndians were pacifist and not given to
war. Moreover, they were divided into small states which hampered expansionist
ambitions.
!I
I The explanation is inadequate and unbalanced insofar as it leaves out of
1 consideration well-known facts of Indian history as well as the history of countries
Erom where the invaders came. It should be remembered that the large-scale conquest
.and destruction of the so-called warlike Islamic regions by the Mongols in 1218-19
I I was camed out without any real resistance. On the other hand, the Rajputs, whom
the Turks conquered, were not lacking in bravery and martial spirit. The period from
the 8th to the 12th century is one long story of warfare and violent internal struggles.
It is, therefore, hardly worthwhile to emphasise the peaceful or docile temperament
of the Indian populations as the cause of the Turkish success. -
Some Indian historians have traced the Turkish success to the peculiar social htnblishment .and
structure created by Islam. Jadunath Sarkar, for instance, lays stress on three unique Consolidation
characteristics which Islam imparted to the Arabs, Berbers, Pathans, and Turks: first
complete equality and social solidarity as regards legal and religious status. Unlike
India, the Turks were not divided into castes that were exclusive of each other.
Secondly, an absolute faith in God and his will which gave them drive and a sense of
mission. Finally, Islam secured the Turkish conquerors from drunkenness which,
according to Sarkar, was the ruin of the Rajputs, Marathas, and other Indian rulers.
Whatever partial truth it might contain, this explanation, too, seems insufficiently
grounded in history.
, Aleastmoretwocomprehensive view of the Indian debacle must perhaps take into account at
major factors: the prevailing socio-political system in India and her military
preparedness.
After the fall of the Gujara-Pratihara empire, no single state took its place. Instead,
there arose small independent powers like Gahadavalas in Kannauj, Parmaras in
Malwa, Chalukyas in Gujarat, Chauhans in Ajmer, Tomars in Delhi, Chandellas in
Bundelkhand, etc. Far from being united, they tended to operate within the confines
of small ~emtoriesand were in a state of perpetual internal conflicts. Lack of
centralized power was an important factor in emasculating the strength and efficiency
of the armed forces. Fakhr Mudabbir in his Adab-ul Harb wa al-shuja't mentions
that Indian forces consisted of 'feudal levies'. Each military contingent was under the
command of its immediate overlord/chief and not that of the king. Thus, the army
lacked 'Unity of Command'. Besides, since only few castes and clans took military
profession, the bulk of the population was excluded from military training. This made
the general population of the country totally detached from the defence of the
country; when the Turks came, we find the Indian masses hardly came to the rescue
of their kings. The concept of physical pollution (Chhut) also hampered military
efficiency since it made the division of labour impossible; the soldiers had to do all
their work on their own, from fighting to the fetching of water.
Another important reason for the success of the Turks was their superior military
technology and art of war. These nomads from the steppes could be credited with
introducing the age of the horse'. The Turks used iron stirrup and horse-shoes that
reinforced their striking power and the stamina of the cavalry, while horse-shoes
provided greater mobility to the horse, stirrup gave the soldiers a distinct advantage.
The popular notion that the Indians were defeated on account of the use of elephants
does not seem plausible now, we do not find any evidence in the Tabaqat-i Nasiri or
other sources in support of this view. Jayapala's case is an exception where his elephants
took to flight:Such examples are hard to come by. In fact, Mahmud of Ghazni is
reported to have maintained large number of elephants that he took to his Kingdom
from India and employed them with success.
1) Match the following:

A B
Battle Year
i) Kol 1193
Tarain 1194
Delhi 1 1 98-99
Anhilwara 1192
Kannauj 195-96
ii) Match the following:

A B
Dynasty Place
Gahadavalas Bundelkhand
Chauhans Delhi
Tomars Ajmer
Chalukyas Kannauj
Chandellas Gujarat
2) Write in about ten lines the causes for the Turkish Success.
I
...............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................................
14.6 CONFLICT AND CONSOLIDATION, 1206-1290

The period from 1206 to 1290 constitutes the formative and the most challenging
period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate. It was marked by a prolonged,
multi-cornered cbnflict within the Ghorian ruling class as well as against the renewed
Rajput resurgence.
Muhammad ~ h o r i ' ssudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for supremacy among
his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz: Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutbuddin
Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and
upper Sind. Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already
been deputed as the 'viceroy' of Muhammad Ghori and the over all commander of
the army in India. Though, technically still a slave, the title of sultan was conferred
upon him soon after the death of his master. The formal establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate, as an entity in its own rights, is traced back to this event. Subsequent ,
developments made this a reality.
t.
Early in* brief reign of four years, Aibak (d. 1210) moved his capital to Lahore in
brder to frustrate Yalduz's ambition of annexing Punjab. With the Khwarizm Shah
keadly advancing on Ghor, there was partly a compulsion in Yalduz's attempt to
-
kstablish himself in India.
'Aibak 'was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought back the
I capital to Delhi. Large portions of the territories conquered by the Turks had slipped
.'out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had 'withheld tribute and repudiated
allegiance'. Iltutmish's quarter century reign (1210-1236) was distinguished by a
concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate's authority on areas that had been lost.
in 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 Iltutmish wrested the province
of w o r e from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor.
.Within three years of this event, t h e ' ~ o n ~ o lunder

s, Chengiz Khan's leadership,
appeared on the banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalduddin Mangbarni (the son of
the Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuge in Punjab. In Unit 13, we have
discussed the destruction of Islamic lands by the Mongols. Henceforth, the Mongols
remained a constant factor among the concerns of Delhi Sultans. We will discuss
Mongol intrusions during the 13-14th century in the subsequent section.
Though the Mongol presence had upset ~ltutrnish'splan of consolidation on the
north-west, it also created conditions for the destruction of Qubacha who held Uchh
and faced the brunt of Mangbami's invasion. As a consequence, lltutmish was able to
seize Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. About 1228, he launched a two-pronged attack
on Multan and Uchh. Defeated; Qubacha drowned himself in the Indus. Unified
control over the north-west now became posib!e for the Delhi Sultanate. In
Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim Ranthambhor, Mandor, Jalor, Bayana and
DELHI SULTANATE
0 KABUI
c* 1235 AoDo
APPROXIMATE BOUNDARY ,
,,,
,
BHATNAIR
ANHILWARA
UJJAlN
*
Thangir. After 1225, IPtutmish could turn towards the east. Apart from sporadic Fstnblishment and
Consolidation
military successes, however, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and Bihar continued to evade the
authority of the Sultanate. A modern historian asseses the Sultan's achievement as
follows:
"to him the Sultanate owed the first outline of its administrative system. He laid
. the foundations of an absolutist monarchy that was to serve later as the
instrument of a military imperialism under the Khaljis. Aibak outlined the Delhi
I Sultanate and its sovereign status; litutmish was unquestionably its first king."
lltubnish's death saw more sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks. In
a period of some thirty years, four rulers, (descendants of Iltutmish) occupied the
I throne. The most prominent group t o decide the course of high politics during these
years is identified as the k L . 4 & M g d brreQgm SLoaPsi (the 'forty' Turkish
slave "officers" of Iltutmish). The fourteenth century historian, Ziauqdin Barani, has
left behind concise and insightful account of these critical years:
II
"During the reign of Shamsuddin - (Iltutmish), ....owing to the presence of
t1 peerless m&ks, wazirs....educated, wise and capable, the court of the
Sultan (Sharnsuddin) had become stable....But after the death of the Sultan....his
'forty' Turkish slaves got the upper hand ....So owing to the supremacy of the
Turkish slave officers, all these men of noble birth....were destroyed under
.various pretexts during the reigns of the successors of Shamsuddin....".
In the main, Barani's account is borne out by contemporary developments. Between

1235-1265 political developments revolved round a conflict between the crown and a
military aristocracy,determined to retain its privileged position with the balance often
increasingly tilting in favour of the latter.
In these circumstances, the very survival of the Sultanate was under question.
Pditical instability was exacerbated by the recalcitrance of smaller Rajput chiefs and
local leaders. Moreover, the Mongols were constantly active in and around Punjab.
The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler.
Balban addressed himself to two major objectives:
i) to raise the prestige of the crown through elaboratecourt ceremonials, and

inculcation of Sassanian traditions that distanced the ruler from ordinary folks,
converting him into a symbol of awe; (ii) consolidating Turkish power: rebellions
were put down with determination and administrative procedures were streamlined.
After the death of Balban, struggle for the throne started. Balban had nominated Kai
Khusrau, son of Muhammad (Balban's eldest son) but the nobles helped Baiqubad,
son of Bughra Khan, to ascend the throne. Intrigues continued for more than two
years. Finally, Jalaluddin Khalji, who was a prominent noble during this period,
managed to capture the throne which was strongly resented because it was thought
I that the Khaljis were not Turks but belonged to a different race. Barani does not
I
speafy the race to which the Khaljis belonged. The Khaljis had been occupying
impartant positions during the period 1206-1290. For example, Bakhtiyar Khalji was
the m.qti of Bengal. Even Jalaluddin Khalji was the muqti of Sunam in Western
I
Punjab.
Jalaluddin Khalji started consolidating his kingdom but was killed in 1296 by his
nephew Alauddin Khalji who captured the throne. For almost 20 years, the Sultanate
under Alauddin Khalji fdoweh a policy of conquests. You will read about this in.
Unit 15.
CLeeLYoerPIogess3
1) Write in five lines how Qutbuddin succeeded in crushing the power of Yalduz.
EstPMishment of Delhi
Sultanate ..............................................................................................................................................
b
2) Iltutmish was the teal founder of the Turkish rule in India. Explain.
14.7 THE MONGOL PROB-

We have already discussed the &e of the Mongol power in Central Asia and Persia
in Unit 13. Here our emphasis would be on the Mongol threat on the north-west
border of India and its kepurcussions.
For the Delhi Sultans, wntrol over Kabul-Ghazni-Qandahar line flanked by the
Hindukush, was impo-t not only for stabilizing the 'scientific frontier' but also for
the fact that it connected India with the major silk-route passing from China through
Central Asia and Persia. But the development in Central and West-Asia did not
permit the newly founded Turkish state to do the job. The situation on account of the
Mongd onslaught (as p u would see)compelled the Delhi Sultans t o take comfort
along the Chenab, while the cis-Sutlej region became the cock-pit of ccmfrontatio~ls.
Thus, the "Indus remaiOed only the cultural boundary of Iadia," and for all practical
purposes the line of codtrol was confined to the west of the Indus only.
Professor K.A.Nizami has categorised the response of the Sultanate towards, the
M o w challenge into three distinct phases: (i) .loehess,(ii) and (iii)
reswlmce.
lltutmish followed the @icy of 'd-.The Delhi Sultans had to face the Mongol
threat as early as A.D. 1221 when, after destroying the Khwarizmi empire, Chengiz
Khan d e d the Indiap frontiers in pursuit of the crown-prince Jalaluddin
Mangbarni. The latter seeing no alternative, crossed the Indus and entered the
cis-Indus region.
lltutmish had to take ndte of the Mongols who were knocking at the Indian frontier,
but equally p i m e was the p r m w of Mangbarm in the cis-Indus region. The Sultan
feared a W b l e alliance of Qubacha and the Khokhars with Mangbarni. But,
Qubacha and Maugbami locked their horns for political ascendancy, and meanwhile
bonds of friendship developed between Mangbarni and the Khokhm through a
matrimonial alliance. Tbis strengthened the position of Maugbarni in the northwest.
Ata MaliL Juwaini in hid T d - i JPhPn Gaehp decisively opines that Ututmish smelt
danger from Mangbarni who might "gain an ascendancy over him and involve him in
ruin." Besides, lltutmishlwss also aware of the weaknesses of the Sultanate. These
factors compelled Utu- to follow the pohcy of 'doofnecas'.
Chengiz Khan is reported to have sent his envoy to Iltutmish's court. It is difficult to
say anything about the Sultan's response, but so long as Chengiz Khan was alive
(d. A.D.1227), Iltutmish did not adopt an expansionist policy in the north-west
region. An understanding of non-aggression against each other might have possibly
been arrived at. Iltutmisln shrewdly avoided any political alliance with the Khwarizm
Prince.The latter sent hi+ envoy Ain-ul Mulk t o lltutmish's court requesting for
asylum which lltutmish denied by saying that the climate was not codgenial for his
my. On the other hand, Ihe put the envoy to death. Minhaj Siraj mentions that
11tgtmishled an e x p d t i m against Mangbarni but the latter avoided any
confrontation and finallylleft the Indian soil in A.D.1224.
shift from ~ltbtmish'spolicy of 'aloofness' to 'appeasement' was the result of the

extension of the sultanate frontier up to Lahore and Multan which exposed the
Sultanate d h d y to the Mongol incursions with no buffer state left between them. K%tablishmentand
Consolidation
Razip's dkowa& rapooae to anti-Mongd alliance, proposed by Hasan Qarlugh
of Bamym is t)le indicata of her appmmmmt policy. We must bear in mind that
this policy of nak-- mdue pnmanly to the partitioning of the Chengiz's
empire among his stma which weakened their power; and also on account of the
hlongd p.esccuptioos in West-Asia.
At any rate, between 1240-66, the Mongols for the first time embarked upon the
~ofPaacrrtionofIndiP~dthegoldenphaseofmutual'.oll-.ggeseionp.ct'
with Delhi ended. During this phase, the Sultanate remained under serious Mongol
t h a t . 'Ibe main reaeoa mthe change in the situation in Central Asia.The Mongol
Khan of Tnumxiana found it difficult to face the might of the Persian Khanate and,
thus, was left with no alternative except to try his luck in India.
In 1241, Tair Bahadur invaded Lahore and completely destroyed the city. It was
followed by two successive invasions in A.D. 1245-46. In spite of the best efforts of
I Balban during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, the Sultanate frontier during
1 AD. 1 ~ 1 6m 6 at &ar ~ n dyet, , the y t pdicy mtinued for
sometime. In A.D. 1260 Halagu's envoy to Delhi was well received and this
diplometic gesture was reciprocated by Halagu also.
A distinct change in Delhi Sultan's policy can be seen from Balban's reign onwards.
On the whde, it was the phase of 'resiebce'. By and large, Balbm remained in
Delhi and his energies concentrated mainly in keeping away the Mongols, at least
from the Beas. Barani mentions, when the two nobles Tamir Khan and Adil Khan
suggested the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat and advised him to pursue an
expansionist policy Balban replied:
'When the Mongols have occupied all lands of Islam, devastated Lahore and
made it a paint to invade our country once in every year....If I move out of the
capital the Mongols are sure to avail themselves of the opportunity by sacking
Delhi and ravaging the Doab. Making peace and consolidating our power in our
own kingdom is far better than invading foreign territories while our own
kingdom is insecure."
Balban used both 'force and diplomacy' against the Mongols. He took some
measures to strengthen his line of defence. Forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and Samana
were reinforced to check any Mongd advance beyond Beas. Balban succeeded in
oclWing Multan and Uchh but his forces remained under heavy Mongol pressure in
Punjab. Every year Prince Muhammad, Balban's son, led expeditions against the
~~. 'Ibe Prince died in AD. 1285 while defending Multan. Actually, till A.D.
1295, the Mongols did not show much enthusiasm to occupy Delhi.
During Alauddin Khalji's reign, the Mongol incursions extended further and they
atmnpkd to ravage Delhi for the first time in'A.D. 1299 under Qutlugh Khwaja.
Since then, Delhi became a regular target of the Mongols. For the second time,
Qutlugh Khwaja in A.D. 1303 attacked Delhi when Alauddin Khalji was busy in his
Chittor campaign. The attack was so severe that the Mongols inflicted large-scale
c b t r u d o n and so long as the Mongols besieged Delhi, Alauddin could not enter the
aty.
Constant Mongol attacks pressed Alauddin to think of a permanent solution. He
recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. As a result, the
Mongols, were repulsed in 1306 and 1308. Another reason for the Mongol reversal
was the death of Dawa Khan in 1306, followed by civil war in the Mongol Khanate.
It weakened the Mongols greatly, and they ceased to remain a power to reckon with.
This situation helped the Delhi Sultans to extend their frontier as far as the Salt
Range. The last signidcant Mongd invasion was under the leadership of Tarmashirin
&uing the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq.
Thus, the Delhi Sultans succeeded in ta&8 the Mongol problem and succeeded in
teeping their kingdom intact. It shows the strength of the Sultanate. Besides, the
Mongol destruction of Central and West-Asia resulted in large-scale migration of
(rholars, mystics, artisans and others to Delhi, which transformed it into a great town
i.f la la mi^ nrlhrre-area
bla~lishrnentof Delhi -
Sultanate POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE
TURKISH CONQUEST OF INDIA
f i e Turkish conquest of Jndia brought about some far reaching changes in the
polltical economic and axial conditions of India.
Its first major consequence was to replace the 'feudal', multi-centred, polity of the
buntry by a centralised state, in which the king enjoyed practically unlimited powers.
m e 'Sultanate' which we briefly referred to in Unit 16, was the form in which this
power was expressed.
The chief institution which made the Sultanate possible was that of the iqta:
transferable revenue assignments, an institution which the Seljuqs found in operation
In the Abbasid ruled areas and which they updated in the light of their own
fequirements. In Block 9 and 6, you will be reading the history of the iqh system in
w a in greater detail. Here we will simply touch upon its principal features to
hlustrate how it provided the basis of a different polity. Under this system, the
.rfficers of the king were assigned territories to realise revenue and maintain troops
md cavalry cuntingents. The holders of such assignments were known .as rnoqti .
Unlike the pre-Turkish system wherein the land grantees had acquired permanent
tights of ownership, the iqta-holders were regularly transferred and their tenure in.
particular places or localities was normally for 3 to 4 years.
Taking the Delhi Sultanttte as a whole, such a system made the assignee dependent
on the central authority to a far greater extent than it was +ble under the earlier
Indian politics. While the rais, ramw and thakures failed to unite the country, the
Turks succeeded in establishing an "all-India administntion by bringing the chief
-
cities and the great routes under the control of the government of Delhl."
Much as the iqta system provided the base for a despotic state, it was also a means of
e x m c b g the agricultural surplus. The Turks had brought with them the tradition of
Cving in the cities and, as a result, the large surplus produce of the countryside found
p way into the cities in the fonn of land tax. This led to a c o n d d l e grbwth of *;
urban economy. Turks also brought with them the Persian wheel and the spinning
wheel. The former helped greatly in inaeasing the agricultural production (for
further details see Block 6, Unit 22).
ehecLYoarProgress4
1) Aloobesg t- and resabrce were the thrq w e a p n s ~ u s dby the
Delhi Sultans to face the Mongd challenge. Explain in ten lines.
............................................................................................................................................
2) Match the following
A B . b
i) Falrhr Mudabbii T d - i , Feroa ShPbi
Ata Malik Juwaini T-t-i NIsn
Minhaj Siraj Adab-PI, E b b wa PI-Shja't
.7:---~~2- n---: m - 2 9~ 1~-~--
I~--L-
A B
'@)~ K b o n ' s d e r r t h 1241
JrLLuddbhh@am?sretum 1260
Hah#u's envoy to India 1227
Tair Bahdur's attack 1224
3) Briedly discuss the political consequences of the Turkish conquest.
.............................................................................................................................:................
............................................................................................................................................. 4
........................................................................
......................................................................
Thii Unit began with the description of Indip p6litical scenario on the eve of
fl;rliish invasion.India was not a mitied political unit but divided into number of
mall states ruled by k+ and autonomous chiefs. Muhammad Ghori tried to
subjugate them, the culmination of which may be seen in the defeat of Prithviraj
Chauhau at the battle of Tarain. This laid the foundation of the Turkish rule in India.
After Muhammad . . Ghori's departure one of his commanders, Qutbuddin Aibak got
busyinestablrsbmg the Turkisb power in Iedia In the proces he suppressed Yalduz,
the Muhi slave who had rival claims to the Muhi throne in India. But, he failed to
suppress Qubacha, 'Ihe task was left to Il~tmis&.Rtutmish not only expanded the
Muhi empire but also organised and strengthened the admiuismtive machinery with
the hdp of the group of nobles called-the 'Forty'. He also introduced certain
Sassanid htituticms like iqta that helped greatly in centralizing the administration.
'Ihio~nithPs&covdthefactorsbehioldthe~urkishsu~andits
coasequences. Turks succeeded primarily because of their superior military
tedmdogy and on account of the fact that hdian armies mainly consisted of 'feudal
levies'. Turkish conquest was not, simply the change of one dynasty by another. It
bad a far reaching affect on Indian society, economy and polity. You will study about
these as- in Blocks 5 to 8.
14.10 HEY WORDS
burlgr m*.Cltutmish's Turkish officers' group

(T--I C L I Y d e ) (popularly called -'the forty')
A tribe in Central Asia
Shocks
Suddexi videnit change
Forays: Sudden attadw
Horseshoe: Horses were nailed to protect their hoofs (Persian MI)
' Inn-s(imp: D-shapediron foot-supports hanging down from a horse's
saddle.
A water-lifting d&ce used to lift the water from some
depth. Fgr details See Block 6
Device for spinning the cotton. This was moved with the
help af meal-handle and had six spindles.
EXERCISES
~ Y a ~ 1
1) See Sac. 14.3
2) See Sac. 14.3
CbcdrYaP1ogese2
1) i) 1194,1192,1193,1195-96,1198-99
U j ,Dew, Gujarat, Budelkhand
ii) ~ ~ ~ aAjmem,
I
2) See Sac. 14.5 I
CkdrYaRagess3
1) See Sac. 14.6
2) See Sac. 14.6
CbscLYffProgess4
1) See See 14.7
' 15.0objectives
15.1 In-
15.2 ExpcrasionuntkrtheKhaljis
15.2.1 W a t md Ceadnl
15.2.2 North-West md N a t h Indis
15.2.3 Dccan +SoutLnud Exp.luioa
15.3 E x p r n s i o a u n d c r t h e ~ u ~ s
15.3.1 'Lhe South
15.3.2 Eest Iadir
1%3.3 N n t b W a t m d North
15.4 Let Us Sum Up
15.5 Keywads
You have r d in Unit 14 that after military conquests, the rulers of the Delhi
Sultmate ad thanadvc8 on the t& of d d a t i n g the Sultanate.'Ihe first
buadrea years of the -Ddbi Sultanate did not thus witness any-large-scale expansion of
tbeiaiCbl~~oftheSultsartc.Itwasoalyaftcrfirstesta~gtheroots
d the SulClraate that attention was paid to the expansion of the boundaries of the
Mtmmc in the fommcath century.
Aha reading this Unit you will know about:
a the tedtorial expamion of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century in the north,
north-west and north-east, and
'. 'Ibe initial surge of occupation untkr the early Turkish Sultans died down about the
middle of the t b t e.n t .h century. Now the primary obj&ve,of the hter Sultans
hrrune.theconsold.bon of the Sultanate.Tbus, it was not until the establishment of
the Kbslji rule that the boumhies of the Sultanate expanded beyond the early gains.
'ibe werthmw of the Turtirh hegemony at the end of the thirteenth century and its
replacement with the Khaljis, under whom the exclusive racial character of the ruling
dass was thoroughly diluted, is thus an event not without significance. 'Ihe opening
up of the Sultanate and d i v e participation of ruling groups in managing the
& f i r s of the !Wauate made ~~ expansion a feaaiMe propsition. Initial fora
into main and Ranthambhar soon after the accession of Jalaluddin Feruz Khalji to r"
tbeSulclrnrteof~hsd~thomethe~thatterri~~onwasnow
r poWcalnecessity. Ncighbdng kingdoms had become strong and any ;concerted
attamp @mt the Sultpnw coukl cast it dear. Moreover, Alauddin's glittering
p q e c t of the acquisition of wealth, besides extending territorial gains, had sei the
~ a t t h e b ~ d t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y f o r t h e ~ o anexpansionist
nof
policy-
-
154 EXPANSW)N UNWl THE KHALJIS
The first of the Khalji SultansiJalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources to
undertake any large-scale
. . ofexpansionist programme. His six years reign was gripped by
the i n t d ha* to reumcile between the policies of the Sultan
and the interests of his supporters. The resolution of @ problem came in the
unfortunate assasination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his assassin and successor,
had a different imperial design. He was to herald an age of territorial annexation and
expansion of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching close to
the tip of the Southern peninsula by the middle of the fourteenth century.
15.2.1 West and Central India

Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself at
Delhi, undertook the first expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299. This aIso
happened to be the first project of temtorial expansion under him. possibly Alauddin
was attracted by the wealth of Gujarat whose flourishing trade had always lured
invaders.
The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, two of
Alauddin's best army generals. Gujarat was an easy prey-the province was
plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control of
Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor.
In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall was
hat of Malwa in 1305, It was an extensive region and was governed from the capital
Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev with the assistance of a powerful rnioister Koka
"I
, .Radhan. The impe army was outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did eventually
wceed and the fort o Mandu was captured. The province of Malwa, after its fall,
was given for adrhinistiation to Ainul Mulk who was known to have soon brought
Ujjain, Dhar and Chadderi, too, under his control.
Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometres to the
south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin's army had been besieging Siwana for five or six
years beginning 1304-05 without much success. The fort was finally captured in ,/
1309. The ruler of Siwana, Rai Sital Dev, was killed in action and the fort and the '
'territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg.
)I the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in
the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Karnaluddin
Gurg.
15.2.2 North-West a
uk North India
Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing the
prospects of revolt by the surviving member of Jalaluddin's family who had fled to
Multan. Ulugh Khan m d Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job .of eliminating
Arkali Khan at Multarl. Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted to Deihi.
Multan once again carbe under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking, Multan
expedition was not an act of temtorial expansion but formed part of the policy of
consolidation.
In 1300, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai
Harnir. Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan. The Imperial army
captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege. Alauddin had to personally take the
~coqmandof the campBign. The siege lasted for over six months. Ultimately, the
women inside the fort performed jauhar and one night the gates of the fort were
o ~ n e by
d Hamir Dev who died fighting.
51pursuance of the saqne policy, Alauddin attacked the kingdom of Chittor in 1303.
After several assaults, the ruler of Chittor suddenly sent an offer of surrender to the
Sultan on his own. The heir apparent KhiP Khan was assigned the governorshipof ,
the temtory. But soonlthefort was bestowed upon Maldeo, a son of the sister of the
leariier ruler of Chittori who remained loyal to Delhi till the end of Alauddin's reign.
By the end of the first decade of Alauddin's rule the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate
had expanded to cover~almostthe whole of north, west and central India. From
Multan in the north-west to the Vidhyas in central India, and almost the entire
A.D.1290-1320
Approximate Boundary ,-
-
,
BAY OF BENGAL
Dewgin in the Deccgn had already tasted Alauddin's plunder in A.D. 1296 during
bis tenure as the governor of Kara. The next military campaign in the Deccan was
planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Ddagiri in 1306-7. An
bunedhte cause for this was an unduly long delay in sending the m u d tribute to
Delhi in 12%.
'Lbe command of the ~eccan'cam~ai~n was given to Malik Kafur, and directions
were sent to Ainul Mulk Multani and Alp Khan for providing assistance. Only a
feeble re&tmce was1provided by Ram Chandra Dev as he surrendered to the
lmpenal army under the assurance of personal safety. His,son, however fled with a
part of the army. Ram Chandra Dev was accorded great honour by the Sultan and
nstored to the throne of Devqm in return for the assurance of regular and prompt
payment of an a n n u tribute to the Sultan. The Rai also gave his daughter in
Furriage to the Sult4n. It appears that Alauddin's policy was not to annex Devagiri
but main it as a protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible from the
kiogdom.
.L
Malik Kafur's careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan's confidence
b his abilities as a military general and he decided to entrust him with the
mspomibility to malce forays in the peninsular region in the South. Acquisition of
'trerlth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to have
been the prime motive in sending these exped~tions.Accordingly, in October 1309
be impexid army began its southward march under the command of Malik Kafur.
Amir Khusrau has given details of these campaigns in his Kbrrzrrin-d Fatuh. Enroute
a surprise assault wss made by Malilr Kafur on the fort at Sirpur (in Adilabad
W c t ) . The nobles of Sirpur fled to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal and the fort was
captured by the 1 r n p - d army.
,
By the middle of January 1310, the marching army had reached the suburbs of
warangal.
On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end because Rai
Pudra Dev decided to surrender. He agreed to part with his treasures apd pay an
manual tribute as token of submission.
Warangal was a qx$taah success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised of
20,000horses, 100 dephants, and an enormous stock of gold and precious stones
Men on thousand ~amels.The province was not territorially annexed but accorded
the status of a protectorate. The imperial army came back to Delhi at the beginning
of June 1310. Sultan's avarice now knew no bounds. Since the Sultanate was by this
\
time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire country to the north d
the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he planned another military
campaign in the far south.
The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal.
M a U Kafur was odce again commanding imperial army and was instructed to
capture nearly 500 elephants besides the treasures of gold and precious stones. The
Port was besieged in February 1311and the very next day a message seeking peace
came from Ballala Dev, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier cases the terms
included parting of much wealth and a promise for annual tribute.
Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kapur decided to move further
muth. Accordingly, he marched towards Ma'bar in a little less than a month's time
reached-Madura,the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the ruler, had already
led.The elephants and treasure were captured by Malik Kafur. There were 5 12
elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones.
Alauddin's Deccan and southward campaigns *ere aimed at achieving two basic
Ipbjectives: (i) a fortnal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these
M o m , and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of life. His
p h c y of not annexing the conquered tenitories but accepting the acknowledgement ; ~erritoriaiExpansion
i ofthe Sultan's suzerainty speaks of Alauddin's political sagacity.
Within a year, however, of Malik Kafur's return from Ma'bar, developments in the
Deccan called for a review of the policy of non-annexation. Ram Dev, the ruler of I
Devagiri, died sometime in the latter half of 1312 and was succeeded by his son
BhiUama. Bhillama refused to accept the suzerain status of the Sultan of Delhi and
1 declared his independence. Alauddin sent Malik Kafur to suppress the rebellion and
instructed him to take temporary charge of the province. But Malik Kafur was soon
I
called back and asked to handover charge of the province of Ainul Mulk. In January
1316, after Alauddin's death, even Ainul Mulk was called back to Delhi, leaving the
affairs of Devagiri unsettled. Thus, Mubarak Khalji, the successor of Alauddin,
I wanted to march to Devagiri soon after his accession, but was advised by his nobles
I
t o take some more time so as to consolidate his position in Delhi. In the second year
of his reign in April 1317, Mubarak started for the campaign. The march was
, uneventful.'Devagiri offered no resistance, and the Maratha chiefs submitted before
I the Sultan. l'he provinq was annexed to the Sultanate.
1
I
1) From the places given below, identify the first one conquered by Alauddin Khalji
as Sultan of Delhi:
a) Devagiri
b) Malwa
I
c) Gujarat
d) Ma'bar
2) Which of the following places were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate by Alauddin
Khalji:
a) Warangal
b) Siwana
C) Devagiri
d) Jalor '
3) Explain Alauddin's policy with regard to the kingdoms in the Deccan and rar
south.
4) Who from among the names listed below was appointed the first governor of
Devagiri after its annexation by the Sultanate:
I . a) Rai Ram Chandra Dev
b) Malik Kafur
c) Mubarak Khalji
, d) Khusrau Khan
15.3 EXPANSION UNDER TEk 1'iJGHLUQS
The Tughluqs came to power in Delhi When Ghiyasuddin Tughluq ascended the
throne in 1320. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and
demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had
proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to
the heartland. The administrative machinery was completely out of gear and the
treasury had been completely depleted. Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed himself k t
& ( . ~ ~ s h w nef
c Dclhi to the task of restoring the exchequer and the admhhhtion. But soon after that
Sultrnate
came the question of*testoringprestige and authority in the outlying parts of the
empire.
1
15.3.1 The South

The polttical ccmdition in the Deccan was not assuring in any way. The aaxptance of
Abuddin's sueminty 8nd the promise of loyalty by the rule19 of the South was only
nondaeL Fresh milimy e o n s were cettainiy needed for.the reinforcement of
' h p d d authority in qcvagrri and Telbgana. Dewgbi, as you bave~alreadyread, had
been annexed to the SGltanate by Mubarak Khplji. But the southern states beyond
Devagiri had cqnpletely overthrown whatever little sembbce d imperial authacity
remained there. The Telingana, therefore, chimed Ghiyasuddin's immediate:
attention.
In 1321, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) started for the swth with a large
army. Without much resistance in the way he r e a d d WarPnepl. After two sieges,
each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally decided to
surrender. But this time there was no forgiving the recalcitrant: the fort was
occupied,plundered and some demolitions effected. The Rai was made a prisoner
and escorted to Delhi. Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under dirad imperial
administration.
In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Ma'bar to submission
and set up direct imperial adminimation there. The region of T e h p n a was thus
made a part of the Dew Sultanate and divided into several adminkative units. The
, local talent was abundantly employed in the administration and acts of v e n d a h
against the vanquished were forbidden.
15.3.2 East India

The expedition in the eastern parts of India came as a consequence of the wars in the
South. Bhanudeva 11, the ruler of Jajnagar in .@ksa, had giveh support to Rai Rudra
Dev of Warangal at the time of imperial offensive against the latter. Ulugh Khan,
therefore, after laving Warangal sometime in the middle of 1324, marched against
Jajnagar. A fierce battle 'todr p h in .which victoiy sided with Ulugh Khan. He
plundered the enemy camp and collected large booty. Jajnagar was annexed and
made a part ofthe Sulmate.
Bengal was another kinedm in the east which had always been a hotbed of sedition.
Its governors would not miss any m t y of assexbg independen&. In 1323-24
a fratricidal quarrel b r a e out in Lakhnauti after the death of Feroz Shah, the ruler of
this independent princqdty. Some nobles from Lakhnauti came to Ghiyasuddin for
help who responded and decided to march to Bengal in person. After reaching
Tihut the Sultan himself made a halt and deputed Babrarn Khan with a host of other
officers to march to Lakhnauti. The rival forces confronted each other near
L.akhnauti. In the battle that ensued the forces of Delhi easily pushed back Bengal
army and pursued them for some distance. One of the warring groups led by
Nasiruddin was conferreid a tributary status at Lakhnauti.
15.3.3 North-West Pml North . ,.

>
Sin& Alauddin's expedition to Multan thi-n-6-western &onti& of the S u l t ~ a t e
had remained 6 x 4 . Subsequent Sultans were mostly occupied with the affairs of the
South and Gujarat. It w& after Muhammad Tughluq acceded to the throne that
attention was paid to th+ north-west frontier. Soon after his a d o n , Muhammad
Tughluq led campaigns to Kalanaur and Peshawar. Probably it was a sequel to the
invasion of the Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-27 and was aimed at
securing north-western frontier of the Sultanate against future Mongd attacks. On
his way to Kalanaur, the Sultan stayed at Lahore but ordered his army to march and
conquer Kalanaur and Pcshawar. The task seems to.have been accomplished without
much difiiculty. The Sultan settled the administrative arrangement d the newly
conquered regions and rbarched back to Delhi.
I
DELHI SULTANATE
c.1335
.
Approximate Boundaries ,
, ,
,,,
BAY OF BENGAL
CEYLON
I
Establishment of Delhi S6metime in 1332, Sultan Muhammad Tughluq planned the conquest of the Qarachil
Sultanate
region identified as the modem Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh. It
formed part of the plan to fortify north and north-west frontier. For this purpose, he
enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The army succeeded in
occupying Jidya, an important place in Qarachil region, and was then instructed to
return. But in his enthusiasm, Khusrau Malik exceeded the instruction and marched
ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army was overtaken by disease
and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers returned to tell the tale of
'
the catastrophe. Qarachil expedition led to tremendous waste of resources and an
erosion in the authority of Muhammad Tughluq.
A little before ~ a r a c h iexpedition,

l Muhammad Tughluq had launched an ambitious
project of bringing Khurasan under submission. A large army of soldiers numbering +
about 370,000 was rdcruited for this purpose and the soldiers were paid a year's
s a l e in advance. Lakge sum was also invested in the purchase of costly equipments
for the army. Ultimately when the project was abandoned as an unrealistic scheme
and the army disbanded, it led to a tremendous financial loss. The authority of the
Sultan also suffered ;Iserious setback and a series of rebellions followed that
hollowed the most efiensive of the empire of Delhi Sultanate.
/
Check Your P r o p s 2
1) When were southern kingdoms annexed to the Delhi Sultanate:
a) Under Alauddin Khalji
b) Under Mubarak Khalji
c) Under Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
d) Under Muhammad Tughluq
2) Which of the following military expeditions was.abandoned:

a) Warangal
b) Qarachil .
c) Jajnagar
d) Khurasan
3) Why was Qarachil expedition a disaster?

..............................................................................................................................................
i 4) Which of the following formed the eastem limit of the Sultanate in 1335?
a) Jajnagar
b) Peshawar
c) Kalanaur
d) Malwa
&
15.4 LET US SUM UP
You have read in Unit 14 how after 'the death of lltutmish in 1235 the process of
expansion of the boupdaries of Delhi Sultanate came to a halt. Following this for
nearly a half century all efforts of the Sultans of Delhi were geared towards
consolidating early territorial gains by strengthening the fiscal and administrative base.
of the Sultanate. The next phase of territorial expansion, therefore, began with the
opening of the fo~rtwnthcentury under the Khaljis. Alauddin's administrative and
economic measures had helped consolidation as well . as
. widen the base
., of the . . r .
Even then we find Alauddin moving in tbis direction with a reasonable distame from
the central seat of thHultanate for implementing an effective control of the Sultan
over directly annexed territories and made them the provinces of the Sultanate. But
more distant regions were conquered for two main reasons-the acquisition of wealth
- and according the status of a protectorate rather than making them a part of the
Sultanate. This was particularly true of kingdoms\,conquered in the Deccan and in far
south.
.This policy was changed, in the case of Devagiri, by Mubarak Khalji. It w b followed
by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq in the distant kingdoms in far south like Warangal and
Ma'bar. The question of effective administrative control was addressed by
Muhammad Tughluq by making Devagiri the second administrative seat of the
Sultanate. But that experiment was shortlived and failed*due partially due to the
unwillingness of the ruling and other classes of the Sultanate. Nonetheless, under
Muhammad Tughlaq's reign the boundaries of the Sultanate were at their apex
touching Peshawar in the north-west and Ma'bar in the South, and Gujarat in the
West and Jajnagar in Orissa in the East. It was, however, an irony of fate that in the
' closing years of the reign of the same Sultan, the boundaries of the Sultanate shrank
nearly the A.D. 1296 status. The reasons for this decline have been discussed in Unit
18 of Block 5.
15.5 KEY WORDS
Avarice: Greed for wealth

,
Booty: Things captured from an enemy in war
kabru: The practice of committing mass self-immolation.by women in case of
imminent defeat at the hand of enemy followed in some Indian
kingdom
Vand.Lism: Destruction of public and private property
/
15.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YO- PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Yoar Progress 2 '
1) (a) (b)J ( 4 x (d) x

2) (a) (b) x (c) x (dW
3) See Sub-seaion 15.3.3
4) (a)J (b) x ( 4 x (dl x
Appe-
CHRONOLOGY OF THE DELHI SULTANS (A.D. 1206-1526)
Qutbuddin Aibak
Arem Shah
ntutmish
-ya
Behram Shah
M d Shah
Nashddin
Ghiyasutkh Balban
Kaiqubad
KHIUIS
1) Jalaluddin Khalji
2) Aladdb Khalji
3) Outbuddin Mubarsk
NGHLUQS
1) Ghiyasuddin Tu@q
2) MuhammadTughluq
3) FeruzTughluq
4) TTughluq Shah-I1 '
5) Nasiruddin Muhauhmad Shah
6) Mahmud Shah T u a u q
SAYYIDS
1) Khizr Khan
2) Mubarak Shah
3) Muhammad Shah
4) Alauddin Alam Shah
Period between 1412-1414 was a period of internal conflict
K.S. Lal, History of the AD.1290-1320, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers

Fvt.Ltd., New Delhi, 1980 (Revised Edition).
(Agha) Mahdi Husain, lbgblq Dynmay.
Mohammad Habib & K.A. Nizami (ed.), C o m p d e d v e H h a q of Ldb, Val. V:
Dclhi Sultanate.
Awdh Behari Pandey, Erty McQkvd Id&Central
, ~ o o k ' ~ e p oAUahabad.
t,
- -
UNIT 16. ADMINISTRATION OF THE
SULTANATE '
Structure
16.0 Objectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 The Caliphate and the Delhi Sultanate
16.3 The Nature of the Delhi Sultanate
16.4 Central Administration
16.4.1 The Sultan
16.4.2 The Wizarar
16.4.3 Diwan-i arz
I
16.4.4 O t h s Departments
16.4.5 Slaves and Karkhanns
16.5 Revenue Adfninistration
I 16.6 Iqta System and Provincial Administration
i 16.6.1 lqra System
16.6.2 Provincial and Local Administration
I '16.7 Let Us Sum Up
16.8 Key Words
I
1
16.0 OBJECTIVES
In the last Block (4) you have studied the territorial expansion and the process of the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. In this Unit, the focus of our study will be on the
administrative set up of the Delhi Sultanate. We will take note of the following
aspects :
the contacts that were maintained with the Caliphate,
the nature of the state,
the different departments at the central and provincial level,
the main officials who werk involved in the administration, and
the manner in which the control was exercised.
i -
,I 16.1 INTRODUCTION
You have already studied in Block 4 how in 1206 Qutbuddin Aibak laid the
foundation of an independent Sultanate at Delhi and a beginning was made in
severing links with Central Asia. We have also dealt with the territorial expansion
under the Sultans. In this Unit, our focus would be on the consolidation of the
Sultanate. This Unit introduces you to the central and provincial administrative
system,.the revenue administration and the nature of the Delhi Sultanate.
1 16.2 THE CALIPHATE AND THE DELHI SULTANATE

The institution of the Caliphate came into existerne after'the death of Prophet .
Muhammad when Abu Bakr became the new head (Khalifa) of the Muslim
community (Umma or Ummat). Originally, there existed some elements of elective
principle in the matter of succession, a practice not much different from the previous
tribal traditions.
I In the Islamic world, the Caliph was regarded as the guardian of religion and the .
I ..-L-1.4~- LC--1:r:--1 --A-- U- -.-- r ~ I-->--
- -CAL- A r r r . .
period of the first four "pious Caliphs" (Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman and Afij dynastic rule '
became the norm when the Umayyads took over the Caliphate in 661 A.D. from their base
at Damascus in Syria. After the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate the Abbasids came to
power in the mid-eighth century as Caliphs at Baghdad. However, with the decline of
central authority, the centralised institution of Caliphate (Khifajat)broke into thrw
centres of power based in Spain (under the rule of a branch of the Umayyad Caliphs),
Egypt (under the Fatimids) an'd the older one at Baghdad - each claiming theexclusive
loyalty of the Muslims. Nearer home, towards the north-west, many minor dynashes
carved out small states, one of which was based at Ghazna (Ghazni). The significant pqint
to remember .is that, theoretically, no Muslim could have set up an "independent" state,
big or small, without procuring tpe permission from the Caliph, else its legitimacy could
become suspect amongst the Muslims. And, yet, all this 'was nothing more than a
Gmality which could be dispensed with impunity.
The recognition of a Caliph by the Delhi Sultans seen in the granting of robes of
honour, letter of investiture, bestowing of titles, having the name .of theelCali
inscribed on coins and reading of khutba in Friday prayer in his name symbolized an
acceptance and a link with the Islamic world, though in reality it only-mdant an
acceptance of a situation whereby a ruler. had already plaad himself in power. The
Sultans of Delhi maintained the fiction of the acceptance of the position of the
Caliph. Under the Saiyyids (1414-1451) and the Lodis (1451-1526 A:DX the legends
on the coins continued in the sense of a &$ition being maintained but it was purely
a nominal allegiance. In actual effect, the Caliphate, weakened and far removed as it
was, had little direct role to play in the Delhi Sultanate.

1) What was the position of the Caliph?
..........................................................................................
--
2) Who,were the four "pious Caliphs'?
I
,
.........................................................................................
' Z . .
3) Name the three centres of the Caliphate.
'?
4) What were the symbols of allegiance maintained by the Delhi Sultans with
respect to the Caliphate?
16.3 THE NqTURE OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

The early Mulism Turkish State established itself in north India by virtue of
conquests. sin& the Turks were far fewer in number than the indigenous population
over whom they sought to govern and since they also lacked resources, they, of
necessity, had to control the resources of the country. This had an important bearing
a nn the nature of the Turkish State.
In a theoretical and formal sense, the Delhi Sultans recognized the supremacy pf the Adminbtntion of the Sultanate
Islamic law (sharibh) and tried to prevent its open violation. But they had to
supplement it by framing secular regulations (zawabit), too. A point of view is that
i the Turkish State was a theocracy; in practice, however, it was the p;oduct of
expediency and necessity wherein the needs of the young state assumed paramount
I importance. The contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani distinguished.betwen
j a w ("sgsular") a d ~ ~ c m sand "accepted ) the inevitability of some
secular features, because of the contingent situations coming up. Thus, the needs of
the emergent State shaped many policies and practices not always consistent with
rslamic fundamentalism. For example, during the reign of Sultan lltutmisli (121 1-
I
1236), a s h u i a n group (shajai) of Muslim divines approached the Sultan and asked
him to enforce the Islamic law strictly, that is, giving the Hindus the option of Islam
g h t h . On behalf of the Sultan, the wuzir; 'Junaidi, replied that this could not be
done for the moment as the Muslims were like salt in a'dish of food. Barani records
a conversation that Sultan Alauddin Khalji had with one of his leading theologians,
Qazi Mughisuddin, over the question of appropriation of booty. While the Qazi
pointed out the legalistic position which prevented the Sultan from taking the major
- share of the booty, the Sultan is said to have emphasized that he acted according to
the needs of the State w.hich were paramount. These instances show that, in practice,
the Turkish State was not theocratic but evolved according to its special needs and
circumstances despite the fac! t h t the main ruling class professed Islam;
16.4 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION

1
The central administrative machinery of the Sultanate consisted of the nobles
controlling various offices with the Sultan at the helm of affairs.
16.4.1 The Sultan 7
In the early Islamic world, there was no sanction for the position of the Sultan. With
the disintegration of the Caliphate, the Sultan began to appear in the sense of a
powerful ruler-an independent sovereign of a certain territory.
The Delhi Sultans could make civil and political regulations for public welfare.
Khutba and sikka were recognised as important attributes of sovereignty. The
khutba was the formal sermon following the congregational prayer on Fndays
,
wherein the name of the Sultan was mentioned as the head of the community.
Coinage was the ruler's prerogative : his name was inscribed on the coins (sikka).
The ~ u l t k a t ewitnessed a rapid rise and fall of dynasties. The Sultan, or a contender
to the t'lrone, could only keep himself in power with the support of the nobles who
were themselves divided into numerous groups. Barani says that Balban stressed the
special position of the Sultan as 'shadow of God' (zill a1 Allah) on earth. Balban
emphasized courtly splendour decorum and etiquette. He also believed in severe
exemplary punishments even to the nobles. All this bore relevance to a situation
where the throne was never safe from the ambitions of the nobles, many of whom
felt that they had an equal right to rule.
There were many officials to look after the royal household. The wakil-i-dar looked
after the entire household and disbursed salaries to the Sultan's personal staff. The
amir-i-hajib functioned as the master of ceremonies at the court. All petitions to the
Sultan were submitted through the latter. There were other minor officials also.
16.4.2 The Wizarat (Finance)

The wmir, as the head of the diwan-i wizarar, was the most important figure in the
central administration. Though he was one of the four important departmental .
heads, he exercised a general supervisory authority over others. The wizarar
organised the collection of revenue, exercised control over expenditure, kept
accounts, disbursed salaries and allotted revenue assignments (iqra) at Sultan's order.
There were several officials who helped the wizaraf such as the mushif-i mumalik or
the accountant-general and the mustaufi-i mumalik or the auditor-general. During
Indian Polity : The Sultanate the reign of Alauddin Khalji, the diwan-i mustakhraj was made responsible for the
collection of arrears of revenue.
16.4.3 The Diwum-i Arz

The diwan-i arz or military department was headed by the ariz-i mumalik. He was
responsible for the administration of military affairs. He inspected the troops
maintained by the iqta-holders. He also supervised the commissariat duties (supply
and transport) of the Sultan's army. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji, some
measures were introduced to maintain a check on recruitment and quality. He
ordered a descriptive roll (huliya) of every soldier to be kept and also ordered the
branding (dagh) of horses to be done so that horses of poor quality were not
brought by the amirs or iqta-holders to the muster. It seems that the branding qf
horses was strictly maintained till the reign of Muhammad Tughluq.
The army consisted of troops maintained by nobles as well as the standing army
(hashm-Cqalb) of the Sultan. In the thirteenth century, the royal cavalry, in lieu of
cash salary, was assigned the revenue of small villages in the vicinity of Delhi which
Moreland calls "smdll iqta". Under Iltutmish, the number of such cavalry was about
three thousand. Balban tried to do away with these assignments which led to much
dissatisfaction. Alauddin Khalji was successful in doing so, and he started paying his
soldiers in cash-a trooper was paid 238 tanka while one who brought an additional
horse used to get 78 tanka' more.
Feroz Tughluq gave up the practice of paying his royal soldiers in cash: instead, he.
gave them a paper called itlaq - a sort of draft on whose strength they could claim
their salary from the Sultan's revenue officers of the khalisa ("Crown" or "reserve"
land).
16.4.4 Other Departments
The diwan-i insha' looked after State correspondence. It was headed by dahir-i
mumalik. This department dealt with all correspondence between the Sultan and
other rulers, and between the Sultan and provinc~algovernments. It issued jarmans
and received letters from subordinate officials.
The barid-i mumalik was the head of the State news-agency. He had to keep
information of all that was happening in the Sultanate. The administrative sub-
divisions had local barids who sent regular news --letters to the central office. The
barids reported matters of state - wars, rebellions. local affairs, finances, the state
of agriculture etc. Apart from the barids, another set of reporters existed who were
known as munhiyan.
The diwan-i rhalat was heided by the sadr-us sudur. He was the highest religious
officer. He took care of the ecclesiastical affairs and appointed qazk. He approved
various grants like waqj for religious and educational institutions, wazfi and idrar
to the learned and the poor.
The Sultan headed the judiciary and was the final court of appeal in both civil and
criminal matters. Next to him was the qazi-ul mumalik (or qazi-ul quzzat), the chief
judge of the Sultanate. Often, the offices of the sadr-us sudur and qazi-ul mumalik
were held by the same person. The chief qazi headed the legal system and heard .
appeals from the lower courts. -4 -
The muhatsibs (public censors) assisted the judicial department. Their task was to set
that there was no public infringement of the tenets of Islam.
\
16.4.5 Slaves and Karkhanas

Slaves were an important feature of the royal household. Alauddin Khalji owned
50,000 slaves, while Feroz Tughluq is reputed to have had 1.80.000 slaves. During his
reign, a separate department of slaves (diwan-i bandagan) was set up. The slaves
were used for personal service and acted as body-guards (the latter numbering'
40,000). Afif also records that a large number of Feroz's slaves (12,000) worked as
artisans (kasibs). Baradi describes a large slave market at Delhi, but by the first
quarter of the 16th century there is no mention of slave markets.
The needs of the royal household were met through karkhanas which were broadly
I
I (kitabikhana) was considered as karkhana. Under Feror Tughluq. k m e - 3 6
\
Admhlrtntlon of the Suknmte

karkhanas. Each karkhana was supervised by a noble who had the rank of a malik
or khan, and a mutasarri/ who was responsible for the accounts and acted as the
immediate supervisor. A separate diwan or accounts office existed for the karkhanas.
The karkhanas manufactured articles for Imperial household as well as for military
r: purposes. It is said that Muhammad Tughluq had employed about five hundred
1 workers in gold brocade and four thousand weavers to manufacture cloth required
I
by the court and for making robes of honour to be given in gift to the favoured
ones. It must be remembered, however, that articles produced in the royal karkhanas
were not commodities, i.e. not for sale in the market. Nobles, too, maintained their
-
own karkhanas (for further details see Block 6).
f Check Your Progress 2
1). Examine the nature of Turkish state under Delhi Sultans.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
I , 2) Outline the main [unctions of the diwan-i wizarat.
.........................................................
3) writ; a note. on karkhanas.
1 4) Mark ( ) the right answer : Khutba was:

a) the right to coin m&ey
b) a robe of honour
C) the recital of sermon after the congregational Friday prayer.
5 ) Who were the following :

l a) mushrij-i ntumalik .................................................
I b) ariz-i mumalik ..................................... ;...............
... \
...................................................
d) qari-ul mumalik
-
16.5 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
What was the revenue system during the 13th century'! We do not get a clear picture;
even the exact magnitude of the revenue-demand under the llbarite rule is-uncertain.
Perhaps the old agrarian system continued t o function with the difference that the
coyposition of the suprerile appropriators of the surplus produce at the centre had
ehanged, that is. the Turkish ruling gro;p had replaced q e prekious receivers of the
land revenue. However. some reconstruction can be made by projecting back the
account .of Barani about the situation prevailing in this respect under Sultan
Alauddin Khalji's early rule. Briefly, we are told of three groups of rural istocracy-
khot. muqaddam, and chaudhuri-who collected land revenue (kharaj) from the
peasants on behalf of the state. and deposited the same with the officials of the
diwan-i nizarat. For this service,.theFwere allowed perquisites (haqq-i khoti) as
remuneration by the state which consisted of being exempted from the revenue of a
portion of land held by them. Also. they took something from the peasants as their
share of the produce which Harani calls qismat-i khoti. Besides land revenue
(kharaj), every cultivator had to pay house ?ax (ghari) and cattle or grazing tax
1,-hnrnih I n r i A ~ n t a l l v t h /*hntlrlht~ri
~ m i o h t nrlt h a w e hppn A i t p r t l v invnlverl i n t h o
I d a n Pdity :Tbe sultanate ' collection of the revenue because, according to Ibn Battuta, he was the head of
"hundred villages" (paygana): this inference is reinforced. by the fact that Barani
always employs terms 'like haqq-i khoti or niuqaddar~ii,but never haqq-i chaudhrai.
W.H. Moreland, howdver, uses the term intermediaries for all the three groups; and
we shall be doing the Same henceforth.
What motivated Alauddin Khalji in introducing stern measures is explained by
Barani in detail (see Block 6 Unit 20). In short, the intermediaries had become
intractable-always in readiness for rebellion. The Sultan levelled the following main
charges against them:
a) They did not pay the revenue themselves on that portion of their land which was
not exempted from assessment; rather they shifted their 'burden' onto the
peasantry, that is, they realised additional levy from the peasants besides the
fixed demand of the state in order to pay their own dues.
b ) They did not pay the grazing tax.
c) The ill-gotten 'exass of wealth' had made then4 so arrogant that they flouted the
orders of the revenue officials by not going to the revenue office even when
summoned to iender accounts. -
As a result, the Sultan had to strike at their resources for economic and political
reasons. The measures taken by him were as follows:
i) The magnitudi of the state demand was set at half the produce of the land. The
land was'to be measured (masahat), and the land revenue fixed on the ~ i e l dof
each unit of the area. The term used was la fa-i biswa (rvafa = yield; hisrc.a =
1120th of a bigha). Most probably, it was levied separately on the holding of
each individual cultivator.
ii) The intermediaries and the peasants alike were to pay the same standard of the
demand (50%) without any distinction, be they intermediaries or 'ordinary
peasant' (balahar).
iii) The perquisites of intermediaries were disallowed.
iv) The grazing and the house tax were to be taken from the intermediaries'also.
a
It can be seen, then, that one objective was to free the peasants from the illegal
exactions of the intermediaries. That is exactly what Barani means when he says that
the sultan.'^ policy was'that the 'burden' (bar) of the 'strong' (aqwi,*a) should not
fall on the 'weak' (zuaja). We know that this 50% demand was the highest in the
agrarian history of India. On the other hand, though the peasanis were protected
now from the economic oppression of the intermediaries, the former had to pay a
higher rate of taxation than they did earlier. Since the rate was uniform in a sense it
was a regressive taxation. Thus the state gained at the cost of the intermediaries,
leaving the peasants in the lurch.
Such peasants as were weak and without resources were completely made prostrate,
and the rich peasants who had resources and means, turned rebels. Whole regions
were devastated. Cultivation was total& abandoned. The peasants of distant .
regions, hearing of the ruin and destruction of the peasantry of the D,oab, fearful
that the same orders might be issued for them as for the latter, turned away from
obedience and fled to the j u d e s . The two years that the Sultan was in Delhi (c.
1332-4), the country of the ~o&;%win~to the rigours of revenue-demand and the
multiplicity of abwab,(additional cesses), was devastated. ~ & Hindus
6 set fire to the
grain heaps and burnt
ordereq the shiqqdar$
.
a ~ drove
d away cattle from/their homes. The Sultan
(revenue collectors and commanders) to lay
waste and plunder the country. They killed many khots and muqaddams, a n d p n y
they blinded. Those who escaped gathered bands and fled into jungles; and the
country became ruined. The Sultan in those times went to the district of Baran -
. (modern Bulandshahr), on a hunting expedition; he ordered that the entire district
of Baran be plundered and Ia5d waste. The Sultan himself plundered and laid waste
from ~ a n a u j ~ Dalmau.
to Whoever was captured was killed. Most (peasants) ran
away and fled into the jungles. They (the Sultan's troops) surrounded the jungles
and killed every one whom they found within the jungles. ,
I . Ziauddin Barani's account of the oppression of the peasantry during Alauddin Khaljl's reign. English
translation is from, The Cdmbryge Economic History oilndia, Vol. I. ed. Tapan p a y Chaudhun and Ir&n
Habib, London, 1982, p. M.
I t is 'true that the intermediaries were eliminated from-direct revenue collection. but Administration of the Sukuuri
fhey'were still expected to maintain law and order in the countryside and help the
revenue officials without any remuneration or perquisites. The state's direct ;elations
with the peasants resulted in an expansion of revtnue officials called variously
'ummal, mutasarrij, mushrij, muhassilan, navisindagan, etc. Soon, large scale
corruption and embezzlements surfaced among the revenue officials for which they
were ruthlessly punished by the naib wazir, Sharaf Qaini: about 8 to 10 thousind
officials were imprisoned. The process for discovering the deceit was simple: the bahi
or the ledger of the village [mtwari was meticulously scrutinised by the auditors. The
'bahi contained every payment, legal or illegal, made to the revenue collectors, and
these payinents were then compared with the receipts. Corruption occurred in spite
of the fact that Alauddin Khalji had raised the salary of the revenue collectors.
Barani gives an indication of the extent of the area where these measures were
operative: it was quite a large area, covering the heart of his empire. But Bihar,
Awadh, Gujarat and parts of Malwa and Rajputana are not mentioned. At any rate,
it must be borne in mind that these measures were largely meant for the khalisa
("crown" or "reserve" land). (Also see MAP at the end of the Block.)
As for the mode of payment. Moreland thinks that ordinarily payment in cash was
the gendral practice during the 13th century, and it had become quite widely
prevalent by the 14th century. However, Alauddin himself preferred collection in
grain. He decreed that the whole revenue due from the khalisa in the Doab should
be realized in kind, and only half the revenue due from Delhi (and its suburbs) in
cash. The reason for his preference for collection in grain was not only to have a
large reserve of grain stofed at Delhi and other areas for contingencies (such as
scarcity owing to drought or other factors), but also to utilize the storage as a lever
for his price-fixation measures in the grain market.
Two important changes were introduced by Ghiyasuddin Tughluq:
a) The intermediaries got back their haqq-i khoti (but not qismat-i khoti). They were
also exempted from the house and cattle tax.
b) the procedure of measurement (masahat) was t o continue along with observation
or "actual yield" (bar
...
2
hukm.hasi1).
As for Muhammad Tughluq, there is a confusion that he enhanced the rate of land
tax beyond 50%. It is also thought that after the death of Alauddin Khalji, the rate
was reduced by the Khalji rulers which was later raised to the previous level by
Muhammad Tughluq. Both these views are incorrect: the rate fixed by Alauddin was
never sought to be tampered. What Muhammad Tughluq actually did was to im;ose
new cesses (abwab) as well as revive the older ones (for example, charai and ghari on
the intermediaries). Apart from this, it seems that measurement alone was retained
for assessment purpose. The matter aggravated when assessment in kind (grain) was
carried out not on the principle of the "actual yield" but on the officially decreed
yields (wafa-ifarmani) for each unit of the measured area. Again, for payment in
cash, commutation was not done according to the market prices but on the basis of
the rates as "ordered by the Sultan" (nirkh-ijarmani). And, then, as Barani says, all
these taxes and cesses were t o be realized rigorouslv. The area covered under these
regulations was the khalisa land in the Doab. The result was obvious: an
unprecedented rebellion of the peasants, led by the intermediaries, occurred which
led to bloody confrontations. Feroz Shah claims to have abolished twenty three
cesses including charai and ghari.
Another development that took place, especially under the Tughluqs, was the-
practice of revenue-farming, that is, the task of collecting the revenue of some areas
was sometimes given to contractors who perhaps gave a lump sum in advance for the
right of revenue collection for a certain period. Under Feroz Shah, 'water tax' (haqq-
i sharb) was taken from those cultivators who irrigated their land from the water
supplied from the canals constructed by the state. It must be pointed out that in case
of bad harvest, the state tried to adjust the land tax, and also gave agricultural loans
to the peasants called sondhar in Muhammad Tughluq's reign.
What was the total estimated revenue during any period of the Delhi Sultanate? No
such attempt seems to have been made before the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah
Tughluq. 'Afif tells us that a t t & w r c k d ~ g l t a n , Khwaja Hisamuddin Junaid
Indm PoUty :tbe Sultmate determined the jama (estimated revenue) of the kingdom according to the "rule of
inspection" (bar hukm mushahada). It took six years to do this job, and the figure
arrived at wac six krar and seventy-five lakhs tanka.t (a silver coin: see Block 6 )
which continued t o bf valid for the entire reign of the Sultan. For further details 04
Revenue Administration during the fourteenth century see Moreland's Appendix 'C':
"Some
- Forteenth Cenrury Passages" in BlocK 6.
Check Your 'Progress 3
I ) What measures did Alauddin Khalji take to eliminate the intermediaries?
2) Define the following :
L d) Sondhar
1 . .
16.6 IQTA SYSTEM AND PROVINCIAL
-
...............................................:.........................
ADMINIBTRATION
The territorial expansion and cdnsolidation of the Sultanate was a process which
continued throughout the 13th and 14th centuries. It involved varying kinds of
control in terms ~f~territories:
those brought under direct administration and those
which paid tribute and remained semi-autonomous. The expansion of the Sultanate
and'& difficulties involved in administering areas that were far away from the
I
centre shaped different kind$ of control.
16.6.1 Iqta System
The initial Turkish conquests in the early 13th century d.isplaced many local chiefs
(whom the contemporary sources refer to as rai and rana). In order to conso~idat~,
the Turkish rulers made revenue assignments (iqta), in lieu of cash,'to their nobles
(umma). The assignees (known as rnhqti and wcrli) collected revenue from these
areas, defrayed their own expenses, paid the troops maintained by them and sent tbe
surplus uawozil) to the centre. lqta is an Arabic word and the institution had been in
force in the early lslamic world as a form of reward for services to the Sthte. It was
used in the Caliphate iqdministration as a way of financing operations and paying
civil and military officers. The grant of iqta did not imply a right t.0 the land nor was
it hereditary though the holders of jqta tended to'-acquire hereditary rights in Feroz
Tughluq's reign. These revenue assignments were transferable, the iqta-holder being
transferred from one region to another every three or four years. Therefore, iqta
should not be equated with the fief of medieval feudal Europe, which were hereditary
and non-transferable. The assignments could be large (a whole province or a part).
Assignments even to nobles carried administrative, military and revenue collecting
. responsibilities. Thus, provincial administration was headed by the muqti or wuli. He
had to maintain an army composed of horsemen and foot soldiers.
"They.(the muqtis) should know that their right over the subjects is only totake the
rightful amount of maney or perquisite (mal-ihqq) in a peaceful manner... the life,
property and the family of-thesubject should be immune from any harm, tbe muqtfs
have no right over them, if the subject desires to make a direct appeal to the Sultan,
the m h t i should not prevent him. Every mu# who violatea there laws should be
dismissed and punisW... the muqtir and wulfs are so many supyintendentsover
them aa the king is sup!erintenbent over other muqtid... After three or four years, the
umih and the muqtis should be transferred so that thw may not be too strong"
,
2. A pwrO from N i m u l ! Mulk Tusi'r slycwrnama on the rights of nnrq~lr.Endub (nnurtmn from
12 A.B.M. HabibuU.b, The Fowdcrrkm 01Murlbn Rukln Inr#o'AILb.bd,~1976pp. r n 1 0 .
16.6.2 provincial and Local Administration Admhirtrrtion of the Sultanate
I
, As the State became more settled and efforts were made fbr greater centralization,
provincial administration also underwent a change. A separation between fiscal and
i fiilitary responsibilities started evolving. During the reign of Muhammad Tughluq,
1 fiscal responsibilities were partially withdrawn from the muqris or walis and placed
b under central officers. According to Ibn Battuta, the iqra of Amroha was placed
I
I , . under two officers, one called aniir (possibly in charge of the army and
iI , administration) and the other as ruli-ul kharai (in charge of revenue collection).
l
11 Muhammad Tughluq also brdered that the salary of the soldiers maintained by iqfa-
holders be paid by the diwan-i wizarar to prevent fraud by the officers.
J Greater control also came to be exercised over fiscal matters. The diwanS office, at
I the centre, received and examined detailed statements regarding income and
expenditure in the provinces. It supervised the work of the revenue officials in the
provinces. The provinces had a sahib-i din+an,whose office kept books of account
I and submitted information to thecentre. It was assisted by officials like murasarrijs.

The entire lower revenue staff was called karkun.
By the end of the thirteenth century. conternporary sources refer to an administrative
division, known as shiqq. We do not have adequate information about the exact
nature of shiqq. However. by the time of Sher Shah ( 1 540-1 545 A.D.) shiqq had
emerged as a well-defined administrative unit, known as sarkar. Administrative
officials, mentigned with respect to shiqq, were shiqqdar and faujdar. The
demarcationlof,tp\ir duties is not very clear.
According to Ibn Battuta, chaudhuri was the head of hundred villages. This was the
.nucleus of the administrative unit later called pargana. The village was the smallest
, unit of administration. The functioning and administratih'of the village remained
basically the same as it had existed in pre-Turkish times. The main village
functionaries were khor, muqaddam (headman) and parnVari(see Unit 16.5). The
judicial administration of the sub-division was patterned on that of the centre.
Courts of the qazi and sadr functioned in the provinces. The korwal'
maintained law
and order. At the village level, the panchaj*ar heard civil cases.
-
I) Write a note on iqra.
..........................................................................................
......................................................................................... , .
i
2) What were the functions of the wali or muqri? .

.........................................................................................
3) What steps were takcn to curb the powers of thc rr~iryriin the 14th century?
I
I 4) Define the following:
a) shiyy ".......... "" ............................................................
1
b) korn,cll ........ ' . " " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I
Indian Polity :The Sultanate
I.
*A 16.7 LET US SUM UP
We pave seen how the Delhi Sultanate was shaped by its historical experience of
being a part of the wider Islamic world and how it changed and evolved as a result
of its needs and circumstances during the 13th century. We have studied the
administrative framework of the Sultanate at the cerltral and local levels. The need
of maintaining a large army (for defence and expansion) and maintaining an
administrative apparakus shaped many of its institutions, such as the iqra. Greater
centralization brought about changes 1n the nature of administrative control.
,
16.8 KEY WORDS
Abwab : Cesses
Amir : Officer
Bahi t Ledger/ accounts books
Balahsr : Village menials/ ordinary peasants
Biswa r 1120th part of a bigha
Charai Grazing-tax
Chaudhuri Head of Hundred villages or pargana
~agh Branding (of Horses)
Diwm-i Wizarat Finance Department
Fawazil Surplus amount
Ghari House-tax
Hashm-i qalb Central/ royal cavalry
Hasil Actual reveAie,,,
ldrar Revehue-free land grant
Idaq Draft, assignment order
Jama Estimated Revenue
*
KhaUPa YCrownn("resthe") land whose revenue was reserved for the
Sultan's treasury'
\.
Khot Village officia1,lrevenue collector
Khutba A sermon recited in mosques on Fridays wherein the
name of the ruler was included
Measurement
Revenw collectors
Muqaddam Village headman
Muqti or Wali Iqta-holder/ governor
Revenue officer
Auditor
Navhindagan Clerk
Nirkh-i farmani 0fficially.decreed prices
Patwari Village-accountant
Qbmat-i khoti Perquisites
and Hnqq-i khoti
. Rais and Rams Chiefs
Shariat Islamic law
.4
Tanka Silver coin

Ummal Pfural of amil (revenue officer)
Wafa-i farmani : Officially decreed yields 4-
\
Waqf : Grants assigned for the r n a i n t i d d e of
retigious institutions
Wazifa : Stipend
Zawabit
16.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS '
EXERCISES~
I

1 ) See Sec. 16.2
2) See Sec. 16.2
3) See Sec. 16.2
4) See Sec. 16.2

1) See Sec. 16.3
4) a) x b) X c) w
5) See Sub-sec. 16.4.2, 16.4.3, 16.4.4

1) See-Sec. 16.5
2) See Sec. 16.5 I

I) See Sub-sec. 16.6.1
UNIT W--FORMATION
OF-THE
SULTANATE RULING CLASS
Structure
17.0 Objectives
17.1 Introduction ,
17.2 The Ruling Class at the Time of the Ghorian Invasion .
17.3 Composition of the Ruling Class
17.3.1 The llbaritcs
17.3.2 The KUjh
17.3.2 'Ibe Tughluqr
17.4 Iqta and the Dispersal of Resources Among the Ruling Class
17.5 Ulema
17.6 Let Us Sum Up. -. -
17.7 Key Words
In Unit 16, y e have discussed the administrative structure of the Delhi Sultanate. In
this Unit we will analyse the nature of the Sultanate ruling class taking into
consideration the following :
its role as an appqopiiator of surplus,
the composition of the ruling class,
changes in the ruling class, and
the interests that bound it together.
17.1 INTRODUCTION
The most important ptoblem of the Sultanate in its early stages, and even later, was
to consolidate the conquered territories. To this end, the ruling class served as an
important pivot who shared the resources of the country. The Turks brought with
them the institution of the iqtas (see Sec. 16.6), which helped in the centralization of
authority to a great extent. As greater.ceotralization was sought to be effected,
changes could be seen in the institution of the 'iqta'as well as in the composition of
the ruling class.
17.2 THE RULING CLASS AT THE TIME OF

THE GHORIAN INVASION ,
I
At the time of the Ghorian invasions, north India was divided into a number of I
principalities r u l d by rais and ranas (local chiefs). At the village level, khots and
muqaddams (village hadman) stood on the borderline of the rural aristocracy. In
between, the chaudhursi can spotted as the head of hundred villages.
. \
Atany rate, we can accept a broad definition of the position of the pre-Ghorian
ruling class as one which appropriated the surplus produce of the peasants, by
exercising superior rights over land. In analyzing the formation of the ruling class in
the Sultanate, some pertinent questions arise : How did the new ruling class supplant
this older ruling class? What measures did it adqpt for appropriating the surplus
revenue? How was it different from the class that it supplanted?
'. i
/
of the Sultuute
~orktbn
17.3 COMPOSITION OF THE RULING CLASS R u h g Clan
Throughout the thirteenth century, the Turkish armies furthered the political and
military control over North India. By the mid-fourteenth century, it spread to the
Deccan. A large alien territofy had to be pacified and governed and the ruling class
had to be maintained and sustained. The early Turkish ruling class was very much in
the'nature of a co-sharer of political and financial powers with the Sultans. In the
beginning, the nobles (amirah) were practically independent in distant areas of the
conquered territories where they were sent by the Centre as governors. The latter
were designated muqti or wqli agd their territories were known as iqtas. Gradually,
the practice began of transfekring muqtis from one iqta to another (a detailed
discussion on iqta system is given in Unit 16). The pre-Ghoriar! political structure
seems to have continued, wiyh tribute being realised from the rais and ranas, who
were expected to collect taxis as they had done before.
From our contemporary historians, like Minhaj Siraj and Barani, we learn that the
most important nobles, and kven the Sultans, in the early stages of the foundation of
the Sultanate, were from the families of the Turkish slave-officers. Many of the early
Turkish nobles and Sultans (such as Aibak and Iltutmish) had started their early
career as slaves but they reckived letters of manumission (khat-i azadi) before
becoming Sultans. One such was Qutbuddin Aibak. On his death in A.D. 1210,
Ilturmish, one of his favoured slaves, seized Delhi and set himself up as Sultan. He
created his own corps of Turkish slaves-the Shamsi maliks, called by Barani
turkan-i chihilgani ("The FO;~~"). Iltutmish's nobility also included a number of
Tajik or free-born officers. That this element of free-born immigrants continued to
form a part of the ruling class is noted by Minhaj at the time of Nasiruddin
Mahmud's accession (1246 A.D.). The problem of succession after the death of
lltutmish brought into light the division within the nobles.
In spite of the internal quarrels within the ruling class, there was a basic solidarity
which manifested itself in it$ hostility to outsiders. For example, Raziya's (1236-4240
A.D.) elevation of an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the post of amir-i akhur
("master of the royal horses'? caused great resentment. Similar was the case of
Raihan, a Hindu covert to Islam. Thus, the nobility was seen as the preserver of the
certain groups, sometimes under the principle of 'high birth', as reflected in the
policies ascribed to Balban by Barani.
Now you can understand how an identity of interests bound the dominant groups.
Race and perhaps religion, too, played important role in the formation of ruling
groups. Actually, the ruling class was not a monolithic organization. There were
numerous factions and cliques, each trying to guard their exclusive positions
jealously. The Turkish military leaders who accompanied and participated in the
Ghdrian invasion formed t i e core of the early Turkish ruling class: they acquired
most of the key-posts at the centre and provinces.
I
I
17.3.1 The Ilbarites
Qutbuddin Aibak who sucdeeded to the Indian territories of Muhammad Ghori,
had no greater right than the other nobles like Yalduz and Qubacha who asserted
their independenqe and autonomy at Ghazna and Sind respectively. This was to be a
feature of the early history pf the Sultanate. The Sultans needed the support of the
nobility to establish and maintain themselves in power. For instance, lltutmish came
to the throne with the support of the nobles of Delhi. The Turkish nobles played an
important part in elevating Sultans to the throne and supporting contenders to the
throne. According to Baradi, the older Turkish nobility used to tell each other :
"What are thou that I am not, and what will thou be, that I shall not be."
I
The early Turkish nobility kought to emphasize their exclusiveness and their
monopoly to rule. Efforts by other social groups to challenge their monopoly were
resented and resisted. The hobles of Iltutmish called turkan-i-chihilgani ("The
Forty") wielded considerable power-after his death. They were an important group,
and efforts by the Sultans to incorporate other groups were met with much
resistance. As already mentioned,. Raziya Sultan had to face stiff opposition from the
Indian Polity : nc Suitmmte Turkish amirs, when she elevated an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the office of
- amir-i akhur. Efforts of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-1266 A.D.) to break the vested
power of this group by dismissing Balban (who was one of the 'Forty') from the
court and replacing him by an Indian cbnvert, Im'aduddin Raihan, did not meet with
much success. Minhaj ioiced the anger of the " ~ u r k sof pure lineage" who "could
not tolerate lmaduddin Raihan of the tribes of Hind to rule over them." The
opposition of the Turkish ruling class forced the Sultan to remove Raihan and
reinstate Balban.
On his accession to ths throne, Balban (1266-1286 A.D.) took measures to break the
power of the turkon-i ~hihilgoniby various measures. He himself was the creation of
a group of nobles loyal to him. Barani states that Balban had several of the older !
Turkish nobles killed. This was an effort to intimidate the nobility, who could and
did pose, a challenge to the Crown. Balban himself, according to Barani, kept Sultan
Nasiruddin as a "puppet" (nomuno); therefore, he was vary of the leading old nobles.
17.3.2 The Khaljb

In A.D. 1290, the llbari dynasty was overthrown by the Khaljis. The coming to
power of the Khaljis is seen as something new by contemporary historians. Barani
mentions that the Khaljis were a different "race" from the Turks. Modern scholars
like C.E. Bosworth speak of them as Turks, but.in the thirteenth century no one
considered them as Turks, and thus it seems that the accession to po\ker was
regarded as sdmething novel because earlier they did not form a significant part of
the ~ u l i n gclass. Alauddin Khalji further eroded the power of the older Turkish \
nobility by bringing in new groups such as the Mongols (the 'New Muslims?, Indians
and Abyssinians (for t h t latter, the example of Malik Kafur is well-known). This
trend towards a broadehing of the composition 'of the ruling class continued during
the rule of the Tughluqs.
It may be incidentally mentioned here that there was a very small group called
kotwolion (pl. of kotwol) at Delhi during the reign of Balban and Alauddin Khalji.
Infact, this was a family group, headed by Fakhruddin who was the kotwol of Delhi.
This group appears to have played some political role during and aftQr Balban's
death.
, I
17.3.3 The Tughlu~s

Under Muhammad Tughluq, apart from the Indians and the Afghans, the ruling
class, became unprecedemtally more heterogenous with the entry of larger numbers of
foreign elemen,ts, especially the Khurusoni, whom the Sultan called oizzo (dear ones).
Many of them were appointed as omir sadoh ("commander of hundred'?. Concerning
the non-Muslim as well ps the converted Indians, Barani laments that the Sultan
raised the "low-born" (jawohir-i lutroh) to high status. He mentions musicians,
barbers, cooks, etc. why got high positions. He gives the example of Peera Mali
(gardener) who was given the diwon-i wimrot. Converts like Aziz-ud Din khommor
(distiller) and Qawamul Mulk Maqbul, Afghans like Malik Makh and Malik Shahu
Lodi Afghan, Hindus lihe Sai Raj Dhara and Bhiran Rai were given iqto and
positions.
The reign of Feroz Tughluq does not give us any clear pattern about the social
otigins of the nobles. T k situation was fluid with a false veneer of peace between
the Sultan and the ornird. Certain designations were used with reference to the nobles
- khan, molik and omir. Khan was often used with reference to Afghan nobles,
omir came to mean a commander, molik-a chief, ruler, or king. Along with their
titles of honour, the nobles were given some symbols of dignity designated as
morotib which signified privileges-khilot (robe of honour), sword and dagger
presented by the Sultan, horses and e!ephants that they were entitled to use in their
processions, canopy of State and the grant of parasol (chhotri) and insignia and
kettledrums.
It is significant to note that every Sultan sought to form and organize a group of
nobles which would be personally loyal to him. This obviated the necessity of
depending upon previou groups whose loyalty was suspect. That's why we find the
?
contemporary historians employing terms like Qntbi (ref. Qutbuddin Aibak), Shamsi
-
i (ref. Shamsuddin Iltutmish). Balbani and Alai amirs. But one thing was quite certain:
every group tried to capture the kkention of the Sultan-whether weak or strong-
Fornrtba of the S u b a t e
Rmlbg Clnr
I
because all privileges andpower issued forth from the sovereign. This, in turn, went
to a great extent in strengthening gradually the position of the Sultan himself if he
was a man of strong will.
I The Afghans were frequently recruited into the feudal bureaucracy of the Delhi
Sultanate. With the coming of the Lodis (145 1-1526), the Afghan predominance got
enlarged.
I '
Check Your Propess 1
1) ~ x a m i n ethe composition of the ruling class under the Ilbarites.
2) What changes were brought about in the composition of the nobility under the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs? Write in about five lines.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
3) Mark ri,oht ( v .or) wrong ( X ) against the following statements :
a) In the thirteenth century the Turkish nobles were paid in cash.
b) Muhammad Tughluq incorporated different social groups into his nobility.
-
c) Barani regards the Khaljis as Turks.
17.4 ZQTA A N D THE DISPERSAL OF RESOURCES

AMONG THE RULING CLASS
We have studied the institution of iqra, its early history in the Islamic world, apd its
application in India in Udit 16. The income of the Sultanate was primarily and
largely derived from the land revenue. Khalisa was the term for the land whose
revenue was exclusively meant for the Sultan himself, while the revenue from the
land, called iqra, was assigned by the state to the nobles. The muqris or iqra-holders
were required to furnish military assistance to the Sultan in times of need, apart
from maintaining law and order in and collecting the revenue from their iqra.
I These revenue assignments were generally non-hereditary and transferable. In fact, it
was through the institution of iqra that the Sultan was able to contrbl the nobles.
I The muqri collected land revenue from the peasants of his territory and defrayed
I
therefrom his own salary as well as that of his soldiers. The demand to send the
excess amounts Cfawazil) to the diwan-i wizarar was symbolic of the trend towards
centralization. The muqri had to submit accounts of their realisation and expenditure
to the treasury. Auditing was severe to prevent fraud.
1
Indian POMY :The ~ ~ l b m a t c Alauddin KhaIii also took other measures for controlling his nobility. Regular
reports from the barids (intelligence officers) kept him'posted with the actions of the
nobles. A check was kept on their socialisihg, and marriages between them could not
take place without thk permission of the Sultan. These measures have to be seen
against the background of recurrent incidents of rebellions in which the muqris
utiliqeQ and appropriated the resources of their areas, to rebel or to rhake a bid for
the throne. This explains the principle of transfer also. Under Muhammad Tughluq '
(1325-1351 A.D.), the nobles were given iqra in lieu of cash salary but their troops
were paid in cash by the treasury in contrast to the earlier period. These new fiscal
arrangements and the,greater control over assignments possibly contributed to the
conflict between the Siultan and the nobles since they were deprived of the gains of
the iqta management. However, during the reign of Feroz Tughluq there was a
general retreat from the practice of increased central authority over iqra. In practice,
Feroz started granting iqra to the sons and heirs of iqta-holders. The long reign of
Feroz Tughluq comparatively witnessed few rebellions but it also saw the beginning
of the disintegration and decentralisation. By the time of the Lodis (1451- 1526 A.D.),
the iqradars (now called wajhdars) do not seem to have been subject to constant
transfers.
17.5 ULEMA
The u l m the theologtcal class; had an important position in the Sultanate. It was
from them that important legal and judicial appointments were' made-the sadr-us
sudur, shaikh-ul Islam, qrui, mujti, muhrasib, imam and khorib. The ulema can be
seen as an adjunct of the ruling class, maintained by revenue grants from the Sultan,
and often by members of the ruling class. The ideological significance of the ulema
was great as they provided legitimacy to the ruling class. They exercised an influence
which was not only reli&ious but sometimes political, too.
a-
1 - --
CbtcL Your Prograr 2
1) Write two main characteristic features of the iqra system.
2) What measures were undertaken by Alauddin Khalji to control his nobility?
..........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
I
........................ . *. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..........
!
3) ark right (4) or wrong ( X )against the following statements :

a) i) lqras were hereditary assignments.
ii) lqras were the personal property of the nobles.
iii) Generally iqras we're transferable revenue assignments.
;
r h
b) i) Muqris were personal body-guards of the Sultan. FolroHoa of the Sultanate

ii) Muqris were religious teachers. R u b 8 Chra
' iii) Muqris were governors to whom the revenue from the iqras were
1
assigned.
C) Fawazil was :
i) Extra payment met to the nobles.
ii) Excess amount paid to the exchequer by rhe iqredars.
iii) Revenue assigned in lieu of salary.
17.6 LET US SUM UP

With the establishment of the Sultanate a new ruling class emerged which was
entirely different in its nature and composition to its predecessars. In the beginning,
primarily, it maintained its alien (Turkish) character, but, later, as the process of
amalgamation deepened, the Sultans started recruiting nobles fr0.m other social
groups as well. Thus, the nature and the character of the nobility widened greatly I
and not only the Turks, but Indian Muslims, non-Muslims and even foreigners
(Abyssinians, etc.) were incorporated into its fold. The ulema can also be seen as an
adjunct of the ruling class who were primarily maintained by revenue-free land
grants or wazifa (cash).
17.7 KEY WORDS

Ami-i akhur : Master of royal stable/ horses
Amir-i sadah : "Centuriansw, "Commander of hundred"
Khat-i azadi : Letter of manumission
T@jfi : a racel'free-born nobles"

Turhn-i chihilpni : "The Fortyw(corporate body of Turkish nobles of Iltutmish)
Ulema : Theologians
Wajhdar : Salaried persons / iqra-holders

EXERCISES
2) See Sub-sec. 17.3.2, 17.3.3
3) a) x b) v c) x
I 1) See Sec. 17.4
2) See Sec. 17.4
3) a) (i) (ii) X (iii) ,/
b) (i) X (ii) V (iii) x
c) (i) x (ii) (iii) x
UNIT 18 PROBLEM, CRISIS A N D ,
DECLINE
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Nature of Kingship
Conflict between the Nobility and the Sultans
C r i e fn Revenue Administrption
Rise of Regiond States
The Mongols
Let Us Sum Up)
Key Words
18.0 OBJECTIVES
The Sultans of Delhi faced many political and administrative problems. With the
passage of time, these problems became so critical that they generated political
crgis and eventually led to the decline of the ruling dynasties. This Unit attempts to ,
consider the following aspects :
Nature of kingship,
Conflict between the Sultan and the nobles,
Crisis in the Revenue Administration;
Rise of Regional Stbtes, and.
The Mongols.
18.1 INTRODUCTION
During the Sultanate period (1206-4526'A.D.), five dynasties ruled India. Since the
Turks came from Central Asia, they,b&cinitial stage, were unaware of the Indian
political and economic systtnf:To maintain their rule, the Turks introduced many
administrative practice which, by and large, continued for a long time with some
changes. A study of the political history indicates that the rulers had to cope with
internal strife and external dangers, especially the running struggle between the
nobility ancfthe Sultans which contributed towards the gradual decline of the Delhi
Sultanate.
18.2 NATURE OF KINGSHIP

No clear and well-defined law of succession developed in the Sultanate. Hereditary
principle was accepted 'but not adhered to invariably. There was no rule that only the
eldest son would succeed (primogeniture). In one case, even a daughter was
nominated (for exempl, Raziya Sultan). At any rate, a slave, unless he was
manumitted, that is, freed, could not claim sovereignty. In fact, as it operated in the
Sultanate, 'the longest the sword, the greater the claim'.
Thus, in the absence offany succession rule in the very beginning intrigues surfaced
to usurp power: After Aibak's death, it was not his son Aram Shah but his slave and
son-in-hw Iltutmish who captured the throne. Iltutmish's death (1236 AID.) was '
followed by a long period of struggle and strife when finally Balban, Iltutmish's slave
of the "Forty" fame, assumed power in 1266 A.D. You have already seen how Prdan. Crbb and Dcdhe
Balban attempted to give a new shape to the concept of kingship to salvage the
prestige of the office of the Sultan, but the struggle for power that started soon after
.
Balban's death confirms again that the 'sword' remained the main deciding factor.
Kaiqubad was installed at the throne agaipst the claims of Balban's nominee,
. Kaikhusrau. Later, even he was slain by the Khalji Maliks (1290 A.D.) who laid the
foundation of the Khalji rule. In 1296 A.D. Alauddin Khalji, killed his uncle,
Jalaluddin Khalji and occupied the throne. Alauddin Khalji's death signalled civil
war and scramble for power. Muhammad Tughluq's reign weakened due,to the
rebellions of amirs. Rivalries that followed after Feroz Tughluq ultimately led to the
.rise of the Saiyyids (1414-51 A.D.).
With the accession of the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.) a new element-the Afghans was
added. The Afghans had a certain peculiar concept of sdvereignty. They were
prepared to accept the position of a Sultan over them, but they sought to partition
the empire among their clans (Farmulis, Sarwanis, Niyazh, etc.). After the death of
Sultan Sikandar Lodi (1517 A.D.), the empire was divided between Ibrahim and
Jalal. Even the royal privileges and prerogatives were equally shared by the clan
members. For example, keeping of elephants was the royal privilege but Azam
Humayun Sarwani is reported to have possessed seven hundred elephants. ~esides,
the Afghans entertained the concept of maintaining tiibal militia which in the long
run greatly hampered the military efficiency of the Central Government. It is true
that Sikandar Lodi tried to keep the ambitious Afghan nobles in check, but it seems
that the concept ?f Afghan polity was more tilted towards decentralization that
created fissures in the end.
18.3 CONFLICT BETWEEN THE NOBILITY AND THE

SULTANS
~ h c ~ o l i t i chistoe
al of the Sultanate period testifies that consolidation and decline
of the Sultanate were largely the result of constructive and destructive activities of
the nobles (umara). The nobles always tried to maximise their demands in terms of
the economic and political gains.
Under the Ilbarite rule (1206-90 A.D.), the conflicts usually revolved around three
issues: succession, organization of the nobility and division of economic and political
power between them and the Sultans. When Qutbuddin Aibak bacame the Sultan,
his authority was hot accepted by the influential nobles such as Qubacha (governor
of Multan and Uchh), Yilduz (governor of Ghazni), and Ali' Mardan (governor of
Bengal). This particular problem was inherited by Iltutmish who finally overcame it
through diplomacy as well as by force. Later, Iltutmish organised the nobles in a
' corporate body, known as rurkan-i chihilgani ("The Forty'? which was personally '
loyal to him. Naturally, other groups of nobles (see Unit 17) envied the status and
-privi!eges of the members of the "Forty", but this does not mean that' the latter were .
free from their internal hickerings. At the most they united in one principle: to plug
the entry of non-Turkish persons in the charmed circle as far as possible. On the
other hand, the "Forty" tried to retainits political influence over the Sultan who
wouldnot like to%alienatethis group, but at the same time would not surrender his
royal privilege of appointing persons of other groups as officers. Thus, a delicate
balance was achieved by Iltutmish which broke down after his death. For example,
Iltutmish had declared his daughter, Raziya, as his successor during his life, but
some nobles did not approve her svccession after his death, because she tried to
'organize non-Turkish groups (Abyssinians and Indians) as counterweight to the
"Forty". That was one main reason why a number of nobles of this grouprsupported
her brother, Ruknuddin whom they thought to be incompetent and weak, thereby
giving them an opportunity to maintain their position. This spectacle continued
during the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-66 A.D.) also, as exemplified by the
)rise and fall of Immaduddin Raihan, an Indian convert. This episode coincided with
,the banishment of Balban who was the naib (deputy) of Sultan Mahmud (and also
belonged to the "Forty'? and his subsequent recall.
lodm P a r :me Sub- During Balban's reigtll(1266-87 A.D.), the influence of the turkan-i chihilgani was
minimised. Since he hhmself was a member of the "Fortyn before his accession, he
was fully aware of the! nobles' rebellious activities. Therefore, he eased out the
"tallest poppieswamongst them through assassin's dagger or poisoning, even
including his cousin. On the other hand, he formed a group of loyal and trusted
nobles called "Balbanl". The removal of many members of the "Fortyn deprived the
state of the services od veterans and the void could not be fulfilled by the new and
not so experienced 'Bhlbani" nobles. This situation inevitably led to the fall of the
llbarite rule, paving the way for the Khaljis. .
b
The reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 A.D.) saw a broadening in the composition
of nobles. He did not admit of monopolisation of the state by any one single group
of nobles. State office$ were open to talent and loyalty, to the exclusion of race and
creed. Besides, he controlled them through various measures (see Unit 17).
Moreover, the enhancement of land revenue up to 50 per cent of the surplus produce
(see unit 16) must have pacified the nobles because an increase in the revenue of
their respective iqta wbuld have raised their salarjf, too. Territorial expansion also
provided enough resources towards recruiting persons with talent. The case of MaIik
Kafur, an Abyssinian slave, is well-known. But this situation was shortlived: the
death of Alauddin Khalji brought out once again the dissensions and conspiracies of
the nobles, leading to the elimination of the Khaljis as rulers.
As for the Tughluqs, you know (see Unit 17) how Muhammad Tughluq made
attempts to organize nobles again and again, with turns and twists. But all his efforts
failed to put them under check. Even the Khurasanis, whom he used rn call "Aizzah"
(the dear ones), betrayed him. The problems created by the nobles can be gauged
I
from the fact that twenty-two rebellions took place during his reign with the loss of
a t least one territory, later known as Bahmani kingdom.
The crisis set in motion after Muhammad Tughluq's death seems to have gone out of
hands. Under these circumstances, Feroz Tughluq could not be expected to be stern
with the nobles. They were given many concessions. They succeeded in.making their
iqtas hereditary. The appeasement policy of fultan pleased the nobles, but in the
long run, it proved disastrous. The army became inefficient because the practice of
branding (dagh) of the horses introduced By Alauddin Khalji was almost given up. It
was not possible, henceforth, for his descendants or later rulers to'roll back the tide
of decline of the Delhi Sultanate.
Under the Sayyids (1414-51 A.D.) and the Lodis (1451-1526 A.D.), the situation did,
not appear to be comfortable: the former were not at all fit for the role of saviours.
Sikandar Lodi made the last attempt to prevent the looming catastrophe. But
dissensions among the Afghans and their unlimited individual ambitions hastened the
final demise, actually its murder, with Babur as the executioner.
Check Your Progressit,

I) Critically examinethe role of nobility in the disintegration of the Sultanate.
.........................................................................................
I ,.
2) How far did'the absence of law of primogeniture contribute to the decline of the ,
Sultanate?
3) Discuss the chief characteristic features of the Afghan theory of kingship. Problem, Crisis and Dedinc
....................................................................................
.......................................................................................
.........................................................................................
......................................................................................... i
-.
18.4 CRISIS IN REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
lltutmish had introduced a sound system of revenue assignments (iqta) through
which the vast bureaucracy was maintained. Feroz .Tughluq's reign, however, saw
deterioration in its working. During his reign, revenue assignments tended to be
hereditary and permanent. This applied even to the (royal ?) soldiers (yaran-i
hashm). "If a person died," says Afif, "his office would go permanently to his son; if
he had no son, then to his son-in-law; if he had no son-in-law, then io his slave; if he
,had no slave then to his women." Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517 A.D.) stopped to
/ dclaim the balance Cfawazil). The tendency of the principal assignees to sub-assign
their territories also increased greatly during his reign.

All this had deep implications. It meant not only loss of vast revenue resources to
-the state exchequer but by making the assignments permanent the Sultan allowed the
{assignees to develop strong local roots which led to wide-scale corruption and
turbulence.
18.5 RISE OF REGIONAL STATES

You have already studied that the clashes between the nobles and the Delhi Sultans
marred the Sultanate from the beginning of its foundation. But, so long as the centre
was powerful to retaliate. the rebellions were succesrfully crushed. S~gnsof physical
disintegration were witnessed for the first time during Muhammad Tughluq's reign in
1347 A.D. with the establishment of the Bahamani kingdom. But the Sultanate
remained intact at least nearly for fifty years when finally the Timurid invasion (1398
A.D.) exposed ~ t weakness.
s It provided ample opportunity for the nobles to
establish their own areas of influence, independent of the Sultan. Governors like
Khwaja Jahan (Jaunpur) in 1394 Khwaja in 1394, Dilawar Khan (Malwa) in 1401, Zafar
Khan (Gujarat) in 1407, and some regions in Rajasthan also declared their
independence during the 15th century. Bengal was already .a semi-independent
kingdom since the days of Bughra Khan (for details see Block 8). The Sultanate
practically shrank to the radius of 200 miles around Delhi. It had deep implications.
Loss of the fertile provinces of Bengal, Malwa, Jaunpur and Gujarat curtailed
greatly the vast revenue resources of the state. That, in turn disabled the centre to
wage long wars and organise campaigns against the refractory elements. The
situation became so critical under the Sayyaids and the Lodis that even for regular
revenue exactions the Sultans had to send yearly campaigns. For example, forces
were sent repeatedly to suppress the Katehr and Mewati chiefs with frequent
intervals from 1414 to 1432 A.D. Similarly, the chiefs of Bayana and Gwalior also
showed their reluctance to pay revenue and, as a result, repeated campaigns~followed
from 1416 to 1506 A.D. All this shows that the control of the Sultans during the
15th century remained nominal and only minimum efforts would have sufficed t o .
overihrow the Sultanate.
18.6 THE MONGOLS

To what extent the Mongol invasions could be heldresponsible for the decline of the
Delhi Sultanate? As.you have read Block 4, the Mongol danger first appeared
. . . . . - . - . ..
Indim PoMy :Tbe S u l t . ~ t e overcome it through diplomacy. Their invasions continued up to the period of
Muhammad Tughluq with intervals. Balban, Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad
Tughluq were very much conscious of the Mongol assaults and resisted them
, successfully. True, much money and time had to be spent and thousands of soldiers
were sacrificed, but it does not seem that these invasions enfeebled the Sultanate in
any substantial manner. Occasional shocks were awesome but without any visible
damage to the economy.or the state apparatus.
I) Discuss the implications of Feroz Tughluq's policy of making the assignments \

(iqta) permanent and hereditary?
2) To what extent risp of the regional states led to the decline of the Delhi
Sultanate?
LET US $UM UP
One political reason fot the decline of the Sultanate was the absence of any well-
established and universally accepted law of succession. This was in line with the
entire history of the Ishmic polity. As long as a Sultan was strong and was able to
gain the suppo~tof some groups of'nobles, he could continue with some superficial
semblance of dynastic stability. Dissensions and conflicts amongst the ruling groups
might remain apparently dormant in such circumstances; but at the slightest
opportunity their internal struggle would come to the force often in a viblent
fashion. Initially, the iqta system served the central authority: its elements of transfer
and non-permanence elsured the Sultan's power. On the other hand, the gradual
disappearance of these principles, especially during Feroz Tughluq's rule, paved the
way for the steady dissipation of the state's authority. The Lpshot was the emergence
of autonomous and, then, independent political centres in different regions. The
Mongols might have hammered the Sultanate off and on but, on the whole, their
forays did not affect the Sultanate's political and economic fortune.
KEY W O R D S
Aiz2.k : "Dear Ones" (Khurasani nobles under Muhammad Tughluq).
Umara : Nobles (plural of amir)
yuan-i hashm : Soldiers
.
Problan, Crisb and Dedine
EXERCISES
Check Your p r o p & 1

I) See Sec. 18.2
2) See Sec. 18.2
3) . See Sec. 18.3
Check Your P r o b e s 2
1) See Sec. 18.4
2) See Sec. 18.5
I
b
A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India.
W.H. Moreland,.The Agrarian System of Moslem India. (Chapters I1 & 111;
Appendices A, B and C).
R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration.
K.S. Lal, History of the Khafiis (Chapter XI).
klohammhd Habib & K.A. Nizami, A Comprehensive History of India, Vol V.
Tapan Ray Chaudhuri & lrfan Habib, The Cambridge Economic History oj
India, Vol, I , pp. 45-82.)
- -. .
APPENDIX
A REPRODUCTION FROM W.H.MORELAND,
AGRARIAN SYSTEM O F MOSLEM INDIA
Provincial Governors in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries
The words "Province; and "Governor" are used in Chapter 11 to represent two
groups of terms, which 1 take to be either precisely synonymous, or else
distinguished only by minor differences, of no practical importance for'our present
purpose. The first group is wilayat, wali. The word wilayat is used in the chronicles
in various senses, which can almost always be recognised with certainty from the
context: it may mean (1)a definite portion of the kingdom, that is, a province; (2)an
indefinite portion of the kingdom, that is, a tract or region; (3) the kingdom aS a
whole, (4) a foreign country; (5) the home-country of a foreigner .(in which last sense
a derived form has recently become naturalised in English as "Blighty"). Wali
occasionally means the ruler of a foreign country, but the ordinary sense is Governor
of a*province of the kingdom, that is to say, a localised officer serving directly under
the orders of the Kin8 or his Ministers.
So far as 1 know, it has never been suggested that the Wali held anything but a
bureaucratic position a t this period, and the word Governor represents it precisely,
as is the case throughout the history of Western Asia. The position is different in
regard to the second g o u p of terms iqta, muqti (more precisely, iqta, muqti).
Various translators in the nineteenth century rendered these terms by phrases
appropriated from the feudal system of Europe; their practice has been followed by
some recent writers, i& whose pages we meet "fiefs", "feudal chiefs", and such
entities; and the ordinary reader is forced to conclude that the organisation of the.
kingdom of Delhi was heterogeneous, with some provinces ruled by bureaucratic
' Governors (Wali), but most of the country held in portions (iqta) by persons
(Muqti), whose position resembled that of the barons of contemporary Europe. It is
necessary, therefore to examine the question whether these expressions represent the
facts, or, in other words, whether the kingdom contained any element to which the .
nomenclature of the feudal system can properly be applied. The question is one of
fact. The nature of the European feudal system is tolerably well known to students:
the position of the Muqt~sin the Delhi kingdom can be ascertained from the
chronicles; and comparison will show whether the use of these archaic terms brings
light or confusion into the agrarian history of Northern India.
The ordinary meaning of Jqta in Indo-Persian literature is an Assignment of revenue
conditional on future service. The word appears in this sense frequently in the Moghul
period as a synonym (along with tuyuf) of the more familiar jagir; and that it might
carry the same sense in the thirteenth century is established, amqng several passages,
by the story told by Barani (60, 61) of the 2000 troopers who held Assignments, but
evaded the services on which the Assignments were conditional. The villages held by
these men are described as their iqtas, and the men themselves as iqtadars. At this
period, however, the word iqta was used commonly in a more restricted sense, as in
I
the phrase "the twenty iqtas", used by Barani (50) to denote the bulk of the
kingdom. It is obvious that "the twenty iqtas" points to something of a different
order from the 2000 iqras in the passage just quoted; and all through the chronicles,
we find particular iqtas referred to as administrative charges, and not mere
Assignments. The distinction between the two senses is marked most clearly by the
use of the derivative nouns of possession; at this period, iqtadar always means an
assignee in the ordinary sense, but Muqti always means the holder of one of these
charges. The question the^ is, was the Muqti's position feudal or bureaucratic?
T o begin with, we may consider the origin of the nobility from whom the Muqtis
were chosen. The earliest chronicler gives, us the biographies' of all the chief nobles
1-T. Nasiri, book xxii, p. 229 ff. 1 follow the Cambridgc History in usingthe form lltutmish for the name usuallj
written Altamash.
ProvhcLI Govemon
of his time, and we find from them that in the middle of the thirteenth century practicafly
in the Thirteenth and
every man who is recorded as having held the position of began his career as a Fourteenth Centuries
royal slave. Shamsuddin lltutmish, the second effective king of Delhi, who had himself
been the property of the first king, bought foreign slaves in great numbers, employed them
in his household, and promoted them, according to his judgement of their capacities, to
the highest positions in his kingdom. The following are a few sample biographies
condensed from this chronicle.
Taghan Khan (p. 242) was purchased by Shamsuddin, and employed in succession as
page, keeper of the pen-case,' food-taster, master of the stable, Muqti of Badaun,
and Muqti of Lakhqauti, where the insignia of royalty were eventually conferred on
him.
Saifuddin Aibak (p. 259) was purchased by the king, and employed successively as
keeper of the wardrobe, sword-bearer, Muqri of Samana, Muqri of Baran, and
finally Vakil-i dar, apparently, at this period, the highest ceremonial post at Court.?
Tughril Khan (p. 261) also a slave, was successively depuQ-taster, court-usher,
master of the elephants, master of the stable, Muqti of Sirhind, and later of Lahore,
Kanauj, and Awadh in succession; finally he received Lakhnauti, where he assumed
the title of king.
Ulugh Khan (p. 281), afterwards King Balban, is said to have belonged to a noble
family in Turkistan,3 but was enslaved in circumstances which are not recorded. He
was taken for sale to Baghdad, and thence to Gujarat, from where a dealer brought
him to Delhi, and sold him to the King. He was employed first as personal
attendant, then as master of sport, then mkter of the stable, then Muqti of Hansi,
then Lord Chamberlain, and subsequently became, first, deputy-King of Delhi, and
then King in his own right.
It seems to me to be qliite impossible to think of such a nobility in terms of a feudal
system with a king merely first among his territorial vassals: what we see is a royal
household full of slaves, who could rise, by merit or favour, from servile duties to
the charge of a province, or even of a kingdom-essentially a bureaucracy of the
normal Asiatic type. The same conclusion follows from an examination of the
Muqti's actual position: it is nowhere, so far as I know, described in set terms, but
the incidents recorded in the chronicles justify the following summary.
1. A Muqti had no territorial postion of his own, and no claim to any particular
region: he was appointed by the King, who could remove him, or transfer him to
another charge, at any time. The passages proving this statement are too numerous
to quote: one cannot usually read ten pages or so without finding instances of this
exercise of the royal authority. The biographies already summarised suffice to show
that in the thirteenth century a Muqti had no necessary conhection with any
particular locality; he might be posted anywhere from Lahore to Lakhnauti at the
King's discretion. Similarly, to take one example Erom the next century, Barni (427
ff.) tells how Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, on his accession, allotted the iqtas among his
relatives and adherents, men who had no previous territorial connection with the
places where they were posted, but who were apparently chosen for their
administrative capacity. Such arrangements are the antithesis of anything which can
properly be described as a feudal system.
I Da~sat-dar.The dictionary-meaning of "Secretary of State" does not seem to be appropriate here, for we are
told that on one occasion Taghan Khan was sharply punished for losing the king'sjewelled pen-case, and 1 take
the phrase to d'enote the official responsible for the care ofthe king's writingmaterials. In later times the Chief
Dawatdar was a high officer.
2 Th'eexaa status of the vakil-idar at this period isa rather complex question, but its discussion is not necessary
for the present purpose.
I 3 The chronicler is so fullsome in his praise of Balban, under whom he was writing, that this statement may b.
i
'
merely a piece of flattery, but there is nothing intrinsically improbable in it, having regard to the circumstances
of the time. Writing in the next century, Ibn Batuta recorded (iii 171)a much less complimentary tradition; it is
unnecessary for me to enquire which account is true, because both are in agreement on the essential point, that
Balban-was brought to India as a slave.
I
I
I
I
-
Indim Polity :The
-
- -- S u h--.
- -
nat~
- > - 2. The Muqti was essentially administrator of the charge to whichqhe was posted.
This fact will be obvious to any careful reader of the chronicles, and many examples
could be given, but the two following are perhaps sufficient. Barni (p. 96) tells at
some length how Balban placed his son Bughra Khan on the throne 'df Bengal, and
records the advice which he gave on the occasion. Knowing his son to be slack and
lazy, he insisted specially on the need for active vigilance if a king was to keep his
throne, and in this connection he drew a distinction between the position of King
(iqlimdari) and that of Govefnor (wilayatdari) a King's mistakes were, he argued; apt ,
to be irretrievable,.and fatal t o his family, while a Muqti who was negligent or
inefficient ip his governorship (wilayatdari), though he was liable to fine or dismissal, '
need not fear for his life or his family, and could still hope to return to favour. The
essential function of a Muqti was thus governorship, and he was liable to fine o r
dismissal if he failed in his duties.
As an instance from the next century, we may take the story told by Afif (414), how
a noble named Ainulmulk, who was employed in the Revenue Ministry, quarrelled
with the Minister, add was in consequence dismissed. The King then offered him the
post of Muqti of Multan, saying, "Go to that province (iqta), arld occupy yourself in
the duties (Karha wa kardarha) of that place." Ainulmulk replied: "When I
undertake the administration (amal) in the iqta, and perform the duties of that place,
it will be impossible for me t o submit the accounts to the Revenue Ministry; I will
submit them to the Throne." On this, the King excluded the affairs of Multan from
the Revenue Ministry, and Ainulmulk duly took up the appointment. The language
of the passage shows the position of a Muqti as purely administrative.
3. It was the Muqti's duty to maintain a body of troops available at any time for the
King's service. The status of these troops can best be seen from the orders which
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq issued! to the nobles "to whom he gave iqtas and wilayats."
"DO not," he said, "covet the smallest fraction of the pay of the tropps. Whether you
give or d o not give them a little of your own rests with you to decide; but if you
expect a small portion of what is deducted in the name of the troops, then the title
of noble ought not to be applied to you; and the noble who consumes Any portion of
the pay of servants had better consume dust."This passage makes it clear that the
strength and pay of the Muqti's troops were fixed by the King, who provided the
cost; the Muqti could, ij he chose, increase their pay out of his own pocket, but that
was the limit of his discretionary power in regard to them.
4. The Muqti had to collect the revenue due from his charge, .and? after defraying
sanctioned expenditure, such as the pay of the troops, to remit the surplus to. the
King's treasury at the capital. To take one instance (Barni, 220 ff.), when Alaud$in
Khalji (before his accession) was Muqti of Karra and Awadh and was planning his
incursion into the Deccan, he applied for a postponement of the demand for the
surplus-revenue of his provinqs, so that he could employ the money in raising
additional troops; afid promised that, when he returned, he would pay the postponed
surplus-revenue, alohg with the booty, into the King's treasury.
5. The Muqti's financial transactions in regard to both receipts and expenditure were
audited by the officials of the Revenue Ministry, and any balance found t o be due
from him was recovered by processes which, under some kings, were remarkably
severe. The orders of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, quoted above, indicate that under his
predecessors holders of iqtas and wilayats had been greatly harassed in the course of
these processes, and he directed that they were not to be treated like minor officials
in this matter. Severity seems to hpve been reestablished in the reign of his son '
Muhammad, for Batni insists (pp. 556, 574) on the contrast furnished by the wise
and lenient administtation of Firuz, under whom "no Wali or Muqti" came to
ruin from this cause. The processes of audit and recovery thus varied in point of
severity, but they were throughout a normal feature of the administration.
This statement of the Muqti's position indicates on the face of it a purely
bureaucratic organisation. We have officers posted to their charges by the King, and
transferred, removed, or punished, at his pleasure, administering their charges under
his orders, and subjcicted to the strict financial control of the Revenue Ministry.
I Barni. 431.
'- .
None of these features has any counterpart in the feudal system of Europe; and, as a Provinci. nl Governors
student of European history to whom 1 showed the foregoing summary observed, the inathe T hirfemih and
analogy is not with the feudal organisation, but with the bureaucracies which rulers Fourtetrih pnturirs
like Henry I1 of England attempted to set up as an alternative to feudalism. The use
of feudal terminology was presumably inspired by the fact that some of the nobles of
the 'Delhi kingdom occasionally behaved like feudal barons, that is t o say, they
rebelled, or took sides in disputed successions to the throne; but, in Asia at least,
bureaucrats can rebel as well as barons, and the analogy is much too slight and
superficial to justify the importation of feudal terms and all $he misleading ideas
which they connote. The kingdom was not a mixture of bureaucracy with feudalism
its administration was bureaucratic throughout.
The question remains whether there were differences in status or functions between
the Wali and the Muqri. The chronicles mention a Wali so rarely that it is impossible
to prepare from them a statement similar to what has been offered for the Muqri.
The constantly recnrring double phases, walis and Muqris, or iqras and wilayats,
show that the two institutions were, at any rate, of the same general nature, but they
cannot be pressed so far as to exclude the possibility of differences-in detail. A recent
writer has stated that the difference was one of distance from the capital,' the nearer
provinces being iqras and the remote ones wilayats; but this view is not borne out by
detailed analysis of the language of the chronicles. Looking at the words themselves,
it is clear that Wax is thecorrect lslamic term for a bureaucratic Governor; it was
used in this sense by Abu Yusuf (e.g. pp. 161, 163) in Baghdad, in the eighth
century, and it isstill familiar in the same sense in Turkey at the present day. I have
not traced the terms Iqra or.Muqri in the early Islamic literature-to which I have
access through translations, but taking the sense of Assignment in which the former
persisted in India, we may fairly infer that the application of iqra to a province
meant originally that the province was assigned, that is to say, that the Governor
was under obligation to maintain a body of troops for the king's service. It is
possible then that, at some period, the distinction between Wali and Muqri may have
lain in the fact that the former had not to maintain troops, while the latter had; but,
if this was the original difference, it had become obsolete, at any rate, by the time of
I
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, whose orders regarding the troops equally to both classes, to
"the nobles to whom he gave iqras and wilayats."'
I
...
, The chronicles indicate no other possible distinction between Wali and Muqri, and
I the fact that we occasionally read2 of the Muqri of a Wilayat suggests that the.terms
were, at least practically, synonymous. The possibility is not excluded that there were
1 minor differences in position, for instance, in regard to the accounts procedure of the
Revenue Minktry, but these would not be significant from the point of view of
I agrarian administration. In my opinion, then, we are justified in rejecting absolutely
I
the view that the kingdom of Delhi contained any element to ivhich the terminology
of the feudal system can properly be applied. Apart from the regions directly under
the Revenue Ministry, the entire kingdom was divided into provinces administered
f by bureaucratic Governors; possibly there may have been differences in the relations
between these Governors and the Ministry, but, so far as concerns the agrarian
administration of a province, it is safe to treat Wali and Muqri as practically, if not
absolutely, synonymous.
I Qanungo's Sher Sh& p. 349, 350. Baini, however, applies the term wilayat to provinces near Delhi such as
Baran (p. 58), Amroha (p. 58). or Samana (p. 483); while Multan (p. 584) and Marhat, or the Mafathacountry
(p. 390) are described as iqra. Some of the distant provinces had apparently a diffaent status in parts of the
fourteenth antury, beingunda a minster (Vazir) instead of theGovcrnor (Barani, 379,397,454. & C.), but they
cannot be distinguished .either as wlhjwts or as iqrm.
2 For instance, T. Nasiri; Mugti of the Wila yat of Awadh (246,247); Muqriof the Wilayat of Sarsuti (p. 256): As
has been said above, Barani (96) describes the duties of a Muqri by the term Wilayatdari.
!dim PoWy : The Sukanrte It may be added that the latter term did not survive for long. In the Tarikh-i
Mubarakshahi, written about the middle of the fifteenth century, the title is
preserved in summaries of earlier chronicles, but in dealing with his own times the .
writer consistently uses the term Amir. This term had already been used by Ibn
Batuta a century earlier; he speaks of Indian Governors sometimes as Wali,
sometimes as Amir, bCt never, so far as I can find, as Muqti; and possibly Amir was '
already coming into popular use in his time. Nizamuddin Ahmad, writing under
Akbar, usually substituted Hakim, as is apparent from a comparison of his language
with that of Barni, whom he summarised; Firishta occasionally reproduced the
word Muqti, but more commonly used Hakim, Sipahsalar, or some other modern
equivalent; and Muqti was clearly an archaism in the time of Akbar.
STATE AND ECONOMY
Structure
19.0 Objectives
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Distribution of Revenue Resources
19.2.1 Iqta and lrhPtlsl
' 19.2.2 The iqta System in Operation
19.2.2 Land Grants
19.3 Land Revenue and its Extraction
19.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalii
19.3.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq
19.4 Alauddin Khalji's Market Control
19.5 Currency System
19.6 Slavery and Slave Trade
19.7 Let Us Sum Up
19.8 Key Words
This Unit discusses how the Ghorian conquest and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate affected the Indian ecoriomy. It also attempts to highlight the changes that
occurred during the course of the Sultanate.
After-going through this Unit you will be able to learn about:
the nature of land revenue system and its extraction,
the mechanism of distribution of revenue resources,
price control measures of Alauddin Khalji,
the use of slaves in urban economy and sources of enslavement, and
- thk increasing use of money in economy and the currency system.
19.1 INTRODUCTION
'-
The conquest of,Northern India by the Ghorids and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate not only changed tfre existing political structure but also brought, economic
change?. The conquerors came with fairly well-defined concepts and piactices , ,. -
regarding tax collection and distribution, ahd system of coinage, etc. But the existing
systems could'not be changed altogether immediately: in the beginning, these were
superimposed on the older systems, and modifications and changes were introduced
by different Sultans uptb the close of the 15th century.
The new rulers wanted luxuries and comforts according to their taste and habits. The
slave labour was thus a great help to provide these.
In the opinion of Muhammad Habib, the economic changes that occurred as a
consequence of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate created an organisation
considerably superior to the one that had existed before. He felt that the changes
were drastic enough to deserve the designation of 'Urban Revolution' and 'Rural
Revolution'. D.D. Kdsarnbi recognised that 'hidebound customs in the adoptation
and transmission of new techniques' were broken down by the 'Islamic raiders', but
he regarded the changes no more than intensifying elements already present in Indian
.-
'feudalism'.
In this Unit we will study the economic institutions and changes that the Delhi
Sultanate introduced.
19.2 DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE RESOURCES

During the 13th century, large territories rapidly passed into the hands of the Sultans.
Economy of Delh. ...,-_L,d rhi-c.c.ve$ And their troops by plundering or by~xtracting
tribute from
. .. - the defeated and subjdgated rural aristocracies. Unlike the previous rulers, the
soldiers were paid their salaries in cash.
The regions that refused to pay land-tax or kharaj were known as mawas and were
plundered or forced to pay through military raids. Gradually a mechanism of
simultaneous revenue rcollection and distribution had tohe introduced.
19.2.1 Iqta and Kbalisa

The new rulers brought with them the iqta system that combined the two functions of
revenue collection and distribution without immediately endangering the unity of
political structure. The iqta was a territorial assignment and its holder was called the
muqti or the wali. The classical definition of the iqta system has been given by
Nizam-ul Mulk Tusi, a Seljuq statesinan of the 11th century (see Block 5). ~ c c o r & g
to Tusi's definition, the iqta was a revenue assignment that the muqti held a t the
pleasure of Sultan. m e muqti was entitled to collect in proper manner t& land tax
and other taxes due to the Sultan, he had no further claims on the person, women and
children, land or other possessions of the cultivators. The muqti had certain
obligations to the Sultan the chief being the maintenance of troops and furnishing
them at call to the Sultan. The iqta was a transferable charge and the transfers of
iqta s were frequent.
Khalisa: The territory whose revenues were directly collected for the Sultan's own
treasury was designat d khaIiba. Its size seems to have expanded quite considerably
4
under,Alauddin Khal". But the k h d h did not appear to consist of shifting territories
scattered throughout he country. In all probability, Delhi along with its surrounding
district, including parts of Doab remained in khalisa. In Iltutmish's time, Tabarhinda
(Bhatinda) too was in khalisa. Under Alauddin Khalji, the. khelisP.cdvered the
whole of middle Doab and parts of Rohilkhand. But during the days of Feroz
Tughluq, the khalisa perhaps had reduced considerably in size.
Iltutmish (1210-36) is reported to have assigned in lieu of salaries "small iqtas" in the
Doab to the soldiers bf the Sultan's army (hashm qalb). palban (1266-86) made a
half-hearted attempt tit' their resumption without success. It was Alauddin Khalji
(1296-1316) who established firmly the practice of payment of salaries in cash to the
soldiers. A practice that was again altered by Feroz Tughluq who began to assign
villages to soldiers in lieu of their salaries. These assignments were called wqjh and
the holders wajhdars, These assignments tended to be not only permanent but
hereditary.
19.2.2 The Iqta Spstem in Operation

L _ & & _ - -.=*
-.
>.
You have already read about the Iqta system in Block 5. Here, we are adding a few
more aspects. In the tarly years of the foundation of the Sultanate, neither the
revenue income of these assignments was known nor the size of the contingent of the
assignee was fixed. However, certain modifications and mild attempts at introducing
central control to some-extent were made by Balban (1266-86) when he appointed a
khwaja (accountant) with each muqti: this may imply that the Sultanate now was
trying to find out the actual income of the iqta and muqti s expenditure.
'I'he real interventiorl in the iqta administration came under Alauddin Khalji. The
central finace department (diwan-i wizarat) perhaps prepared some sort of an
estimated revenue inicome from each iqta. The audit was stringent, punishments
severe, transfers frequent and enhancements (taufir) were often made in the
estimated revenue i w m e of theiqta on various pretexts.
Ghiyasuddin ~ u g h l u q(1320-25) introduced some moderation. The enhancements in
the estimated revenup income by the central finance ministry wds not to be more than
1/10 or 1111th annually. The muqtis v:ere allowed to keep 1110th to 1120th in excess of
their sanctioned salqies.
The auempt at centre1 intervention reached its climax during the timi of Muhwmad
Tughluq (1325-51). h several cases. a walk and an Pmir was appointed to the same
temtory. The wali wbs to collect revenue and, after deducting his pay, to send the rest
to the treasury. or commander had nothing to do with revenue realization
anrl thn ealnmr nf h i e t r n n n e in ,-sch nrmcmnmghlv Fmm th..
reign the troops of the iqta holders were paid in cash by the state's treasury. This State and
. Eammv
possibility infuriated the commanders and created political problems for Muhammad
Tughluq. Feroz Tughluq, therefore, decided to make concessions. He enhanced the
cash salahes of the nobles and got new estimates of revenue (mahsul) prepared which
I
was designated jama. ,
There was no attempt to restore central control by the successors of Feroz. Under the
Lodis (1451-1526),'the administrative charges and revenue assignments were
combined together and these were no more called iqta but were simply called sarkars
and parganas. A system of sub-assignments came in vogue particularly under
Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517). The main assignees used to sub-assign portions of their
assignment to their subordinates who in turn made sub-assignments to their soldiers.
19.2.3 Land Grants

As you know already, the religious persons and institutions such as dargahs,
mosques, madraw and other dependents of the ruling class were maintained by
making grants of revenue income. These revenue grants were called milk, idrar, and
in am. These grants were not generally resumed or transferred. But the Sultan had
the right to cancel them. Alauddin Khalji is reputed to have cancelled almost all
grants. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq too cancelled large number of grants. However, Feroz
Tughluq made a departure and not only returned all the previously resumed grants
but also made new grants as well. In spite of this generosity of the Sultan, according
t o the figures recorded by Afif, the total grants by the Sultan accounted only for about
one-twentieth of the total jama (estimated revenue income). Nobles, too, made
revenue grants out of their own iqtas. Noticeably, the Sultans made grants not only in
the khalisa but also in the iqtcrs. These grants covered cultivated as well as cultivable
areas not yet brought under plough.

1) How will you define iqta?
. , t
..........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
4 .
.........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
, .
2) p a t changes were introduced in the iqta system by Muhammad Tughluq? . ,
3 Mark ( d )against the correct and (x) against the wrong statements given below:
.iqtas. . .
(a) Alauddin Khalji allowed the muqtis to keep the excess income from their
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq handed over iqtas to revenue-farmers.

(c) The jama under Feroz Tughluq meant the estimated revenue income.
19-3 LAND REVENUE AND ITS EXTRACTION

f i e Islamic land tax with which the new rulers of India were familiar was kharaj. The
,kharaj was essentially a share in the produce of the land and not a rent on the land?
During the 13th century, the kharaj took by and large the form of tribute. As
mentioned earlier, this tribute was paid, in lump sum, either by the potentates
Economy of ~elbiSultanate some arrangement. Alternatively, from the recalc~trantareas (mawas) where such
arrangements were hot possible, the tribute was extorted through plundering raids. It,
was thus probably mostly in the form of cattle and slaves.
The sources of ~ e l d Sultanate
i do not suggest that before the reign of Alauddin
Khalji (12961316) any serious attempt was made to systematise the.assessment and '
realization of kharaj.
19.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalji

You have already rehd (Block 5) .in some detail about the agra;ian measures of
Alauddin Khalji. ~ iattempt
i wa%toincrease the revenue collection by enhancing the
demand, introducing direct collection and cutting down the leakages to the '
intermediaries.
As you know, the demand was thus fixed in kind but realization appears to be mostly
in cash. Barani informs us that the revenue collectors were ordered to demand the
revenue with such rigour that the peasants should be forced to sell their produce
immediately at the side of the fields. At another place, Barani says that Alauddin
Khalji brought the q o a b into khalisa apd the tax (mahsul) from there was spent on
paying the cash salaqies to the soldiers.
Yet there is a rathericontradictory statement by the same author that the Sultan
ordered that the peakant should pay tax in kind and not in cash. According to Itfan
Habib, it seems to hdve reference to only some parts of the khalisa in the Doab. From
there the Sultan wanted to obtain supplies for his granaries. Otherwise the realization
was normally in cash'.
Yet these new measures affected the rural intermediaries which we will discuss in
Unit 20. .
The system of taxation introduced by Alauddin seems to have lasted for long though -
Gh~yasuddinTughluq (1320-25) modified it to.some extent and exempted the khots
aod muqaddamsfrom paying tax on their cultivation and cattle. But he did not permit
them to impose any cesces on the peasants.
19.3.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq

~ u h a m m i dTughluq, first extended Alauddin Khalji's system of revenue collection
based on measurement to Gujarat. Malwa, Deccan, South India and Bengal. At a
later,stage, the scale of agrarian taxation wgs enhanced considerably. Barani's
statement that the increase amounted to 20 or 10 times is undoubtedly a rhetoric but
it certainly gives the impression of an enormous increase. Barani suggests that
additional new imposts (abwab) were levied. Of the other taxes. kharaj, chard and
ghari were more rigorously collected. According to Yahya, cattle were branded and
cottages counted to avoid any concealments. B U more~ important than these
measures was the fact that for assessment of kharaj, wafa-i-farmani (officially
decreed yields) and drkh-i-farmani (officially decreed prices) were used. The
statement very clearly implies that the yields and prices used for'calculating revenue
were not actual.
One could very well expeCt that the decreed yields and prices were certainly inflated.
Use of inflated yields instead of actual and prices much-higher than what were
prevailing, had the obvious result of overstating the value of produce and thus the
share of the state. This tremendous increase in revenue demaqdresulted in
contraction of area under plough, flight of peasantry, and, as wswill see in Unit 20
in a b ~ gpeaqant revolt in the Doab and around Delhi. This caused failure of grain
supplies to Delhi and a famine that lasted for about seven years, from 1334-5 to 1342.
Faced with these problems, Muhammad Tughluq became the first Sultan to attempt
to formulate an agrichltural policy for promoting agriculture. He introduced the '
practice of giving agrkultural loans named sondliar for increasing the area under
plough and foidigging wells f o irrigation.
~ Barani says that 70 lakhs tenkas (according
to Afif 2 krors t a n k 4 were given till 1346-7 in sondhar but perhaps hardly any
A new ministry designated diwan-i amir-i kohi was established to promote
agriculture. Its two main functions we-re to extend the area under cultivation and to
reclaim the land that went out of cultivation and improving the cropping pattern. It
was recommended that wheat should.be replaced by sugarcane and sugarcane by
grapes and dates.
The Sultan was so determined to introduce his project of agricultural improvement

that when a theologian said that giving loan in cash and receiving the interest in grain
was sin, he executed him.
Barani, however, says that alr these measures were almost a complete failure. Feroz
Tughluq (1351-88) abandoned these projects but abolished agrarian cesses, forbade
levying of ghari and chard. But he is reported to have imposed a separate tax -jiziya
-distinct from kharaj (land-tax) on the peasants. He also introduced an irrigation tax
in Haryana where he d u g canals.
There is little information forthcoming for the intervening period but in all probability
the land tax continued to be collected in cash by whomsoever be the rulers, till the
time of Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26). Owing to the scarcity of currency and cheapening of
the grains, he is reported to have ordered collection of land revenue in kind or in
grain.

1) Discuss the land revenue system introduced by Alauddin Khalji.
2) Indicate the correct and wrong statements given below hy marking ( d )or ( x ) .
(a) The areas which did not pay kharaj without the use of force were called
mawas.
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq imposed tax on the cultivation and cattle of khots and
muqaddams.
(c) Ibrahim Lodi ordered for the collection of revenue in cash.
19.4, ALAWDDIN KHALJI'S MARKET CONTROL

Alauddin Khalji's measures did not remain confined to rural economy but extended
to urban market as well. He is credited for issuing a set of seven regulations which
came to be known as market-control measures. Barani,who is our main source on this
aspectis the only authority who gives these regulations in detail.
The Sultan fixed the prices of all commodities from grain to cloth, slaves, cattle, etc.
(Regulation 1). These prices were really to be enforced since the Sultan carefully
made all arrangements for making the measure a success. A controller of market
(shahna-i mandl), barids (intelligence officers) and munhiyan (secret spies) were
appointed (Reg. 2). The grain merchants were placed under the shahna-i mandi and
sureties were taken from them (Reg. 4). The Sultan himself was to receive dailjl
reports separately from these three sources (Reg. 7). Regrating (ihtikar) was
prohibited (Reg. 5). While ensuring strict control in the market, the Sultan did not
overlook the more essential requirement, namely the regular supply of grains and
</ $, 3
4
1
Economy of Delbi Sultanate 1
No. Commodities Alauddin Muhammad ~eroz

I
, Khalji Tugluq Tughluq
(Prices in Jitals per maund)
.
1. What 7'h 12 8 r
2. Barely 4 8 4
3. Paddy 5 14 ..
4. Pulses 5 .. 4
5. Lentils 3 4 4
6. Sugar (white) 100 80 .- I
7. Sugur (soft) 60 64 120,140 -
8. Sheep (mutto*) 10-12 64 ..
9. Ghi (clarified butter) 16 .. 100
Table of prices is reprodpced from K.M.Ashraf, Life Pod Conditiolloft& people o,-f Delhi.
1970, p. 160. The table copplied from dierent sources shows that the prices of these commodities
went up'under Muhammakl Tughluq but dropped under Feroz Tughluq to the price level of Alauddin
Khalji's relgn.1
A
as mentioned in contemporary .rrounts of the sultanate period.

1. Rlees of some commod~ties
Obviously, the grain merchants could bring supplies to the market only if they could
get the grains and that, too, at sufficiently low prices. It was apparently for this reason
that the Sultan decreed such a rigour in realization of land revenue in the Doab that
the peasants should be forced to sell the grain to the h a n i a n (the grain merchants)
at the side of the field (Reg. 6).
The Sultan established granaries in Delhi and in Chhain in Rajasthan. The land tax
from the khalisa in the Doah was realised in kind. T h e grain went to the state
granaries (Reg. 3). The Multanis who were cloth merchants were given 20 lakhs of
tankas as advance loan to purchase and bring cloth to the market.
The Sultan succeedekl in maintaining low prices and ample supplies in the market as
reported by all our authorities. But there are varying reascns mentioned for why the
Sultan introduced tHe market control and in what region it was enforced. The poet
courtier Amir Khusrau considers the measure to be of immense generosity taken for
the welfare and comfort of all, the elite as well as the public at large. The Chishti di-
vine Nasiruddin Mapmud (Chiragh Delhi) attributes it to the Sultan's effort to do
good to all the people. But the historian ~ a i a n i ' view
s was totally different. He did not
credit it to Sultan's btnevolent intentions but gives a hard financial reason. The Sultan
was anxious to have1 a large army and to take other precautions such as building of
forts at strategic plaues, fortification wall around Delhi, etc. against the Mongol inva-
sions. If numerous additional cavalrymen and troops were to be employed ar&e pre-
vailing salaries, the drain from the state treasury was to exhaust it totally. The salaries
could be reduced only if the prices were kept at a sufficiently low level.
Barani's reasoning abpears of course, more valid. Since the main lmhkargak (army
\
. encampment) was id Delhi and most bf theroyal troops were to be stationed in or
around Delhi, the mpin area of price control was Delhi itself. However, since the
sl~ppliesof cheap grain were to be made available to the grain merchants in the
surroundirlg districm of the oo?h, the low prices ought to be prevalent there as well.:
The market control did not sbrvive its enforcer and we do not hear about it after
Alauddin Khalji's tiMe. A very efficient and alert administration was imperative for
the success of price control. Therefore, one possible reason for its not surviving could
be the lack of sufficiantly competent administration. Irfan Habib, however, offers a
different reason for t@ abandonment of price control by the successors of Alauddin
Khalji. Since the prevalence of low prices implies lower revenues from the low-price
zone, the price contr?l was viable as long as the zone of low prices was restricted and
most of the expenditqre was concentrated there. With the Mongols no more
, remaining a threat, the army and the expenditure was t o b e dispersed Fore widely
and not to be concentrated at and around Delhi alone. The interest of hstate
f r = a s ~ m nnw in AirrnantIinn thn --;- ---+--I
Check Your Progress 3 State and Economy
1) Discuss the measures taken by Alauddin Khalji to introduce 'price control'.
.........................................................................................................
2 ) Explain briefly the reasons for:
.(a) Introduction of price control according to Barani.
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
- .
(b) Dismantling of price control under the successors of Alauddin Khalji.
19.. CURRENCY SYSTEM

The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by a considerable growth of
money economy which accelerated particularly in the first half of the 14th c e n t u j .
Since the growth of money economy in simple words means larger use of currency in
transactions (monetisation is another term for this pbnomenon), a large scale
minting of gold, silver and copper coins that followed'the foundation of the Delhi
Sultanate was an attendant process of the monetization of Indian economy.
The period prior to the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by the scarcity
of coinage particularly of pure silver. The early Ghorid conquerors found mints
uttering coins of copper with very small silver contents. Except an increase in the
number of coins stamped, no changes were introduced in'the beginning. The coins
continued to bear the image of goddess Lakshmi or bull-and-horseman, etc. Only the
name of the new ruler in a corrupt form got inscribed over it in Nagri script. These
coins were called Dehliwal.
lltutmish (1210-36) is credited for standardizing the coinage of the Delhi Sultanate.
The currency system established by him in its essentials survived the Delhi Sultanate
He introduced gold and silver tankas and a copper jital that was reckoned at 1/48th of
a tanka in North India and 1150th in the Deccan after the conquest of Devagiri.
'A firm ratio of 1:10 between gold and silver appears to have been established.
For studying the currency system we not only have the testimonybf the chronicles but
also the physical evidence available in the form of suniving coins (this is called
numismatic evidence).
The Sultanate mints generally uttered coins in three metals: gold, silver and billon
(copper mixed with very small quantity of silver). The main coins were tanka and jital
but some smaller currencies were also in circulation. Barani mentions dangs and
dirams in use at the capital Delhi. The equation between these currencies in the north
has been worked out as:
1silver tanka = 48 jital = 192 dangs = 480 dirams
The gold and silver remitted from Bengal was the main source of coinage during the
13th century. The seizure of treasure hoards in northern India and later in t b Deccan
was the other major source of silver and gold for coinage.
The Sultanate mints should not only have coined government money but also
stamned hlillion and f o r e i ~ ncoins hrow~hthv the nrivate merchant<
The silver currency remained dominant till the reign of Alauddin Khalji. From
Ghiyasuddin TughluQ's reign, a decline in silver coinage in relation t ~ ' ~ o and
l d billon
. set in. Under Muhammad Tughluq gold coinage overshadowed the silver, and silver
coinage practically disappeared under Feroz Tughluq. In the 15th cenfury, billon
winage dominated (the Lodis (1451-1526) uttered no other coins).
Token Currency of Muhammad Tughluq
The only major innovation in the currency system established by Iltutmish was made
by Muhammad Tughluq. The Sultan introduced a coin of copper and brass alloy and
reckoned it at the value of a silver tanka. This w i n for the first time camed an
inscription in Persian. This new currency w h o ~ eface value was much higher than its
intrinsic value (that is, value of the metal it was made of) is termed as token currency.
The introduction of tdken currency was already attempted in sister Asian empires. In
China, Qublai Khan (1260-94) had introduced a token currency of paper and the
experiment was successful. In Persia, Kaikhatu Khan (!293), too, tried to introduce a
token currency but thre attempt failed.
Muhammad Tughluq's experiment, too, met total failure perhaps owing to the fact
that the new currency could easily be forged. Barani says rhetorically that every
'Hindu' household became a mint. However, the Sultan accepted the failure with
grace and exchanged all the token currency brought to the treasury with pure
currency.
--
1) Discuss the introduction of 'token currency'.
.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
2) Mark (y)
against the statement if it is true and ( X ) if false.
(a) Alauddin Khalji established the currency system of the Sultanate.
(b) One silver tanha was equal to 48 jitals in North India.
(c) The main sourae of silver for coinage in the Deccan were the treasure hoards 9
of the local rulers.
-
'"t
(d) Silver coins in Feroz Tughluq's reigh outnumbered gold coins.
19.6 SLAVERY AND SLAVE TRADE -

The Ghorians found slavery in existence in India where it had an ancient history.
They certainly had no ethical qualms about it. Slavery was permitted in Islam and it
was prevalent in the Islamic world. According to Irfan Habib, the Ghaznavid and the
Ghorid invasions of Ndrthern India, like Julius Caeser's invasions of Britain, were
partly for acquiring slaves. The success of a campaign was to be measured by the
number of captives acquired along with gold, silver, cattle and horses. Qutbuddin
Aibak captured 20 thousand slaves in his Gujarat campaign of 1195 and 50 th9,usand
slaves in raid on Kalinjar in 1202. Even after the establishment of the Sultanat, the
enslavement continued through campaigns in yet to be wnquerred areas. One of the
main objects of Balbanls raid of Ranthambor and Malik Kafur's campaigns in the
Deccan was to get slaves.
Another source of getting captives was the plunder raids of rebellious villages
(mawas) in the Sultanate that refused to pay the k h a M or tribute. The number of
slaves received from these sources was tnormous. There were 50,000 slaves in
Alauddin Khalji's (12991316) establishment. The number increased to 1,80,000
under Feroz Tughluq (135.1-88). Besides the Sultans, nobles had their private large
retinues of slaves induding large number of concubines. Even the respectabls poor
kept slaves,
!
i: The slwes were of meai use to the new ruling class that needed things fashioned to
their taste. At the beginning, it pight have been somewhat difficult for the traditional .
Indian craftsmen and artisans to adjust themselves to the demands of the new
aristocracy and to new production technology such as spinning wheel, carding bow,
etc. The previously unskilled slpves could be trained in any craft. Feroz Tughlua's
slaves included 12,000 artisaas.
There was a large slave market. The prices of slaves of the twc sexes arid ci srious
ages fixed under Alauiidin Khalji are recorded by Barani. The abundance or slaves
encouraged continuous export of slaves from India to the Islamic World. But Feroz
Tughluq prohibited the export of slaves.
I ' Check Your Progress 5

1) Indicate the correct statement by marking ( d )and wrong by (X).
(a)
(b)
(c)
Slaves were maintained only by the Sultan and his nobles.
Ghorid campaigns were partly invasions of slave raiders.
Feroz Tughluq had a large number of slaveaartisans.
(d) Alauddin Khalji prohibited export of slaves from India.
2) What were the main sources of supply of slaves in the Delhi Sultanate?
19.7 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit, you have studied the impact of the Delhi sultanate on Indian economy
w e have traced how gradually the previously existing systems of revenue collection
-and distribution changed, cash nexus grew, and pure silver currency was introduced.
19.8 KEY .WORDS

A coper coin; 48 jitd = 1tanka
Grain Merchants
Land revenue
Estimated revenue
Rebellious aredvillage where land revenue was extracted by the ,
use of force
A Muslim educational institution
Revenue free grants
See Block 5
Iqta-holder/provincial governor
" 19.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
1 - Check Your Progress 1
I 1) See Sub -sec. 19.2.'1
I -. - - . -- -
I
Econom) of Delhi Sultanate
Check Your ~ r o ~ r e s s i 2. . .
1) See Sub - r e c 19.p. I
2) (a) d (b) x (c) T
1) See Sec. 19.4
-.
2) See Sec. 19.4

1) See Sec. 19.5
2) (a) x (b) d (c)
1) (a) x (b) d (c) v (dl x.
2. See Sec. 19.6 ,
UNIT 20 AGRARIAN STRUCTURE
Structure
0.0 Ol>jcctivcs
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I . Key Wortls
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-- -
20.0 OBJECTIVFS
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ollly r;~tiic.al~III
so (>rog~.cssivc- 111 Ilaturc ~II;II
l o II~III IIICi I e ' ~ i ~ ~ l ; o~fl i o ~ l
Ihcsc iIcsc*~-vctI
'rur;11 rc.vcdt~rio~l'.
4
The control over bits o land was, therefore, not as important as on.persons
cultivating them We 11 discuss the implications of this for agrarian relations at the
prop.tr place. Hc 'ever) the land-man ratio is also cmcial for understanding the
nat of agricul rre. 4 favourable ratio of land to man naturally implies agriculture
to t ,: extensive. .n simple terms, extensive agriculture is that where the increase in
production is attempted by bringing more area under crop. On the other hand,
;~g~iculture is called intdnsive if the production is sought to be increased on the same
tract by using higher agt.icultural inputs: for example, more labour, better ploughiag
'ind irrigation. Owing to abundance of cultivable land in the Delhi Sultanate,
agriculture was extensive in nature. The large area of cultivable waste and fallows
n,i:,-rallyprovided good pasturage facility for cattle. The author of the M d i k d
Ah-.ar records that in Iqdia cattle were innumerable and their prices were low. Afif
I <,portsthat no village in Doab was without a cattle-pen which were called kharaks.
t;,lllocks were so plentiful that the pack-animals and not the bullock-carts were the
>,sin means of carryingigrains and other goods.
20.2.1 Crops and oiher Agricultural Produce

One of the most remarGable feature of the agriculture of the time was the large
number of crops grown by the peasants of the Delhi Sultanate. This has perhaps no
parallel in other parts of the wo_rld except perhaps in South China. Ibn Battuta was
struck by the multiplicity of crops grown and described in sufficient detail the various
crops grown in the two cfropping seasons. He also suggests that in the region around
Delhi double cropping was also practised, that is, on the same soil both the kharif and
the rabi crops were raiqd. Thakkur Pheru, the mint-master at Delhi under Alauddin
Khalji, writing in c. 12% lists some twenty-five crops grown under two harvests and ;
gives also their yields. While the yields cannot be comprehended owing to the
uncertainty of the units used, one gets a fairly good idea of the crops raised. Among
food crops, he mentions, wheat, barley, paddy, millets -juar, moth etc. arid pulses
(mash, mung lentils, etc,). For cash crops, sugarcane, cotton, oil-seeds, sesamurn,
linseed, etc. are referred to.
One may perhaps legitirbately assume that improved facilities of higation w o J d
have hetpcd extend the area under rabi (winter) crops suck as Wheat, sugarcane etc.
With the 'Islamic raiderd' making of wine from sugarcane became widespread and a
new rural industry emer&ed,atleast around Delhi and in the Doab by the 14th century
as is evident from Baraqi's account. Thakkur Pheru surprisingly omits the dye-crop
(indigo) though its prodvction is testified to by the fact that indigo was already an
important item of export t o Persia. It is recorded thar the I1 Khanids tried t o
encourage indigo plantation in Persia to avoid dependence upon India for its supply.
The probable use of lime-mortar in the indigo-vats by providing apknproved surface
should have helped the qnanufacture of dye.
From Ibn Battuta's accohnt, we get information on fruit growing in thk Delhi
Sultanate. It appears thar technique of 'grafting' was not known by peasants. Earlier
grapes were grown only Cn the few places besides Delhi but Muhammad Tughluq's
urging to peasants to improve cropping by shifting from wheat to sugarcane to grapes
and Feroz Tughluq's laying down of 1200 orchards in the vicinity of Delhi t o grow
seven varieties of grapes seems to have made them so abundant that, according to
Afif, the prices of grapes fell.
However, the Indian peqsants did not practise sericulture (rearing of silk-worm) at
that time and no true silq was produced. Only wild and semi-wild silks,namely, tasar,
eri and m u p were knoNn. Ma Huan, the Chinese navigator in 1432, makes the first
reference to sericulture ib Bengal.
20.2.2 Canal irrigation and Its Impact

Agriculture was general]$ dependent upon natural irrigation, that is, rains and floods.
Since cultivation was largely based o,n natural irrigation, the tendency was to grow
mostly single, rain-waterpd kharif (autumn) crop and coarse grains more. /
Canal irrigation is described in our sources. The Delhi Sultans themselves got the
canals cut for irrigation. /Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-25) is reported t o be the f i ~ s t
f
Sultan to dig canals. But he cutting of canals in a much bigger way was undertaken by
Feroz Tughluq (1351-88),. Feroz Tughluq cut two canals from the river Yamuna
carrying them to Hissar. one from the Kali river in the Doab joining the Yamuna near Agrarian Structure
Delhi; one each from the Sutlej {nd the Ghaggar. Certainly, it was the biggest canal
network in India till the 19th century.
Canal irrigation helped greatly in the extension of cultivation in the eastern Punjab.
Now there was an emphasis on the cultivation of cash crops like sugarcane, etc. that
required more water than other crops. Afif says that a long stretch of land of about 80
krohs (200 miles) vast irrigated by the canal Rajabwah and Ulughkhani. According to
Afif, as a result of abundance water available, peasants in the eastern Punjab raised
two harvests (kharif and rabi) where only one was possible earlier. This led t o new
agticultural settlements along the banks of the canals. In the areas irrigated by the
canals 52 such colonies sprang up. Afif comments enthusiastically, "neither one
village remained desolate nor one cubit of land uncultivated."
Cheek Your Rogress 1

1) What were the implications of the prevailing favourable land to man ratio during
the Delhi Sultanate?
..........................................................................................................
2) Write a note on canal irrigation.
..........................................................................................................
.-
3 ) Which of the following statements are correct or wrong? (Mark or X )
i) Muhammad Tughluq built a number of canals for irrigation.
ii) Double cropping was practised during the Sultanate period in the Doab.
iii) ~ericulturewas practised by Indian pEasants during the 13th-14th centuries.
20.3 AGRARIAN RELATIONS

Crucial to any discussion of agrarian economy is, indeed, the nature and extent of
change that resulted in the agrarian relations since the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate. This involves. first of all, an assessment of the pre-1200 agrarian structhre.
Without entering into the debate whether the prevailing socio-economic order
deserves the appellation 'feudal' or not, we can perhaps say with some certainty, that
on the eve of the Ghorid conquest, the ruling class.was heavily ruralized like
contemporary feudal aristocracy of Western Europe.
Minhaj Siraj designates the chiefs opposing the Ghorians and the early Delhi Sultans .
as rai and rana and their cavalry commanders as rawaeFrom the epi'graphic evidence
from different parts of Northern India, the earlier feudal hierarchy of raja (rai),
ranaka (rana) and rauta (rawat) is fairly well established.
In the early phase. the Sultans tended to enter into settlement with this defeated and
subjugated rural aristocracy. As discussed earlier, kharaj was largely the tribute
imposed upon them. It seems that e v e ~ a f t ethe
r replacement of this tribute by
vigorously assessed tax imposed on the peasants under Alauddin Khalji, the older
rural aristocracy had some role to play in revenue collection. This can be inferred
'
from an incident of Alauddin Khalji's reign. Ghazi Malik, the governor of Dipalpur
when wanted to pressurise Rana Mal Bhatti. according to Afif, one of the rais (rajas)
lic;~dmcn)and chaudhudis. The incidcnt suggests that though the members of
auhjug;~tedi~risloeracv.rherever present, werc at leilst till the earlv years of the 14th
ccntul.y, held responsit~lcfor collcctinp;~~id paying the land revcnuc. The
administration, t o o . exercised the right to collcct it directly through village headmen
and cbaudhuris.
20.3.1 Peasants
1!
!
Cultiv;~tionwas hascd o individu;~lpc;~s;~t~t. farming. Hut this pc;t.s;lnt economy was

'
not at ;III c g ~ l i t i ~ r i ;1'

~ nc. sizc of land cultiv;~tcdby 1hc.111prci111y varied in sizc. From .
. ,
Barani's i~ccountit i ~ p pars tli:~l a1 one cstrcmc werc the khots anti muqaddams
1
having large holdings ;II cl enjoyilig superior rights on ordinary pasants; and at tlic
oihcr was the habhar, t c vill;lgc nicnial holding i1 petty plot of land. Hclow tlic
Ixasilnt. thcrc must h;l\.iF hCc~i a tn;iss of landlcss labourers hut their presence col~ltl
only he disccrncil from Ihc Ixtcr sources. since wc did 1101 find any mention in
. ,
.
contcmpcjrar~accourltxj
!
In spite o f tlic ahundan+c 01' ct~l~iv;~lrle Ii~ntl.there was no proprietary right o f the
peasant over the I;lnd Ilk tillccl. 0 1 1 the contrary. .cven on his producc there wmc
claims of the supcrior c[;~sses.71'licpeasant. though recognised n 'free horn' at times
was deprived of the frrcedom t o Ic;~vethc I;~lidat will or t o change the domicile.
. ,
According to Afif. ;I vill;~gcIi;~tl2lY) to 3(H1 nialt' nic~nhcrsand Rariini says that each
villagc hid a patwari tti keep accounts. I-lishnhi (;~ccountregister) was scrutinized to
discover every p;~vnicnti.Icg;~lor illegal. made hy the peasants t o the revenue officials.
Thc patwari was not n hovcrnment officiill hut a vill;lgc official. fle was certainly not
a creation o f thc I)clhi bult;ln;~tc..l'lic prcscnce of ;I village clerk for.njaintaining
accounts may sbppcst thi~ttlic vill;~gcwas an administrative unit outside the
adniinistr;~tivoS!lstc~i~({l'the Sult;~~i;~tc. I t seems th;~ltlic villase was collectively a tax
paying unit othcrwiac $h!. ;I clerk to keep villugc j~ccountswas needed. The presence .
1
of patwnri ; I I I ~the 11:1tu c o f his duties thus indicate cxistcncc of village community. It
sccms that in spite of A itudclin ~1ialji's.cf'orts'toasstsss the tax on individual peasant,
in pri~cticcthe villi~gcc+ntinuccl to rcliiai~ithe unit of land r h e n u e payment: Barani's
complaints qhout the 'ldurdcn of tlic rich fallins on the poor' further indicates that the
uilliigc commu~iit!.w;~slnota n ide;ll i~istitutic~n hut itself a machinery of exploitation.
20.3.2 Rural lnterbediaries

You have ;~lrc;ldyrcsdlin Block 5 aljout tlic rural aristocracy called khaQ,
muqaddrrms and ch.aut(huris. 7'hey helongui to thc highest stratum of the peasantry.
From Harani's i~ccou~il/ it ;~ppc;~rs
that hcforc Alauddin Khalji's agrarian measures :
they held rcvcnuc frcc lands. A> a el;~ss,the village headmen were prosperous. Barani
with malacious plc;lsuri. records thilt Ali~udttinKhalji imposed fuU land revenue upon
tlicm and witlidrcw 1114 cuc~iij~tio~i froni house and grazing tax. He prohibited them
fro111lekyi~lga n \ ~.c.sscbof their ow11;11ic1thus he kvelled them to the ordinary
I
~Ic;ls;lnts. I
llo~vcvcr.\111ccthcac Iural internirdi:~rtcswere necessary for the system of land

revenue r c a l ~ ~ a t i otn .esc stern measures against them were not t o last longer.
Ghiyasuddin l'ughluq ~ntroduccdmoderation. The exemption from grazing as well as
tax on thcir onn c u l t ~ ~ i ~was t ~ ograntcd
n again. But they were not allowed to impme
;my cc\\ upln the peasantry. They received further concessions under Feroz Tughluq
and,intc~cstlnglycnoygh,thcse concessions and a resulting affluence are very
approvingly dcacr~hedihy Harnn~. \
1
'1
Aniong these rural In er~iiediaric~,
the chaudhuri seems to have emerged during the
14th century. Hc is no mcntioncd hy Minhaj br any other source of the 13th century.
It is during the middl c ~ the
f 14th century that he makes hls appearance in Barani's
account. Ibn Battuta efines him as the 'chief of a group of l(H! villages' he c a f l s w . )
However. the usual tdrm from the middle of the 14th century for a group of villagesis
par gana. lrfan Habi suggests thar the chaudhuri was in fact a successor. though
$
much reduced in aut ority, of the head of the c h r u r d (group of eighty four villages)
of Gujara-Pratiharas bnd Chalukyas.
From the time of Ferbz Tughluq. all thcse intermediaries werc given a blanket
Check Your Progress 2 Agrarian Structure
1) Write 50 words o n each of the following:
(a) Village Community
(b) Chaudhuri /
....................................................................................................
(c) Patwari
2) Put ( d )against correct and ( x ) against incorrect statement given below:

(a) During the Delhi Sultanate peasant had proprietory rights over their holding.
(b) The patwari was a village official who maintained an accounts book.
(c) During the Sultanate period cultivable land on laGe scale
was yet to be brought under cultivation.
20.4 LET US SUM UP

To sum up. in the present Unit we have focussed on the agrarian structure -
agricultural production, means of irrigation, peasants and the rural intermediaries
-of the Delhi Sultanate. During this period large scale cultivable land was yet to
be brought under cultivation. Double cropping was prevalent in the Doab. Canals
were the major source of artificial irrigation. At village level differentiation
(hierarchy) existed between the superior right holders (khots, muqaddams and
chaudhuris) and the ordinary peasants (raiyat).
Cash-crops : Crops produced for markets

Distillation : Lit. substance was turned to vapour by heating. then the condensed
yapour was collected
KrohrKuroh : Used for measuring distance. 1 Kuroh = 2.5 miles
Kharif : Autumncrop
Kharaks : Cattle-pens
Rabi : . Winter crop
- - ..
Economy of Delhl Sultanate
20.6 ANSWER8 TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISBS
Check Your Rognsp 1
1) See Sec. 20.2
3) (i) X (ii) V (iii) x
Check Your Prognrs 2
1) See Sub-sec. 20.3.1+20.3.2
2) (4 x (b)V (c) V
UNIT 21 RISE OF URBAN ECONOMY
TRADE & COMMERCE
Structure
21.0 Objectives
21.1 introduction
21.2 Growth of Towns
21.3 Urban ~ a n u f a c t u r e s
21.4 Trade and Commerce
21.4.1 Inland Trade
21.4.2 Foreign Trade: Seaborne and Overland
21.4.3 Commercial Classes
21.4.4 Transport
21.5 Let Us Sum U p
21.6 Key Words
21.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will study the development of urban economy and expansion of
trade during the 13th-14th centuries. After reading this Unit, you should be able to
learn that in the Delhi Sultanate three interrelated developments occurred :
a considerable increase in the size and possibly in the number of towns,
a marked rise in craft production, and
a corresponding expansion in commerce.
21.1 INTRODUCTION
The available evidence suggest that the urban economy on the eve of the Ghorid
conquest waq on a low ebb. The towns were fewer in number and smaller in size in the
centuries preceding the establish'ment of the Delhi Sultanate. D.D.Kosambi shows
that even the capital was a camp city on the move. The higher ruling class wandered
from place to place along with the army while the lower ruling class was almost
completely ruralized. This view of urban decline has been supported by R.S. Sharma
who has cqnvincingly reasserted his theory of urban decay with the help of enormous
archaeological data painstakingly collected.
This theory of decay of towns is further corroborated by the evidence of sluggish
trade: The near complete disappearance of gold and silver currencies and the almost
total absence of foreign coins in the Indian coin-hoards of the period are indicators
that the foreign trade was at a very low scale. Moreover, the fact that not even the
coins of various regional dynasties are found in the coin-hoards of other regions
,suggests that inland commerce was not widespread. All this scenario changed almost
immediately with the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. The archaeological and
numismatic evidence corroborate the literary evidence of growth of towns and
- increase in commerce. This led Muhammad Habib to postulate a theory of 'Urban
Revolution' as mentioned earlier in Unit 19.
21.2 GROWTH OF TOWNS

Before discussing the evidence of increase in number and size of towns, we must first
understand what we mean by town. There are two simple definitions of a town : (a)
the usual modern definition of a settlement of 5 0 0 o r above, and (b) a settlement
where an overwhelming majority of population (say above 70%) is engaged in
occupations other than agriculture. The two definitions are not mutually exclusive but
Economy of Delhi Sultanate While the archaeological evidence available for earlier period is not forthcoming from
the 13th-14th centuries owing to the much less attention paid to medieval
archaeology, the literary dvidences testify growth of urbari centres. Some major towns
m e n t i ~ n e d ~ the
i n contemporary sources are Delhi (the capital), Multan, Anhilwara
(Patan), Cambay, Kara, Lakhnauti and DaOlatabad (Deogiri). Lahore was a big town
but decayed after the Motlgol invasion in the 13th century. However, in the 14th .
century it flourished again. While not even a guesstimate of the population of any
town is available in our sOurces there are reliable indications to assume that at least
some of these were cities big enough by contemporary standards. Ibn Battuta, who
visited Delhi in 1330,.deseribes it as of enormous extent and population, the largest
city in the Islamic East in spite of the fact that Muhammad Tughluq had shifted much
of its population to Daulatabad. H e describes the latter too, as large enough to rival
Delhi in size. Some new tDwns were established during the period, such as Jhain
(Chhain) in Eastern Rajasthan that was named 'Shahr Nau' during Alauddin Khalji's
reign (1296-1316).
Factors for Urban Expansion

f i e strength of the invader, of course, lay in combination and not in dispersal in an
unfamiliar land and, thus, in initial stages, it was but natural for the members of the
ruling class to prefer to stay at their iqta headquarters along with their cavalry. These
iqta headquarters having the concentration of cavalry, its hangers - on and the
retinue and household of the rnuqti thus emerged in the early phase as camp cities.
Most of the 13th century towns are infact defined as iqta headquarters in our sources;
for example, Hansi, Kara, Anhilwara, etc. These towns were to be fed and provided
for. In the beginning, theltroops had to go for realising khar&j/mal by plundering the
surrounding villages; but gradually by the 14th century, as pointed out by Moreland,
cash nexus developed. The revenue was realised in cash from the peasants who were
thus forced to sell their ptoduce at the side of the field. The merchants catered to the
needs of towns giving risk to what we will discuss below as-'induced trade'.
The ruling class coming from a different cultural milieu had needs of leisure and
comforts of a different type; they wanted songs in Persian'and dances of a different
style, books, silk to wear and arcuate light architecture (not !he stone edifices). Out
of the resources that were indeed enormous by contemporary standards at its
command, the new rulers naturally.wanted to get luxuries and comforts of their taste
which encouraged immigration from Islamic culture area. These immigrants were not
only soldiers, but craftsman, artisans, singers, musicians, dancers, poets, physicians,
astrologers and servicemen as described by Isami. The immigrant master-craftsman
most probably introduced new techniques and articles of technology (you will read
the details in Unit 22). In due course, Indian artisans must have learnt the new crafts.
*
Check Your Pfogress 1
I ) Enumerate the factors responsible for rise of towns during the 13th-14th centuries.
2) Mark the following stdements true (d) or false (X):

a) The pre-1200 coin-hoards do not usually contain foreign coins.
b) Lahore remained a big town during the Delhi Sultanate.
I
21.3 URBAN MANUFACTURES
I'
It seems that the urban craft droduction received a twofold impetus with the
I establishment of the Delhi sultanate. First, the Sultanate ruling class remained
I town-centered and spent the enormous resources it appropriated in the form of land
revenue mainly in towns, either on buying services or procuring manufacturers. Even
the money spent on the service sector partly went to help the urban craft sector
through multiplier effect. While the nobility created demand for high-priced
skill-intensive luxury items, its hangers-on in all likelihood created a mass market for
I
I ordinary artisanal product.
The second factor that contributed to urban manufacturers was the introduction of a
number of technological devices that reached India with the invaders. (You will learn
, about them in detail in the next Unit). In the luxury sector, silk weaving expanded
and carpet-weaving came from Persia. The other notable urban manufacture was
I
papermaking. Perhaps a major sector of urban employment was building industry.
Barani says that Alauddin Khalji employed 7b,000 craftsmen for his buildings.
t One may well be justified in saying that there was considerably more masonary per
acre of occupied space in the towns of 1400 than in those of 1200.
Organization of Production
It is indeed important to know how production was organized. Whether the town
artisans carried out production under the 'domestic system', that is, they owned their
tools, raw material and the end product and also sold their product themselves; in
other words, whether they were self employed or while tools were their own and they
worked at their homes, raw material was provided to them by the merchants, that is
whether they worked under the 'putting-out system'. The contemporary iources shed
little light on these aspects. One can, however, legitimately assume that since the
tools of production even after the introduction of new devices were still simple and
mainly of wood and little of iron should have remained cheap. The artisan wis thus
master of his own tools, though varied forms of labour organization seem to be
prevalent. Certain artisans hawked or hired out their services such as cotton-card&
who with a bow- string on his shoulder, went door to door selling his services as is
evident from the account given in Khair-ul Majalis. Spinning was done usually by
women staying at their homes. The weavers too usually worked at their own looms at
home weaving'cloth for sale, out of the yam bought or spun by theplselves. They also
worked on wages to weave yarn supplied to them by customers. But if the raw
material was expensive such as silk or gold of silver thread, etc. and the products were
luxury items, the craftsmen were to work in karkhanas under supervision. We have
definite iniormation about the Sultans and high nobles maintaining these karkhanas
where the production.was to cater to their own needs and contrary to D.D.Kosambi's
assumption was not for market. Shahabuddin al Umari records in his Masalik-ul
Absar that in Muhammad Tughluq's karkhanas at Delhi, four thousand silk workers
worked as embroiderers. According to Afif, Feroz Tughluq's karkhanas produced
cloth and carpets in a big way. While there is no suggestion in our sources, we may
only conjecture that perhaps merchants also maintained karkhanas where production
was for salc.
I
'
;.
\
Check Your prog;-ess 2
1 ) Discuss the factors that contributed to the expansion of urban manufactures
during the 13th-14th centuries.
t . . . . . ....................................
.................................................................
..........................................................................................................
2) Briefly d k u s s thelvarious forms of labour organisation in uiban centres. '.
21.4 TRADE AND COMMERCE

We have seen that thkre emerged some considerably big flourishing towns as well as
numerous townships during the 13-14th centuries. These towns naturally needed to be
fed and supplied raw material for craft production. At the same tinye, there was .
growing practice of l a d revenue realization in cash. By the time of Alauddin Khalji,
the cash-nexus came to be well developed and the-ruling class tended to claim almost
the entire peasant suhlus by attempting to reduce the share of rural intermediaries,
as we have seen in the previous Unit. .
Both these factors wehe conducive to the development of inland trade. T o pay the
land revenue in cash, the peasantry was forced to sell its surplus produce while
merchants had a marldet in newly emerged towns for agricultural products. This trade
resulting from the compulsions of land revenue system is termed as 'induced trade'
21.4.1 Inland Trade

...The inland trade devdloped at two levels : (a) the short distance village-town trade in
commodities of bulk,'and (b) long distance inter-town trade in high value goods. The
village-town trade, as hlready explained, was a natural consequence of the emergence
of towns and realizatibn of land revenue in cash. The urban centres were dependent
for supply of food grdns and raw material for manufactures from t h e surrounding
villages whereas the villages had to sell the agricultural prodpcts to receive cash for
meeting the land revepue demand. The peculiar nature of this trade was the one-way
flow of commodities. While the towns received grains and raw material from the
villages in the vicinity! they had no need to send their products in'exchange to the
villages which were by and large self-sufficient. This one-way trade was owing to the
land revenue demand imposed upon villages which naturally led to a continuous drain
on rural sector and mbde the towns dependent on villages. The turnover of this trade
was high in terms of volume but was low in terms of value. The commodities were .
food grains, that is wheat, rice. gram, sugarcane, etc. and raw material like c%{on for
urban manufactures.
I
-
The inter-town trade was mainly in luxury articles and was thus high value trade.
The manufactures of One town were taken to another : for example Barani reports .
that Delhi, the capita] itself, received distilled wines from Kol (Aligarh) and Meerut.
muslin (fine cloth) frdm Devagiri and striped cloth from Lakhnauti (Bengal) while,
according to Ibn Battota, ordinary cloth came from Awadh and betel-leaf from
Malwa (twenty-four d!ays journey from Delhi). Candy sugar was supplied to Multan
from Delhi and Laholie and ghi from Sirsa (in Haryana). ,
The long distance inter-town trade also carried goods coming from other countries
exit-points. Multan was perhaps the great entrepot for overland fore~gntrade and Rise of Urban Econc~:.
served as a centre of re-export, while Gujarat port t o h s such as Broach and Cambay and Trade and Comn...
were exchange centres for overseas trade
21.4.2 Foreign Trade : Seaborne and Overland

During the Sultanate period, overland and overseas trade were in a flourishing state.
Seaborne Trade
The Khalji annexation of Gujarat must have enlarged trade relat~onsbetween the
Delhi Sultanate and the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea Gujarat was connected with
the Persian Gulf as well as the Red Sea. Hormuz and Basra were the chief ports for
the ships passing through the Persian Gulf, while the ports of Aden, Mocha andJedda
along the Red Sea were important for Gujarat. Through these ports, commodities .
moved on to Damascus and Aleppo, on the one hand, and Alexandria on the other.
Aleppo and Alexandria opened upto the Mediterranean Sea with linkages to Europe.
Merchandise of Gujarat were also carried towards the East - the port of Malacca
situated at the Malacca straits and Bantam and Achin in the Indonesian archipelago.
A European traveller Tome Pires, who came to India in the first decade of the 16th
century,comments on the trade of Cambay as follows :
"Cambay chiefly stretches out two arms : with her right arm she reaches out
towards Aden,with the other towards Malacca.. . ."
Pires further says :
"Malacca cannot live without Cambay, nor Cambay without Malacca, if they are to
be very rich and very prosperous. If Cambay were cut-off from trading with
Malacca, it could not live, for it would have no outlet for its merchandise."
The main export from Gujarat to Malacca was the coloured cloths manufactured in
Cambay and other Gujarat towns. These cloths were in demand in these places. In
exchange, the Gujarati merchants came back withspices grown there. This pattern of
"spices for coloured cloths" continued even after the Portuguese advent in the Asian
waters.
Varthema, an Italian traveller, who came to India during the firkt decade of the 16th
century.says that about 300 ships (annually?) of different countries come and go from
Cambay. He adds that about 400 "Turkish" merchants resided at Diu.
The I1 Khanid court historian Wassaf reports that 10,000 horses were annually
exported to ~ a ' b a and
r Cambay from Persia. The Broach coin-hoards (see Unit 19)
containing the coins of the Delhi Sultans along with the gold and silver coins of Egypt,
Syria, Yeman, Persia, Genoa, Armenia and Venice further testifies to largerscale
overseas trade.
The ports of Bengal had trading relations with China, Malacca and Far East. ~extiles,
1 sugar and silk fabrics were the most important commodities exported from Bengal.
, Varthema noted that about fifty ships carried these commodities annually to many
I places, including Persia. Bengal imported salt from Hormuz and sea-shells from the
Maldive islands. The latter were used as coins in Bengal, Orissa and Bihar.
Sindh was yet another region from where seaborne trade was carried on. Its most
well-known port was Daibul. This region had developed close commercial relations
with the Persion Gulf ports more than the Red Sea zone. Sindh exported special
cloths and dairy products. Smoked-fish, too, was its speciality.
I Coastal Trade , .
I .
1 It was natural for the coastal trade to flourish right from Sindh to Bengal, touching
Gujarat, Malabar and Commandel coasts in between. .Thi; provided an opportunity
I
for exchange of regional products along the'coastal line distinct from inland
I inter-regional trade. -
Overland Trade
Multan was the ,major trading 'centre for overland trade. India was connected to th
Central Asia, Afghanistan and Persia through the Multan-Quetta route. But, on
,.---.--& X#----l
-----*-.-I +..---:I i- Pa-+--I A -:-- - A De--:-+hic ..,-.-
1-00
C H I N A
THE MAJOR SEAPORTS

13th-15th Centuries ,
Imports and Exports R i of Urban Economy
and Trade and Commerce
The two principal items of import were : (a) horses - that were always in demand for
cavalry since superior horses were not bredi? I@ia and Indian climate was not well-
suited to Arabian and Central Asian horses. They were primarily imported from
Zofar (Yemen), Kis, Hormuz, Aden and Persia; (b) precious metals viz. gold and.
silver, especially silver that was not at all mined in India but for which there was a
high demand not only for metallic currency but also for fashioning luxury items.
Brocade and silk stuffs were imported from Alexandria, Iraq and China. Gujarat was
the major centre from where the luxury articles from Europe used to enter.
The Sultanate India mainly exported grain and textiles. Some of the Persian Gulf
regions totally depended on India for their food supply. Besides, slaves were exported
to Central Asia and indigo to Persia along with numerous other commodities.
Precious stones like agates were exported from Cambay.
The Portuguese Advent
In spite of brisk trading activities, Indian merchants' share in the overseas trade was
negligible. Only a small section of Gujarati Banias, Chettis of the South and domicile
Indian Muslims used to take part in this large trading activity. Trade was mainly in the
hands of the Arab Merchants. With the landing of the Portuguese at Calicut in A.D.
1498 after the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope, a new dimension was added to the
Indian seaborne trade, that is, the 'element of force'. On account of better ships
armed with cannons, the Portuguese soon imposed their commercial hegemony over
the trading world of Asia, includiq the Indian seas, especially in Western part. This
curtailed the Arabs' share of the Indian trade, though they survived in the Eastern
part, especially at Malacca along with the Indian merchaffts.
The Portuguese took Goa in 1510 which became their headquarters, Malacca fell in
them hands in 1511. Hormuz in 1515; and Bassem and Diu In 1534 and 1537
respectively. Goa, under their patronage, soon developed as a major centre for
import and export. The Portuguese well understood the strategic importance of Goa,
which in their opinion, was essential to the maintenance of their position in India.. But
the Portuguese possession of Goa was unfavourable to other Western Indian ports.
Tome P ~ r e shad rightly observed that the Muslim rulers of the Deccan and Gujarat
had "a bad neighbour in Goa". Many ports on the west coast fell into decay during the
hundred years of the Portuguese domination In the Indian waters. This happened as
a result of the aggressive policies of the Portuguese :
i) they controlled the sea-routes,
ii) controlled the type and volume of cargo carried by other merchants, and
iii) they introduced the system of issuing cartaz (from Persian qirta = paper sheet)
which was a kind of permit to ply ships in the Asian waters without which the .
ships were liable to be confiscated and the cargo plundered. A fee was charged for
issuing a cartaz. No wonder, then, all these policies adversely affected the
seaborne carrying trade of the Indians as well as of the Arabs.
21.4.3 Commercial Classes

Two types of merchants are mentioned in the sources of the Delhi Sultanate : the
karwanis or nayaks and Multanis. The merchants specialising in carrying grains were
designated by Barani as karwanis (a Persian word meaning those who moved together
in large numbers). The contemporary mystic, Nasiruddin (Chiragh Delhi) calls them
nayaks and describes them as those "who bring food grains from different parts to the
city (Delhi) - some with ten thousand laden bullocks, some with twenty thousand"
It can be said with a degree of certainty that these karwanis were the banjaras of
succeeding centuries. As is clear from the Mughal sources, these were organised in
groups and their headman called nayak.
The other important group of merchants mentioned in our sources was that of the
Multanis. Barani says that the long distance trade was in the hands of these
merchants. They were engr)ged in usury and commerce (sud o sauda). It appears that
the sahas and Multanis were rich enough to give ioans even to nobles, who,
according to Barani, were generally in need of cash. The sahas and Multanis were
generally Hindu, but at least some Muslims also were among the Multani merchants:
merchant). Besides these well defined merchant groups, others who had p chosen
could take to trade : thus a s*fi (mystic) from Bihar became a slave-merchant trading
between Delhi and Ghazni, and a number of pious men from Central Asia came to
Delhi and became merchant$.
Another important commerc{al class that emerged during the Sultanate period was
that of the dallals (brokers). h e y worked as a )ink between the buyer and the seller
and took commission from bdth the parties. Barani says that they were the 'masters of
market' (hakimnn bsenr) : they were instrumental in raising prices in ihe market.
Alauddin Khalji used to condult them about the cost of production of every article in
the market in order to fix priaes. The reference to 'Chief brokers4 mihtrm-i d d b h )
by Barani also suggests a somewhat well established guild of brokers, though the
details are lacking. ~ o w e v e r during
l Alauddin Khalji's reign these 'Chief brokers
were severely dealt with. But by Feroz Tughluq's reign, they seem to have regained
1
their position. Feroz Tughlu had abolished rlslnlrt-i bezPrh. (a tax on broker's
licence; a cess on brokers). esides, even if a deal between the buyer and t'he seller
4
failed to materialize, the bro ers were not supposed to retwn the commission money.
This also shows that during t e Tughluqs 'brokerage' became a fairly well-cstablished
institution.
i
S a d s were yet another m e b n t i l e group whose economic role was no less
important than the brokers. b s money changers, they were most sought after by the
merchants, especially the foreign ones who came to India with their native coins. The
sarrPfs tested the metallic pabty of the coins (indigenous and foreign) and established
the exchange-ratio. They alsq issued bills of exchange (Hindi: huadi: Persian: sldbj.)
or letters of credit, thereby qcting as "bankers". The introduction of paper by the
Turks into India accelerated the institution of bill of exchange. For all these troubles,
the sarraf naturally charged his commission.
Thus, both the brokers and the sarrafs occupied pivotal position in the commercial
world of their period; they were the custodians of several basic economic institutions.
Indeed, no merchant could have dispensed with their services.
21.4.4 Transport
It appears that the goods weae transported both by pack animals and on bullock-carts.
Perhaps the share of the pack animals was more than the latter. Ibn Battuta mentions
30,000 mans of grains being transported on the backs of 3,000 bullocks from Amroha
to Delhi. Bullock-carts were also used, according to Afif, for carrying passengers on
payment. The pack-oxen were of course a cheap mode of transport travelling slowly,
grazing as they went and mdving in large herds, thus reducing the cost of transport
specially along the desert routes. Ibn Battuta describes that highways ran through the
empire marked by minarets spaced at set distances. On the testimony of Shahabuddin
a1 Umari, the author of the kasalik ul Abser, we may infer that efforts were made to
create conditions conducive ko trade. Inns were built at each stage (mruudl). In
Bengal, Iwaz Khalji built long embankments to safeguard from floods. Boats were
employed for riverine routes to carry bulk goods, while large ships used for seabrone
trade.
Check Y w r Progress 3
1) Write notes on:
a) Banjaras
. .
..........................................................................................................
b) Multank ,
Rise of U r b m Ecoaomy
and Trade and Commerce
......................................................................................................
c) Goods of import and export
........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
d) 'Induced Trade'
..........................................................................................................
e) Brokers and sarrafs
...........................................................................................................
.
2) DiscuSs the factors responsible for the expansion of trade.
..........................................................................................................
. .
3) Describe the means of transport.
..........................................................................................................
4) List major inland and overseas trade'-routes of the 13th-14th centuries.
..........................................................................................................
21.5 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit you have studied that with the coming of the Turks trade and commerce
increased. We see increase in the number of coin-hoards after A.D. 1200, and the
emergence of large number of new towns. You have also read how manufacturing
activities were organised at urban level, the main trading routes - born overland and
. -. .* . - - --- , z
<-
Economy of Delhi Sultanate and functions of the existing commercial classes - the karwanians, Multanis, brokers
and sarrafs. You have also read, in spite of the brisk trading activitiesIndian
merchants' participation was negligible and the overseas trade was almost
monopoli d by the Arab merchants. During the closing years of our period of study,a
new factor the 'Portuguese was also introduced with the discovery of new route via
Cape of Good Hope that gradually transformed India's trading relations with the
world in the coming year.
21.6 KEY WORDS
Domestic Production : Production in which tools as well as raw materials were owned
by the artisans
Entrepot :Trading centrelport for import and exports
Mal : Land revenue
Putting-out system : Production in which the tools were owned by the artisans but
,. c<?\h \\.a\ \upplicd - I,,.
,hct Incrctl.int.

EXERCfSES
Check Your Progress . I
1 ) See Sub-sec. 21.2. I
2) (a) d (b) x (c)

1 ) See Sec. 21.3

1 ) See Sec. 21.4
7) See Sub-see. 2 1.3.1
3) See Sub-sec. 21.4.4.
4) See Sub-sec. 21.4.1, 21.4.2.
UNIT TECHNOLOGY AND CRAFTS
\
. Structure
22.0 'Objectives ,
22.1 Introduction
22.2 Agricultural Technology
22.2.1 Plough
22.2.2 Sowing
22.2.3 Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing
22.2.4 Irrigationat devices
'22.3 Textile Technology
22.3.1 Ginning, Carding and Spinning
22.3.2 Weaving
I 22.3.3 Dyeing and Printing
22.4 Building Construction
22.4.1 Lime Mortar
I 22.4.2 Arch and DomeNautted Roofing
22.5 Papermaking and Bookbinding
22.6 Military Technology
22.6.1 Stirrup
22.6.2 Horseshoe
22.6.3 Gunpowder and Fire-arms
22.7 Tincoating
22.8 Glass Manufacture '
22.9 Shipbuilding
22.10 Distillation
22.11 Let Us Sum U p
22.12 Key Words
22.13 Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises
This unit introduces you to major crafts and technology that existed during the Delhi
Sultanate. Afterxeading this Unit, you would learn about the following:
Agricultural technolbgy,
Textile technology,
Building Construction,
Papermaking and Bookbinding.
. Military technology,
Tincoating,
Gl;l\\ manufacture,
r \ l ~ \ l ~ l ~ t ~ i l dand
ing.
*-l '
l l l i 0 1 1 i
There has never been any human settlement which did not use some kind of technique
- or craft for its survival. In fact, the history of technology is no less important than
political o r economic studies. Technology is an inseparable part of the material culture
of a society.
In this Unit, we are offering you a few glimpses of the state of Technology in India
during the Delhi Sultanate.
The most remarkable aspect is the introduction of new articles of technology and new
,-.-nKte h., t h o ;--in---+ h , f ~ , c l ~ - ~ -t h ~ ~t Q oAi t h ~ -r 4 ~ ~ , o l c . ~A-
~ Ao x r n l . , o A tho I c l * m ; ~
Economy of Delhi Sultanate Therefore, our methodology is t o juxtapose the indigenous crafts and techndogy
along with the new importations.
One thing that will strike p u is that by and large the tools, devices and implements
were made of wood and earth, while iron was employed only when most necessary.
Ropes, leather and bamboo, too, were used when the need arose. That is why they
were inexpensive.
We have not gone into the'details of tools and implements used by different
craftsmen. For example: hhmmer, saws, basola (adze), randa (plane), awl, axe,
barma (bow-drill), pick-axt, shovel, chisel (tesha) and anvil, etc. I
We have also left out mining and metallurgy. For the latter, it may be pointed out that -
smelting of ore was carried out by using wood and charcoal. There was no "blast"
furnace, but bellows served this need. Salt and diamond mining were very important '
industries. Salt was also procured by the natural evaporation of the saline sea-water
collected systematically. I
22.2 AGRICULTURAL TECHNOLOGY

In this section we \kill discuss the main technological devices related to agriculture. .
22.2.1 Plough
The use of hoe o r hoeing was replaced by plough centuries back. Archaeological
evidence from Kalibangan (Rajasthan) - an Indus valley culture site -for the use of
'ironless' plough is well-known, although the doubt remains whether it drawn by. '
men or oxen. Plough-cultivation employing oxen during the Vedic Age is, however,
an established fact. The Iron Age, identified with the Aryan settlement in the
Gangetic plain, contributed to the development of the plough in the sense that while
the entire frame earlier wa6 of timber, the ploughshare/courter now was of iron. This
metallic piece immensely k l p e d in the tillage of comparatively hatder soil. An
illustration in the M i M - u l Fuzala - a Persian lexicon compiled in about A.D. 1460 in
Malwa - clearly shows the plough with an ironshare drawn by two yoked oxen. Unlike
Europe, India could not develop horse-drawn wheeled-plough for the reason that our
plough was light in weight suited for the soft soil.
22.2.2 Sowing Technology end Crafts
For sowing, the method of broadcasting was known. The practice was to scatter seeds
manually by taking them out from a cloth-bag slung over shoulders. The time-scale of
seed-drill in India is controversial :some would trace it back to the Vedic Age. At any
rate, the only positive evidence for its use along the western coast of India comes from
one Portuguese -Barbosa (c. 1510) -in connection with the wet-cultivation of rice.
22.2.3 Harvesting, Threshing and Winnowing

Harvesting was performed with a sickle, and threshing by using oxen who walked
round and round over the ears put on the threshing floor. "Wind power" was
exploited in winnowing in order to separate the chaff from the grain.
22.2.4 Irrigational Devices

There were many sources of water for the purpose of imgating fields. Rain water was
the natural source. Ponds and tanks received this water which was used for irrigation.
Water channels formed by inundation, too, served the same purpose. But the most
important controlled source was the water of the wells, especially in North India.
Almost all the imgational devices were oriented towards drawing water from wells.
The latter were more often than not masonry ones with raised walls and enclosures1
platfroms. Kuchcha wells also existed, but these could not have been durable or
strong enough for extensive water-lifting.
Broadly, there were five devices or techniques to raise water from wells:
i) The most simple technique was to draw water with rope and bucket by using
hands without any mechanical aid. Obviously, then, the bucket was small in size
and, thus, this operation would not have adequately served to water large fields.
But we cannot deny the use of rope-bucket technique for irrigating small fields for
crops, most probably vegetables that did not require much water.
ii) The second method was the employment of pulleys (charkhi) combined to the
rope-bucket contraption which was, once again, activated manually.
Undoubtedly, the pulleys needed lesser amount of human energy and, therefore,
comparatively larger bags or buckets could have been attached to the rope. It was
also used for domestic purpose, especially by women.
Economy of Delhi Sultanate
iii) An improved method of the rope-bucket-pulley contraption was the employment
-
of a pair of oxen to replace human-power. At this stage, it had become a
specialized device for drawing water intended specifically for irrigation. In some
areas of North India it 'is still in operation known as charasa. The latter is a huge
bag that gives an idea of the immense quantity of water raised from the well in
one eingle haul-up. Moreover, the bullock track was like a ramp or sloping path-
the length of the path corresponding to the depth of the well. The water of the *
well (mounted with this device) could not have been used for drinking, cleansing
utensils or for washing cloths. Of all the five methods, charasa was not a
multi-purpose one, it was solely de,vised for irrigation - a fact which has not been
realized till now.
iv)1 The fourth technique was what is considered to be semi-mechanical as it worked

on the First Class Lever .principle. A long rope is lashed to the fork of an upright
beam or trunk of a tree (especially meant for this purpose) to put it in a swinging
position. The bucket is fastened to a rope whose other end is tied to thepne of-the
the swinging pole hovering over the well. The pole's other end carries a
'counterweight', a little heavier than the bucket when filled with water. Thus, the
fulcrum forms at the centre of the pole, with weight and 'counteryeight' (Effort)
at its two ends. This contraption requires only a little effort on the part of the
person operating it. The device is known as shaduf in Egypt. It is called tula *
(balance) in Sanskrit, but in Bihar and Bengal it's known as dhenkli or lathatha.
.--..- The fifth water-lifting method is called saqiya or 'Persian Wheel'. None of the fou;
mechanism described above required wheels as their basic component. This -
5. Dhenkli
water-wheel could well claim to be called a water machine because of the
employment of the g a r system. With gears we enter upon a very advanced stage
in the technological $ense: it has been surpassed only now by electric tube-wells.
Much controversy has ctopped up about the origins of saqiya: did it exist in India
prior to the advent of the Muslims, or was it a foreign importation through the agency
of the Turks? In India, Its earliest form was one wheel with pitchers or pots of clay
attached around the rim of t h e wheel It wnc r n l l e d slrnohatta n r nrnhntts in CancGAt
'Technology and Crans
6. (a) First stage of noria

(b) Second stage of noria: an
imagery model
(c). Saqya: third stage of noria. !ke
thrcc wheels with gear mechanism;
w
Economy of Ddhl Wtolutt by human power only. Its form itseif forced,tt to bk set up over shallow water or open
surfaces-stream, reservoir 9 r even rivers where water wbuld level up to its banks.
Thus, its use over wells was absolutely out of question.
The second stage wad to exploit it over wells. This was done by releasing the earthen
pots fitted around the rim of the wheel and, in its place, a chain or garland
(Hindi: mala) of pots1was provided which was long enough to reach the water level of
the well. The mala or chain was made of double ropes without open ends between
which the pots were secured with timber strips. It is important to note that there is no
separate term for thi$ contrivance in Arabic or Persian. In Sanskrit, however, it was
called ghatiyantra (pot-machine), although the words ar&ghstta and rwluttr
continued to be used for both the types of noria. This, too, was operated by
human-power.
At the third and final stage, we find three deve~o~mentsto
have taken place:
a) addition of two mbre wheels;
b) gear mechanism; and
c) the use of animal power.
The lantern-wheel provided with vertical pegs at regular intervals, was set trp on an
upright axle to be moved by animal power round and round horizontally. The
pin-wheel was arrane~edvertically with a shaft or axle cmnected to the third wheel
over the well that cartied the pot-garland. This was, then, the gear system in order to
exploit animal power. Essentially, the point was to convert the originai horizontal
inotion of the lantern-wheel into a vertical one for the wheel set up over the well.
The confusion of sortie modern scholars in this controversy is to identify the two first
stages of noria with sbqiya. But now you know that the latter was radically different
not only in its conception but also in its components. A semantic blunder was
committed when the same terms-araghatta and arahatta (modern r-)-were used
for the saqiya when the Muslims brought it in early medieval period. In fact, there is
no evidence of water,wheels being operated by animals in Ancient India.
The five devices to rdise water from wells described above can be put into two broad
categories:
a) Intermittent or Dikcontinuous water-supply device, 'and
b) Continuous suppl system.
7
. The greater partdf t h e Hindustan country,ls situated on level land. Many though its
1 .
towns and cultivate lands are, it nowhere has running waters. Rivers and, in some
1
places, standing-wu er are ~ t "running-waters"
s (dqar-sillat). Even where, as for some
towns. it is practica le to convey water by digging channels (driq). this is not done. For
not doing it there m y be several reasons, one being that water is not at all a necessit*
cultivating crops an@orchards. Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains
themselves; and strbnge it is that spring crops grow even when no rain falls. T o young
trees water is made t o flow by means of buckets o r a wheel. They are given water
constantly during two o r three years; after which they need no more. Some vegetables
are watered constahtly.
In Lfthor, DibBlpGr and those parts, people water by means of a wheel. They make two
circles of ropes long enough t o suit the depth of the well, fix strips of wood between -
them. and on thesefasten pitchers. T h e ropes with the wood and attached pitchers are
put over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel-axle a sacond wheel is fixed, and close
( q b h ) t o it anothev on an upright axle. This last wheel the bullock turns; its teeth catch
I in the teeth of the skcond. and thus the wheel with the pitchers is turned. A trough is set.
wherc thc water empties from the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed
evfrywhcrc.
In Agra. Chandwiit. Bilna and those parts, again, people water with a bucket; this is a
laborious and filthy way. At the. well-edge they set up a fork of wood. having a roller
adjusted between tfie forks, tie a rope t o a large bucket, put the rope over the roller, and
tle its other end to the bullock. One person must drive the bullock, another empty tlie
bucket. Every timelthe bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out of the well, that
. rope lies on the bulllock-track, in pollution of urine and dung, before it descends again
into the well. T o same crops needing water. men and women carry it by repeated cfforts
in pitchers.
Technology and Crrns
The first fou;belong to the former and the fifth to the latter category. Again, .
depending the nature of the operative source, that is, human power and animal
power, the. first and the fourth fall in the human power category and the others were
driven by animal power. Since the water had to be lifted from wells, all the devices
except the fifth, shared two things amongst them: rope and buckethags, the latter
varying in size commensurate to the 'power' used.
[There were many implements like shovel, pick-axe and scraper (khurpi), etc. that
were used not only in agricultural processes but in gardening, too.

1)Mention various techniques used during the 13th-15th centuries to lift the water
from wells.
2) Discuss t h e technique used in 'saqiya' to lift water from the wells.

'
..........................................................................................................
,.
3) Mark (d) against the right and ( x ) against the wrong statements given below:
i) Kuchcha wells were durable for extensive water-lifting.
ii) Dhenkti worked oq th'e First Class Lever principle.
iii) In saqiya gear rnecbanism and animal power was used.
iv) Charasa was mainit used for domestic purposes. ,
I \
22.3 TEXTILE TECHNOLOGY

During the sultanate various ncu techn~queswere introduced by the turks rn
the field of textile.
i
22.3.1 Ginning, Callcling and Spinning

Cotton cultivation belongs to agricultural technology. After picking up cotton balls.
there were three basic sthges before cotton could be used for weaving:
i) ginning or seed extraption:
ii) carding or fibre loosqning; and
iii) spinning or making yarn.
The first was done in twd ways:
a) roller and board methbd. and
b) worm-press or worm-rk~ller(charkhi).
Cotton thus separated frdm seeds was "beaten" with sticks or carded with bow-string
in order to separate and lbosen the fibers (naddafi in Persian; dhunna in Hindi).
Spinning was traditionally done with the spindle (duk in Persian; takla in Hindi) to
which il whorl (phirki in uindi) was attached to stabilize it.
1 The most important techrwlopical revolution in the textile sector was the introduction
of the spinning-wheel (chbrkha) through the agency of the Muslims during the
13th-14th centuries. Charkha did not exist in Ancient India. The first literarv
reference to charkha conits from Isilmi'sFutuh-us Salatin (A.D. 1350). This new
contribution. however. did not displace the spindle: it only accelerated the latter's
rotation. The spindle was,attiiched to the wooden frame of the charkha at its one end
to be set in motion'by the "belt" which wils wrapped over the wheel at the other end
of the frame. connecting iti to the spindle. Thus. the charkha combined within itself
the element of power-tranbrnission (through belt-drive) and the principle of flywheel
resulting in differentla1 spqeds of rotation. There is a controversy about the date as to
when a handle or crank-hdndle \vas attached to the device. But this controversy can
he llow settled with the hqlp of a pictorial evidence (c. A.D. 1530) in the Mittah-ul
Fuzala where il spinning-\\heel has heen shown being operated wi.th a handle attached
to the frame.
According to one estimate. a spinning-wheel could produce yarn six-fold more than
the spindle during the sam4 unit of time. This must have resulted in greater output of
yarn and. constantly. morq cloths. It must be pointed out that the yarn from spindle
was of il very fine quality whereas the charkha produced coarse yarn for coarse cloths.
I
22.3.2 Weaving
Horizontal loon1 of thron-shuttle type was used for simple or tabby weave. It is
difficnlt to determine uhether the pit-loom (treadle loom) was in use In Ancient
Indin.'but \\e get the first egidcnce of this loom in the Miftah-ul Fuzala (c. A.D. 1469)
illustrated in c, 1530. This Ihom allowed the weaver to employ his hitherto idle feet to
lift and depress the sets of +arp threads. while his hands worked mainly upon the
shuttle iind the shed. This speeded up the pace of weaving. For.patterned weave (of
different colours ~imultane~usly). one scholar suggests that draw-loom for this ,
purpose r~lighthave ex~stediin South India around A D. 1001. But this view has been
questioned by arguing that Ferhaps it \vas brought to Indla by the Muslims late in the
17.1. ....
r.....
' I ' C C ~ M I O ~ ~ slid ('rafts
9. dt-loom, a 16th century Mughal painting (Kablr)
22.3.3 Dyeing and Printing

Various colours derived from vegetable and mineral sources were used for dyeing.
Indigo, madder and lakli, etc. were widely employed. Indigo was used for both
bleaching and dyeing. F Ofast
~ colours, many articles like alum were added. The
Indian dyer (rangrez) employed many techniques like immersion, tie-and-dye
ibandhana), etc. But blotk-printing (chhapa) was perhaps unknown in Ancienf India.
cm- , scholars credit theiMuslims with its diffusion in India.
,
1) State the methods usdd for ginning during the 13th-15th centuries.
...........................................................................................................
2) Write a note on spinning-wheel.
Technology and Crafts
..........................................................................................................
3) Discuss the techniques used by the weavers during the 13th- 15th centuries.
22.4 BUILDING CONSTRUCTION

/aw
In this section o u r focus would be on major building construction devices introduced

by the Turks in India.
22.4.1 bime Mortar

T h e traditional basic units of construction in Ancient India consisted of clay, stones,
I
wood and occasionally bricks. The simplest cementing material o r mortar was plain
earth mixed with water. An improved kind was straw (bhus) added t o a mixture of
clay and water which was used for plastering also. But lime mortar was definitely
I
brought by the immigrant Muslims during the Delhi Sultanate.
T h e basic ingredients in lime-mortar were lime (chuna) and surkhi (pounded bricks). .
Lime was of various kinds, according t o the material from which it was extracted. T h e
two major sources of lime were gypsum and gravel (kankar). The latLer were first
burnt in kilns yielding quicklime. This quicklime was then treated with water t o turn
it into slake lime. Surkhi was added t o this mix. Afterwards, a number of gelatinous.
glutinous and resinous cementing agents like gum, pulses. jaggery, etc. were added t o
make the q o r t a r more sticky.
22.4.2 Arch and DomeIVaulted roofing

O n e result of lime mortar was the extensive use of bricks as ~t made the brick
buildings more durable. Another important consequence was that lime mortar paved
the way for the construction of true arch (mihrab). Actually,, the very arrangement of
bricks o r stones in making a true arch demands a strong cementing material t o hold
the voussairs together. Lime mortar fulfilled this need. This t xplains the almost total
absence of true arch in lndian buildings prior t o the Turkish advent. T h e only
:. exception, however, was the Kus'hana period: excavations at Kausambi (near
Allahabad) have revcalcd the exis~cnceat'some arches - over s n ~ a l windows
l (not
gates). A s you know, the Kushanas had come from Central Asia and, therefore they
knew arch making. Afterwards, there is nut a single evidence of truesarches in,India
till the coming of the Muslims. Another form of arch was the corbelled o n e ; in fact, it
was a variant of trabeate construction, that is thc pillar-and-beam technique which ,-
was the most distinguishing feature of prc-Muslim Indian architecture. .

..
,
From mihrab t o gumbad (vaulted roofing or dome) was a natural development s i d e

vaulting o r d o m e was not possible without a k n o w l e d ~ eof how t o make a true arch.
That is why it is observed that a d o m e is a true arch turned 360 degrees. In other
words, a d o m e was constructed o n the principle of intersecting true arches ( A note o f
A. > ..---
L- 1 2 - - I L- ---r --A ...: r L rL- D.. I . I L . . + ..Am.--. \
*
n Linttl (beam)
- ' -
Corbelling
(9
Arch and its parts

A : v ~ u s s a i r s vorsseirs C : spinging lines
B : kdystone D : abutment
E : crown
I 10. ( a ) IDilIar-and-Iwam
(1)) ( ' o r M k u l
(c) Arch a ~ ni l s ~ w r ( \( a ) V t n n d r c (h) h r y \hm.
- - - -- -- - -- --
22.5 PAPERMAKING AND BOOKBINDING

- -- - - -- - --
t s d i t ' l a s i o ~L)r
Now yoa k ~ r ) wl l o b tllc inlrnipr;~ntM u s l i n ~ silrtccl ;a ; ~ g c ~ l (;I ~ Ilamcaws
tcch~iiclucsi ~ ~ lilr./iclcs
cl 01 tccllnology th;~t hircl clcvcl(~pccl01. cvolvcd i n the lslrlnlic
culture ;Irc;l. l?lldrIn;lking w;~syet i ~ n o l l l c cr o l l l r i h ~ t i ~ ~ .
j
'I'hc writing ~ n i ~ t c r t i i ~n l A
s ~ l c i c ~Ilnt d i i ~wcrc Inirny: stones. coppcr p l i ~ t ~silk
s . iulcl
'
cotton c l o l h ~ ,ancl spccii~llyprepared p i l l m - l c i ~ v c(talptrtl)~ and birch-bi~rk
(burjapatrtl). 'l'hd latter two were cmployccl li)r writing htn,ks.
Paper was f i n t n i ~ ~ n u l i ~ c t u ricnc('liina

l arouncl lhc first ccntury A.1). I t was minlc
from bamboo pulp. 'l'hc Muslim A r i ~ b slearnt p l p c r m i ~ k i n gfrom somc C'hincsc who
wc.rc tirkcn pri.u)~lcrsi n i r I ~ i l l l l ci n A.1). 751. Vcry won the Arabs ck.vclcwd this
craft by r n i ~ k ~ n
flapcr
g from rags i l n d o l d lincn.
The Indiilns pcrhi;tps knew ahout papcr i n r h c 7 t h century A.D.. but thcy Rcvcr w c d
i t as writing matqriill. Whcn thc Chincsc trirvellcr LC'lultt:visited Indi:t, Iw c o t ~ l d1101
find papcr t o ccqy thc Silnskrit manuscripts I'or k i n g taken t o Chimir. Since he had
exhausted his o d n sttxk, he sent a rncssigc t o his f r i c d s in ('hinit t o send P p c r to
-;.I
\
Technology and Crafts

During the Delhi Sultanate, paper was used for many purposes, especially for books.
farmans and numerous commercial and administrative documents. Paper was
available on a large scale so much so that sweetmeat-sellers of Delhi delivered sweets
to the buyers in paper packets called p r y . which is still the practice in India. But it
seems that papermaking centres were few and far between. We know from the 14th
century Chinese navigator, Ma Huan, that Bengal produced paper. However, the
bulk of paper needed was imported from Islamic countries. specially Samarqand and
Syria.
The practice of writing b o o b on paper was accompanied by the craft of bookbinding

which was an innovation in India, because the technique was different from that
followed in India, for putting sheets of writing material together (palm-leaves and
birch-bark).
Check Your Progress 3 . .

1) Discuss thc contrihut.ion ol' thc Turks in the field ol' building consrructio~i
technology.
3 ) Writc fivc lines on papermaking in India.
22.6 MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

In this section, we will deal with three things only:
i) stirrup,
ii) horseshoe, and
iii) gunpowder.*
22.6.1 Stirrup
It is now'an established fact that iron-stirrup (rikab) was unknown in India. For that
matter, there is no Sanskrit word for stirrup. Perhaps surcingle, 'big toe stirrup' and
'suspension hooks' were used in India, but stirrup proper was the contribution of the
Muslims. This stirrup was first used in China around 6th century A.D., and later it
diffused into Persia and other Islamic countries during the next century. A Persian
... r--- :1-A J..2-- .La --:--- C 11. ..*-l..L ---I -... .L- r--- 2,--L
Fxonomy of Delhi Sultanate
(For the military advantages of stirrup, see the passage in the box)
Thc history of thc usc d thc horse in battle is divided into three periods: first, that of the
chariotcer; second. that of the mounted warrior who clings to his steed by pressure of the
knces: and third, that ~f the rider equipped with stirrups. The horse has always given its
master an advantage over the footman in battle, and each improvement in its military use
has been rclatcd to fartrcaching social and cultural changes.
Before the introductioo of the stirrup, the seat of the rider was precarious. Bit and spur
might help him to control his mount; the simple saddle might confirm his seat:
ncvcrthclcss. hc was still much restricted in his methods oifighting. He was primarily a
rapidly mobile bowmad and hurler of javelins. Swordplay was limited becauserwithout
stirrups your slashing hbrseman, taking a good broadhandedswipe at his foe, had only to
miss to find himself on the ground'. As for the spear, before the invention of the stirrup
it was wielded at the end of the arm and the blow was delivered with the strength of
shoulder and biceps. The stirrup made possible -although it did not demand -a vastly
more effective mode of attack: now the rider could lay his lance at rest. held between the
upper arm and the body, and make at his foe, delivering the blow hot with his muscles
but with the combined weight of himself and his charging stallion.
The stirrup, by giving lateral support in addition to the front and back support offered by
pommel and cantle, effectively welded horse and rider into a single fighting unit capable
of a violence without precedent. The fighter's hand no longer delivered the blow: it
merely guided it. The stirrup thus replaced human energy with animal power, and
irnmensely increased the warrior's ability to damage his enemy. Immediately, without
preparatory steps, it made possible mounted shock combat, a revolutionary new way of
doing battlc.
22.6.2 Horseshoe
While.some scholars 04 Medieval India look at the stirrup as a contributory
factor to the series of hilitary successes that the Turks achieved in India--at
least in the initial stage# of their invasions-horseshoe (d) has been treated as
its poor cousin.
Domestication of h o r s ~was not enough. With the view of controlling the horse
for riding, some equipments were called-forth: viz., simple'bridle, bitted bridle,
saddle with pommel and cantle and, of course, the stirrup.
Nailed horseshoe was a late come;. It is interesting o note that horseshoe is the
k
only equestrian accoutrement which does not have irect bearing on controlling
the animal like other autfits. If so, then, why shoeing was needed? The answer
lies in the hoof, the mhst vulnerable part of the equine anatomy: The horse's
hoof is a constantly grdwing horny structure like the human nails, susceptible to
breaking, splitting and shelling. In their original natural habitat horses keep
their feet worn down And, hence, trimming is unnecessary. But tamed and
domesticated horses when in use, require shoeing, specially in moist latitudes.
A horse with footsore will limp and, hence, of little use to the rider. Shoeing
offeq two advantages: first, it gives a better grip on soft ground; and secondly,
the hooves get protection on rough ground. It is in this context that we can
appreciate the worldwide axiom of horsemen: "No foot, no horse". A lame
cavalry horse may oftkn be worse than no horse at all.
Horseshoes have not been reported from any archaeological site excavated in India.
It is now an incontroertible fact that horseshoes were foreign importations, brought
by the Turks when they came to India. The ArabicJPersian word for the shoe is na'l
(the farrier or s h o e s ~ t his na'lband and shoeing is nn'lbandi). Sanskrit literature on
horses (Mihotra) do not mention shoeing(a case similar to stirrup and
spinning-wheel). It is p o accident, then, that shoeing in the past was largely
monopolized by MusHm artisans. At any rate, our sourds yield imformation for
cold-shoeing only - not hot-shoeing as it was practised in Europe.
22.6.3 Gunpowder and Fire-Arms Technology and Crafts
Many decades ago, some scholars, both European and Indian, were keen to prove
that gunpowder and fire-arms were used in Ancient India. Among the Sanskrit
sources; the Sukraniti became the focal point from which support was drawn.
However, sobriety and maturity prevailed when other scholars dismissed their
inferences, especially after careful examination of the Sukraniti. Again, untenable
' attempts were also made to show that the Muskims who came to India following the
invasions of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna used fire-arms.

, *
Gunpowder consists of saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal, and it was first invented in
China. Later, it spread to the Islamic society. The immigrant T,urks brought
gunpowder to India perhaps in late 13th o r early 14th century. But it must be pointed
out that even by the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah Tughluq its only use was for
pyrotechny or fireworks (atashbazi), not for fire-arms o r for propelling cannon-balls.
Fire-arms were used for the first time during the second half of the 15th century in
some regions of India like Gujarat, Malwa and the Deccan. At any rate, the use of
fire-arms on a regular basis was introduced by the Portuguese when they
came to Calicut in A.D. 1498, and by Babur in North India in the early 16th century.
22.7 TINCOATING
Domestic utensils of copper (and brass) are prone to acid poisoning from sour food
k e p t h them. A coating of tin is given t o them frequently, specially inside, to protect
thent-from the chemical action of acid food. This craft came to India along with the
Turks. ~ h e r e ' i sno reference to this technique in Ancient India. Apart from literaiy
sources, the archaeological evidence comes from an excavation site in the South (near
Kolhapur) where a copper container with tincoating both on its interior and exterior
was discovered. Since, this vessel was found in association with the coins of the
Bahmani dynasty (A.D. 1347-1538), it must belong t o that period.
The craftsman who does tincoating is called @a6igar (qalai=tin). Tin (ranga) is a
highly malleable and ductile metal, and its coating over metallic vessels protects the
latter from corrosion and chemical poisoning. The craftsman first cleanse? the utensils
to remove dirt, etc. After-this, the vessels are mildly heated over a small furnace with
charcoal. Small bellows are used to maintain the required degree of heat. The next
process is to apply a mixture of pure tin and salammoniac (nosadar) with a cotton
pad. The salammoniac vapourizes leaving a metallically clean surface. Meanwhile the
tin melts and by constant rubbing of the pad it is evenly distributed over the whole
vessel - outside and inside.
Abul Fazl refers to tincoating in the Ain-i Akbari. He says that copper utensils of the
royal kitchen are tinned twice a month, but those of the princes, etc. once.
22.8 GLASS MANUFACTURE

The earliest use of glass in India has been set somewhere during the first millennium
B.C. But the presence of an object in a society may reveal its possible use but does not
necessarily imply a knowledge of technology also. However, glass was not scarce in
India: perhaps long familiarity with imported glassware must have led to indigenous
manufacture. But Indian glass objects "did not range or go beyond the manufacture
of tit-bits like beads and bangles". With the Muslim advent, pharmaceutical phials,
jars and vessels started coming to India from the Islamic countries. It is not possible to
determine whether the above glassware actually fabricated during the Delhi Sultanate
In imitation of these importations. However, during the period of study, we draw
blank when we look for the manufacture of articles of glass like glass lenses for
Spectacles or lookingglasses (mirrors were made of copper or bronze with polished
ut~rfare)
Eronomy of Dclhi
- GeltPnate
-
22.9 SHIPBUILDING
The entire frame of b ~ a t and
s ships were#madeof timber like everywhere in the
world. The planks wefie first joined by the rabbeting or tongue-and-groove method.
d
Then they were sewn ith ropes made from the coconut husk. Sometimes wooden
nails were also used. ut iron nails and clamps to j o i n ~ h eplanks was a later
development under th4 influence of European shipbuilding after A.D. 1498. Anchors
were made of stones: k e r , Europeans introduced iron anchors.
12. Rabetting and the use of iron;%ails to join the planks
For navigation, magnetit compass was a great contribution which the Muslims
diffused in India.
22.10 DISTILLATION
i
There has never been any society that did not produce intoxicating drinking
substances. Soma in the )/edit Age was one such intoxicants. There are two ways to
get wine: fermentation and distillation. The first was widely known in the world.
Wine was procured by fehnenting rice, sugarcane juice, mahuwa flowers, etc.
Distillation was a late comer. Some think that it was first discovered in Italy in the
12th century A.D. For India, there is an opinion that distillation was a contribution of
the Turks.
This view is not acce'ptable. Excavations at Sirkap (Taxila) and Shaikhan Dheri, now
in Pakistan, have yieldedldistillation apparaius like t&e condensers and parts of
still, many of which are nbw lodged in the Taxila Museum. This apparatus belong to
the period from 2nd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D., much before the Turks came
to India. However, we may give credit to the Turks for its eastward diffusion.
Technology and C r q h
- IT. Reconstruction of distilling apparstus(aRer Marshall, 1953)

I 1) Define the following:
Stirrup
I
I Horseshoe
I
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
2) Fill in the blanks:
a) Gunpowder was invented in ..........
b) Fire-arms were first used in India during the ..........
c) Technique of tincoating in India was introduced by the ..........
I
d) To join the planks .......... method was used.
e) Distillation technique was known in India during
II
22.11 LET US SUM UP
You must have learnt from this Unit something about the techniques or methods by
which the people during the Delhi Sultanate fabricated o r produced articles of daily
use. Concerning agriculture now you know about ploughs with iron share, methods of
sowing, irrigational devices, harvesting, threshing and winnowing. In the section on
textile crafts, you have read about ginning, carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing and
printing. As regards building construction, lime mortar, true arches and
doheslvaulted roofings are most important. Papermaking and bookbinding were new
crafts. Similar is the case of military technology with reference to stirrup, horseshoe
and Tincoating, too, was a new technique. Glass te'chno~og~ was on a low
- .-. .-
level in this period. Now you know that iron was not used in shipbuilding prior to the
....... . .
Economy of k l h i Sul(ainate At the end, let us sum up the new techniques o r crafts brought by the Muslims to
India: saqiya, spinning-wheel, pit-loom, lime mortar, true arches, dome, paper and
bookbinding, stirrup, hdrseshoe, gunpowder, tincoating and mariner's colnposs. The
Indians accepted all these without hesitation or opposition.
22.12 KEY *WORDS

,
Accoutrement : Soldier's equipment othcr than weapons and clothes ,
Alum : W h i s mineral salt usedin dyeing . .
Arch : curved Structure

Axiom : Statemeni that is accepted without argument
Bridle : Part of a horse's harness
Contraption : Devicelapparatus
Equine : Like a horse
Farman : Order of the Sultan - .
Gear .. -set
: Set elf toothed wheels which fit into another . to transmit power
Immersion : Put under the surface of a liquid
Loom : Instrument for weaving cloth
Gelatinous : Like jelly
Glutinous : Sticky protein substance
Pit-loom : Loom worked by the foot
(treadle loom)
Pommel : Rounded part of a saddle
Planks ,: Long flat piece of sawn timber
Pyrotechny : Fire Works
Pulley : Wheel with grooves for ropes
Ramp : Slope
I
Reslnous : Sticky substance specially from fir and pine tree
Slake-lime : Calcium Hydroxide (C,, (OH),: Its formed by the action
of water on Calcium Oxide
Tabby : Cat with grey or brownish fur and dark stripes
Quick I' me - : Calcium Oxide (C,,O)made by heating Calcium Carbonade
(limestone)
Shovel . Tool like a spade with curved edges
Vaulted roof : Archled roof - b
Voussairs : Stones used in making an arch (other than the key stone) '
!
22.m &lWWEWS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

f L ~ ~ R ~ H S ~ ~
- - ,----.
. . - --
--t-- -
/ ('heck
\'isst:. I '
1
1) Set S,,;;->..c.. 2.2.2 4
2) See Sub-sec 71.2.3 ,
, , 3) (I) X (11) V (iii) \'' (iv) x
Check Y w r Progress 2
1\ C,.- Q..L .--- ?? 1 1
1) See Sub-sec. 22.4.1, 22.4.2
2) See Sec. 22.5
t Check Your Progress 4
1) See Sub-sec. 22.6.1, 22.6.2
2) (a) China (b) Second half of the 15th Century
(c) Turks (d) rabbeting (e) 2nd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D.
Economy of DeUli Sultanate APPENDIX*
SOME FOURTEENTH-CENTWRY PASSAGES
Some of the most important passages bearing o n t h e agrarian system of the fourteenth
century are difficult to follow, and extant translations. where any exist, a r e not always
exact. T h e renderings of these passages offered below a r e meant t o be strictly literal,
any departure from the driginal being indicated by brackets; t h e technical expressions
a r e discussed in the not& which follow t h e translations. T h e clauses are set o u t , '
punctuated, and numbered for convenience of reference; the texts a r e continuous,
and as a rule are not punctuated.
1. ALAUDDIN'S REVENUE DECREE
(Text, Barni, 287, Tranglations, Elliot, iii. 182, and J.A.S.B. vol. xxxix. p. 382, the
last with Blochmann!~notes).
1 . Sultan Alauddin deinanded from learned men rules and regulations, s o that the
Hindu(1) should b e g r o u n d down,
2. and property a n d p ~ s s e s s i o n s which
, are the cause of disaffection a n d rebellion,
should not remain in his house;
3. and in the payment of the Demand o n e rule should be made for all alike from
Chief to sweeper(2);
4. and the Demand o n the strong should not fall o n the weak;
5. and s o much should not remain to the Hindu(1) that thby should ride on
horseback, and carry weapons, a n d wear fine cloths, and enjoy themselves;
6. and t p make two regulations(3) in pursuance of the aforesaid object, which is t h e
chief of all objects of government.
7. T h e first [regulation],-that thbse w h o cultivate whether small o r g r e a t , shall ,
cultivate according t o the rule of measurement and the biswa-yield(4),
8. and shall pay half without any deduction;
9. and in this paying tbere should be n o distinction between Chiefs a n d sweepers(2);
10. and not a jot should be left to t h e Chiefs by way of chiefs' perquisites(5).
.J
(The text goes on t o the second regulation, imposing a tax on grazing.)
APPENDIX
NOTES . \ .
1) "Hindu." Barni uses this word in a narrow sense, to denote the-classes above the ordinary
peasants, so that in fact it is almost a synonym for Chiefs and headmen in this context.
2) "From Chief to sweeper." Az khuta wa balahar. Balahar is not a Persian word, and it is
quite safe rh$)~!ow Blochmann In identifying it with the common Hindi name for a
low-caste men&& employed in the village as a general drudge. In the Upper Doab, which
was Barni's '*&try, the balahar is almost always a sweeper by caste, and, since the word is
obviously used to deqote the lowest rank of the rural population, the rendering :'sweeperv
piobably gives what *as in the writer's mind; there is no actual English equivalent.
The word transliterated provisidna~~y as khuta has not been found elsewhere in the
literature, and has to be ~nterpretedfrom the parallel passages, which are fairly numerous
in Barni. It appears indifferently as khut and khuta, and these cannot be distinguished. The
antithesis to balahar ihdicates that the khut must be looked for among the rural aristocracy,
and all the passages wnfirm this. Khut is commonly coupled with the headman or
muqaddam (e.g. 288,291,324,430,479,554),while in two passages (288) he is linked with
the chaudhari, or parlgana headman, as well as with the muqaddam; and his perquisites
were on the same f d t i n g (430) as those of the muqaddam.
Barni does not use thp. word zamindar for a Chief (subject to the King) until nearly the end.
of his book (539, 5890, and it never appears in his discussions of agrarlan policy; we find
khut wherever we should expect to find zamindar, and the only reasonable interpretation is:
that the latter word was coming into use during his lifetime, and gradually superseding
khut, so that the twa are in fact synonymous. If we read zamindar in every passage where
khut pccurs, we get perfectly good sense; if they are not synonyms, then we must hold that ,
the important class af khuts as known to Barni, had become absolutely extinct when the
next chronicler wrotq, and that the equally important class of zamindars had mysteriously
come into existence, a hypothesis as unreasonable as unnecessary. !
The identity of the dord khut is doubtful. Blochmann took it as the rare Arabic word, .
' rendered by Steingas as "a limber twig; a corpulent man, yet handsome and active," but '
did not indicats . .such a word could come to denote a Chief. The MSS. I have seen d~
not show th, ,uzls, and it is possible that the pronunciation was different, and that we are -
dealing with a word formed indepenhently in India; but, whatever be the origin of the Appendix
word, its meaning in Barni is clearly that of Chief. Blochmann arrived by analysis a t the
correct result, that the phrase indicates the extremes of rural society, but the rendering
"landowners and tenants" which he endorsed involves both a logical non-sequitur and an
historical anachronism. .
The suggestion has been made that the word under discussion is really Indian in origin,
being identical with the Marathi word khot, which is familiar in the Konkan; but the fact
that Barni wrote the word with two Arabic letters (u
and t) makes its derivation from any
L
sanskritic language highly improbable. T h e word khot has not been traced further back
than the sixteenth century kingdom of Bijapur, and a possible explanation of it is that the
, Arabic khM passed into the Deccan at the time of Alauddin's conquest, and became
naturalised there as khot. That there were khots in Gujarat also, before the Mogul
conquest, appears from a document published by Professor Hodivala (Studies in Parsi
History, p. 204), but their position is not explained; it is possible that the Arabic word,
which quickly became obsolete in the North, survived in Gujarat, as in the Konkan, in an
Indianised form, but more documentary evidence is necessary on this point.
3) This clause is ungrammatical as it stands. It would easy t o read awardand for awardan,
putting a fun stop at the end of clause 5. The translation would then be: "And two
regulations were made in pursuance of the aforesaid object," which makes grammar and
, sense. Barni's grammar, however, is not immaculate, and the text may show what he
actually wrote.
4) "The rule of Measurement and the biswa-yield," hukm-i madhat wa wafa-i biswa.
Barni mentions two "hukms" o r rules for assessment, Masahat and HBsil, i.e.
"measurement" and "produce"; he does not describe the methods, but the passage which
follows will make it clear that Masahat involved allowances for crop-fa~lure,which were, ..
not required in Hasil Unless we take these two terms to denote methods which have
become entirely forgotten, we must identify them with the two which I have called
Measurement and Sharing, which, as we have seen, were equally familiar to Hindus and
Moslems at this period, which reappear, though with different names, in the sixteenth
century, and which persisted into the nineteenth. The word Masahat gives place t o jam% or
paimaish in the official records of the Mogul period, but it seems t o have survived in local
use, for as late as 1832 the "native measuring s t a f f was known as the "masahut .
establishment" (Rev. Sel., ii 378). Hasil can be read quite naturally as denoting the process
of sharing the produce,_and, s o far as I can see, it can carry n o other suggestion.
The phrase "wafa-i biswa" does not occur except in Barni, and can be read here merely as
a repetition or duplication of what precedes it, "reliance on the unit of area," "biswa"
denoting the smaller unit, 1120th of the bigha. Passages in the next two chronicles,
however, indicate that the word wafa had acquired the technical meaning of "yield of
crops," and this is probably the meanlng here; "biswa-yield" would then indicate the
standard outtuin per unit of area, which was a necessary datum .for the method of
Measurement. The decisive passage is in T. Mubarak- shahi (Or. 5318, f. 34r.), where, In a
description of the oppression in the River Country under Muhammad Tughlaq, we read
kisht-hi mi-paimudand wa waffi-hfi farmsni mi-bastand; "they used to measure the fields
and fix the yields by ordinance." Here it does not seem possible t o take wafaha in any other
sense. The same sense is required in Afif, 180, where the word occurs twice; and taking
these examples into account, it is permissible to infer that Barni also was familiar with this
technical use of the word. I have not found this use in the Mogul period, and presumably it
became obsolete.
5) "Chiefs' perquisites"; huqiiq-i khiitrln. Ir can be inferred from the passage which follows
that these perquisites consisted of exemption from revenue of a proportion of land, allowed
to the Chiefs in return for the services they rendered; Ghiyasuddin considered that they
should be satisfied with this allowance, so its amount must have been substantial, but there
is no record of the extent of land allowed. The same passage shows that the Chiefs w'ere
suspected of levying revenue for themselves from the peasants: th!s is probably the
implication of Clause 4, that the peasants were in fact paying revenue which ought to fall on
the Chiefs or headmen.
G H I Y A S U D D I N ' S A G R A R I A N POLICY
, a t , B a r n i , 429, c h e c k e d by Or. 2039. Translation, J.A.S.B., vol. XI. p. 229. T h e
.vanslation i n Elliot, iii. 230, is very incomplete.)

applied t o M r . R. P a g e t D e w h u r s t f o r h e l p with this exceedingly c r a b b e d passage,
a n d h e generously furnished m e with t h e following translation. T h e n o t e s m a r k e d [Dl
are also his; t h e o t h e r s are mine.
1. He fixed t h e r e v e n u e o f t h e territories of t h e k i n g d o m e q u ~ t a b l yaccording t o t h e
"rule of t h e produce"(l),
2. a n d relieved t h e ~ e a s a n t s o tf h e territbries a n d t h e kingdom f r d m innovations
Economy of Delhi sdtanato 3. and with regard to the provinces and country of the kingdom he did not listen t o
the tales of spies and the speeches of enhancement-mongers(3) and the bids
(literally, acceptdnces) of revenue-farmers.
4. He also ordered that spies and enhancement-mongers and revenue-farmers and
land-wreckers should not be allowed to hang (literally, wander) round theoffice
of the Ministry,
5. and he instructed~theoffice of the Ministry not to make an increase of more than
one-tenth or oneteleventh on the provinces and country on surmise and
guess-work o r on the reports of spies and the representations of
enhancement-mohgers,
6. and that efforts should be made that cultivation should increase every year and
the revenue be enhanced very gradually,
7. and not in such a way that the country should be ruined all at once by heavy
pressure and the bath of increase closed.
8. Sultan Tughlaq Shah frequently remarked that the revenue should be taken
from the country,in such a way that the peasants of the country should extend
cultivation,
9. and the established cultivation become settled, and every year a small increase
should take place.
10. He used to say that you ought not to take all at once so much that neither the
established cultivation should be maintained nor any extension be made in the
future.
11. When kingdoms bre obviously ruined (literally, are ruined and show themselves
ruined) it is due m the oppressiveness of the revenue and the exces'sive royal
demand,
12. and ruin proceeds from destructive Muqtis and officials.
13. Also with regard to the exaction of revenue from the peasants Sultan Tughlaq
Shah used to give instructions to all the Muqtis and governors of the territories
of the kingdom,
14. that the Hindu should be kept in such a condition that he should not become
blinded and rebellious and refractory from excessive affluence,
15. and that he should not be compelled by poverty and destitution.to abandon
cultivation and tillage.
+ 16. The observing of the standards and principles mentioned in collecting the
revenue can be carried out by typically eminent statesmen and.experts,
17. and the essence af the art of statesmanship in regard to Hindus(4) is the
fulfilment of the aforesaid instruction.
18. Further in regard to the collection of revenue it is related of Sultan Ghiyasuddin
Tughlaq Shah, who was a very experienced, far-sighted, and prudent sovereign,
19, that he urged on the Muqtis and governors investigation and consistency in the
collection of revemue,
20. so that Chiefs and headmen should not impose a separate assessment on the
peasants apart fr4m the king's revenue;
21. and if their own cultivation and pasturage be not brought under assessment,
perhaps their er uisites as Chiefs and headmen, on the supposition that they
P
pay nothing on this, may suffice them and they may make no additional demand.
22. It cannot be denied that abundant responsibilities rest on the neck of Chiefs and
headmen, so that,if they too contribute a share in the same way as the peasants,
the advantage of being Chief or headman would disappear.
23. And as for those among the amirs and maliks (5) whom Sultan Ghiyasuddin
advanced, and t o whom he gave iqtas and provinces,
24. he used not to hald it permissible that they should be brought before the
Ministry just like (ordinary) officials(6)and that the revenue should be
demanded from them as from officials with rudeness and sevetity,
25. but he used to give instructions to them saying,
26. "If you wish to be exempt from the burden of being summoned before the office
of the Ministry aod that you should not be exposed t o pressure and discourtsey,
27.1 and that your c r d i t as an nmir or malik should not be changed to humiliation
f! and discredit,
28. make slender demands on your iqtas,
29. and reserve out df that slender demand something for your own agents,
30. and do not covet the smallest fraction of the pay of the troops.
'21 \lRatLn- .,,-...
&
.,a ,-.- A,-. -,t .r:.ra'n I:ttI, ,-.E ..,-...-,-...,-
+,-. + L a +-,-.,re wart- ..Ark .,.
32. But if you expect a small portion of what is deducted in the name of the troops,
then the name of amir and malik ought not to be employed by the tongue in
respect of you,
and the amir who devours a portion of the pay of servants had better consume
dust.
But if maliks and amirs expect from their own country and provinces a half-tenth
or half-eleventh and the one-tenth o r one-fifteenth of the revenue,
and take the perquisites of iqta-holding and governors,
no occasion has arisen t o forbid this to them, and t o demand it back and t o exact
It by pressure on the amirs would be altogether deplorable.
Similarly if the agents and deputies(7) of the country and provinces should
appropriate a half or one per cent, in addition to their salary,
they ought not to be disgraced for this amount, and it ought not t o be recovered
from them by beating and torture and imprisonment and fetters.
But if they appropriate considerable sums(8) and write off deductions from the
revenue demand, and carry off large sums by way of mutual sharing from the
provinces and country,
such treacherous persons and thieves should be given disgrace and humiliation
with beating and torture and imprisonment and fetters, and what they have
abstracted should be taken from them together with their family stock."
TEXT-NOTES
CI 3. "Bids." Paz raftanihi in text is clearly a blunder for paziruftanihs [Dl.
4. "Land-wreckers." reading mufiarribin for muhazzibsn. Or. 2039 can be so read.
7. "not in such a way." reading na for tB, as Or. 2039.
26. "If you wish." reading e w i h e d for bwihad, as Or. 2039.
"not to be exposed," reading nayuftad for biyuftad, as Or. 2039.
38. "should appropriate," reading isiibat for isayat, as Or. 2039.
NOTES
1) "Rule of the produce," hukm-i hhil. See note 3 to the preceding passage.
2) "Crop-failure." bud wa nabud-hl. The technical force of this phrase, literally "existence
and non-existences," is fixed by Akbar's assessment rules (Ain, i. 288), in which the clerk
1s d~rectedto deduct the nabud and record the bud, that is, to exclude from the measured
area the area on which the crop had failed. Presumably the word apportionments, qismlt,
refers to the process of classifying the area of failure. The word "nabood" surv~vedinto the
nineteenth century in the wider sense of a deduction from the gross assessment (Rev. Sel.,
i. 305).
3) "Enhaocement-mongers." muwaffiriin. This word, which is not in the dictionaries, may '
safely be referred to the technical sense of taufir as any secret profit derived from land. In
a later passage (574). Barn1 uses the equivalent taufir- ntimiyln, i.e. discloser of secret
profit. It is clearly a bit of office jargon, and Mr. Dewhurst adopted the expression
"enhancement-monger." which I coined as a rough equivalent,
4) "Hindu" in this passage has obviously the same restricted meaning as in that which
precedes it.
5 ) "Amirs and maliks." At this time there were three recognised titles of nobility, Khan,
Amir. and Malik; here the words are best read loosely as denoting "nobles."
6 ) "Officials," %milin,'umm81. The word '%milhad not yet been specialised to denote a
definite post, but meant any executive official.
7) "Agents and deputies." krirkunin wa mutasarrifsn. Karkun is etymologically an agent. I
am not clear whether by this time it had become spec~alisedas "clerk," the meaning it
usually bcars in the sixteenth century; some passages can be read in this way, but others are
doubtful, and perhapsspecialisation was in progress, but was not complete. I have found
no passage to indicate whether or not mutasarrif denoted a particular post; the word occurs
in connection with the local bureaucracy. and may mean either subordinates in general, or
a particular class of subordinates.
8 ) "Considerable sums." mu'tadd-ha. I take this to mean "a considerable sum." literally "a
thing counted," and henceUathing worth counting." [Dl
The words iqta and Muqti, which are prcscrvcd in the translatipn: h ~ been c discussed in
Appcndix B. Thcir preservation is intcndcd to bring out thc fbr'k; of thc rccuraingduplications.
I I I. 1.1 KUZ S I l A t i ' S SLC'OND KEGULA'I'ION
l i .
(Text, Barni. 574; no published translation has come ttr my notice. The chapter
containing this Rqulation. along with several others, is highly fulogistic and
rllctorical, ,and too great weight must not be given to all:thc i\sk&rtic>ns which it
(*ontainc hilt there ic nn rpncnn tn r i i r t r . n n c t tha . I n r f i . . n r .h 1h- ..--..-..I ,-I:-.. ..A--.-A
I ) Second regulation. It was ordered that the revenue-Demand and the poll-tax(1)
shall be collected a+cording t o the "rule of the produce";
2) and "apportionmedts." and "increase o f demands,"and "crop-failures," and
"large demands b a v d o n surmise," were entirely removed from among t h e
peasants(2); I
3) and revenue-farmets and land-wreckers and enhancement-mongers(3) were not

allowed t o infest thk provinces and the kingdom.
4 ) A n d a reduction wds made in the d u l - i mubmahti(4), so that the peasants may
pay willingly withoht difficulty o r severity;
5 ) and n o roughness g r violence was used towards the cultivators, who are t h e
keepers of the trea$ury(5) of Moslems.
I NOTES
1) Thc rcfcrence to the 4011-tax. jiziya, is puzzling. According to Afif (383), this tax in Delhi
was a fixed sum per hflad payable in cash. It is possible that, in the case of peasants, it may
havc been assessed aldng with the revenue, and varied with it; but it is equally possible that
, the phrase is loosc."r~vcnueand poll-tax" being used to describe the liabilities of
non-Moslem subjects in general terms.
2) This clquse must be wad as enumerating the familiar exactions on the peasants.
Apportionments. qisqmat, and crop-failures, nabfidk, occur in the preceding passage.
Mu6tndd& is there taken as exactions of considerable amount, and the addition here of
tasawwuri must mean1 that these exactions were arbitrary,"based on surmise."
3) This clause also is an echo of part of the previous passage, referring to the various pests
that appeared naturally in connection with the revenue-assessment.
4) Mahsul-i mu'amalati. 11 havc not found any parallel passage to indicate the meaning of this
phrase. From the cont/cxt. it appears to denote some impost on the peasants, different from
thc kharaj or revenue, but its nature is a matter for conjecture.
5) .Treasury. bait I
kharaj and other "4
This 1s a precise phrase of Islamic law, d e n ~ t i n gthe wceptacle for
-" sou es of income which were in theory for the benefit of Moslems in
general. though by th/s time in India they were in fact part of the revenue of the State.
IV. F ~ R U Z SHAH'S ~SSESSMENT
288.) .
(Text. Afif, 94. 1 have k u n d n o translation; only o n e sentence is given in Elliot, ui,
1. T h e king. .. settled t h e Demand(1) of the kingdom afresh. A n d for the settlement

of that Demand KNwaja qisamuddin Junid was appointed.
4
2. T h e excellent Khw ja. having spent six years in the kingdom.
3'. (and] having settle the Demand according t o the "rule of inspection,"(2)
4. determined the "a4gregatew(3) of t h e kingdom a t 675 lakhs of tankas in
n
o accordance with the principle of sovereignty.
5. During forty years fluring t h e reign of Firuz Shah t h e "aggregate" o f Delhi was
t h e same.
I
NOTES
I) "Demand," mehsul. Afifoccasiona~~~ uses this word in the sense of revenue Demand, that
is. as a synonym for k e a j , never. so far as I can find. in the other sense of "produce of the
soil." which occurs inlsome later writers.
2) "Rule of inspection."l hukm-i mushahada, occurs. so far as I know. nowhere else in the
literature. Barni tells Cs in the preceding passage that Firuz. at his accession, adopted the
"rule of the produce." Afif s account refers to the same period. for this appointment was
made very soon after the King's first arrival at Delhi; either then one of the writersmade a
mistake, or the two ekpressions mean the same thing. A mistake is improbable. for old
bureaucrats like the Writers do not misuse technical terms: on the other hand. Afif's
.
vocabulary differs froh that of Barni in several cases. such as "khut" or "pargana." so that
verbal divergence neqd not suggest error. The general idea conveyed by mushahsdp 15
"witnessing," "observing"; and in order to reconcile the two statements, all that is
necessary is to take this word as denoting Sharlng-by- estimation, the reference being to
the persons who obsefve or inspect the condition of the growing crop in order to estima~e
the yield. We may sayithen that. while Barni telts us that Sharing wasprescribed, Afif tells
I
us that it was Sharing by Estimation. not actual Division. On :.)is interprctittion thc
disappearance of the erm mushahada can be rcadlly undcrstood. because the official
literature of the MoNI period employs the Hind1 name kankiit I*) denote thc proccss in
question.,
The rcvcnue-~cmandundcr this systcm v;iric?fr(&n season to season with thc itre:; sown,
and the produce reapkd, so that the phrase "to settle." bastan, must not bc rcad in thc
scnsc of fixing beforehand the number of tankas to I,c pitid; I take the mcanirlp to hc ,II;II
the ;Irr:lnormPntr for hrrpcrmcnt r 0 , \ r , . . , ~ ; ~ , ~..$I;.-
U)..~.-S ,4 1h.. ..
,nC..;.- ...I-:..%.I.... I
Appendix
Tapan Rnychaudhri : The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. I .

and lrfan Habib
Prof. Muhammild Habib : An lntroduction to Elliot and Dowson's History of
India as Told by Its O w Historians, Vol. I I .
A.J .Qaisur : Indian Response To European Technology and Culture.
.UNIT 23 CENTRAL AND EASTERN
INDIA
Objectives
Introduction
Malwa
Jaunpur
Bengal
Assam
23.5.1 Kamata-Kamrup
23.5.2 The Ahoms
Orissa
Let Us s u m UP
4
23.0 OBJECTIVES
In the present Unit, we will study about regional states in Central and Eastern India
during the 13-15th centuries. After reading this Unit, you would learn about:
the emergence of regional states in Central and Eastern India,
territorial expansion of these regional kingdoms,
their relations with their neighbours and other regional states, and
1 their relations with the Delhi Sultanate.
23.4 INTRODUCTION
You have already read (in Block 5, Unit 18) that regional kingdoms posed severe
threat to the already weakened Delhi Sultanate and with their emergence began the
process of the physical disintegration of the Sultanate. In this Unit, our focus would
be on the emergence of regional states in Central and Eastern India viz., Malwa,
Jaunpur, Bengal, Assam and Orissa. We will study the polity-establishment,
expansion and disintegration-of the above kingdoms. You would know how they
emerged and succeeded in establishing their hegemony. During the 13th-15th
centuries in Central and Eastern India, there emerged two types of kingdoms:
a) those whose rise and development was independent of the Sultanate (for example : the
kingdoms of Assam and Orissa) and b) Bengal, Malwa and Jaunpur who owed tHeir
existencr ru the Sultanate. All these kingdoms were constantlyat war with each other.
The nobles, ci,' ;s or rajas and local aristocracy played crucial roles in these
confrontations.
23.2 MALWA
The decline of the Sultanate paved the way for the emergence bf the independent
kingdom of Malwa. Dilawar Khan Ghori, (d. A.D. 1406), the Tughluq governor of
Malwa, assumed independence in the year A.D. 1401-2 and declared himself the king
of Malwa. He extended the boundaries of his kingdom by occupying Nimar, Sauyar,
Damoh and Chanderi. Dilawar Khan married his daughter to Ali Sher Khalji, the
son.of Malik Raja Faruqi of Khandesh, and took his (Faruqi ruler's) daughter for his
son Alp Khan. These matrimonial alliances helped him in safeguarding his south-
eastern frontier. B$ maintaining friendly relations with M.uzaffar Spah of Gujarat, he
The R e g l d P o w a : successfully saved Malwa from attacks, But soon after his death in A.D. 1407,
13tbl5th Cedury
m l w a fell a prey to the imperialistic designs of Muzaffar Gujarati. But in 1408,
\
Hoshang Shah (1406-35) succeeded in regaining control over the Malwa throne (for
further details see Unit 24). Very soon he occupied Kherla, and Gagraun. He also
had his eyes over kwalior, but realizing the might of Mubarak Shah, he finally
withdrew in 1423 after causing some damage in the countryside. Hoshang Shah had
entered into matrimonial alliance with the Muslim ruler of Kalpi to use the latter as
buffer between Jaunpur-Malwa and Delhi-Malwa.
Hoshang Shah's successor Muhammad Shah proved incompetent. During his brief
reign bf one year, the court of MalCa became a hotbed of ifitrigues leading to
disastrous results. The chaos,culminated in his murder (1436) by his nobleSMahmud
Khalji. Thus camel the end of the Ghorid rule itself.
At the outset, the position of Mahmud Khalji was threatened by the old Ghorid
nobility. In the beginning, Mahmud followed the policy of appeasement and
1 ,
distributed iqta and high posts to them but he failed to elicit their support. He had
to face a series of revolts of high' ranking nobles. Ultimately, Mahmud Khalji
succeeded in tackling the recalcitrant nobles. After consolidating his internal
position, Mahmud Khalji now had the time to look for further extension.
Mewar was the foremost state to attract his attention. You would read in Unit 24
that Mewar unde6 Rana Kumbha followed an aggressive policy in subduing and
assimilating the bordering Rajput chiefs into Mewar. This posed a direct threat to
the kingdom of Malwa. Mahmud Khalji had to face the mighty Rana as early as
1437. Rana Kumbha promised Umar Khan, son of Hoshang Shah, to install him in
place of Mahmud Khalji. In the baitle of Sarangpur (1437), Mahmud Khalji was
defeated ajnd taken prisoner. Later, Mahmud Khalji took advantage of the confusion
that emerged in Mewar after Ranmal's death : he attacked Mewar in 1442. He
destroyed the temple of Banmata, but he had to retreat without much gains. Since
then, Mihmud Khalji undertook almost yearly campaigns against Rana Kurnbha.
Though Mahmud had occupied Gagraun (1444) and Mandalgarh (1457), Rana
Kumbha was able to keep his territory intact and well-defended. This rivalry
continued unabated. Kalpi was the bone of contention between Malwa and Jaunpur.
Hoshang Shah earlier had helped his nephew Jalal Khan in installing him on the
throne of Kalpi. But after Jalal Khan's death (1442), Nasir Khan Jahan succeeded in
getting hold over Kalpi. However, he was soon expelled by Mahrnud Sharqi. This
increased the hold of Jaunpur over Kalpi which was not to the liking of Mahmud
Khalji. It resulted in a clash between the two (1444). Finally, a treaty was signed.
Mahmud Sharqi agreed to hand over Kalpi to Khan Jahan which resulted in cordial
relationship between the two.
Another important power which Ma!wa rulers had to tackle with was Gujarat. You
will read in Unit 24 that Muzaffar Gujarati once succeeded in imprisoning Hoshang
Shah.
After Ahmad Shah's death (1442), Mahmud Khalji got an opportunity to occupy
Sultanpur and Nandurbar (1451) on account of the weak position of Muhammad
Shah Gujarati. While Mahmud Khalji was still campaigning against Muhammad
Gujarati, the latter died. His successor Sultan Qutbuddin entered into an alliance
with Mahmud Khalji. Both parties agreed to respect each other's territorial
boundaries. An understanding was also reached between the two to have a free hand
in Mewar. However, similar understanding could not be maintained for other areas.
Mahmud Khalji's intervention in Bahmani politics was always severely dealt with by
Mahmud Begarha (for further details see Unit 28).
Ghiyas Shah (1469-1500), the son and successor of ahm mud ~ h a l j i paid
, more
attention to consolidation rather than.conquest. As a result, with the exception of a
brief tussle with the Rana of Mewar (1473), the period was of a long peace.
23.3 JAUNPUR
'Afif informs us that the city of Jaunpur on the banks of ri<er Gomti' was founded
by Feroz Shah Tughluq during his second Bengal campaign (1359-60). 1his city
became a strong power-base, and it soon evolved as a rival to Delhi for some time.
Malik Sarwar, a noble of Feroz Shah Tughluq, took full advantage of the succession
tussle among the sons of Feroz and rose to the high position of wazir under Sultan
' Muhammad Shah (1390-94). Malik Sarwar got the charge of the eastern districts
along with the title of Sultan-us Sharq. The invasion of Timur, which virtually'
shattered the kingdom of Delhi, gave Malik Sarwar a n opportunity to declare his
independence in Jaunpur. He extended his hold over Kol (Aligarh), Sarnbhal and
Rapri (in Mainpuri district). Malik Sarwar's ambitions led to furious armed clashes
, with Delhi, Bengal, Orissa and Malwa. Though he did not succeed against them, he
brought the rulers of Jajnagar and Gwalior under his sway. Mubarak Shah Sharqi
(1399-1401), his son and successor, could hardly get time to consolidate the gains.
However, his younger brother and successor, Ibrahim Shah Sharqi (1401-a),
efficiently expanded the territories of the kingdom. He took Kanauj in 1406 (which
was under Sultan Mahrnud Shah Tughluq). This enhanced his prestige greatly and
paved the way for further achievements. In 1407, Ibrahim aspired to occupy Delhi,
but in spite of initial success, the attempt finally failed. TAough he was able to lay
his hands on Kalpi (1414), its ruler Qadir Khan continued to create problems for
I him. Ibrahim also subdued Ganesh, the ruler of Bengal, in 1414. During the closing
years of his reign (1437), he again turned his attention towards Delhi and captured
some of its neighbouring parganas. The Delhi Sultan Muhammad Shah, ultimately
had to sue for: peace, ;ie agreed to marry his daughter, Bibi Haji, to Ibrahim's son
Mahmud Khan. ibrdhim's energetic zeal and his successes increased the prestige of
the king1 om of Jaunpur. The latter earned the title Shiroz-i Hind.
During his successorb' reigns, Mahmud Sharqi (1 140-54), Muhammad Sharqi (1457
58) and Husain s h G q i (1458-1505), clash: with the Delhi Sultans were frequent.
Finally, Bahlol Lodi,annexed Jaunpur in 1483-84 and placed it under the charge of
. Mubarak Nohani. Husain Shah did attempt desperately to recover Jaunpur but
failed. Bahlol finally placed his son Barbak Shah on the throne of Jaunpur, thus
ending the era of the Sharqi rulers.

1) List the achieverhents of Hoshang Shah.
2) LSid the Lodi-SMrqi struggle finally seal the fate of the Sharqi'kingdom?
Examine' in about five lines the decline of the Sharqis in the light of the above
statement. '
3) Which of the following statements are right.Tick off ( d ) the correct answers.
i) Dilawar Khan was the Tughluq governor.
ii) Gagraun seflved as buffer state between Malwa and Sharqi rulers.
iii) Rana Kumbha sided with Umar Khan in his clash with Mahmud Khalji. ,
iv) Ibrahim sharqi earned the title of Shiraz-i Hind.
-
23.4 BENGAL
The geopolitical condiltions of Bengal, especially the long distance from Delhi, met
constraints on its cony01 by the Sultans of Delhi. The governors took fuli advantage
!I
of distance. As the cetltral power weakened or rulers got involved ewhere, the
nobles used to act aldost de facto rulers in the region. Earlier, Iltu mish had to
march in person to asdert his authority (1225) and it too, almost t ree years for
Balban in crushing t M rebellion of Tughril Beg, the govt rnor of Bengal. To assert
Delhi's hold over Bensal, Balban appointed his son Pughra Khan as governor (1281).
But after Balban's death, Bughra Khan decided to sf y in Bengal rather than'contest'
the Delhi throne (1287). Later, we see Ghiyasuddin Tughluq marching towards
Lakhnauti. However, it was during Muhammad Tughluq's reign that more effective
policy was adopted. be latter appointed his trusted nobles,at Lakhnauti, Sonargaon
and Satgaon to establjsh a balance among various powerful factions. It greatly
helped in reducing the power of the local magnates and increased the hold of De1,M.
However, Delhi was challenged at various intervals.
, Ilyas
Shah (1342-57), k h o emerged as a powerful ruler in Bengal, occupied
Lakhnauti, and Sonargaon, and marched as far as Baliaras.
.
Sultan Feroz Tughluq
-
Again in 1359, Feroz Tughluq marched against Sikandar Shah (1357-89) to break his C m .ad E n t m India
power. After Feroz Toghluq's death (1388). the Sultanate became too weak to
subdue the recalcitrant rulers of Bengal.
Sikandar'Shah's son Ghiyasuddin Azam Shah (1389-1409) was a popular ruler. He

faced the combined attack of the Rajas of Kamata and Ahom and had to surrender
the territory beyond Karatoya river. He established diplomatic ties with the Chinese
rulers when one of their envoys came in 1406.
' 7
HUSAIN SHAH1 BENGAL
MAP 2
After Ghiyasuddin's rllurder (1409), Bengal had to pass t h r o ~ ~

two
n critical phases
of internal chaos and conflicts (1409-1418; 143542). But the matters were set right
with the accession M a s i r u d d i n Abul Muzaffar Mahmud, a descendant of Ilyas
Shah. His son Ruknuddin Barbek (1459-74) embarked upon an expansionist policy.
As a result, his frontier extended to Barner, north of the Ganges and Jessore-Khulna
7
in the south. The militia of the'Abyssinian slaves played a ucial role in the
expansion, but Barbek's policy of patronising them later on proved fatal. In 1487,
the Abyssinian commander Saifuddin Feroz succeeded in occupying the Bengal
thione. But he failed to consolidate his position and, in 1493, Alauddin Hussain
Shah (1493-1519) got power: He not only succeeded in subduing Abyssinian slaves
but also adopted a rigorouk expansionist policy. Under him, the Bengal frontiers
reached to Saran and Bihar in the north-west, Sylhet and Chittagong in the south-
east, Htjo on the northcast and Mandaran on the sobth-west. In 1495, Hussain
Shah had to face SultanSikandar Lodi's wrath as he'had given shelter to the.Sultan
Tbe Redlmd Pmrr : of Jaunpur, Hussain Shah, Later,. a n o n - a m s i o n treaty +wassigned and Hussain
13tblstb C a l m Shah promised not t o give shelter to such fu@tives.
v
Check Your Pro q s 2
'i
I) How far did he geopolitical conditions of Bengal help in maintaining its
, independent chqrctctef?
2) What was the rale of Abyssinian nobles in the politics of late 15th century
Bengal?
3) Match the dates1 and names by drawing arrows :

a) Bakhtiyar Khalji 1281
, b) Bughra K b n 1459-74
c) Ilyas Shah 1357-89
d) Ruknuddin Barbek I205
e) Sikandar Shah 1342 .
'
23.5 ASSAM
GeogrKphically, medieval Assam covers the entire Brahmaputra valley as far as river .
Karatoya in the west, while Mishmi Hills and Patkai Bum formed the northeastern
boundary. The bouMary of the state of Burma parallel t o its east. During the
13th-15th centuries ih Assam, a number of tribal polities-the Chutiya, the Tai-
Ahoms (or Ahoms),lthe Koch. the Dimasa, the Tripuri, the Manipuri, the Khasi and
the Jaintia--existed. Finally, the Chutiya add the Ahom emerged most powerful.'
Besides, there also existed the kingdom of ~ a m a t d ( ~ a m r u p ) .
\
The medieval Kamata kingdom included Brahmaputra valley (excluding Rangpur),

Bhutan, Cooch Bihat, Mymensingh, and the Garo hills. Kamrup (Modern North
Guwahati) was the capital of the Kamata kingdom prior to Rai Sandhya's reign
(1250-70). But ~ a c h d r expansion
i forced Rai Sandhya to shift from Kamrup to
Kamatappr (in moddrn Cooch Bihar district): hence the kingdom is called K a m m p
Kamata. -
'.
We have already r e d how in 1206 Bakhtiyar Khalj~,one of the commanders of

Muhammad Ghori, invaded Kamrup. But the campaign proved disastrous a s his
army was totally destroyed: Syltan Ghiyasuddin Iwaz also attempted to occupy .
Kamrup (1227) but rhet the same fate at the hands of Rai Prithu. Later, however,
kiiutmish'S son NasitOddin Mahmud suckeeded in crushing Rai Prithu's power. In
"h
1255, Malik Y uzbek' ttacked Kamrup and succeeded in occupying Kamrup, but
later he had to face t e same fate as that of Bakhtiyar Khalji. Soon his forces were
overpowered; Malik kuzbek received a severe wound and died soon after (1257).
However, during Sinkhdhvaj's reign (1300-1305), Sultan Shamauddin Feror Shah
.. .
(1301-22), the Sultan lof Bengal, occupied Mymensingh a d Sylhet across
. ----
The Kamrup kingdom always fell a prey to Ahom imperialistic designs The Burmji
literature records the success of the Ahom King Sukapha (1228-1268) against ,
Kamata ruler Sindhu Rai (1260-1285). The latter is reported to have accepted the
suzerainty of Sukapha, but his successor Pratapdhvaj(1300-1305) ceased t o pay tribute
to the Ahom kings: as a result Sukhangpha (1293-1332) again invaded the Kamata
kingdom. After a longdrawn battle and heavy loss, Pratapdhvaj sued for peace and
gave his daughter Rajani in marriage to Sukhangpha.
An important feature of the 14th century Kamata kingdom was the great uprising of
the Bhuyan chiefs who took advantage of the unstable conditions. A war of
succession followed between the twa cousins-Dharma Narain and Durlabh Narain.
In the beginning, Bhuyan chiefs failed in their designs as Durlabh Narain (1330-50)
and Arimatta (1365-85) were more than a match to their power. However, after
Arimatta's death (1385), his successors were too weak to face the Bhuyah onslaught
and around mid-15th century Rai Prithu's line was supplanted by a new Bhuyan
dynasty (Khyan) with Niladhvaj (1440-1460) as ks founder. Nilambar (1480-1498)
was the most powerful king o i the Khyan dynasty who succeeded in extending his
frontier from Karatoya t~ Barnadi. He also took advantage 'of the political turmoil
created in Bengal (Gaur) by the Abyssinians and succeeded in occupying north-
eastern part of Bengal. However, later, Alauddin Hussain Shah (1493-1519) was able
to crush the power of Nilambar. With this came the end of the Khyan dynasty.
23.5.2 The Ahoms

The Ahoms belonged to the Mao-Shan sub-tribe of the Tais of Southeast Asia. In -
A.D. 1228, they migrated from Mogaung, a principality in upper Burma and Yunan
to upper Assam where they finally settled in A.D. 1253 in the Dikhou valley (the
modern Sibsagar division) with its capital at Charaideo (it was later changed to
Chargua in 1397). Sukapha of Mao-Shan tribe was the first ~ h o m King (1228-68)
who subjugated the Chutias. Morans, Borahis, Nagas, Kacharis and the Kamata
kingdom (Kamrup). His son Suteupha (1268-1281) further extended his domain
towards the southern banks of Brahmaputra up to Kalang (modern horth-Cachar
sub-division) by defeating the Kacharis. Under Sukhangpha (1293-1332), the Ahoms
became a paramount power in the whole of the Brahmaputra Valley. However,
Sukhangpha's death created a void that resulted in the establishment of three
interregnums-1364-69, 1376-80 _and 1389-97. At any rate, at Sudangpha's accession
(1397-1407). the situation stabilized. The latter clashed with the Nara and the
Kamata rulers. As a result, the Ahom frontiers reached to Patkai in the north and
river Karatoya in the north-east. The boundary extended during Sudangpha's reign
continued to form the line of control throughout the 15th century. Later, Suhenpha
(1488-93) faced the rebellion of the Nagas and the Kacharis. But the revolts were
suppressed. By the close of the 15th century, Supimpha's (1493-97) nobles like
Buragohain Khenpung rebelled. Though the rebellion was crushed, it reflected the
internal feuds among the nobles that had started since the close of the 15th century.
23.6 ORISSA
I
On the eve of the Turkish invasion, Orissa was under the cotitrol of the Eastern
Ciangas. The Tabaqat-i Nasiri records that Bakhtiyar Khalji had sent two brothers,
Muhammad and Ahmad, to invade Jajnagar (modern Orissa) immediately before his
death (1205). At that time, Rajaraja 111 ( 1197-121 1 ) was the ruler. The next invasion
took place under Ghiyasuddin lwaz soan after Anangbhima Ill's accession (1211-38).
Though the ~ a b a ~ a tNasiri'applauds
-i the success of Iwaz, the Chatesviri .
inscription, however. mentions the success of Anangbhima 111 in the clash. 1't
appears that perhaps Iwaz's invasion was repulsed.
Narasimha 1 (173-64) also had to face lkhtiyaruddin Yuzbek who got success in his J
first two attacks. but his later attacks were foiled by Narasimha I. The latter also
succeeded in extending his frontier to Midnapur, Howrah and Hooghly. However,
by the close of the 13th century (1296). :atgaon fell into the hands o f the Delhi
Sultans. You have already read in Block 4 how during Ghiyasuddin Tughluq's reign
(1320-25). Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) captured Jajnagar and made its
ruler their tributary.
The Rcgbnrl Powm : From Bhanudeva IlI'q (1352-78 A.D.) reign onwards, the power of the Ganga kings "
13th-15th Ccatw started declining. Taking advantage of thie situation, the neighbouring states invaded
Orissa.
In 1353, Shamsuddin Slyas Shah of Bengal succeeded in penetrating as far as Chilka

lake and took away Huge booty, including elephants. Later, the rulers of Delhi,
Vijaynagar, Jaunpur and also the Bahmani rulers occasionaliy plundered Ori~ss.
Under such disorder qnd confusion, Kapilendra, the minister of Bhanudeva IV (1414-
1435), usurped the thdone in 1435 and laid the foundation of the Gajapati rule in
Orissa. By 1464-65, the extent of his domain reached the south-Arcot district and
eastern part of the Daccan plateau. Kapilendra also inflicted humiliating defeat upon
Humayun Shah Bahmani when the former attacked Devarkonda and Kapilendra
came to the rescue of Devarkonda chief (1459). After that, the Bahmani rulers never
thought o! attacking Telingana so long as Kapilendra remained alive. In 1450,
Kapilendra also succeeded in defeating Nasiruddin of Bengal (144259) and assumed
the title of Gaudesvarb. In 1453, Rajahmundry also became part of his empire. Thus,
by 1462, his frontier extended from Hooghly to Kaveri in the south. However, during
the closing years of his reign, the Vijaynagar ruler Saluva Narasimha expelled the
Oriyas from the Kaveti basin. Soon after Purushottama's accession (1467 A.DJ, the
latter tried to rep tin the Tamil territory but his exploits remained confined to Kanchi
only. Purushottama had to surrender Kondavidu (Kondnir) and Rajahmundry t o the
Bahmani ruler Muha*mad Shah 311 (1463-1482). Saluva Narasimha (later the
Vijavnagar ruler) took advantage of the situation and occupied Udayagiri (1476). So
long ,is Muhammad Shah Ill was alive, Purushottama did not attempt to reoccupy
these territories. But soon after his death (1482 A.D.), Purushottama took
Rajahmundry, K ~ n d d by r 1484, and Udayagiri from Saluva Narasimha (sometime
between 1486-91). Thus, he succeeded in extending the frontiers of his empire from
Bhagirathi in the north to river Pennar in the south. His son Pratapa Rudra (1497-
1540 A.D.), too, like his father, smbarked upon an expansionist policy. Most of his
military exploits are af early 16th century which fall outside the scope of our stuPyS -
Moreover, during his reign, he had to face continuous clashes with the Vijaynaqr
I ruler Krishnadeva Raya and the Bengal ruler Hussain Shah. After his death (1540),
his successors could hardly hold the empire intact, and the end of Suryavamsi \
(Gajapati) dynasty came soon after (1542).

. --
1) Examine the relations of Bengal rulers with the kingdom of i(amrup.
2) Who were Tai-Ahoms? Lht the achievements of Sukhangpha.
3) Discuss Kapilendta's relations with-the rulers of Vijaynagar, Bahmani and

Bengal.
I ................................................................................................................................ , Central and Eastern India
\,
................................................................................................................................
4) Fill in the blanks :

a) Kamata was the capital of .................
b) Rai Prithui defeated the forces of ............... and ...................
c) Assamese literature is called .................
d) Foundation of Khyan dynasty was laid down by .................... tribe..
e) The Ahoms belonged to ................... tribe.
f) Purushottama surrendered Kondavidu and Rajahmundry to .........................
L
23.7 LET U S S U M U P
In this Unit, you have studied the emergence of independent kingdoms of Malwa,.
Jaunpur and Bengal. These kingdoms emerged as a result of the decline of the Delhi
Sultanate. We have also studied the territorial expansion of each state and their
relations with the Sultanate and the neighbouring state. Apart from these kingdoms,
we have also d.iscussed the kingdoms of Assam and Orissa. Their development was
independent of the Sultanate. In Assam there existed two kingdoms, the
Kamatit-Kamrup and the Ahoms. The latter was still in the process of state
formation and was mainly based on tribal organisation.
1 . 23.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
I
1 ,. Check Your Progress 1
I ) See Sec. 23.2
2) See Sec. 23.3
3 ) .See Sec. 23.2; 23.3

I ) See Sec. 23.4
2) See Sec. 23.4
3) a) 1205 b) 1281 c) 1342 d) 1459-74 e) 1357-89
Check Your prbgress 3
1 ) See Sub-sec. 23.5.1 -
3) See Sec. 23,6
4) To answer thcse questions (a-f) read Sub-sec. 23.5.1 and Sec. 23.6
UNIT 24 NORTHERN AND WESTERN
Structure
24.0 Objectives
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Kashmir
24.3 North-West Rai~utana
24.3.1 The O u i b and the S i i
24.3 2 The Gubilols of Vagad
24.3.3 The Rarhors of Marwar
24.3.4 M ~ n o itajput
r Principalities
24.4 Gujarat
24.4.1 Relatioqs with Malwa
24.4.2 Relations with Rajputana
24.4.3 Relatl* wlth Bahmeni end Khandah
24.5 Sind - .,
24.6 Let Us Sum1Up
24.7 Key Words I
24.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this bnit you will know about :
the regional powers that emerged in Northern and Western India.
the territorial eNpansion of these kingdoms,
. their reiationship.with neighbours and other regional powers, and
iheir relations with the Delhi Sultanate.
24.1 . INTRODUCTION
In the preceding Unit (23) you have seen how regional powers emerged in Central
and Eastern India. In this Unit, our focus would be on the emergence of regional
powers in Northern and Western India. We will discuss in this Unit the territorial
expansion of the qgional kingdoms of Kashmir. ' ~ a j ~ u t a n Sind
a . and Gujarat.
Some of these regi~nalpowers were the result of the decline of the Delhi Sultanate
while others' devebpment was independent. Kashmir developed independently of the
Sultanate while Gqarat was the outcome of its decline. Sind and Rajputana, though
all the time were fallling prey. to the Sultanate and at times even formed part of it,
succeeded in retaining their regional features.
,
24.2 KASHMIR
Geographically, Kaphmir valley is surounded by Pir Panjal ranges in the south and
south-west, KiShtwbr valley in ihe south-eask'and the wrth, and north-ast and
. north-west region i$ covered by the mighty central and north-westem Himalaian
ranges. The Kashmir valley mainly consists of, on the one hand, alluvial plaiqs of
Jhelum and its tributaries and, on the other, of plaieaus. While the alluvial plains arc
Northern and Western lndia
fertile and extensively cultivated, elevated plateaus arc less fertile and either laid
waste, or if cultivated yield poor crop. Since the Kashmir valley is surrounded by .
mountain terrain, passes (Zojila, Banihal, Budil, Pir Panjal and Toshamaidan)
occupy great importance and they had great impact on the development of political
and socio-economic processes. However, the southern passes remain inaccessible till .
the time of the Lodis; the northern ?nd western passes (Baramulla, Pakhli and Swat)
were always accessible.
I The 13th-century Kashmir saw a n independent but weak Hindu kingdom of

Jagadeva (I 198-12 12). During his reign, the Damras, a turbulent feudal community,
rebelled but were successfully suppressed. But his successors ~ a j a d e v a(1212-35),
Samgramdeva (1235-52) and Ramdeva (1252-56) could not assert their power. After
b
the latter's death, the Damra lord, Simhadeva (1286-1301), got the opportunity to
usurp the throne. But his dynasty, too, could not continue for long. Interestingly, in
spite of the Muslim inroads in India, Kashmir remained for long outside the Muslim
• sway for about two centuries. Mahmud Ghaznavi 'made two attempts in 1015 and
1021, but the mlghty Himalaya and Hindukush wasted his designs. The myth of the
invincibility of Kashmir could only be shattered in 1320 when the commander
Dulacha succeeded in ransacking Kashmir and amassed huge booty. But a severe
snow storm dug his grave a t Banihal pass itself.
The invasion had its long lasting impact. It paved the way for the establishment of
Muslim rule in Kashmir. The way Raja Sahadeva tackled the Mongol problem, and
the large-scale destruction and devastation struck by the Mongols, created great
dissatisfaction ainong his subjects. This was exploited well by Rinchan, a Bhautta
Prince of Laddakh, to usurp the throne in 1320. Soon after he accepted Islam and
assumed the title of Sultan Sadruddin. His subsequent murder was followed by a
long period of internal strifes. Later, Shahabuddin (1356-74) tried to put the state on
strong footing. When Timur (Timurlane) invaded lndia in 1398, he sent his envoy
Faulad Bahadur and Zainuddin to Sultan Sikandar of Kashmir and asked for a huge
sum. This resulted in large-scale anarchy till Zainul Abedin ascended the throne in
1420. He ruled the country with utmost vigour for 50 years (d. 1470). He extended
his frontiers up to Western Tibet and occupied Ladakh and Shel. But his deeds were
soon undone by his successors. His death created internal feuds. Finally, the
-. Saiyyids
succeeded in assuming power in the beginning of the 16th century.
No clashes seem to have occurred between the Delhi Sultans and Kashmir rulers till
the Saiyyid rule. But strained relations between the two appeared during the reign of
Bahlol Lodi. The Tabaqat-i Akbari reports that during the war of succession that
' followed after Haider Shah's death (1470-72). Tatar Khan, the governor of Punjab,
a t the instruction of Bahlol Lodi, sided with Bahram Khan, the uncle of Sultan
Hasan. Sultan Hasan succeeded in killing Bahram. Tatar Khan's act t o help Bahram
antagonised Sultan Hasan. He sent Malik Tazi Bhatt to invade Punjab. Tazi Bhatt
not only succeeded in defeating Tatar Khan, but he also occupied Sialkot. Following
Sultan Hasan's death (1484) at the call of Saiyyid Muhammad, the son of Saiyyid
Hasan, Tatar Khan again mobili~edforces against Kashmir. This time again Tatar
Khan had to face defeat a t the hands of the united force of the rulers of Jammu and
Kashmir.
I -
1 ) Analyse the role of geography in the emergence of Kashmir a s a n independent
Kingdom.
t
I
.................................................................................................................................
2) Who was Zainul Abedin?
................................................................................................................................
....... .......................................................................................................................
1
24.3 NORTH-WEST : RAJPUTANA
The present ~ o r t h k e s region
t of India comprises Rajasthan and a p r t of Gujarat
and Punjab. From+he geographical point of view, this region consists of a vast Thar
desert in which Bibner, Jaisalmer and Barmer lie. In the South-wet region are the
Kutch plains in wtd<h Nagar Parkar state flourished. The states of Mewar,
Dungarpur, Banswara, Chittor and Ranthambhor flourished at the foot-hills of the
Aravalli ranges.
Before the rise of tribal monarchies of the Rajputs, there were local tpbes, namely,
Bhils, ~ e e n a s Mers
, and Jats. These tribes spread over different regions. For
instance, the Bhils were dominant in Mewar, Dungarpur and Banswara states while
Meenas, Mers and Jats were dominant in Jaipur, Jodhpur and Bikaner respectively.
These'local tribes, however, could not succeed in establishing monarchies as
subsequently foundkd by other Rajput tribes who came from the north-west part of
India.
The ~ h a i i sof ~aisalmkrcame from the vicinity of the Sutlej river in Punjab and the
Sisodias from the Marmada in South India. The Kachhawahas moved from Central'
India (Narwar), a d the Rathors of Jodhpur and Bikaner had their links with
Kannauj region. he immigration of the Rajputs indicates some interesting points.
Initially, they settled around the banks of rivers where they had access to water and
rich soil for agricultural purposes. When the population grew and disputes over
succession or on other matters took place, the weaker section moved to the regions
which were spar_sely populated and had no political authority to resist the settlement
of newcomers in .thdir regions. The newcomers were advanced in warfare technology
and political organisation compared to the aboriginal tribes. Since the newcomers
were few in numbers, they adopted two-pronged measures to control the local tribe!
one was the use of force, and the other was socio-religious measures.
In the coercive method, first they strengthened their position by erecting forts to -
show their military prowess. The second one is significant from socio-religious poin
of view. The migradt clans established a practice of putting tika on the forehead of
every succeeding chief by a local tribal. For instance, the Bhils of Mewar,.the
Godara Jats of Bihner and the Meenas of Jaipur used to put tika on the forehead
of the succeeding chiefs of these regions. Without performing this ritual, the
succeeding chief was not considered as legal head of the region and its people. Even
after the acceptance of the Mughal suzerainty by the Rajput clans in the 16th-17th
century, this social function of marking tika by a local tribal continued. However, at
the political level, the Mughal emperoi exercised this privilege of bestowing
succession rights on one of the family members of the ruling clan. But at the local
level, the social rituil of putting tika by a local tribal was carried out. It was
symbolic in the sense that while the real power rested with the aboriginal tribe, they
had delegated this power to a chief whose duty was to protect the region and its
people from external aggression and also to look after the welfare of the people. In
the beginning, this sbcial custom was followed to assuage the feelings of the local
tribes, but with the passage of time it simply became a ritual. Gradually, the Rajputs
became defacto and dc jure chiefs of the regions and the local tribes simply became
peasants. Further, the chiefs in order to maintain'soldiers and also themselves
extracted surplus frbm the peasants. A religious colour was given to this act: the
surplus was taken a$ bhog. The word bhog signified religious sanctity: the offering
rnade to a deity was also called 'bhog'. Moreover, the king was considered a
representative of God. Therefore, it-was the religious duty of the peasants to make
offerings (bhog) to the chief and his officials. It further strengthened the authority of
the chit,& and the chances of revolt of the local people were minimised. It became
obligatory for a chid to protect his political authority from outside aggression. Thus,
the suzerain power enjoyed chief within a certain territory gave birth to the N o r t h and Watcm Indd
' tribal-cum-territorial
24.3.1 The Cuhilas and the Sisodias

The most powerful state which emerged in the north-west &as the state of Mewar.
During the 13th century, Jaitra Singh (1213-61) consolidated the Guhila power but
failed to face the Turkish menace. Alauddin Khalji succeeded in defeating Rana
Ratan Singh and occupied Mewar in A.D. 1303. During the 14th century. internal
feuds flared up in Mewar that resulted in the victory of Raja Hamir of Sisodia clan.
Thus was laid the foundation of the ~i$odiarule in Mewar. Hamir's successors
extended the domain which included Ajmer, Jahazpur, Mandalgarh, Chhapen,
Bundi, Nagor, Jalor and Sambhar. But it was under Rana Kumbha (1433-68) that
the Sisodia power reached its peak. An interesting development during the early
years of Rana Kumbha's reign was the increasing influence of the Rathor clan over
the Sisodias. At any rate, the Rana was able to smother the Rathor's hold.
/
Rana Kumbha expanded his territories far and wide. Almost the whole of ~ikjasthan
was brought under his sway. He occupied Kota, Bundi, Amber, Narwar, Durgapur,
Sambhar, Nagor, Ranthambhor, and Ajmer. Many times he repulsed the invasions
of the Sultans of Malwa and Gujarat (the details of these clashes would be dealt
with in separate sections on Malwa and Gujarat). Rana Kumbha was assassinated by
his son Uda who occupied the throne in 1468. During the reign of Uda (1468-73) and
his successor Raimal (1473-1508). struggle for power continued unabated till Rana
Sanga ascended the throne in 1508.
24.3.2 The Guhilots of Vagad

The Guhilots of Mewar did not confine themselves to ~ e d a only.
r During the first
half of the 12th century, Samant Singh of Mewar went to Vagad (modern
Dungarpur and Banswara) to establish his own principality. But he could not control
the region for a long time because of the intervention of Gujarat. When Gujarat's
control over Vagad weakened, Jagat Singh, a descendant of Samant, re-established
his suzerainty in the region in the beginning of the 13th century. The Guhila hold
was consolidated in Vagad during 14th-15th century. They used to have frequent -
clashes with the Sultans of Gujarat. The rulers of Malwa were also t ~ e i traditional
r
enemies.
Another branch of the Guhilots led by Rana Mokal's second son, Khem Singh, and
his descendant Suraj Ma1 (1473-1528). shifted to Pratapgarh where an independant
state arose towards the end of the 15th century.
24.33 The Rathors of Marwar

The Rathors of Marwar migrated from the region of Kannauj to Pali during the
,inid-thirteenth century. Siha, the Rathor chief, helped the Brahmans of Pali in
freeing the region from the incursions of the Mers and tbe Meenas. ~ h u s he
,
established his suzerainty over that region around 1243. Asthan and the subsequent
Rathor chiefs succeeded in extending their sway over ldar. Mallani, Mandsor,
Jaisalmer, Barmer, Umarkot and Bhinmal. But the Rathor power reached its climax
during the reign of Rao Chunda (1384-1423) and Rao Jodha (1438-89).
Rao Chunda received Mandor (Mandsor) in dowry$1395). Later, he extended his
sway over Khatu, Didwana, Sambhar, Nagaur and Ajmer which were under Delhi
Sultan's hegemony. To challenge the rising power of Chunda, a coalition was formed
by the Bhatis, the Sankhalas and the governor of Multan. They invaded Nagaur and
succeeded in killing Chunda in 1423. Under Rao Jodha, the Rathors emerged as a
formidable power. He further extended his domain by occupying Merta, Phalodi,
Pokharan, Bhadrajun, Sojat, Jaitaran, Siwana, parts of Godwad and Nagaur. Later,
during Rao Suja's reign (1492-15 1 3 , the Rathot power started showing signs of
disintegration. Biran Deo was the first to declare independence. Soon after, the
chiefs of Pokarana and Bahadmer also severed their ties with the Rathors.
The Rathor power did not remain confined to the Marwar region only: it extended
further towards Jangla (modern Bikaner) under the leadership of Bika, the son of
Rao Jodha (1438-89). Bika migrated to Jangla sometime around 1465. He
- -
-
strengthened his position by establishing matrimonial tie with Rao Shekha of Pungal
ÿ he, ~ e ~ i o ' n . 1Powers : who gave him his dau hter in marriage. The Jats of that region also surrendered to
13th-15th Century j
him. In 1488, he foun ed the city of Bikaner which, since then, became a centre of
power. Bika, after his father's death, strived unsuccessfully to occupy the ancestral
~ a d d of
i Jodhpur, although he was able to conquer a part of Punjab. At the time of
his death in 1504, a latge territory was under his control.
24.3.4 Minor Rajflut Principalities

1
Besides the above mekioned Rajput principalities, there arose a number of small
'chiefdoms' in R a j p u t h a during the 13-15th century. Foremost were the Bhatis of
Jaisalmer who migrate/d from Punjab t o the Thar desert in the beginning of the 1 Ith
century. Throughout tbe 14-15th century, Jaisalmer rulers had frequent clashes with
the rulers of Mewar, Multan, Umarkot and Bikaner.
Next came the Kachhwahas who migrated t o Dhundhar from central India. They
were the feudatories o t the Gurjara-Pratihara rulers. During the-1 l t h century, the
Kachhwaha chief ~ u l $ hRai migrated from ~ a r w a r t oEastern Rajasthan where he
subdued the ~ a r ~ u j a r s l a nlaid
d the foundation of the ~ h u n d h a state
r (Amber,
modern Jaipur). The gachhwahas controlled Amber, Med, Bairat and Shaikhawati
region during the 15th century. However, they rose t o prominence during the
I
Mughal period.
We have already seen in Unit 9 that the Chauhans were the main power t o reckon
with when the Turks tbme t o India. But after Prithviraj's defeat at the hands of the
Turks (1 192: second bbttle of Tarain) the Chauhan power declined. There emerged a
number of petty powed-centres at Jalor, Ranthambhor, Nadol, Sirohi and Haroti
which a t one point of time formed part of the Sultanate (see Unit 14) or were too
weak t o face the onslabght of Mewar and Marwar.
Sometime around mid 13th century, the Hadas succeeded in establishing a

principality in the Buntii-Kota region. They were the feudatories of the Rana of
Mewar. Samar Singh had defended his territory from the incursion of Balban in
1253-54, but he could hot face the might of Alauddin Khalji. He died fighting. His
son, Napuj, also faced the same fate at the hands of Alauddin in 1304, A.D. During
the 15th century, the Hadas kere frequently confronted by Mewar, Gujarat and
Malwa. In fact, during 13-15th century the Bundi state existed in name only.
The Yadavas of Karavqi and Sodhas of Umarkot add Barmer also rose to
prominence during t h e 13-15th century. However, they could not play a prominent
role in the 13-15th century regional power formations. .
\
'I
- Check Your Progress 2
1) How did the Rajput tribes succeed in establishing their monkrchies in north-west
India?
2) Who were the Rathors?
..................................................................................................................................
. ,
3) Discuss briefly the emergence of Rana Kumbha's power.

lern and Western India
, 24.4 GUJARAT
1 You have already read (in lock 3, Unit 9) about the emergence of the Chalukya
state in Gujarat during 8-12th century. The Chalukya hold continued over Gujarat
P throughout the 13th century in spite of the establishment of the Sultanate. You have
also seen (Block 4, Unit 15) how in 1299 Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, laudd din
Khalji's generals, succeeded in overthrowing Raja Karna Baghella, the Chalukya
b ruler and thus laid the foundation of the Sultanate rule in Gujarat. The Delhi
Sultans enjoyed subremacy over Gujarat throughout the 14th century. However,
symptoms of decline became evident from Feroz Shah's reign onwards who entrusted
the governorship of Gujarat to Shamsuddin Damghani. Timur's invasion (1398)
provided the much sought for opportunity to the governors to break away with the
centre. Soon after, in 1407, Zafar khan (who later assumed the title of Muzaffar
Shah), the then Governor of Gujarat, established a n independent kingdom i n
Gujarat.
The Kingdom of Gujarat since its incep~ionhad been constantly clashing with its
neighbouring territories-Malwa, Rajputana, Khandesh and the Bahmarii kingdoms.
I
24.4.1 Relations with ~ a l w a '
The Malwa rulers were their traditional enemies. In 1408, Muzaffar Shah attacked
Malwa and made its ruler Hoshang Shah captive. Though Hoshang Shah had to
accept the suzerainty of Muzaffar Shah, he was jealous of the rising power of
Gujarat. To undermine its power, the rulers of Malwa used to join hands with the
enemies of Gujarat. But Ahmad Shah of Gujarat sdcceeded in crushing Hoshang
Shah's power. Later during Qutbuddin Ahmad Shah 11's reigh (1451-59), ~ a h k u d
Khalji of Malwa attacked Qujarat but he was repulsed. Later, Mahmud Khalji allied
with Qutbuddin Ahmad Shah I1 to confront Rana Kumbha of Mewar. But this
move was purely a diplomatic one as Mahmud Khalji never left any opportunity to
undermine the prestige of the rulers of Gujarat.
i 24.4.21 Relations with Rajputana

I
Another formidable power with which the rulers of Gujarat had been constantly at
I war was Rajputana. The first Rajput kingdom to form part of Gujarat was Idar
L
(1426). Soon, Ahmad Shah overran Dungarpur (1433).'Later, Qutbuddin (1451-59)
ahd Mahmud Begarha (1459-151 1) had to face Rana Kumbha, the ruler of Mewar.
Rana Kumbha, as we have already seen, had occupied Siroti, Abu and Nagaur, the
I latter being ruled by Ahmad Shah's uncle, fieroz Khan. As a result, Rana Kumbha '
had to cope with the combined attack of Gujarat, Sirohi and ~ a g a u rThe
. final
I outcome was that the Rana had to sue for peace by paying huge indemnity. But .
Rana Kumbha retained his capital, Kumbhalgarh ih spite of its being besieged two
times.
The Rajput state of Champaner also constantly clashed with Gujarat. But finally it
was annexed to the Gujarat kingdom by Mahmud Begarha in 1483-84 who reriamed
rit Muhammadabad and made it his second capital. By Mahmud Begarha's reign
other small Rajput kingdoms of Junagarh, Sorath, Kutch and Dwarka were also
.
subjugated and the boundary of the Muzaffar Shahi domain reached the remotest
corners of the Kathiawar peninsula.
1 24.4.3 Relations with Bahmani and Khandesh
I The Bahmani ruler Feroz Shah maintained cordial relations with the Gujarati rulers. .
But after his death (1397-1422), radical change came about with the accession of
Ahmad Bahmani (1422-1436) who formed matrimonial alliance with the ruler of
Khandesh. When-Rai Kanha of Jhalawar fled (1429), Khandesh and Bahmani rulers
gave asylum to him. Thia infuriated Ahmad Shah Gujarati and he had to use force
against them. He subjected them to a crushing defeat and occupied Mahim. k
However, during M a h m d B&uha*s reign cordialitia revived. When Mahmud
Khalji of Malwa'attacked the Bahmani kingdom, Mahmud Begarha came twice to ita
rescue.
Mahmud Begarha also mbihtained friendly relatiodwith the Khandesh rulers, bUt
Adil Khan I1 ceased to pay tribute and joined hands with Ahmadqgar and Berar. As
a result, Mahmud Begarhp a t F W Khandesh and.finally Adil Khan was compelled
to a m p t suzerainty of MBhmud Begarha. But the latter did not annex either
Kiunde~h~or Daubtabad; instead, he confirmed their rulers on payment of tribute.
Mahmud Begarha also had close ties with the Jam Nizamuddin of Sind. Since he
was Mahmud's maternal grandfather, Begarha rushed to support him when the tribal
of Sind rebelled aminst the Jam.
I
Mahmud Begarha also slzicceeded ir! suppming the rising Portuguese Mwcn in
Indian waiers. He receivad help from the rulers of Egypt and the Ottoman who sent
their generals Amir ~ u s $ i nirnd Sulaiman Rais. The combined force at fmt
sucaeded in defeating thq Portuguese flotilla at 'Chaul in 1508 but, lateh-c509,
Albuquerque cornpletdy.bushed them. _ a result, in 1510 Mahmud Begarb
...- --. As
entered into an alliance with the' Pony'guese and extracted assurance for the safety of u o r t b a a d Watcra
the Gujarati ships in the Arabian sea.
In 1508, the Delhi Sultan Sikandar Lodi sent an embassy to Gujarat. The embassies
of Sikandar Lodi and that of Ismail Safavi of Iran greatly increased the pre&ige of
the Gujarati ruler. It also suggests the important place Mahmud ~ e ~ a r occupied
ha in
the contemporary national and international scene.
24.5 SIND
Sind was another independent state on the western border of India. The history of.
the foundation of Muslim powe-r in Sind goes back to A.D. 71.2, when ~ u h a m m a d
bin Qasim attacked Sind. The Sumirahs seem to have established their power
sometime in the 10th century in Sind. We do not have 'much information regarding
their rule and their relation with the neighbouring states. But stray references suggest
that their influence extended as far a's bebal and Makran Coast. They also had parts
of Kutch under their control. Acpording to the Tarikh-i Jahangusha, the
Khwarizmian ruler Jalauddin Mangbarni defeated Chanesar, the Sumirah prince, in
1224 and occupied Debal and Damrilah. During Iltutmish's region, Nizam-ul Mulk,
Jlinaidi, the wazir of Iltutmish, occupied it in 1228 and its ruler Chanesar was sent
to the court of Iltutmish. Later, Muhammad Tughluq attacked Thatta in 1350-51 in
pursuit of Taghi, the rebel noble.
I
MAP 4
e . .
anal Powers : Later, the Sammahs succeeded in overthrowing the Sumirah in 1351. They ruled for
.h Century 175 years. The Chachnama mentions Sammahs as residents of Sind even before the
conquest of Muhammad bin Qasim. They originally belonged to the Yadava branch
of Rajputs and were later converted to Islam. They were mainly agriculturists and
held land under the Siumirahs. When Feroz Shah Tughluq in 136061, and again in 1362,
attacked Jam Jauna and Banbaniya of Thatta, the Jam had to sbrrender. But soon.
after the death of Feroz Shah Tughluq (1388), the Sammahs threw off the Sultanate
yoke and became independent under Jam Tughluq. The Jam rulers of Sind
maintained cordial relations with the rulers of Gujarat. Jam Nizamuddin had married
his two daughters to-the Gujarat ruler, and Mahmud Begarha was the son of his
second daughter, Bibi Mughli. We have already seen how Mahmud Begarha came all
out in 1472, to the help of Jam Nizamuddin when the tribal pirates threatened the
latter's authority. Jqm Nizamuddin (1460-1508), the greatest of the Jams of Sind.
also had close ties with Sultan Husain of Multan. During the closing years of his
reign (1493), the Arghuns who were the descendants of the Khans of Persia.
threatened Jam's pqwer. But s I long as Jam Nizamuddin was alive, the Arghuns'
attacks were not successful. After his death (1508), the Arghuns succeeded in
t +ablishing their Mwer in Sind in the 16th century.
&
Your ~ r o ~ r c 3b s
i
1) ~liiicallyexamine relations of Gujarat with Malwa rulers.
2) Who were the ~ammahk?
24.6 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit, we have discussed the emergence of regional powers in Northern and
Western India &ring 13-15th century. We have seen that Kashmir as an independent
state develop-d outside the Sultanate. The relations of Kashmir Sultans with thC
Delhi Sultanate thrcoughout the 13-15th century remained cordial except during
Bahlol Lodi's re@. In Rajputana, there e m e ~ e da dumber of small principalities
based on clan-organisation, of which the Guhilas, Sisodias and Rathors were more
prominent. Gujarat became independent as a result of Sultanate's decline. By early
15th century, it attained a complete independent status. Gujarat was constantly at
war with its neighbours-Malwa, Rajputana and Bahmanis. During this period, in
the extreme ,west, Sind under the Sumirah and Sammah rulers was trying to throw
off the Sultanate yoke. It could succeed in its designs only after Feroz Tughluq's
death.
24.7 KEY WORDS ,
Bhog : land revenue; offering to a deity.

Gaddi : throne
Jam : title assumed by the Sammah rulers of Sind.
Arghun :descendabts of the Y :.-ins of Persia.
24.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK l ' O ~ _ ' R
PROGRESS
EXERCISES --- - -- - -
- .- -- --

I ) See Sec. 24.2
2) See Scc. 24.2
Chpck Your Progress 2

I ) .See Sec. 24.3
2) See Sub-sec. 24.3.1, 24.3:2
3) Sce Sub-sec. 24.3.3
Check Y :)ur Progress 3

I ) See Sub-sec. 23.4.1
2) See Scc. 24.5
UNIT 25 STATE, ADMINISTRATION AND
ElCONOMY IN NORTH INDIA
Structure
25.0 Objectives
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Characteristic Features of the Regional States in North In&
25.3 North Indian Kingdoms as Successof States
25.4 Succession Issue
25.5 Legitimization
25.6 Administratiw Structure
25.7 Revenue Administration.
25.8 Nobles and Landed Aristdcracy
25.9 Economy: Gaeral Remarks
25.10 Let Us Sum Up
25.1 1 Key Words
25.12 ~ n s w e r sto Check Your Progress Exercises
25.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, we will discuss the state, administration, and economy in the Northern
States. After reading this Unit, you should be able to learn:
the characteristic features of the regional states,
how the succession issue was decided,
the ways in which the regional kings legitimized their powers,
about the adkinistrative machinery, and
what role did the nobles and landed aristocracy in the regional polity play in the
revenue and economic set-up.
25.1 INTRODUCTION
'
In the present Unit, khe term North India is used to denote the entire region north of
the Vindhyan ranges, i.e. Kashmir in the north; coming down to North-West-the
Rnjputana, Sind, Multan and Gujarat; the aminland-Malwa and Jaunpur; further
in the East-Orissa, Bengal, K a a t a and Ahom regions of Assarn. Since our focal
point is to discuss regional powers, Delhi and its environs, which geographically
form very much a part of North India, fall outside the purview, of our discussion. In
this Unit, an attemgt is made to analyse the characteristic features of the regional
kingdoms, their adniinistrative structure and the role of nobility in the regional
politics.
25.2 CHARYCTERISTIC FEATURES 'OF THE

REGIONAL STATES IN NORTH INDIA
It is generally held t b t the 'antipathy' that existed during the Sultanate .period ,
between the ,Hindu and the Muslim states heightened the conflicts and c l a s h durinp
. ,
the 13-15th century. But, as Schwartzberg has rightly p'ointcd out. wt find more
frequent and fierce stnrggk between the Muslim-Muslim and Hindu-Hindu rulers
rather than between Hindu-Muslim rulers. For example,?Gujarat*straditional
enemies were Muslim rulers of Malwa and J a u n p u ~there was continuous warfare
between Kamata and Ahom rulers; Orissa rulers contin~ouslyfaced the might of the
Vijaynagr rulers and in Rajputana quarrels took inter-clan character. They never
showed unity even in dire needs. In fact. in framing political alliances, the need of
the time and circumstances played more crucial role rather than religion. Mahmud
Khalji I of Mrlwa sided with Ganga Das, the ruler of Champann, against Mahmud
Shah Gujarati in 1450-51; later. Mahmud Khalji joined hands with the Gujarati ruler
Qutbuddin-against Rana Kumbha of Mewar realizing the latter's strength.
The foremost feature of the 1515th century polity. was 'vertical' penetration rather
than the 'horizontal' one, i.e. horizontally the area under their control was smaller
compared to the Sultanite but within iheir area of influence they 'vertically* '
penetrated deep into the rural areas (for further detaiis see Units 23 and 24).
I
Under regional rulers, the maximum area lay outside their effective control; even
where they exercised a good measure of control, there, too; they often faced some
difficulty. On this basis, we can divide their domain into three kinds:
i) Where land revenue was extracted from the peasants directly through revenue
officials, the state's influence and control.was of a high order.
ti) Aeas where revenue was collected through lbcal chiefs, the state's control was
still good enough.
iii) T& states that were satisfied with the tribute only. the degm of control was
minimal. This relationship had direct bearing on regional rulers' relations with
the nobles, tributary chiefs or rajas and local aristocracy (the so-called
umindirs. muqaddams, etc.). We would take up this aspect in greater detail
while dealing with the nature of the ruling.class under various regional
kingdoms.
25.3 NORTH INDIAN KINGDOMS A S SUCCESSOR

STATES
Generally, the regional kingdoms are considered as 'successor' states of the Sultanate.
An argument has been presented that the founders of the regional kingdoms at one
point of time were either governors of t k Sultanate or had served under them in
'some* capacity. You would'read in the next units that this wasXrue in some cases
but cannot be applied invariably. For example, Zal'ar Khan, Dilawar Khan and
Malik Sarwar, the founders of the regional kingdoms ofH&jarat, Malwa and
Jaunpur respectively, served as governors under theTughluq Sultans. Besides, kngal
mlers also had direct and continous links with the Sultanate. But the Rajputana
.- states, though always a prey to the Sultanate onslaught. never accefited the complete
hegemony of the Sultans. As and w-kn the opportunity arose. they threw off the
9ultanate yoke and succeeded in maintaining heir clannish character. Similar was
'the cast with Sind. Under the Sultanate pressure, the Sir&?-ulcn accepted the
suzerainty of Iltutmish; Muhammad Tughluq and Fcro~Tughluq, but Tor all
practical purposes Sumirah and Sammah rulers ruled independently. As concerned.'
their development was entirely independent of the Sultanate (Tor further details see
Units 23 and 24).
Since some regional powers emerged on the ruins of the Sultanate, it is generally
thought, that structurally their polity bore striking resemblance to th'r Sultanate. Let
us find out to what extent this view is correct.
25.4 SUCCESSON ISSUE

You have already read in Unit 16 about the.nature of the Sultana* socio-political
sytern. We have seen thqt Islam has not providgd any rules for suc-,.ession. As a
The Regional Powem : result, principles of election, nomination and hereditary succession coex~steu.l n
13th-15th Century fact, 'force' was the main arbiter. Thus, ample opportunity for manoeuvring was
available.
Like the Sultanate, in,the regional states as \-fell,whether ruled by a Hindu or a
Muslim, there were no set rules of succession. Hence, there were always conspiracies
and intrigues among various groups in which sometimes women also played a
significant role. In Malwa, the principle of nomination took precedence over law of ,
primogeniture. In Jaunpur, 'force' was the deciding factor. Husain Shah Sharqi
usurped the throne iq 1458 after killing his elder brother Muhammad Shah Sharqi.
Similarly, in Gujarat,. accession of Ahmad Shah was contested by his uncle Maudud ,
Sultan (Feroz Khan). In Bengal, the role of nobles was more important and they .
acted as kingmakers. $hamsuddin'~hmadShah was killed by his slaves Shadi Khan
and Nasir Khan (1435). They, in turn, were killed by their rivals (1442). By 1487, the
power of Abyssinian p b l e s reached its peak when, Malik Andil, an Abyssinian
noble killed Jalaluddin Fath Shah, and usurped the throne.
In Rajputana, too, the law of primogeniture was not strictly adhered to. In the case
of the Guhilas and Sisodias, we find that after Rana Lakha's death, instead of
Chunda (the eldest son of the Rana), the throne passed into the hands of his minor
son Rana Mokal. Similarly, Uda usurped the throne by killing his father Rana
Kumbha. Paimal's accession was also nor smooth. He was challenged by Uda's sons
Sahasmal and Surajwl.
In Kashmir, too, no succession rules could develop. As early as 1323, Shah Mir,
usurped power following his master's death. His eldest son Jamshed's accession
(1342), too, was followed by a long-drawn war of succession. Zainul Abedin himself,
assumed power after killing his elder brother Ali Shah in 1420.
In Ahom, the 'council df great nobles- Bar Gohaih and Burah Gohain played an
important role in appointing and nominating kings. In fact, no one could becbme th
king without their appoval. It was only'in the kingdom of Orissa where succession
rules were respected uqder the Ganga rulers. But, later, when the power was
transferred from the Gdnga rulers to the Gajapati rulers, there seems to have
emerged some lapses: we find that after Kapilendra's death, his younger son
Purushottama usurped the throne by setting aside the claims of his elder brother
Hamir.
The King was at the helm of affairs, and he was the final authority in all matters.
But, as you have already read, in the Islamic world there was no legal sanction for
the Sultan's authority and it was-the Caliph who was the political head of the
Muslims. The Delhi Sultans used to recite khutba in Caliph's name and inscribe his
name on their coins to get legal sanction for their authority. For the regional states,
the need for legitimization, not only in the eyes of the masses but also their
competitors, became more important, for every accession was usually preceded by
clashes and wars. For those regional states which were situated too far away to get
the legal sanction from the Caliph at Baghdad, the ulema and the sufis were more
potential legitimizers.
To pacify the orthodox Muslim opinion, the rulers of Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal and
Jaunpur always showed their eagerness to get the support of the ulema and SUE,by
offering them lucrative ~ f f i c eand
s revenue-free land grants (madad-i-maash). T4.-
also used to pay frequent visits to the hhanqahs of the Muslim saints. The legal
authority of the C a N h pas explicitly recognized by the Bengal rulers Iwaz Khalji,
Mughisuddin, Ruknbddln Kaikaus, Shamsuddin Feroz, etc. who all engraved the
Abbasid Caliph's name On their coins. Under Ibrahim Sharqi's patronage flourished
famous Muslim mystics Makhdum Asaduddin Aftab-i Hind, Makhudum Sadruddin
Chirgh-i Hind, Saiyyid Alaul Haqq of Pandua, etc. The Malwa ruler Hoshang Shah
made special efforts to encourage the ulema and mashaikhs to come and settle in
Malwa. Hoshang Shah had profound respect for .Makhdum Qazi Burhanuddin and
, , \ * '
,e became his disciple (murid). Mahmud Khalji received khilat from the Abbasid State, Adminbtrrtlon and
Economy In North India
Caliph at Egypt. It helped greatly in enhancing the prestige of the Malwa ruler. The
famous sufi Saiyyid Usman, the disciple of Burhanuddin, was greatly respected by
the Gujarati ruler Mahmud Begarha. He built a mosque and rauza (tomb) in his
memory at Ahmedabad immediately after his death in 1459. Burhanuddin's son Shah
Alam also enjoyed great prestige and patronage of the Gujarati rulers, Qutbuddin .
And Mahmud Begarha. In Kashmir, too, the sufis enjoyed great honour and favour
of the Kashmiri rulers. In Rajputana, the rulers lavishly distributed revenue-free
land to the Brahmans to win their favour to justify their various political acts. You
have already read in Unit 9 that this was the prevalent trend during the 8th-12th
century. The same trend continued during 13-15th century as well.
I In Orissa, Lord Jagannath was believed to be the real ruler. Therefore, the Brahmans
gained great political influence: They legitimized the usurpation of the Ganga throne
by Kapilendra Deva (1435 A.D.), and the accession of Purusottama Deva to the
exclusion of Harnir.
I
-Check Your Progress 1
I) What do you understand by 'horizontal' and 'vertical' penetration under the
regional states?
..................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
)
..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
2) Can the regional states may truly be called the successor states of the Sultanate?
Comment.
..................................................................................................................................
25.6 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE
Since most of the regional statek emerged as a result of the disintegrqtion of the
Delhi Sultanate, they copied the administrative model of their parent state. Though
the states of Kashrnir developed independently, there, too, the working was by and
large along the Sultanate administrative set-up. In Rajputarla and Orissa, however,
we find certain changes in nomenclature. The Ahorn kingdom also went through an
t entirely dffferent set-up, primarily because of its tribal nature.
. .
In Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal, Jaunpur and Kashmir, the central machinery was headed
by wazir followed by ariz-i mumalik, shaikh-ul Islam and qazi. Besides, there were
hajib, dabir (department of correspondence), amir-i dar (master of ceremonies), amir-
i-akhur (chief of royal stable; in Kashmii he was known as mahasvasala), etc. For
the maintenance of royal household (haram), there was a separate administrative
' machinery. Kingdoms were divided into a number of provinces. In Bengal, provinces
' were called iqlim, arsa and diyar. The provincial governors were called sar-i lashka;
wa wazir (i.e. in them combined the military and financial powers); while in Kashmir
and other regiqnal states-they were known as hakim: In Kashmir, these hlkims were ,
generally recruited from the royal family.
1 Provinces were further subdivided into shiqs (in Bengal), and paraganas with villages
forming t h smallest
~ unit. Like the centre, in the prpvinces also qazis dispensed
justice, muhtasibs looked after morals, kotwal was for the maintenance of law and
he Regional Powers : order in the towns. while shiqdar was the overall incharge of the prmincc. At the
13th-15th Century ,
village level, there 4 r e village headmen (muqaddams) and accountant (patwari).
I
f'
As for their army oq nisation, the rulers maintained standing army but they largely
depended for the su ply of armed personnel on their provincial governors and
'chiefs'. Infantry an4,cavalry was the main fighting force, but elephants. too, had
their own role. Them were constant efforts on the part of the rulers of Malwa and
Jaunpur to maintain;regula~supply of elephants. In Bengal 'and Gujarat, navy also
formed a n important wing of the army.
In Orissa. at the centlre there were rajaguru (royal priest). mahapradhani (prime
minister), mahasandt/ivigrahi (secretary for peace and war), mahasenapati
(commander-in-chief](. mulabhandaramuna mudrahasta (chancellor of the privy
purse), mahadandadsi (inspector-general of police), mahnmandalika (governor-
general) and mahapabra, etc. The kirigdom was divided into mahamandahs, which
were sub-divided into mandalas and mandalas into nadus or visayas or bhogas. The
lowest unit was the dillage. These divisions were headed by maharanaka, mnaka,
visayapati and gramika respectively. To assist the gramika. there were karana
(accountant), purohqa, dandapasi (policeman), uritavali (village watchman) and
gramabhata (village ~ervant).Towns were headed by puravari. He was assisted by
dandanayaka (magisrlrate) and dandapasi (police inspector). T o administer the affairs
of the capital, there +as a separate official called kalinganagaraadhyaksha.
C
As for the Oriya milikary organisation, the members of all castes and communities
were asked to render military service at the time of emergency, though the Brahmans
seem to have been e ~ e m p t e dfrom compulsory military service. But there were some
exceptions, too. The Chatesvara inscription mentions Vishnu, the Brahman minister
of Anangabhima 111 (121 1-38), who led an expedition against the Kalachuris. The
majority of the soldiers were cultivators who used to cultivate their land during
3 .
peace time.
The Ahom polity wab quasi-feudal with a tribal base. The king was the tribal chief
who shared powet with his two-member council (patra-mantri). Both were supposed ,
t o keep check over each other. The counsellors elected the king and, he, in turn, used ,
to nominate the courisellors. Generally, hereditaty rule prevailed in civil
appointments, though other persons of knowledge and repute could-also be
appointed. The male adults of each family had to perform periodic service to the
king (state). Howeveq, it was difficult for the king to exploit his subjecis.
The Ahoms had devaloped a unique system of militia brganisation. The militia was
known as paiks. Tholentire male population between the 1540 age group was
organised in gots (umlts). Each got consisted of four adult males. The members of
*each got used to repdrt on duty by rotation. They were supposed to perform at least
one man-year of service. An important aspect'worth mentioning here is that their.
\
services were not coNfined to military only. For example, ohe of their important
functions was to build and maintain the infrastructure for the wet rice economy.
Besides, they also helped in reclaiming cultivable lands from forests and swamps.
25.7 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION

Land-revenue was the major source of income of the state. In Kashmir, Malwa,
Gujarat, Jaunpur a d Bengal, land-tax was known as kharaj. We d g not know the
exact magnitude of ifate demand under the regional kingdams. During contingency,
b
relaxation in taxatiarp was granted.. When during Zainul Abedin's reign, famine
struck the kingdom,djhe revenue demand was reduced to I /4th,.and*in some cases to
I I 7th. The fixation Qlf tevenue demand was done taking into consideration the
quality of the soil.14 Kashmir, collection was in kind: the grain was.first stored in ,
the state granaries arid then sold at fixed prices. This helped greatly in reducing the
prices of grain. Besides, in times of scarcity regular supply could also bc ensured.'
'Ibu Battuta (14th c.) informs us that land-tax in Bengal was 112 of the produce. But
the Chinese travellerlWang-ta Yum, writing about the same time. mentions that the
I
State,A
state demand was 115th. Generally, in Bengal, crop-estimation was followed and Ecoamry b N d hh
measurement was not insisted upon. Peasants used to pay directly to the state in
(instalments) eight months. In Bengal, there was also a class of majmuadars
(revenue-farmers) who used to pay fixed amount of land-revenue to the state after
collecting it from the peasants. Tributary chiefs used to pay lump sum to the state.
They appointed their own machinery to extract the land-revenue. All the religiou~
endowments were free from the payment of land,-revenue and other taxes.
In Orissa, the revenue-demand was 116th of the produce.-The entire territory was
divided into numerous circles known as bisi and khanda. Each division was placed
,under bisi and khanda-adhipati. The latter, besides revenue collection and keeping
1 fhe accounts, also possessed police powers. They were assisted by khandait and
boimul, the latter being the accountant. Besides.these officers, the~ewere high-
i ranking military officers (mahanayak, bhupati, bhuyan, etc.) who were hereditary
chiefs. There were also civil qnd religious officers like purohit, rajaguru,-etc. who
were granted extensive unassesed lands as their emoluments. An interesting feature
in Orissa and Gujarat was the hereditary religious grants known as
bhurni~hhidra~idhanyaya. The whole'village along with craftsmen, workers, etc. were
given to the donees. Thus, the artisans and peasants had become semi-serfs. The
purohit class generally enjoyed privileges of free lands; only in contingency a tax
(tanki) used to be imposed on them. In Orissa, the ownership of land vested in the ' .
state.: Besides land-tax there were other tar *sas well.
The ownershipof land, under the'Ahoms, vested with the statelclan. The land used
to be: divided into plots (based on the size of the family) and were distributed
amongst individual householders (paiks) in lieu of their services. It was subject'to
redistribution after their death.
' C k k Your Progress 2
I ) Do you think that theadministrativestructure of regional states wassimilarto that of
the Delhi aultanate? Write.in 60 words.
...............................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
( 2) Write five lines on Ahom militia organization.
......................................... >...... ................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
......................................................................................... :.....: .....................',....: .....
a.......... ................................................... :.......................................................
2
3) Define the follow~ng:

Majmuadar ...............;................................................:................................................. :.
Kharaj ......................................:..............................................................:..................:.
Bisi ............................................................................................i .................................

. .
Bhumichhidrapidhanyaya ..............................................................................................
25.8 NOBLES AND LANDED ARISTOCRACY

Nobles
The nobels played a very crucial role in the 13-15th century regional politics. They
hailed from heterogeneous elements, including both the Hindus as well as the
Muslims. he^ used to receive high sounding titles like khan-i-rrum,. khan-i-
- . . -
r
~ h Redonrl
c Powem : form of iqta (revenue assignment in lieu of salary); in turn, they maintained law and
13tbl?th Century , order,. helped in revdnue extraction and in times of need 'supplied armed personnel to
the king. Theoreticdlly, their position was not hereditary and they owed their power
and position to the king's favour, but gradually their assignments assumed hereditary.
character. HoweverjIRajputana was an exception where they owed their position
primarily to their being the member of the clan: the king's favour was only
secondary. You h a d already seen that these nobles had the'tendency to rebel and
they used to side wNh one group or other during the war of succession. On account
j
of their military strebgth, the king had to depend on them. The power of some of the
nobles was such tha! they became kingmakers, and the kings beeme tools in their
hands (for further &tails see supra).
Landed Aristocracy ,
You have already studied in Block 6 about the role played by the landed aristocracy
in revenue collectiola' and maintenance of law and order under the Sultanate. In
regional kingdoms also there existed such a class. Geopolitically, 'we ca'n divide them
into two categories: [i) landed aristocracy located in the peripheral (frontier) area. In
this<ategory come the 'chiefs' or 'rajas'-the so-called intermediary zamindars;
(ii) landed class who' lived within the mainland-the s o a l l e d primary zamindara.
I
The.first category W s composed of the most refractory elements. They kept on

switching over their.,Bllegiancefrom one state to another.
Landed aristocracy that lived in the mainland was generally under greaer pressure
and more closer scrqtiny. The bharacteristic feature of the regional state was that
mostly the rulers weie considered as aliens; they did not have local base. Their prime
need was to create diloyal class of rural aristocracy to counterbalance the existing
class. Their success ih this task would have been the real achievement of the regional
powers. Muslim invasions and clan rivalries within the Rajputana kingdoms resulted
in l a r g e - w t i p n of the Rajputs towards Malwa and Gujarat. By 13th.century,
we find that mostbf-tblanded magnates in these states were Rajputs, The rulers of
Malwa and Gujarat thus had to face stiff resistance in this process. In Gujarat,
drastic changes werg/brought about by Sultan Ahmad Shah 1 by introducing the
wanta system.
In Bengal, Bakhtiyab Khalji at the outset had distributed all the land among his
military commanders and made them muqti. The suils and ulema were aIso
encouraged to settle down in rural areas to establish muslim hold for which lavish
grants (madad-i-marsh) were made to them.
- 25.9 ECONOMY : GENERAL REMARKS
Agriculture was the backbone of the regional states. Bengal, Assam, Kashmir and
Orissa were predominantly rice producing areas while wheat formed the staple crop it .
Rajputana, Malwa, Gujarat anU Jaunpur. Malwa, with rich and fertile soil, produced
good quality wheat, paddy, gram, peas, pulses, cotton, excellent betal-leaves,
mangoes, etc. These products were supplied to the Delhi Sultanate.
In the medieval economy of Kashmir, Bengal, Assam, Gujarat and Orissa,.t+de
played a very crucial role. The Kashmiri merchants maintained their trade relations
with Patna, Banara$ Lhasa, Kathmandu and Peking. Kashmir's trade with Punjab
was through the Pir Panjal ranges. Kashn~irwas connected with Leh thiough Zoji-la
pass. Salt (from ~ur?jab) and shawl (from Ladakh and ~ a r ~ a i were
d ) the major
imports. Kashmir exported shawls, musk, crystals, silks, saffrbn and dry fruits.
Zainul Abedin took ~pecialefforts to encourage silk industry in Kashmir by
introducing better techniques and designs. Silk-worms were reared on mlberry .
. leaves. The credii fd introducing paper industry in Kashmir'also goes to Zainul
, Abedin. Trade in Behgal was conducted through, both the land and the sea-
routes, the latter more significant. There were two important sea-routes: south-
easterly route connedting East Indies and China, and south-westerly mute connecting
;
Orissa, oro om an deli 3nd ~ i l a b a to
r Arabia and Abyssinia. Textiles, rice, wheat,
30 silk, sugar, etc. wereithe chief items of export. Ibn Battuta mentions that eunuch and
'I State, A-ba Md
slave trade was also conducted in 14th century Bengal. During the Sena rule, trade Economy Jn N u t b Jdb
was in a state of decline. Minhaj Siraj noticed the cirdulation of sea-sffells (kauri)
and the absence of metallic currency in the 13th a n t u r y kngal. With the
establ~shmcntof the Sultanate rule. important ports like Satgaon. Sonargaon and
Chittagong began to come into existence. Rcsidcs, there emerged a number of mint
towns like Lakhnauti, Sonargaon, Fathabad, Muhammadabad etc. Thus the Muslim
rule crkated conditions of urbanization in Bengal. The Arab and Persian merchants
, had complete control over the eastern seas. anbthe Bengali merchants played a
, secondary role. mostly ,as middle~men.Gujarat with a fine sea-coast enjoyed
flourishing trade with the Arabian and Persian countries via Red Sea and Persian
Gulf. Cambay (Khambayat). Patan. Somnath and Broach were the most important
ports. We hear of as much as 84 ports along the Gujarat Coast in the contemporary
, accounts. Barbosa gives the names of 12 important sea-ports of Gujarat. Varthema,
who visited Gujarat in 1506, tells us that about 300 ships of various nations used to
come annually to Bengal and supplied Persia, Turkey, Syria and Barbary with silk
and cotton stuffs. In Gujarat, both the Hindu and Muslim merchants played
important role. Trade formed the chief source of revenue in Gujarat economy. Barter
was the main form of exchange in the Ahom economy. Even the bureaucracy
received land with a quota of paiks to serve. The villages were self-sufficient but they
had to depend for certain items on other regions, e.g. salt. Rice was the staple crop.
The Tai-Ahoms had developed excellent technique of wet-rice cultivation which
made them distinctly superior to their local counterparts:'

I ) . Writea note on the natureand structureofthe ruling classes under the regional states.
2) Name the major trade-routes in North India in the 13-15th century.
25.10 LET U S S U M UP
In this Unit, we have discussed the characteristic features of north lndian regional
rtates. They penetrated 'vertically' deep into the rural areas, though 'horizontally' the
area under their control was not very large as compared to the Sultanate. Regional
states are represented as 'successor states' of the Sultanate. But it is not true in its
strict sense. In their administrative structure, most of the Sultanate features
continued to work in the regional kingdoms with some adjustments according to .
their own needs and circumstances. Local variations and the influence of local
culture is evident. Regional States economically and culturally do not present a
dismal picture as it is generally projected. We would deal with the cultural
devel~pmentof these kingdoms in Block 8.
25.11 KEY W O R D S
Arm :province
Bar Cohain and Burah Cohain :originally it was the name of two great officers
The R e g b d Powm : appointed by Sukaphi, who exercised powen second only to t h o s e 4 the king
13tblStb Century himself. Gradually thqjr office assumed hereditary character and the council came to
be known after them.
D i y u :a s m a
Gots : a uni4'of four adult males
Hakim : provincial gqernors
iqlim :as arsa I
P a i b : ahom militia1 Hbuseholdes~

Paba-mantri : councilj bomprises Bar and Burah G o h i m
Rauza :tomb ,
Tanki : nominal tax eqracted from the purohits in contingency.
25.12 ANSWEQS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCI~ES
I
Check Your Progress 1 I

I
1) See Sec. 25.2
2 ) See Sec. 25.3

I ) See Sec. 25.6
2) See Sec. 25.6
3) See Sec. 25.7 I

1) See Sec. 25.8
2 ) See Sec. 25.9
- --- .-
UNIT 26 REGIONAL POWERS IN SOUTH

INDIA AND DECCAN
Structure
0bjectives
Introduction
Tbe Four Kingdoms
26.2.1 The Yadavas and the Kakatiyas
26.2.2 The Pandyas and the Hoysalas
26.2.3 Conflict between the Four Kingdoms
Southern ~ i n ~ d o m
and
s Delhi Sultanate .
26.3.1 First Phase: Alauddin Khalji's Ingasion of South
26.3.2 Second Phase
Administration and Economy
26.4.1 Administration
26.4.2 Economy
Rise of Independent Kingdoms
Let Us Sum U p
Key Words
Answers t o Check Your Progress Exercises
26.0 OBJECTIVES
- .
This unit deals with the polity of South lndia from the 13th century t o mid-14th
century. After reading this unit you would learn about:
the political set-up in Scuth India,
the,conflicts among the Sauthern kingdoms,
the relations of the Southern kingdoms with the Delhi Sultanate,
their administration and economy, and
the emergence of new independent kingdoms in the South.
26.1 INTRODUCTION
In Block 3, we have already discussed the polity. society and economy of the Indian
subcontinent till the beginning of thirteenth century. Now we would discuss the
history of the region in the subsequent period. For our purpose, South India
includes the region to the south of the Vindhyas which includes the Deccan and
peninsular south. In Units 1.l and 12, we have already discussed the physical
geography of the region in general.
The h~sroryof South India from the 13th to the 15th centuries presents two distinct
phases :
i) The beginning of the 13th century is marked by the disintegration of the'chola
and the Chalukya empires. On their ruins emerged four independent kingdoms
in this region. There were the Pandyas and the Hoysalas in the south, the
Kakatiyas and the Yadavas in the north of this region. These kingdoms lasted
for more than a century.
ii) 'In the >econd phase, beginning from the 2nd quarter of the 14th century, there
emerged two powerful states: the Bahmani and the Vijaynagar. These two
controlled almost the whole of South lndia for about two hundred years.
Our discussions for the first phase will centre on the history of the four kingdoms;
tt.eir relationship with each other; their polity, society and economy. In the 2nd
pilase, we will discuss their relations with the Delhi Sultanate.
TheRegldPowcrr: .
13tblSth C
- 26;2 THE FOUR KINGDOMS
The decline of the Chola and the Chalukya empires gave rise to a number of smaller
kingdoms and princi~litiesin the South. The f+r important ones were:
i) the Yadavas
ii) the Kakatiyas .. 1
iii) ' the Pandyas

I, iv) the Hoysalas ,
26.2.1 he Y adavas and the Kakatiyas

'
During the 14th centuty, the Yadavas and the Kakatiyas succeeded in establishing
their hegemony over ah area almost equal to the modern kndhra Pradesh and the
Deccan.
The Yadavas
The history of the Yabva dynasty may be traced to the 9th century.. For around 300
years, they ruled as t w feudatories of the Rashtrakutas and the Chalukyas. With the
decline of the latter, t k y emerged as independent rulers with a big territory under
their control.
'\
BhilIama V, the feudatbry of the Chalukya ruler, Somesvara IV, acquired
independent status in A.D. 1187 and laid the foundation of the Yadava rule. During
Simhana's reign (121046), the Yadava boundaries extended to southern Gujarat;
Western Madhva Pradesh and Berar; parts of Maharashtra, Karnataka, the Western
half of Hydera, d State and the northern districts of Mysore. Krishna (1246dOA.D.)
and Ram Chandra (1271-131 1 A.D.) were other important d e r s of the Yadava
dynasty. With the latter's death came the end of the ~ a d a v apower itself
(1311-12 A.D.).
The Kakatiyrs .
Q e Kakatiyas were the feudatories of the Chalukyas of Kalyani. Kakati Rudradew
(Prataprudra I), the founder of the Kakatiya state, succeeded in overpowering the
Chalukya ruler, Tailapa:111, during the w n d half of the 12th century (c. 1162AD.). He
also succeeded in capturing Kurnool district from the Velananti chiefs sometime
around 1185. Ganapatl (I 199-1262), Rudrambe (126296) end Prataprudra I1 (1295-
1326) were other impottant rulers of the dynasty. Their rule extended over most of
the Andhra region up to Godavari, Kanchi, Kurnool and Cudappah districts. Uugh
Khan (later Muhammad Tughluq) overran the whole of Telingana in 1322 and thus
sealed the fate of the Nakatiya rule.
26.2.2 The Pandyw and the Hoysalas

These two kingdoms cbntrolled the region beyond the Deccan arid almost the whole
of Southern peninsula.
The H o y s a b
The Hoysalas ruled over parts of the present Karnataka arld most of the Tamil
region. The first independent ruler of the kingdom was Ballala 11 (A.D. 1173-1220).
The kingdom achieved independent statui by-the close of the 12th century but its
end came at the beginning of the 14th century. The Hoysala rulers Narasimha 11,
(1234-63), Narasimha fII (1263-91) and Ballala 111 (1291-1342), had to defend
themselves against the aggressive designs of Pandya and Yadava rulers.
-. -1
The Pandyas I ,
The Pandya kingdom bcluded parts of modern Tamil Nadu and almost the whole of
the present Kerala. Th$ kingdom enjoyed the independent status around the,fiAt
quarter of the 13th cedkury and came to an end by the first quarter of the (4th
. century. The first independent king was Maravaraman Sundara Pandya (1216-1238).
Other important rulers of the dynasty were Maravaraman Sundara Pandya I1 (1238-
51), Jatavprarnan S u n h r a Pandya 1 (1251-68), Maravaraman Kulsekhara Pandya
3i (1268-131fJ) and jtavribm Sundara Pandya 11 and Jatavaraman Vir Rndya 11. .
Regiaaal Pmar b
f 26.2.3 Conflicts between the Four Kingdoms South Indh and.-
During this period, all the four kingdoms were at war with one or the other. We will
not go into the details of these conflicts. Here we would mention in brief the nature
of these struggles.
.e The main conflict was between the ~ a k a t i ~ aHoysalas
s, and the Pandyas for
supremacy over the Chola territories.
The Yadavas were constantly a t war with the ~ a k a t i ~ a ' In
s . these struggles none
1
could completely overwhelm the other. Similar was the case with the Yadavas and
the Hoysalas, and also with the Kakatiyas and the Pandyas.
Apart from the conflicts between these kingdoms, there were other wars also. The
most prominent expeditions across the south were undertaken by the Yadavas and
I
the Pandyas. The founder of the Yadava dynasty, Bhillama V, led expeditions to
Malwa and Gujarat. The Yadava king'simhana and Ram Chandra also waged
wars against Malwa (R.D. 1215). and Gujarat without any decisive victories.
The Pandya king Maravaraman Kulasekhara sent expeditions to Ceylon (1283-
1302). King Parakramabaha I11 (A.D. 1302-1310) of Ceylon submitted to the
Pandya king and the relations between the two remained peaceful thereafter.
26.3 SOUTHERN KINGDOMS AND DELHI

SULTANATE
After consolidating their hold over North 1 n d i a . b ~
the end of the thirteenth centtlry,
the Delhi Sultans turned their attention towards the South from the first half of the
14th century.
You have already read in detail in Unit 15 about the Sultanate's expansion under the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs in the Deccan and the deep south. Here our emphasis will
be on the main features of the expansionist policy of the E l h i Sultans and its impact
on the Deccan pnlit. . d e will discuss the relations of southern kingdoms with the
Sultanate in two phases:
i) During Alauddin Khalji's reign, and

ii) After Alauddin's death to the end of Muhammad Tughluq's reign.
26.3.1 First Phase: Alauddin Khalji's Invasion of South

During the reign of Jalaluddin Khalji (1290-96). his nephew Alauddin undertook the
first Muslim expedition to Deogir (Devagiri) the capital of the Yadava kingdom. The
Yadava ruler was defeated and large booty was collected by Alauddin. The Yadava
king, Ram Chandra, promised to pay an annual tribute also. Thereafter, for almost a
decade, no invasion took plaee. After the accession of Alauddin. Khalji, a definite
policy to subjugate South was planned. From 1306 to 1312, in a series of
campaigns, all fhe four kingdoms of south were subjugated.
'i) Devagiri
Alauddin depllted his trusted commander Malik Kafur to invade South in 1306-07'
since the Yadava king had ceased to pay tribute. Malik Kafllr defeated Raja Ram
Chandra. After collecting a large booty, he returned to Delhi with the Raja as
captive. The Raja was later reinstated as king on the promise of paying regular
tribute to the Sultan.
ii) Warangal
,In 1309, Malik Kafur. invaded the Kakatiya kingdom. The purpose of the campaign
was just to subjugate the king as is clear from Alauddin's instructions to Kafur as
described by Barani :
''You are going to a far off land; do not remain there long. You must put in all our
efforts to capture Warangal and overthrow Rai Rudradeva. If the Rai giver$ his
treasures, elephants and horses, and promises a tribute for the future, accept this
. arrangement." ' . .
The ruler sent his trpasures to'the Delhi and promised a reglilar tribute.
7
iii) Dwarsamudra
The next target of attaqk was Dwanfamudra, the Hoysala kingdom (1310-1 1). The
ruler Ballala Deva submitted without much resistance and arrangement was made on
the lines of the two o t k r southern kingdoms.
iv) Madura I
A conflict between two1 brothers---Vir Pandya and Sundar Pandya-who were .

claimants to the Pandyg kingdom provided an opportunity to Malik Kafur to invade ,'
it. Vir Pandya after caB@uringthe throne had expelled Sunder Pandya. The latter
sought the help of Ala ddin Khalji. After devastating the Hoysala kingdom, Malik
Kafur marched to Ma&a and inflicted a defeat on Vir Pandya and collected-heavy
booty. ' I
-
In 1312, Malik Kafur dttacked the Yadava kingdom. Once again, since Ram Deva's
death, his son Sankar Deva ceased to pay tribute. Sankar Deva was defeated and
almost the whole of the1 territory between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra was
captured by Kafur. When Alauddin called Kafur hack tn Delhi, he handed over the
charge to Ainu1 Mulk.
11
Let us look at the chamcteristic features of Alauddin's Deccan policy :

*. Almost the whole of south was conquered without much resistance.
Alauddin was not in kavour of annexing the Southern kingdoms because it was
difficult to administer it from distant Delhi. After their defeat, the Southern
kingdoms were asked to accept the suzerainty of the Delhi Sultan and to pay
regular tribute. The thling dynasties were not daplaced.
i
Financially, the Delhi Sultanate gained inlmensely from the southern campaigns. .,
26.3.2 Second ~ h & e

After the death of p lad din Khalji, the southern kingdoms rehsed to accept the
subordinate position a# stopped paying tribute. This gave rise to fresh attacks from
Delhi Sultanate and a definite shift in policy towards the South emerged.
Alauddin during his last years had given the charge of the Dc can kingdoms to
Malik Kafur. Alauddinb successor Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20) took an
expedition to Devagiri annexed major portions. The Sultan appointed his
officers there and gave territories (iqta) to them. These officers were called
sadah amirs or ' c o m m a ~ e r sof 100'. These amirs were asked to collect land revenue
and maintain law and d d e r in their territories. Besides, he also ordered them to
invade Warangal. ~ f t e'{he
r defeat of the.Raja Prataprudrai Deva, some portions of
his kingdom were annexed.
After the death of Mubarak Khalji, the tribute from Warangal was again stopped.
~ a large army under the command of his son Ulugh
Sultan Ghiyasuddin ~ u g h l usent
Khan (Muhammad Tughluq) to conquer the region of Telingana. After some
setbacks, Ulugh Khan dqfeated the king of Warangal, Prataprudra Deva. Now the
whole of Telingana was Annexed to the Delhi .Sultanate. Ulugh Khan divided the
region into several administrative units and placed them under Sadah amirs who
were under the direct coatrol or the Sultanate. Ma'bar was also conquered i? 1323,
and Sharif Jalaluddin ~BCsanwas appointed its governor with Madura as the
headquarters. When M q a m m a d Tughluq became Sultan, he realised that the
soufhern portions of his kingdom were not being managed efficiently. He, therefore,
decided to develop Deyqgiri as second administrative centre of ihe Sultanate on the
lines of Delhi (1327-28). bevagiri was named Daulatabad and large number of
nobles, merchants, learn& men and other sections of the popularinn were
encouraged to settle the .
T
The Deccan policy of M hammad Tughluq was distinct from Alauddin Khalji. He
annexed large portions the Deccan and set-up the Sultanate land revenue and
administrative system.
I) Name the kingdoms and their regions that emerged on the debris of the Chola
and the Chalukya empires.
I
...............................................................................................................................
,
2) Mark right (d ) or wrong (X) against the following :

i) The Yadavas were the feudatories of the Pandyas.
ii) Prataprudra I was the founder of the Kakatiya kingdom.
iii) The Pandya kingdom comprised modem Andhra Pradesh.
I'
3) What was the major shift brought about by the Tughluqs in Alauddin Khalji's
Deccan policy? Discuss in five lines.
26.4 ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY

We have already discussed the administrative set-up and the economic structure of
the region till the 13th century in Units I I and 12 of Block 3. Most of the
administrative institutions and economic activities of the earlier period continued.
Major changes developed after the establishment of the Bahmani and the Vijaynagar
empire. We will study about these in Units 27 and 28. Here, we will very briefly
discuss ,he minor changes introduced during the period of the four kingdoms.
26.4.1 Administration
Monarchy was the usual politicaI institution of these kingdoms. Along with this, the
practice of feudatories, too,'was a common feature.*In the Deccan region (the
Yadavas and the Kakatiyas), the provincial heads were selected from the successful
mhitary chiefs called nayakas. They generally controlled the feudal chiefs bf lower
status, collected iand revenue and maintained iaw and order. According to one
source, the king assigned only small villages to the samantas or the nnyakas. The big
ones were kept aside to maintain the army. The Kakatiyas were always apprehensive
about the growing powers of the nayakas. They, therefore, did not allow the'nayakas
t o remain at one place for long and strike local roots. It seems that the nayankara
system, which became very prominent under Vijaynagar, had come into existence
during this time.
There were a number of ministers to look after the various departments of the
kingdom. The smallest unit of administration was viliage which was run by the
village panchayat under a headman. Groups of villages were at-0 7rganised into
administrative divisions (called sthala under the Kakatiya, and groups of sthala were
called nadu). All these administrative units and administrative heads were. called by
different name: in different kingdoms. The brahmadeya system still continued and
the temples also played some role in administration and economy.
26.4.2 Economy
The tax on agricultural produce continued to be the main source of state income.
Efforts were made by the state to bring more land ? ~ ~ c icultivation.
kr Tanks (called
samudrams in the Kalqatiya kingdom) and dams were constructed for irrigation.
There is no definite information available on the magnitude of land revenue demand.
with the establishmend of the Sultanate's control over Daulatabad, a number ofcnew
practices were i n f r o d u d in the l a ~ drevenue system (for details see Unit 28). The
state also claimed ownership of pastures, forests and mines and taxes were collected.
from them. Customs and taxes on merchandise were other sources of state income
(called sunkams under the Kakatiyas). Under the Kakatiyas, taxes were imposed on
possession of certain goods such as carriages (bandi), slaves (bani-) and horses. The
Pandya kingdom"was famous for its pearl-fisheries which is testified by Marco Polo.
Pearl divers had to p410 per cent of the finds as royalty to the king. With the
coming of the Arab merchants and later the Europeans, trading activity in many
parts of south lndia was accelerated. The income from these trading activities
contributed to the richhess of the southern kingdoms in a big way. The merchant
guilds played an impomant role: they helped the state in deciding the policies on
taxation and related nihtters. The Chettis were the most important group of
merchants in the whole of southern region.
26.5 RISE OF INDEPENDENT KINGDOMS

As referred'earlier, during the second quarter of the 14th century three independent
kingdoms were established in the South: I
i) The Ma'bar
ii) The Bahrnani
i i i ) ' ~ h eVijaynagar
These kingdoms emeraad after a long period of instability and conflicts. The contact
of the Delhi Sultanate With the south played a significant role in their rise. In this
section, we will discuss'the process of the emergence of the kingdom of Ma'bar while
the emergence of the ~bhm2r.iand the Vijaynagar kingdoms would be discussed in
the subsequent Unit? 21 and 28.
3 Ma'bar
As you know, Ma'bar +as conquered in 1323 and was placed under Sharif
Jalaluddin Ahsan as Gbvernor. For some years, Jalaluddin remained loyal to the
Delhi Sultans. Taking advantage of the distance and poor communication network,
he declared himself indipendentby 1333-34 and assumed the title of Jalaluddin
Ahsan Shah. Because of the fughluq Sultans' problems with othqr parts of kingdon
no serious effort was made by the Tughluq Sultans to recapture it. The indephdent
kingdom survived for d o r e than four decades and was finally conquered by
Vijaynagar in 1378.
Check Your Progress 2 ,

1) Discuss the role of lthe nayakas in the southern kingdoms.
2) What were the ma* characteristic'features of the economy of the southern

kingdoms?
- -
-26.6 LET US SUM U P

In this unit, we have discussed the political set-up.that emerged in South lndia and
the Deccan aftcr the fall of the ~ h o i and
a the Chalukya empires. The region
witnessed the emergence of four independent kingdoms. vir. the Yadavas, the
Kakatiyas, the Pandyas and the Haysalas. After enjoying independent status for
about hundred years. these kingdoms were subjugated by the Delhi Sultanate. 'The
main architect of Sultanate's victory was Alauddin Khalji's commander Malik Kafur.
But, during this period. these kingdoms continued to enjoy autonomy.
During Muhammad 'Tughluq's reign, almost the whole Deccan and solnr: portions of
the peninsular south wsre annexed to lhe Dellti Sttktrmte. The important town of
Devagiri was made the second capital city. This situation did not last lone. During
Muhammad Tughluq's rule, new political forces surfaced giving rise to threc new
independent kingdoms. viz. the Ma'bar, the Bahmani and the Vijaynapr. The last
two lasting bng and became the main arena of political activity in this part of the
subcontinent.
26.7 KEY WORDS
Bnbmdtyr: Religious grants to thc Brahmms (see also Block I)

Chetti: A merchant community in South India.

EXERCISES
~bcct~qhoq;r1
I) Subrec.26.2.1, 26.2.2
2) (i)- x (ii) J (iii) x
3) Set S u W . 26.3. I , 26.3.2
UNIT 27 THE VIJAYNAGAR EMPIRE
$ I
I
Structure !
27.0 Objectives
27.1 Introduction
27.2 Establishment &d Consolidation
27.2.1 Early Phase, 1336-1509
27.2.2 Krishnadcva eaya, 1509-29
27.2.3 Period of InatBbility, 152942
27.2.4 The PortuguMe
27.2.5
27.2.6 3
Vijaynapr's elations with the Deep South
The Dcccan ushm States
27.3 Religion and Pqlitics
27.3.1 Ritual KingsS/p
27.3.2 Political Rolt of the Brahmans
27.3.3 Relationship between Kings, Sects and Templea
27.4 Local Administation
27.4.1 The Nay- System .
-27.4.2 The A p g u
27.5 Economy
27.5.1 Land and lno$ne Rights
27.5.2 Economic R0)b of Templea
27.5.3 Foreign Triad61
27.5.4 Internal Tradtl and Urban Life
27.6 Society
fi.7 Let Us Sum Up
27.8 Key Words
27.9 Answers to Cheqk Your Progress Exercises
4
27.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will know about:
the emergence of the Vijaynagar kingdom,
the expansion of Vijbnagar power during 14-16th century,
Vijaynagar's relatiods with the Bahmani rulers and deep south, . ,
thk process of consalidation and decline, and
the administrative set-up, economy and society'with special reference to naflnknra
and ayagnr system.
27.1 INTRODUCTION
-
In the present Unit, we bill discuss the process of the emergence, expansion and
consolidation of the Vijbynagar power over the South lndian macro-region as well as
its disintegration. In thk previous Untt, you have read about the process of the
emergence of four kingdoms in the South Indian macro-region on the ruins of the
Chalukya Hnd Chola empires. In the South the Pandya and the Hoysala whereas in
the north the Kakatiya and the Yadava kingdoms rose to prominence. The invasion
of the Deccan and Soutb India by the Delhi Sultans weakened the power of these
kingdoms and made t h t p subservient to the Delhi Sultanate. yhis was followed by
the emergence and expshsion of the Bahrnani and the Vijaynagar kingdoms in the
second quarter of the fdbrteenth century. Harihara and Bukka, the sons of Sangama
(the last Yadava king), bad been in the service of the Kakatiyas of Warangal. After
the fall of Warangal at the hands of the Delhi Sultans, they shifted to Kampili. Aftel
the'conquest of Kampilj, the two brothers were taken to Delhi where they embraced
Islam and became favoukites of the Sultan. Soon the Hoysalas attacked Kampili with
the support of the locrl,people and defeated the governor of Delhi. The Sultan at .
7
I1
'this pdint sent Harihara and Bukka to govern that region. They started t& Tbe V b y n a p r Em+
restoiatioq of Sultan's power but came in contact with Vidyaranya who converted
them back to the Hindu fold. They declared their independence and founded the
state of Vijaynagar with Harihara as its king in 1336. Soon this state developed into
a powerful Vijaynagar empire.
27.2 ESTABLISHMENT AND CONSOLIDATION

Yop have already readoin sub-section 8.2.4 of Unit 8 that geographical configurations
played an important role in determining the course of political events in south India.
The focus of struggle among the local powers was the Krishna Godavari delta,
Kaveri basin, the Tungabhadra doab and the Konkan region, the latter known for its
fertility and access to high sdas. During the 8-13th century, the stniggle was between
the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas while the following centuries saw Vijaynagar and
Bahmani kingdoms locking horns. The Bahmanis compelled the Vijaynagar rulers to
expand laterally westward and eastward across the peninsula from the main centre of
their power on the Tungabhadra. The Vijaynagar rulers also found it difficult to
crush the Bahmani power in Raichur and Tungabhadra doab because of latter's
alliance with the Velamas of Rajakonda in Warangal. These circumstances prevented
Vijaynagar from advancing towards the north and forced it to expand laterally
eastward and westward across the peninsula and southwards into the Tamil country.
Later however this alliance broke up which enabled Vijaynagar to expand at the cost
of Bahmanis.;.
1 27.2-.# Early Phase, 1336-1509
I
.Rivalries in this period ensued among Vijaynagar, Bahmanis, the Reddis of
Kondavidu (in the reaches of upper Krishna-Godavari delta), the Velamas of
Rajakonda (in the lower reaches of Krishna-Godavari delta), the Telugu-Chodas
(between Krishna-Godavari region) and the Gajapatis of 0nssa over the control of
the Krishna-Godavari delta, Tungabhadra doab and Marathwada (specially
i Konkan).
I
On account of constant clashes, the Vija;nagar boaqdaries kept on changing.
Between 1336-1422, major conflicts took place between Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis
with Telugu-Choda chiefs siding with the latter while the Velamas of Rajakonda and
the Reddis of Rajahmugdry joined hands with Vijaynagar. This tilted the balance
largely in favour of the latter.
During 1422-46, clash uver the annexation of Raichur doab started between the
Vijaynagar and the Bahmani rulers which resulted in Vijaynagar defeat. This greatly
exposed the weaknesses of the Vijayimgar arms. It forced its rulers to reorganise the
army by enlisting Muslim archers and engaging better quality horses. The muslim
archers were given revenue assignments. During this period the entire Kondavidu
region was annexed to the Vijaynagar empire. ,
Between 1465-1509 again, the Raichur doab became the cockpit of clashes. In the
beginning, Vijaynagar had to surrender the western ports, i.e. Goa, Chaul and
Dabhol to the Bahmanis. But, around 1490, internal disintegration'of the Bahmani
kingdom began with the establishment of Bijapur under Yusuf Adil Khan. Taking
advantage of the situation, Vijaynagar succeeded in occupying Tungabhadra region
(Adoni and Kurnool). Earlier, the loss of western ports had completely dislocated
horse trade with the Arabs on which Vijaynagar army depended for its cavalry.
'
However, occupation of Honavar, Bhatkal, Bakanur and Mangalore ports led to the
revival of horse trade. This ensured the regular supply which sustained the efficiency
of the Vijaynagar army.
The Gajapatis of Orissa were an important power in-the eastern region. They had in
their possession areas like K~ndavidu,Udayagiri and Masulipatam. The Vijaynagar
rulers succeeded in expelling the Gajapatis as far as Godavari and occupied
Kondavidu, Udayagiri and Masulipatam. But soon'r in 1481, Masulipatam was lost
to the Bahmanis. Vijaynagar had a!so to contend Lwith the constant rebellions of the
chieftains of Udsvaairi. Ummatur (near Mvsore) and Scrimamtam.
27.2.2 Krishnaderra Raya, 1509-29
This phase is markedlby the achievements of VijaynaGrls greatest ruler Krishrladeva
Raya (1 509-29). Duribg this period; the power of the Bahmanis declined, leading to
the emergence of five kingdoms: the Nizam-Shahis of Ahmadnagar; tbe Adil Shahis
of Bijapur; the Imad, Shahis of Berar, the Qutb Shahis of Golconda and the Barid
Shahis of Bidar on thle ruins of the Bahmani empire. This helped Krishnadeva Raya
greatly in capturing Kovilkonda and Raichw from the Adil Shahis of Bijapur and
Gulbarga and Bidar ftom the Bahrnanis. Krishnadeva Raya also recovered Udayagiri,
Kondavidu (south of fiver Krishna), Nalgonda (in Andhra Pradesh) Telingana and
Warangal were taken ,from the Gajapatis.
By 1510, the Portugdse also emerged as a strong power to reckon with in lndian
waters. Occupation of Goa and sack of Danda Rajouri and Dabhol provided them
monopoly in horse trdde since Goa had been the entrepot of the Deccan states for
horse trade. Krishnadeva Rayanmaintained friendly relations with the Portuguese. On
Albuquerque's requeai, Krishnadeva Raya permitted the construction of a fort at
Bhatkal. Similarly, tHk Portuguese soldiers played a reasonable role in Krishnadeva
Raya's success again& lsmail Adil Khan of Bijapur.
MAP 5
The Vijaympr Em*
27.2.3 Period of Instability : 1529-42
Krishnadeva Raya's death generated internal strifes and attracted external invasions.
Taking advantage of the internal situation, lsmail Adil Khan of Bijapur seired
Raichur and Mudgal. The Gajapati and Golconda kings also, though unsuccessfully.
attempted to occupy Kondavidu. During this turbulence, Krishnadeva Raya's brother
Achyut Raya (152942) succeeded in usurping the Vijaynagar throne. But the latter's
death once again led to the war of succession between Achyut Raya's son and
Sadasiva, the nephew of Achyut Raya. Finally, Sadasiva ascended the throne
(1542),.but the real power remained in the hands of Rama Raya, the son-~n-lawof
Krishnadeva Raya.
He followed the policy of admitting Muslims in 'the army and conferred important'
offices on them which greatly enhanced the efficiency of the army.
27.2.4 The Portuguese

Rama Raya's relations with the Portuguese were not very cordial. Martin Alfonso de
Souza, who became the governor of Goa in. 1542 plundered Bhatkal. Later, Rama
Raya succeeded in concluding a treaty with Alfonso de Souza's successor, Joao de
Castro, in 1547, by which Rama Raya secured a monopoly of the horse trade. Rama
Raya tried to curb Portuguese influence in San Thome on the Coromandel.
27.2.5 Vijaynagar's Relations with the Deep South

By 1512, Vijaynagar rulers succeeded in bringing almost the whole southern
peninsula under their control. The small Hindu chiefdop of Rajagambirarajyan
(Tondai ~ a n d a l a ) the
; Zamorin of Calicut and the ruler of Quilon (Kerala) accepted
suzerainty of Vijaynagar. By 1496, almost the whole deep south up to the Cape
Carnorin including local Chola and Chera rulers, Tanjore and Pudukottai and
Manabhusha of Madura were subjugated. However, the Pandya ruler (chief of
Tuticorin and Kayattar) was allowed to rule as a tributary.
An interesting feature of the occupation of the Tamil country was that after the
conquests the Telugu soldiers settled down permanently in remote and sparsely
populated areas. These migrants exploited the black soil which later led to the
emergence of the Reddis as an important cultivating group. Besides, the efnergence
of the nayakas as intermediaries in the Tamil country was also the result of
expansion into that region.
The Vijaynagar state was a massive political system which included within its domain
diverse people, i.e. the Tamils, Kannadas and the Telugu-speaking cominunity.
The Vijaynagar rulers exercised direct territorial sovereignty over the Tungabhadra
region. In other parts, the Vijaynagar rulers exercised ritual sovereignty (overlordsip)
through the Telugu warriors (nayakas) and the local chiefs who had metamorphosed
into nayakas and also through the sectarian groups, i.e. the Va~shnavas(You will
read about their political role in the next section).
27.2.6 The Deccan Muslim States

I
I You have already read that by 1538 the Bahmani kingdom split up into five states-
I
Bijapur, Golconda, Ahmadnagar, Bidar and Berar. Bijapur and Ahmadnagar came
to a mutual understanding in 1542-43 which gave Bijapur a free hand against ,
Vijaynagar, whereas Ahmadnagar was to expand at the cost of Bidar. With this
understanding, Ibrahim Adil Shah attacked Vijaynagar which was repulsed. But the
understanding did not remain for long. Ahmadnagar received Rama Raya's help to
capture the fort of Kalyani from Bidar. Rama Kaya's relations with the Deccan
states were quite complex: he helped Ahmadnagar against Bidar but, when
Ahmadnagar attacked Gulbarga (Bijapuri territory), Rama Raya came to the help of
1 the Bijapur ruler. Moreover, Rama Raya succeeded in bridging about a collective
security plan between the Vijaynagar and the Deccani Muslim states. It was agreed
that aggression by any one of them would bring forth armed intervention by the '
rest of the parties against the aggressor.

!
In utter violation of the agreement, Ahmadnagar invaded Bijapur in 1560. Rama
Raya secured Golconda's help against Ahmadnagar but this alliance, too, proved
6
TLc R
- ?sum shortlived. Ahmaanabr was defeated a~ruralyani had to bc surrendered to Bijapur
13tbIstb Cmmy Aroung this time, h m a Raya also violated the security agreement by attacking .
Bidar. The ruler ofod30kgndajoined hands with A h r n a d ~ m and
r attacked Kalyani. '
Rama R ~ y senta hls forces against Golconda for recapturing the fortress of Kalyani:
On the other hand. Vijaynagar and Bijapur joined hands (which was again e
transitory alliance) &gainst the aggksion of Ahmadnagar.and Golconda. Finally,
Ahmadnagar had t61 surrender the forts of Kovilkonda. Ganpura and Pangal. During
this phase, R a m Riya's policy was of playing off one Muslim state against the
other to secure a balance of power in favour of vijaynag&. Later, Golconda,
Ahmadhagar. Bidar and Bijapur rallied together against Vijaynagar. The final
showdown was at Talikota (1565). a town located near Krishna river. It spelt utter
doom for Vijaynagar which was sacked. Rama Raya was killed. Though the
Vijaynagar kingdom continued to exist for almost hundred more years. its size
decreased andihe Rayas no longer remained important in the politics of South
India.
v >
Check Your Progrtss 1
I) Discuss the cohflict bciween the Vijaynagar and Bahmani kingdoms for the
control over K'rishna-Godavari delta, Tungabbdra doab and Konkan.
................................................................................................................................
2) Write in 50 words relations of the Portuguese with the Vijnynagar .rukrs;
.................................................................................................................................
3) The struggle with the Deccan Muslim states finally scaled the fate of thc
Vijaynagar ruk. Comment.
2 7 3 RELIGION AND POLITICS '

-.
Religion and religious classes played an important role in the political, social md
economic life of the Viiaynagar empire.
27.3.1 Ritual Kingship

It is generally emphasised that the principle of strict adherence ta d h a m w,as the
chief constituent and :disiinguishing feature of the Vijaynagar state. But very often it
'
were the Hindu rdlers agalnst whom the Vijaynagar rulers had to fight, e.g. the
Gajapatis of Orissa. The most strategically placed contingents of the Vijaynagar
army were under the /charge of Muslim commanders. The Muslim archers were
employed by King Deva Raya 11. These Muslim contingents played a n important role Tbe Vljayruyr L18p.e
in the victory of Vijaynagar against its Hindu riyals.
The successful military deeds of the Vijaynagar rulers led them to assume the title of
digvijayans. Vijaynagar kingship was symbolic in the sense that the Vijaynagar rulers
exercised their control through their overlords over a region beyond the prime centre
of their authority. This symbolism was manifested through the instrument of religion
which was used to ensure loyalty fromthe people. For example, ritual kingship is
best exemplified in the mahanavami festival. This was an annual toyal ceremony
lasting for nine days between 15 September and 15 October. It culminated in the
dusserah festival on the tenth day. Important personages (e.g., military commanders)
from the peripheral parts participated in the festival. Through this festival,
recognition of the sovereignty of Vijaynagar rulers by peripheral parts of the
empire was strengthened. Though the Brahmans participated in the festival, their role
was not predominant/ The ritual rites of the festival were largely performed by the
king himself.
27.3.2 Political Role of the Brahmans

A distinct feature of the Vijaynagar state was the importance of the Brahmans as
politipil and secular personnel rather than ritual leaders. Most of the durga dannaiks
(incgarge of forts) were Brahmans. Literary sources substantiate the theory that
fortresses were significant during this p e r i d and were placed under the control of
the Brahmans, especially of Telugu origins.
During this period, the majority of educated Brahmans desired to become
government servants as administrators and accountants which offered them good
career prospects. The Imperial Secretariat was totally manned by the Brahmans.
These Brahmans were different from the other Brahmans: they belonged to a
subcaste called the Telugu niyogis. They were not very orthodox in performing
religious rites. They also worked as potential legitimizers. The Brahman Vidyaranya
and his kinsmen were the ministers of the Sangarna brothers : they provided
legitimacy to their rule by accepting them back into the Hindu fold.
The Brahmans also played an importaht role as military commanders in the
Vijaynagar army. For example, under Krishnadeva Raya Brahman Tircma received
economic support as he was an integral part of the political system. ~ h u Brahmans
s
constructed and commanded fortresses in different parts of the empire for which they
were assig.ied revenue of some crown villages, bhandaravada. Differentiation was .
made between crown villages and anuuam villages (whose income was under the
'charge of the local mwtary chiefs).
27.3.3 Relationship between Kings, Sects and Temples

To establish effective control over the distant Tamil region, the Vijaynagar filer . '
sought the help of the Vaishnava sectarian leaders who hailed from the Tamil
country. For legitimising their power in this region, it was necessary for the rulers,
who were aliens in the Tamil region, to establish contacts with the basic Tamil
religious organisation-the temples.
The relationship between kings, sects and temples can be explained in terms of four
assertions :
' I ) Temples were basic for sustaining kingship.
2) Sectarian leaders were the connecting links between kings and temples.
1 3) Though the routine supervision of the temples was done by local sectarian
groups, the task of solving disputes concerning temples was in the hands of the
king.
4) he intervention of the king in the above matter was administrative, not
legislative.
During 1350-1650, numerous temples sprang up in south India. Through grants or
gifts to the temples in the .form of material resources (a part of the agricultural
produce of specified villages), a particular type of agrarian economy evolved under
the Vijaynagar rule. (This will be discussed in the section on Economy.)
I -
The Region8l Powur : The rulers of the early Sangama dynasty were Saivas who made additions to the Sri
13thlSth Century Virupaksha ( P a m p a ~ a ~temple
i) of Vijaynagar. The Saluvas were basically
Vaishnavas who gave patronage to both the Siva and Vishnu temples. Krishnadeva
Raya (the Tuluva'ruler) constructed the Krishnaswami temple (Vaishnava shrine)
and also gave grants to Siva temples. The ~ r a v i d ukings also gave gifts to Vaishnava
temples.
27.4 LOCAL ADMINISTRATION
You have alreddy read, in Block 3 about the locai institutions of the earlier period
(e.g., sabha, nadu and lur). The powers of the territorial assembly (nadu) as well as
the village assemblies $abha and ur) were weakened during the time of the later
Cholas. During the Vijaynagar period, these institutions did not completely
disappear when the nagaka and ayagar systems came into prominence.
27.4.1 The Nayankara System

The nayankara system was an important characteristic of the Vijaynagar political
organisation. The military chiefs or warriors held the title of nayaka or
amaranayaka. It is diffCcultto classify these wamors on the basis of definite office,
ethnic identity, set of duties or rights.and privileges.
The institution of nayaka was studied in detail by two Portuguese-Fernao Nuniz

and Domingo Paes, who.visited India during the reigns of Krishnadeva Raya and
Achyut Raya of Tuluva dynasty during the sixteenth century. Thev regard the
nayakas simply as ageats of Rayas (central government). The evidence of Nuniz for
the payments made bylthe nayakns to the Rayas brings up the question of feudal
obligations. The Vijaydagar inscriptions and the later Mackenzie manuscripts refer to
the nayakas as territoriQ1 magnates with political aspirations which at times
conflicted with the a i m of the rulers. N.K. Sastri (in 1946) drew a distinction
between the nayakas &fore 1565 and those after 1565. The former were totally
dependent upon the rulers while the latter were semi-independent. However, later he
modified his views by pointing out that the nayakas before 1565 were military
leaden holding military fiefs. I n ' a m r e recent work (Source!@of Indian History), he
views the Vijaynagar empire as a military confederacy of many chieftains co-
operating under the leadership of the biggest among them. He emphasized that the
growing threat from Islam led the Vijaynagar rulers to adopt a military and religious
stance. Krishnaswami bonsiders the naya'a system as feudal.' But Venkataramanayya
feels that important feqtures of European feudalism such as fealty. homage and sub- ,
-
infeudation were absent in the nayaka system. D.C. Sircar similar!.^ refutes the
feudal theory; instead he explains it as a kind of landlordism, a .riant of feudalism
in which land was allmed to the amaranayrrkas for military st=-- ces rendered by
them to the king.
Thus, D.C. Sircar, and T.V. Mahalingam consider the nayakas of Vijaynagar as
wamors holding an office (kara) bestowed on them by the central government on
condition of rendering bilitary service. Amarenayankan was a designation. conferred
on a military officer o r chief (nayakal who had under his control a specified number
of troops. These n a y a m possessed revenue rights over land or territory called
amaram (amaramakara or amaramahali). In the Tamil country and also in the
Vijaynagar empire, the area of land thus alienated under this tenure was about
314th. The obligations 8nd activities of the nayakas were among others, giving gifts
to temples, repair and building of tanks, reclamation of wasteland and collection of
dues from temples The Tamil inscription*, however, do not refer to dues given to
the king or his officials by the nayakas. .
Krishnaswami, on the bksis of Mackenzie manuscripts, bpines that the comriianders
of Vijaynagar army (formerly under Krishnadeva Raya). later established independent
nayaka kingdoms. T o gpard against such dangers, the Vijaynagar kings tried to
establish greater control over coastal markets dealing in horse trade. They attempted
to monopolise the purchase of horses of good quality by paying a high price for
them. They also built strong garrisons fortified with trustworthy soldiers. Thus, on
1 the one halid, the Telugu nayaks were a source of strength for the Vijaynagar empire The Vijaynagar Emplre
and, on the other, they became jts rivals.
27.4.2 The Ayagar System

It has already been pointed out that during the Vijaynagar period, autonomous local
institutions, especially in the Tamil country, suffered a set-back. In pre-Vijaynagar
days in Karnataka and Andhra local institutions possessed lesser autonomy as
compared to Tamil country. During Vijaynagar period in Karnataka too local
territorial divisions underwent a change but the ayagar system continued and became
widely prevalent throughout the macro-region. It spread in the Tamil country during
15-16th century as a result of the declining power of nadu and nattar. The ayagars
were village servants or functionaries and constituted of groups of families. These
were headmen (reddi or gauda, maniyam), accountant (karnam senabhova) and
watchmen (talaiyari). They were given a portion of or plot in a village. Sometimes
they had to pay a fixed rent, but generally these plots were manya or tax-free as no
regular customary tax was imposed on their agricultural income. In exceptional
cases, direct payments in kind were made for services performed by village
functionaries. Other village servants who performed essential services and skills for
the village community were also paid by assigning plots of land (like washerman and
priest). The village servants who provided ordinary goods and services were leather
workers whose products included leather bag used in lift-irrigation devices (kiapila or
mohte), potter, blacksmith, carpenter,. waterman (niranikkar: who looked after the
maintenance of irrigation channels and supervised bankers and money-lenders). The
distinguishing feature of the ayagar system is that special allocation of income from
land and specific cash payments were for the first time provided to village servants
holding a particular office.
- 3
) Check your Progress 2
1) Write in about ten lines the role and functions of Brahmans in the Vijaynagar
empire.
I
...................................................................w...............,...........................................
) Define the following.
Amaram .
....................................................................................................
Bhandaravada ...........................................................!........................................
....................................................................................................
Durga Dannaiks ....................................................................................................
...................
................................................................................ J
Ayagan ....................................................................................................
....................................................................................................
I 3) ~ i s c u s the
i .nayankara system in ten lines.
................................................................................................................................
Tbe RigbMl F m a r :
13tblStb C
- .
ECONOMY
In this section, we will discuss the various land and income rights and the economic
role of temples. We *ill also take into account aspects related to foreign and internal
trade a'nd urban life.
27.5.1 Land and Income Rights

Rice was the staple mop. Both black and white'variety of rice was produced from
Coromandel to Puliyt. Besides, cereals like gram and .pulses were also cultivated.
Spices (specially black pepper) coconut and betel-nuts were other important items of -
production. Land-reuenue was the major source of state's income. Rate of revenue
demand varied in difierent parts of the empire and in the same locality itself
according to the fertility and regional location of the land. It was generally 116th of
the produce, but in some cases it was even more ranging up to 114th. But on
Brahmans and temples it was 1/ 20th to 1/ 30th respectively. It was payable both in
cash and kind. We find references to three major categories of land tenure: amara,
bhandaravada and nianya. These indicate the way in which the village income was
distributed. The bhmndarvada was a crown village comp1;ising the smallest category.
4 part of its income was utilised to maintain the Vijaynagar.forts. Income from the
manya (tax-free) villages was used to maintain the Brahmans, temples, and mathas.
The largest category was of the amara villages given by the Vijaynagar rulers to the
amaranayakas. Their holders did not possess proprietary rights in land but enjoyed
-privileges ever its i ~ b m only.
e The amara tenure was primarily residual in the sense
that its income was distributed after deductions had been made for support of the
Brahmans and forts. Threequarters of all the villages came under this category. The
term amaramakni is iconsidered by most historians as refemng to an 'estate' or a
'fief,.but it literally means one-sixteenth share (makani). Thus, it points to the fact
that the amaranayabs could claim only a'limited share of village income. The
mpnya rights underwent a transformation during this period. Land tenures continued
.
" t6'be given by the state to individual (ekabhogan) Brahmans and groups ~f -
Brahmans as well as to mathrs including the non- Brahman Saiva Slddhantfand '
Vaishnava gurus. Bllt theie was a great increase in devadana grants (conferred o n. "
temples) made by the state as compared to other grants.
Besides land-tax, many phfessional taxes a h were imposed. These were on
shopkeepers, farm-qrvants, shepherds, washermen, potters, shoemakers, musicians
etc. There was also tlax on property. Grazing and house taxes were also imposed.
Villageis .were also sbpposed to pay for the mainteynce of the village officers.
Besides, sthala dayaln, marpdayam and manula dayam were three major transit
dues.
Another citegory of eland right through which income was derived was a result of
investment in irrigation. ft was called dasavanda in Tamil,country; and Kathr-
Kodage in Andhra aind Karnataka. This kind of agrarian activity concerning
irrigation was undertaken in semi-dry areas where hydrographic and topographic
features Cere condubive for canying out developmental projects. The dasrvanda or
Kattu-Kodage was a share in the increased productivity of the land earned by the
person who undertabk such developmental work (e.g. construction of a tank o r
channel). This right Lo income was person%l and transferable..A portion of income
accruing from the increased productivity also went to the cultiv~torsof the villa;
where the developmentail work'was undertaken.
27.5.2 Economic Role.of Temples

&ring the Vijaynagar period, temples emerged as important landholders. Hu 7. *ds
of villages were granted to the deities which were worshipped in the large temple-.
T h p l e officers managed the devadana villages to ensure that the grant was utilised
properly. The income from devadana villages provided sustenance to the ritual
*
functionaries, It was alsorutilised to provide food offerings or to purchase goods
(mostly aromatic substances 'and cloth) essential for carrying out the ritual rites.
Cash,endowments were also made by the state to the temples for providing ritual
service.
Temples took up irrigational work also. Large temples holding devadana lands had
under them irrigation department for prdperly channelising money grants made to
the temples. Those who gave cash grants to temples also received a share of the food
offering (prasadam) derived from (he increased productivity.
I In fact, temples in Sputh India were important centres of economic activity. They
I
were not only great landholders'but they also carried on banking activyes. They
employed a number of persons. Mahalingam refers to an inscription which mentions
a temple which employed 3 7 y r v a n t s . Temples purchased local goods for
performance of ritual services. They gave loans to individuals and village assemblies
for economic purposes. The loam were given against lands whose income went to the
temples. Cash endowments made by the state to the Tirupati temple were ploughed
back in irrigation. The income thus attained was used to carry out ahd maintain
ritual services. At Srirangam Temple, cash grants were used to advance commercial
loans to business firms in Trichnopoly. Temples had their trusts which utilised its
funds for various purposes. Thus, the temples functioned almost as an independent
economic system encompassing persons and institutions that were bound together by
economic links.
27.5.3 Foreign Trade
i We get information abbut foreign trade from the Amuktamalyada of Krishnadeva

Raya, Domingo Paes and Nuniz. They'give vivid description of hone trade. The role
of the Indians in the overseas. carrying trade was minimal. Barboaa mentions that
Indian overseas trade was cqmpletely controlled by Muslim merchants. They used to
get special treatment from the rulers. He says that on returning from the Red Sea
the king assigned them a nnyrr bodyguard, a Cheffl accountant and a broker for
i
I
help in local transactions. Such was their status that, at Kayal, even royal monopoly
of pearl-fisheries was given to a Muslim merchant. The Arabsband later the
Portuguese cpntrolled horse trade. Horses were Brought from Arabia, Syria and
Turkey to the west-coast ports. Goa supplied horses to Vijaynagar as well as the
Deccani Sultanates. Importation of horses was of great military importance' for the
southern states as good horses were not bred in India. Besides, Vijaynagar's conflict
with the northern Deccan Muslim states restricted the supply of horses from north
India that were imported from .Central Asia. Besides horses, ivory, pearls, spices,
precious stones, coconuts, palm-sugar, salt, etc. weSe alsq imported. Pearls were
brbught from the Persian Gulf and Ceylon and precious stones from Pegu. velvet
was imported from Mecca and satin, silk, damask and brocade from China. White
rice, Sugarcane (other than palm-sugarcane) and iron were the major exports.
Diamonds were exported from Vijaynagar. Nuniz states that k s diamond mines were
the richest in the world. The principal mines were on t h e H o f the Krishna river
aqd in Kurnool and Anantapur. This led to the development of a great industry for
cutting and polishing precious stones like diamonds, sapphires and rubies in
~ i j a ~ n a gand
a r Malabar.
27.5.4 Internal Trade and Urban Life
\
The contemporary foreign accounis show that local and long distance trade increased
t under the Vijaynagar rulers. Roads and roadside-facilities for travellers between
iowns were excellent. Carts were used for the transport of grains over short
distancd. Riverine shipping especially the backwater-system on the west-coast has
also been referred to. Pack-animals were used for long distance transport. In some
?he ~tglond
Powar : places armed guards for long distance transport were employed. Local magnates
13th15th Century realised the importance of trade and gave encouragement to town based trade and
auxiliary trade in regular and periodic fairs. Regular and periodic fairs took place
along the main roads leading to big temples during festival times. These fairs were
conducted by trade associations of a nearby town and under the-supervision of the
leader of trade assoQiation called pattamswami. Fairs which gavr impetus to urban
trade were also held at the orders of the local magnates, e.g. gaud. or chief of a
nadu. The literary afid inscriptional evidences of the 14th to 16ttrcenturies reveal the
existence of 80 majar trade centres. Some towns were religious; others were
commercial and adntinistrative centres. Inside these towns were many bazars where
business was carried on by merchants. They paid rents to the towns. There were
separate markets for particular commodities. Markets for agricultural and non-
agricultural products were separate in accordance with the left and right hand caste
affiliations. Trade in consecrated food for pilgrims and the sale of the right of ritual
functions and officd were important aspects of temple-related urban commerce.
The merchants and artisan organisations in Andhra got identitled with &rtain cities,
e,g. the Te1.ugu oil-pressers and merchants were associated with the city of Berwada
(in Krishna district). In these towns, the transit duties, shop and house-rents
provided income to.the towns. The temple-records refer to the prosperity and
prestige of merchant^ and artisans. The Vijaynagar state possessed an urban quality
which is not witnessed in any other South Indian state of the time. The capital city
integrated within its precincts markets, palaces, temples, mosques, etc. This urban
quality was, however, completely destroyed by the middle-16th century.
,
27.6 SOCIETY
The social structure of the South Indian macro-region (Vijaynagar empire) is a

unique variant of the Indian society. The uniqueness of the social structure was .
three-fold :
secular functions of the South Indian Brahmans
dual division of iower social groups
territorial segmentation of the society.
The Brahmans livei in localities where they controlled land, and their prestige and
power was also derived from their control over those dependent on land. They also ,
enjoyed prestige due to their sacral functions as a priestly class. The emergence of a
large number of Vedic temples endowed with villages (devadanas) gave the Brahmans
as temple functionaries the power to exercise ritual control over all other castes and
religious institutions. As managers of these religious centres, the Brahmans enjoyed
great secular authority.
Territorial segmentation of society ipplies that social groups in the Tamil country.
were divided on the basis of natural sub-region and occupational patterns associated
with them. Social groups in South India had less interaction with groups a t some
distance from their locality. They gave preference to cross-cousin and maternal
uncle-niece marriages.
Another characteristic of the social structure was the dual division of lower castes
referred to by the ri&ht and left-hand designations (Vaishnavas corresponding t o t h b
right hand division and the Saivites corresponding to the left hand castes). In most
cases, the right-hand'castes were involved primarily in Agricultural production and
local trade in agricultural commodities whereas left-hand castes were engaged in
mobile artisan production and extensive trade in non-agricultural products.
During the V i j a y n a ~ rperiod, the peasant was the basis of the social order,on whom
all other sections of the society depended. The satkams, the Tamil poetic genre,
regard the leading .pcpeasantry as pure sat-sudras. They claimed ritual purity and
respectable secular raink for them.
Temples played an important role in delineati.ng or determining spcial space of
groupings who were the participants in the worship of a paiticular deity. An
important characteristic of lineage in the South Indian kingship is marked by the The Vi]aynagar,Emplre
common devotion to the lineage tutelary. The non-Brahman priests of the peasants'
tutelary shrines (e.g. amman) also participated in the management of great shrines'of
Siva and Yishnu where the Brahman priests predominated. The matha the seat of
sectarian organisation located at great shrines, consisted of persons of both the
Brahman and non-Brahman orders. Thus, the social organisation of this period
comprised of the Brahmans, the left and right-hand castes which included respectable
agricultural castes, namely vellals and lower castes like the weavers.

1) Write a note on the nature of land tenures in Vijaynagar empire.
............................................................................................................ :. ........a.
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
2) Describe the development of trade and commerce under the Vijaynaga! rulers
with special reference to foreign trade.
3) Define the left-hand and the right-hand castes.

................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
27.7 LET US SUM UP

The present study of Vijaynagar state shows:
the major conflict was between the Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis,
r in the ensuing strukgle cockpit being the Krishna-Godavari delta, Kaveri basin,
the Tungabhadra doab and the Konkan regions,
Vijaynagar kingship in peripheral parts was a symbolic one; the rulers exercised
control through their overlords,
Brahmans were more of a political and secular personnel rather than ritual
leaders,
the two major political institutions the nayankara and ayagar system were the
backbone of the Vijaynagar power,
temples were not 'only the religious centres but also important centres of economic
activity: they pgrformed banking activities and used to undertake irrigational
works etc.,
trade and commerce was in a flourishing state. But, the role of the Indian
merchants in the overseas trade was minimal instead Muslim mefchants enjoyed
the 'monopoly.
27.8 KEY WORDS
, \'
Amaram: villages;gssigned tu the local military chiefs

Bhmndamvada: crown village
Devadanas: villages assigned to the temples
Dasavanda and KYttu-Wodage: income from irrigational investments
Manya: ex-free land given to the village functionaries, Brahmans, temples and
mathas
Nadu: see Block 3
Sabha : see Block 3
Ur: see Block 3

. EXERCISES
I
I) See Sub-see. 27.2.1
2). See sub-seh. 27.2.2, 27.2.4
Cheek Yolir Promess 2

I ) See Sub-sec. 27.3.2
2) See Sub-sec. 27.3.2, 27.4.2

I) See Sub-sec. 27.5J
2) See Sub-sec. 27.5.3. 27.5.4
3) See sec. 27.6
UNIT 28 THE BAHMANIS:
Structure
28.0 Objectives
28.1 Introduction
-28.2 Rise"of the Bahmani Power
28.3 Conquests and Consolidation
28.3.1 First Phase, 1347-1422
28.3.2 Second Phase, 1422-1538
28.4 Conflict between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis and their Relations with the
King
28.5 Central and Provincial Administration
28.6 Army Organization
28.7 Economy
28.8 Society and Culture
28.9 Let Us Sum Up
28.10 Key Words
28.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will learn about :
the emergence of the Bahmani kingdom, .
the conflict between the old Dakhni nobility and the newcomers (the Afaqis) and
how it ultimately led to the decline of the Bahmani Sultanate, and
the administrative structure, society, economy and other cultural aspects.
28.1 INTRODUCTION
You have seen that the Delhi Sultanate first intruded into the South during the time
of Alauddin Khalji. I t was during Muhammad Tughluq's reign that significant
conquest of the South was effected. In this Unit, we will trace the story of the end of
the Tughluq rule in the Deccan and its replacement by the Bahmani Sultanate. It
will also take into account the conquests, consolidation, administrative system and.
the culture of the period.
- - -
28.2 RISE OF THE BAHMANI POWER

Let us review the political situation in the Deccan immediately prior to the
establishment of the Bahmani kingdpm. Most parts of the Deccan were conquered
and annexed to the Delhi Sultanate during Muhcmmad Tughluq's reign. He made
- elaborate administrative arrangements for the Deccaqregion. Ulugh Khan was
appointed as the superior governor or "viceroy" of the region. The whole region was
' divided into 23 iqlims or provinces. The most important of these were Jajnagar
(Orissa), Marhat (Maharashtra). Telingana, Bidar, Kampili and Dwarsamudra.
Subsequently, Malwa was also placed under the governor of the Deccan. Each iqlim
was divided 'into a number of rural districts (shiq). E a c shiq
~ was divided into
hazaris (one thousand) and sadis (one hundred) for collection of revenue. The main
officers were shiqdars, wali,.amiran-i hazarah and amiran-i sadah. The revenue
'officials were called mutsnrrifs, karkuns, chaudhrls, etc.
The Re&~ndPowers : In this set-up, the most powerful person-was the 'viceroy' of the Deccan who was
13th-15th Century virtually the master of it large region with as many as 23 provinces. Another
important functionary++vithwide powers was amiran-i sadah 1.e. the chief of 100
villages.
In spite of this elaborate administrative set-up, the real control of 'the Sultan was
weak mainly because of:
the distance from a t l h i
difficult geographical terrain
wide powers enjoyed1 by the 'viceroy' and other officers.
In this situation, any dissatisfaction of the officers (posted in the Deccan) with the
centre could lead to tha snapping of ties with Delhi.
Beginning of Trouble
The role of the amirami sadah in making the Deccan independent of the Tughluq
rule is relevant. These officers of noble lineage performed the twin functions as
military officers and revenue collectors. They had direct connection with the people
of their territory. When a series of rebellions broke out in the South, Muhammad
Tughluq attributed thedn to the massive power exercised by these amirs; as a result,
!
I
he embarked upon a pr)licy of suppressing them which in turn sounded the death-
knell of the Tughluq rdle in the Deccan. We will briefly take note of the various
rebellions which broke out during this period and how they contributed to the rise of
a new kingdom and a flew dynasfy.
The earliest ~eccan'rebellionagainst the centre took place in 1227 at Sagar in
Gulbarga. It was headed by Bahauddin Gurshasp and supported by local chiefs and
amirs. The revolt was crushed but it paved the way for the need to establish the
capital at a place more centrally located than Delhi from where the southern
provinces could also be kept in check. Muhammad Tughluq, thus, made Deogir the
second capital of the empire in 1328. But the scheme failed as the very nobles who
were sent to stabilise tht Tughluq rule in the Deccan weakened the control of Delhi.
The first major successhl rebellion occurred in Ma'bar. The governor of Ma'bar :
alliance with certain ndbles of Daulatabad raised the banner of revolt..In 1336-37,
the governor of Bidar 3 s o rebelled but was suppressed.
Muhammad Tughluq fdlt that the danger to the Tughluq rule in the Deccan was
from the scions of the old nobility whom he had sent to the South from Delhi. He,
therefore, adopted the I)olicy of replacing them with a new breed of nobles who
would be loyal to him. but this was not of much help due to the recalcitrant
behaviour of the amirM-i sadah who ultimately carved out an independent kingdom
in the Deccan.
Around 1344, the amount of revenue due from the Deccan had fallen sharply.
Muhammad Tughluq divided the Deccan into 4 shiqs and placed them under the
charge of neo-Muslims whom Barani calls 'upstarts'. This was not liked by the -
amiran-i sadah. In 1345, the nobles posted in Gujarat conspired and rebelled against
Delhi. Muhammad TugJ~luqsuspected the cpmpilcity of the amiran-i sadah in the
Gujarat insurrection. Q e viceroy of the Deccan was ordered by Muhammad
Tughluq to summon t& amirs of Raichur. Gulbarga, Bijapur, etc. to Broach. The
amiran-i sadah, fearing drastic punishment at the hands of Muhammad Tughluq,
decided to strike a blow at the Tughluq rule in the Deccan and declared themselves
independent at Daulatabad by'electing Nasiruddin Ismail Shah, the senior amir of
Deogir: as their SultanclGulbarga was the first region to be taken after the
establishinent of their file in Daulatabad. Those opposing the Delhi Sultanate
consisted of the R a j p u ~ Deccanis,
, Mongols, Gujarati amirs and the troops sent by
the +ja of Tanjore. They emerged victorious in the end. But Ismail Shah abdicated
i!
v
in favour of Hasan Ka u Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah) and, thus, was laid the
.(
foundation of the Bahqanl kingdom in the Deccan in 1347. The new kingdom ,
I
comprised the entire redion of the Deccan. For the next 150 years, this kingdom
dominated the political! pctivities in the South.
28.3 CONQUEISTS A N D CONSOLIDATION

1/
The political developm$pts of the Bahmani kingdom can be divided into two phases:
In the first phase (1347-1422), the centre of activities was Gulbarga while in the
second phase (1422-1538) the capital shifted to Bidar which was more centrally The ~ a h h a n l s
located and fertile. During this phase, we find conflicts between the Afaqis and the
Dakhnis touching its peak.
28.3.1 First Phase, 1347-1422

In the period between 1347-1422, major conquests were effected. Kotgir in Andhra
Pradesh, Qandahar in Maharashtra, Kalyani in Karnataka, Bhongir
in Telingana, Sagar, Khembhavi, Malkher and Seram in Gulbarga (Karnataka),
, Manram, Akkalkot and Mahendri in Maharashtra and Mandu in Malwa (Madhya
Pradesh) were subjugated. The Bahmani rule covered Mandu in the north to Raichur
in the south and from Bhongir in the east to Dabhol and Goa in the west.
* The Raya of Telingana and Raya of Vijaynagar were the main rivals of the
i Bahmanis in this period. In one engagement with the Raya of Telingana Golconda
was handed over to the Bahmanis. However, war with Vijaynagar did not prove to
be decisive and the Tungabhadra Doab continued to be shared between the two
powers.
Very soon the Bahmanis lost Goa to Vijaynagar in the late 14th century. In one
campaign launched by the Bahmanis against the Raja of Kherla ( ~ a h a r a s h t i a )who.
,
was being encouraged by the rulers of Vijaynagar, Malwa and Khandesh to rebel
against ah man is, he was forced to submit. In Telingana, two rivals-Vema (of
Rajahmundry) and Velama (of Telingana) (Andhra factions) -were supported by
Vijaynagar and Bahmanis respectively. The Bahmanis tried t o intrude into Telingana
but were repulsed by the Vemas. The Bahmanis continued t o side with one Andhra
faction against the other for territorial gains. An important factdr for the Bahmani
lpsses in the campaign against Vijaynagar in the early 15th century was the fact that
the Velamas who had earlier supported the Bahmanis had shifted their allegiance to
\' Vijay nagar.
28.3.2 Second Phase, 1422-1538

The period between 1422-1538 was marked by the shift of capital from Gulbarga to
Bidar. It was centrally and strategically located. The three linguistic areas (Marathi,
Kannad and Telugu) converged o n this point. The struggle for supremacy between the
Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis continued in this period as well. Warangal was
annexed .to the Bahmani kingdom in this period. The independent kingdoms of
Malwa and Gujarat (see Units 23, 24) also had t o bear the brunt of the Bahmani
power. While Malwa proved to be weak, the Sultanate of Gujarat, in spite of two
major.campaigns, did not give way to the Bahmanis. An important consequence of
the latter confrontation was the formation of alliance between the Sultanate of
Khandesh and Bahmanis to counter the threat from Gujarat.
Between 1436-1444, two clashes occurred between the Vijaynagar and the Bahmanis.
In the first one, the Bahmanis had to face defeat. However, the second one,
according to Ferishta, ultimately proved to be advantageous for the Bahmanis. The
Rajas of Sangameshwar and Khandesh were subjugated. In the Gujarat campaign, :
the major cause of the defeat of the Bahrnanis was the internal strife betwken the two
factions of the nobles, the Deccanis and the Afaqis (you will read about this in the
subsequent section). The Deccanis had betrayed the Bahmani cause. Therefore, in the
campaign against Khandesh, the Deccanis were excluded which brought serious
repercussions. In 1446, t o suppress the Raja of Kherla and Sangameshwar (Konkan),
the Deccanis and the Afaqis were sent. The exped~tionended in disaster forsthe
Bahmanis. The Deccanis blamed the Afaqis who were consequently punished. bm
the Afaqis pleaded their case and regained ascendancy In the court. These strifes
proved harmful for the empire. This was the period when Mahmud Gawan came
into prominence a s the Bahmani minister. The ruler of Orissa in alliance with the
.king of Telingana attacked the Bahmanis but they were repulsed by Mahmud
Gawan. The ruler of Malwa also made a bid t o conquer the Bahmani territories
(e.g., Bidar). However, he had to retreat when Gujarat came to the rescue of the
Bahmanis. Another attempt of Malwa also failed. Mahmud Gawan conquered Hubli,
Belgaum and Bagalkot. The Bombay-Kafnatak zone came under the Bahmani sway. '
Under Gawa's able guidance, the empire extended from 0 r E s a to Goa (Konkan).
Finally, Mahmud Gawan, a n Afaqi, became a victim of group rivalry and was
The Regional Powm :
13th-15th.Centwy
BAHMANI KINGDOM
--
Approximate boundary- --.-
murdered a t the hands of the Deccani party. After this, the kingdom rolled down the
path of disintegrat~on.Wars undertaken against Vijaynagar ended in disaster and
ultimately,by 1538 the oahmani dynasty came to an end and the kingdom broke up
into 5 states-Berar, Bidar, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda.
..- .
Check Your Progress
I) is cuss the role of the amiran-i sadah in making the Deccan independent of the
Tughluq rule. Answer in about eight lines.
2) Fill in the blanks:

i) Amiran-i sidah were the ................................................
ii) .............................. rebellion took place in 1327 at Ciulbarga.
iii) ................ ............. was the cockpit betweedthe bahmani and the
Vijaynagar rulers.
iv) The Vembd were the rulers of .............................
3) The history of tw Deccan during the 14-15th century was one of struggle for
supremacy betwqqn the Bahmani and the Vijaynagar rulers. Comment in 80
words.
.................................................................................................................................. Tbe BA
................................................................................................................................
.....=. ................................................................................................................. .:A .< .
: ,-
28.4 CONFLICT BETWEEN. THE'AFAQIS AND THE

DAKHNIS AND THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE
KING
We have seen in Block 5 that nobles played a crucial role not only a; consotidators
but also as kingmakers in the Sultanate. Every Sultan's interest was to win the
loyalty of his nobles. The same tradition continued in the Bahmani kingdom as well.
. i s early as Alauddin Bahman Shah's reign we see as many as three factions: one
which helped Alauddin Bahman Shah in establishing an independent kingdom in the
Deccan; the other was the Tughluq faction and the third faction comprised of local
chiefs and vassals who had personal interests.
From Alauddin Mujahid's reign (1375-78) onwards, a new factor was introduced in
the composition of the nobility, i.e. the Afaqis. This word means 'universal'-persons
who were uprooted and hence did not belong to any region. They were also called
gharibud diyar, that is, 'strangers'. These Afaqis had migrated from Iran,
Ttansoxiana and Iraq. But it was during Ghiyasuddin Tahamtan's reign, in 1397,
that the real clash between the Dakhnis and the Afaqis h e ~ a nwhen the Sultan
appointed many Afaqis to higher posts: for example, Salabat Khan was appointed
the governor of Berar, Muhammad Khan sar-i naubat and Ahmad Beg Qazwini as
peshwa. Appointment of the Afaqis to such high posts which were earlier held by the
Dakhnis greatly raised dissatisfaction among the old nobility and the Turkish faction
under the leadership of Taghalchin. ~ a ~ h a l c h succeeded
ih in reducing their influence
as early as 1397 wRen he successfully conspired the murder of Ghiyasuddin and
placed Shamsuddin Dawud ll (1397) as a.puppet king and assured for himself the ,
post of Malik Naib and Mir Jumla. It was Ahmad 1 (1422-36) who for the first time
appointed Khalaf Hasan Basri, an Afaqi (with whose help he got the throne), to the
highest office of wakil-i Sultanat and conferred on him the highest title of malik-ut
tujjar (prince of merchants). This phenomenal rise was the result of the continuous
expression of loyalty shown by the Afaqis compared to the Dakhnis. It was the
Afaqi Syed Hussain Badakhohi and others who helped Ahmad 1 in his escape during
his Vijaynagar campaign in the early years of his reign. As a result, Ahmad 1
recruited a special force of the Afaqi archers. Similar other favours were also
showered on them. This policy created great resentment among the Dakhnis. Clashes
between these two groups can be seen during Ahmad's Gujarat campaign when, on
account of the n~n-cooperationof the Dakhnis, the Bahmani arms had to face defeat
urider the leadership of Malik-ut.tu&r. This gulf'widened further during Ahmad 11's
reign. At the time of the attacks of Khandesh army on account of the non-
cooperatiod of the Dakhnis, only the Afaqir could be despatched under Khalaf
Hasan Basri. Humayun Shah (1458-1461) t r . 4 to maintain equilibrium between the
two factions. During Ahmad Ill's reign (1461-b5 A.D.), the Dakhnis felt that much
power was concentrated into the hands of the Afaqis with Khwaja-i Jahan Turk,
Malik-ut tujjar and Mahmud Gawan at the helm of affairs. On the other hand, the
Afaqis were dissatisfied because the power which they enjoyed under Ahmad 11's
reign was greatly reduced under the latter's successor. Mahmud Gawan, the chief
minister of Muhammad I11 (1463-1482), also tried to maintain the equilibrium
between the two. As a result, he appointed Malik Hasan as sar-i lashkar of
Telingana and Fathullah as sar-i lashkar of Berar. But Mahmud Gawan himself fell
prey to the conspiracy of Zarif-ul Mulk Dakhni and Miftah Habshi. Once the
equilibrium was disturbed, the successive weak kings became puppets in the hands of
- - \
The Regional Powem : During Shihabuddin Mahmud's reign (1482-Ma), the clash reached its climax.
13th-15th century While the king showed his distinct inclination for the-@aqis, the Dakhrlis joined
hands with the H a ~ b h (Abyssinian)
i faction. The latter, in 1487, in a-desperate bid
attempted to kill the king but failed. It resulted in a large-scale massacre of the
Dakhnis which continued for three days. All these factional fights weakened the*
centre. Shihabuddin" reign itself was marred by continuous rebellions and intrigues
of Qasim Barid, Malik Ahmad Nizamul Mulk, Bahadur Gilani, etc. Shihabuddin's
death (1518) providhd these nobles almost a free hand in their provinces. in ally,
lbrahim Adil Shah df Bijapur was thefirst to claim his independence in 1537. Thus
began the'physical d~isintegrationof the Bahmani Sultanate.
.28.5 CENTRAL AND PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION

The Bahmanis seem t o have copied the administrative structure of the Delhi Sultans.
The king was at the \helm of affairs, followed by wakil, wazir, bakhshi and qazi.
Besides, there were pabir (secretary), mufti (interpreter of law), kotwal, muhtasib
(censor of public mgrals). Munihians (spy) were appointed not only in every corner
of their kingdom, bqt we are told that during Muhammad's reign, munihians were
posted at Delhi, too,
During Mutiammad 1's reign, the Bahmani kingdom was divided into four atraf or
provinces, i.e. Daulgltabad, Berar, Bidar and Gulbarga each ruled by a tarafdar.
Since Gulbarga was the most important province, only the most trusted nobles were
appointed who werd,called mir naib (viceroy)-distinct from the governois
of other provinces. hater on, as the boundaries of the kingdom expanded, M hmud )
Gawan divided the empire into eight provinces. Certain parts of the empire were put
Yar
-
-
under the direct control of the Sultan (khassrr-i Sultani).
The amir-ul umara yas the commander of the army. The army mainly consisted of
, soldieis and cavalry. Elephants were also employed. The rulers maintained a large
number of bodyguaaqls known a s khassakhel. Muhammad I is stated to have had four
thousand bodyguardq. Besides, there were silahdars who were incharge of the
'personal armoury of the king. In times of need, barbardan were asked to mobilize
troops. Another characteristic feature of the Bahmani army was the use of
gunpowder that gave them military advantage.
Niccolo Conti, a n ltdian traveller, who visited lndia in the 15th century, writes that
their army used javelins, swords, arm-pieces, round-shields, bows and arrows. He
adds that they used 'Iballistae and bombarding machines as well as siege-pieces'.
Duarte Barbosa wha'visited lndia during 1500-17 also made similar remarks that
they used maces, badle-axes, bows and arrows. He adds: "they [Mgorish] ride on
high-pommelled saddle.. .. fight tied to their saddles..... The gentios .... the larger part
of them fight on foot, but some on horseback ..." Mahmud Gawan streamlined the
military administration as well. Earlier,'the tarafdars had absolute authority to
appoint the qiladars bf the forts. Gawan placed one fort under one tarafdar's
1
jurisdiction, the rest f the forts within a province were placed under the central
command. To check i orruptio?, he made a rule that every officer should be paid a t ,
a fixed rate for ever41500 troopers maintained by him. When he was given revenue
,
assignments in lieu OK cash, the amount incurred by the officer in the collection of
revenue was to be PT;hto him separately. If he failed to maintain the stipulated
- soldiers, he had to rdund the proportionate amount to the exchequer. P
Check Your ProgresJ 2

I) How can we say (that conflict between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis ultimately
sealed the fate oflIthe Bahmani kingdom? Write in ten lines.
I
.................................... ............................................................................................
2) ~ e f i n ethe following:
a) Afaqi ............................................ .................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
c) Malik-ut tujjar .................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
d) Munihians ......................................................................................................
.3) What were the major changes brought about by Mahmud Gawan in
i
, administration and army organization? Write in 60 words.
.................................................................................................................................
28.7 ECONOMY
Mahmud Gawan ordered for systematic measurement of land fixing the boundaries
of the villages and towns. Thus, in this regard he was the forerunner of Raja Todar
Mal. All this greatly helped the exchequer. First, the income of the empire was
ensured and became known in advance; secondly, it also curbed the corruption of
the nobles to the minimum, thereby increasing the state*$income.
1n"the Bahmani kingdom, trade and commerce was in a flourishing state. Nikitin, a
Russian traveller, who was in the Deccan during 1469-74, provides ample
information regarding the commercial activities of Bidar. He says that horses, cloth,
silk, and pepper were the chief merchandise. He adds that at Shikhbaludin Peratyr
and a t kladinand bazar people assembled in large numbers where trade continued
for ienldays. & also'iii^entionsthe Bahmani seaport Mustafabad-Dabul as a centre
of:commercial activity. Dabul was wellconnected not only with the Indian but also
with the African ports. Horses were imported from Arabia,,Khurasan and
Turkestan. Trade and commerce was mostly in the hands of the Hindu merchants.
Musk and fur'were imported from China. ,~''-+.--.,,
28.8 SOCIETY AND CULTURE
The social structure df the Bahmanis was cosmopolitan in character. There were
M uslifns, Hindus, 1anians, Transoxonians, l raqis and Abyssinians (Habshis). The
Portuguese came during the early 16th century. This heterogeneous character
becomes more prominent if we'look at its linguistic pattern: Persian, Marathi,
Dakhni (proto-UrdlES;, Kannada and Telugu languages were widely spoken in various
parts of the kingdom.
Broadly, two classes existed in the society. According to Nikitin, there were poor,
and <he nobles who were "extremely opulentn. He says that "the nobles were carried
on their Silver beds, preceded by twenty horses caparisoned in gold and followed by
three hundred mkn ah horseback and five hundred on foot along with ten
torchbearers." Nikitin also gives a graphic account of the grandeur of the Bahmani
wazir, ~ a h m & jGawan. He mentions that everyday along with him 500 men used
to dine. For the ,safetk of his house alone, everyday 100 armed personnel kept
vigilance. In contrast, the general population was poor. Though Nikitin mentions
only two classes, the% was yet another class-the merchants (the so-called middk
class).
The sufis were great& venerated by the Bahmani rulers. Initially, they migrated to
the Deccan as religiaus auxiliaries of the Khaljis and the Tughluqs. The infant
Bahmani kingdom rqiluired the support of the sufm for popular legitimization of
their authority. The sufis who migrated to the Bahmani kingdom were chiefly of the
Chishti, Qadiri and Shattari orders. Bidar emerged as one of the most important
centres of the Qadiri order. Shaikh Sirajuddin Junaidi was the first smfi to receive
the royal favour. The Chishti saints enjoyed the greatest honour. Syed Muhammad
Gesu Daraz, the famous Chishti saint of Delhi, migrated to Gulbarga in 1402-3.
Sultan Feroz granteq la number of villages as innm for the upkeep of his khmqab.
But during the later pieriod of his reign dissensions between the two developed on
account of the sufi's.slpport for the Sultan's brother Ahmad as his successor. It
finally led to the expulsion of Gesu Daraz from Gulbarp.
With the large influxabf the Afaqis in the Bahmani kingdom, the Shias also found
their place under Fadullah's influence. Ahmad 1's act of sending 30,000 silver tankas
for distribution among the Saiyyids of Karbala in Iraq shows his inclination for the
Shia doctrine. The mbst influential wazir of Ahmad 111 was also a Shia.
Hindu traditions and p l t u r e also influenced the Bahmani court. Sultan Feroz's
(1397-1422) marriage with a daughter of the royal family of Vijaynagar helped
greatly in the Hindu-Muslims cultural harmony. There is a. legend that Feroz even
once went to Vijaynagar in the guise of a Hindu faqir. Even in the most important
ceremony like the celebration of urs, Hindu influences are to be seen. During the
urs celebrations, the Janprn (the head of the Lingayats of Madhyal in Gulbarga
district) would perfom the ceremony in typical Hindu fashion-conch-blowing,
flower offerings, etc. What is interesting is that the Jangarn wore Muslim apparel
with the usual cap th&t the Muslim danvesh (hermit) used.
You will read about Other cultural aspects like architecture, education etc. in
Block 8.
Cheek Your Progress:$

1) Write a note on Made and commerce under the Bahmani rule.
...........................!:................................................................................................... *
...........................f,....,.........,....
................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
II
iI
2) Mark right ( ) or wrong (X) against the following statements :
i) Nikitin was an Italian traveller who visited India during the 15th century.
ii) Under Mahmud Gawan, systematic measurement of the land was done.
iii) Gesu Daraz was a famous Suhrawardi saint.
3) Discuss Nikitin's observation on the Bahmani sokiety.
28.9 LET US S U M UP
T o sum up we saw how the amiran-i sndah gradually succeeded in carving out an
independent Bahmani kingdom. In their formative phase, they were constantly at
war with the Vijaynagar; Malwa and Telingana rulers. We have also seen how the
clashes between the Afaqis and the Dakhnis ultimately led to the decline of the
Bahmani Sultanate. As for the administrative structute, we do not find it much
different from that of the Delhi Sultanate with the exception of designations and
nomenclatures and Mahmud Gawan's reforms concerning the measurement of land.
28.10 KEY W O R D S
Afaqi: (literally 'Universal'; from afaq); Newcomers (from Iran, Iraq and
Transoxiana)
Amiran Hamrah: nobles of one thousand
Chaudhri: see Block 5
Dakhni: old Deccani nobility
Darwesh: muslim hermit; saint
Iqllm : provinces
Inam: revenue free grants
Jangam: head of the Lingayat sect
Karkun: see Block 5
Khanqah: Muslim m o n a s t h
Khassakhel: bodyguards of the Sultan
Mank-ut tujislr :prince of merchants
Mir naib: viceroy
Moorish : Muslim
Mutasnrrif: see block 5
Shiq: administrative unit similar to that of a district
S hlqdar : holder of shiq
Silahdar: incharge of the armour
rarafdar: provincial governors,
' Wakil : see block 5
I
Wali : provincial governor; Iqta hdder

28411 ANSWPRS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES /
Check Your PI'Ogre$S1 ti

1) See Sec. 28.2
2) (i) revenue coll&ors and military cornitlanders (ii) Bahauddin Gurshasp
(iii) Tungabhad* Doab (iv) Rajahmundry
3) See Sub-sec. 283.1, 28.3.2

1) See Sec. 28.4
2) See Sec. 28.4, 28.5
3) See Sec. 28.5, 281.6
Check Your Progres$,a

1) See Sec. 28.7
2) (i) J,X,:(ii) d (hi) ' X
3) See Sec. 28.8
!( ( EMERGENCE OF REGIONAL POWERS: THEORIES 1
Social scientists differ greatly over the reasons for the emergence of regional-powers.
Joseph E. Schwartzberg highlighted certain geopolitical and ecological factors behind
the instability that marred the Sultanate period.
According to Schwartzberg :
. .
: . . ..
"The key to this progressive decline'in the average size and duration of major
powers appears to lie in the secularly increasing degree of d o l l s competition
which major powers had to face from other major of comparable strength. ,
Hence there was a long range tendency towards a rise in the Bequeney and
intensity of n u s between or-among major powers throughout the Sultanate
I
per~od.This would have resulted in increasing instability within the power system
as a whole and seriously inhibited the growth potential of all states within the ,
system."
/
By medieval period, in fact, settlement over the best av&lableagricultural land seems to have
almost been completed; this led t o intensive agriculture; that in turn gave way to greater
intensity of settlement vis-a-vis population growth and population pressure. The latta two
factors helped greatly in increasing the strengh of thearmy in both ways-the fighting power
as well as resistance power. Thus, according to Schwartzberg, geographical features made the
conflicts inevitable and contributed t o the emergence of regional states.
Richard G. Fox, Bernard Cohn and K.N. Singh have interpreted the emergence of
regional powers in socio-political-anthropologicalmodel where kinship, clan and
'lineages were the main organising factors. For Richard Fox, such groups, though served
as guarantor or the preserver of the political authority, were also prone to frequen~
rebellions which led t o fragmentation and weakening of the central authority specially
when the central control seems to be in doldrums. The Rajput clan-organisation is a
glaring example. In Rajputana, these chiefs or njrs,o r p i s e d on the basis of clan, used
to wntrol small principalities of the same lineages. You have already read in Unit 9 how
closely the Rajput social organisation was knitted through clan, caste and lineages.
Their area of influence wuld be through matrimony and migration of disgruntled sub-
lineages. These 'unilineal kin-organisations' performed many political and military
functions relating to revenudpllection and maintenance of law and order. They used to
get 'legitimization' by the state. The 'mandate' of the state was the 'mandate' of the kin
allegiance. On account of this 'internalcohesion' and 'external recognition', their
position became so stfong at the local level that neither the state nor the clan members
could throw them off.
After Timur's invasion, the political vacuum created at the centre provided these chiefs
or njm opportunity to strike deep r o o F the local level. Thus started internecine
warfare throughout the 1345th century between power centres trying to exploit the
situation t o their respective interests.
Nature of the Vijaynagar State

We'have already discussed in Block 3 Section 8.3 various aoproaches-feudal, segmentq
and integrative-with respect to the lndian pol~tydunng 8~13thc6ntury. Let us analyse
the nature of the Vijaynagar polity within this model.
1 I Segmentary State
Burton Stein regards the Vijaynagar state as a stzmentary state (for its characteristic
features see Sub-sec. 8.3.2). For him, in the Vijaynagar state, absolute political
sovereignty rested with the centre, but in the periphery 'ritual sovereignty' (symbolic
control) was in the hands of the nayakas and the Brahman commanders. The
relationship of these subordinate units-segments-in relation t o the central authority
was pyramidally arranged. The more far removed a segment was from the centre, the
1 greater its capacity to change loyalty from one power pyramid t o another.
1 .) Feudal Model .
II
Some scholars try to explain the character of the Vijaynagar state in the backdrop of
feudal structure. They argue that the practice of giving fresh land grants to Brahmans
was an Importarw racror which led, t o the rise of feudal segments. The frequency of such
land grants enhaaced the position of the Brahmans. As a result, they enjoyed a large
measure of autowmy, possessed administrative powers and controlled revenue resources
within their settlments. Scholars filrther argue that since the rulers of Vijaynagar
Ipfoposed to ~ r & c t Hindu dharma, it led to the emergence of new Brahman

settl~ments. I
g
Further, the mill ry need to expand into l'amil region created feudal territories under
the control of A1 aranayakas (warriors) and other high officials. Amaranayakas were
hereditary hold?$s of land. They paid tribute and rendered military service to the king
(like the samangls of north India).
The vassals in t#n started giving land grants to their slbordinates, thus giving way to
sub-infeudation, T h e large extent of the empire and the absence of adequate means of 1
I
transport and cbknmunication made it necessary for ihe rulers to entrust power to these
feudal segmentslbr the governance of the empire. In the process of conquest and 1
I
consolidation, r b l c i t r a n t chieftains were subdued and their territory distributed among
new chiefs. Nevertheless, some old chiefs were also permitted to continue in the new I
k
scheme. I
ther 1nterl)retations
N.K. Shastri s& the Vijaynagar state in the light of essentially a Hindu kingdom
performing the ideological (religiopolitical) role of the defender of Hindu culture against
i
the Muslims of be Bahmani kingdom and its successor states. From this stems the
theory of the m $taristic character of the Vijaynagu state. For him, the Vijaynagar state
was a war state.,
1
W h y these kingHoms remained confined to 'secondary' status and could not assume the
'Imperial' one?.'bn Schwartzberg's terms, why they remained 'Supra-regional powers'
a n d could not &ch to the status of 'Pan-Indian powers? There were certain
geopolitical, stdctural and circumstantial factors behind this. Foremost is their
Iperipheral locadbn, States of Kashmir, Gujarat, Rajpytana, Sind, Orissa, Assam and
Bengal d o not lie in the heartland of the empire to aksume the central status.
Mountaneous tkrrain also obstructed their smooth expansion. Kashmir's expansion was
mainly obstructwd by the inaccessible mountains. Similarly, the iocreasing aridity of the
great Indian destrt in the north-west obsthcted the growth of Sind and Rajputana
kingdomq. ThoMh Malwa and Jaunpur were situated in the core and the most fertile
plain$. they had~'anw-frontie~-klrrollndedby hostile states. Each state attempted to
get control ovetl their rich resources, so constant waifare was the main feature of the
regional syndrd$e which hampered expansion.
Another problap was the paucity of revenue-resources which prevented them to

maintain large grmies to extend and consolidate their gain&.They had very small area
undyr their direct control whose revenue came directly to the starc. They had to depend
largely o n 'intermediaries' or 'chiefs' for their income and supply of armed retainers. T o
add to this, the revenue collectors (intermediaries) had the tendency to evade taxatipe.
'Tributary chiefb also exploited every opportunity to rebel. You have already seen that
the tributary chiefs residing o n the peripheral area between Malwa and Gujarat
frequently chaqeed sides-sometimes with Malwa, and sometimes with Gujarat as the
opportunity arbse. Increasing feuds of the Rajputs among their clan members was the
main reason why the Rajput state could not assume the 'Pan-India' status. T o add t o
this, unlike Gujarat and Bengal, other regions being land-locked (specially Jaunpur and
Malwa), did ndt have opportunity to develop Jverseas trade and commerce which
further curtail& their income and provided little ,cope for 'extra' resources required for
expansiori ,
The B.hm.nk
Muhammad Habib and K.A. ~ i z a m :i Delhi Sultanate.
A.B. Pandey: Early Medieval India and Later Medieval India.
Ishwari Prasad : Medieval India.
T.V. Mahalingam: Administration and Society under Viiqvnagar.
Nilakanta Sastri : A History of South India.

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' UNIT 1 AGRARIAN ECONOMY

After rdding this Unit you should be able to explain the:

1.2.1A Geographical and Chronological Patterns

I A Telupu lmcriptbn of lOtb ecatury A.D. from lndu K w ~ p d i recordr

2 & 3 Inscriptions from North Arcot in memory ofthose heroes whodidprotectingcanleduringcn~lemids.

1.2.2 Ideological Background

ii) 5th-7th antuna ii)

13.1 Churetcr raid Role d V ~ O W

Lands were given as bnhmadcya either to a single Brahmana or to several

The gift of land on officials in charge of administrative divisions is mentioned as

1.3.2 Rights in Land

Although there is some evidence of a communal basis of land rights in early

1.4 TECHNOLOGICAL IMPROVEMENTS

1.5 RURAL TENSION

1.6 AGRICULTURE AND THE EXCHANGE NETWORK

1.7 THE CHARACTERISATION OF EARLY

I The salient features of 'Indian Feudalism' are:

5) It was relatively a closed village economy. The transfer of human resources

In brief, a subject and immobile peasantry, functioning in relatively self-sufficient

The theory of the existence of autonomous peasant societies is put forward in

component of Indian feudalism. T h e theories df lndian feudalism and a u t o n o ~ o u s

Check Your Progress 3

3) Give five saiient features of Indian feudalism.

1.8 LET US SUM UP

1.9 KEY WORDS -

Agrahara : Primarily a rent free village in the possession of Brahmanas.

1.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

Check Your Progrgss 1

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the:

The study of urban settlements is an indispensable element in the understanding of

2.2 FORM AND SUBSTANCE OF URBAN CENTRES

Study of urban czntres is an important aspect of socio~conomichistory. Urbgn

Phases and Dciinition

Quality of material life and the nature of occupations, and

2) What are the important features of a town spelt by Gordon Childe?

2.3 THE GENERAL PATTERN

The post-Gupta centuries witnessed a new socioeconomic formation based on the

2.4 REGIONAL VARIATIONS AND TYPES

2.4.1 Rural Centres Transformed into Urban Centres

2.4.2 Market Centres, Trade-Network and Itinerant Trade

Nagarams located on important trade routes and at the points of intersection

I n Karnataka nagarams emerged more as points of exchange in trading network than

2.4.3 Sacred/Pilgrimage Centres

The early medieval urbanisation is sometimes characterised as "temple urbanisation"

2.4.4 Royal Centres or Capitals

2) How did the trading activities help in the growth of towns?

3) Did religious centres p h y a role in the process of urbanisation?

4) Write five lines on "administrative centres a s towns".

-- - ---- - -- - -- -- --- -- ---

The changes introduced by the system of land grants in the post-Gupta c e n t ~ ~ r i e s

2.6 KEY WORDS

2.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

Check Your Progress 1

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain:

The collection, distribution and exchange of goods is called trade. It is a process

Briefly, the two phases are marked by :

3.3 THE FIRST PHASE (c.A.D. 700-900)

3.3.1 Media of Exchange

p o u g h first suggested by D.D. Kostimbi, it was the publication of Professor

It is significant to note in this context that:

3.3.2 Relative Decline of Trade

8. Coins of Tenth Century A.D. 1