The period between 1660 and 1785 was a time of amazing expansion for England

— or for "Great Britain," as the nation came to be called after an Act of Union in
1707 joined Scotland to England and Wales. Britain became a world power, an
empire on which the sun never set. But it also changed internally. The world
seemed different in 1785. A sense of new, expanding possibilities — as well as
modern problems — transformed the daily life of the British people, and offered
them fresh ways of thinking about their relations to nature and to each other.
Hence literature had to adapt to circumstances for which there was no precedent.
The topics in this Restoration and Eighteenth Century section of Norton Topics
Online review crucial departures from the past — alterations that have helped to
shape our own world.

One lasting change was a shift in population from the

country to the town. "A Day in Eighteenth-Century
London" shows the variety of diversions available to
city-dwellers. At the same time, it reveals how far the
life of the city, where every daily newspaper brought
new sources of interest, had moved from traditional
values. Formerly the tastes of the court had dominated
the arts. In the film Shakespeare in Love, when Queen
Elizabeth's nod decides by itself the issue of what can
be allowed on the stage, the exaggeration reflects an underlying truth: the
monarch stands for the nation. But the eighteenth century witnessed a turn from
palaces to pleasure gardens that were open to anyone with the price of admission.
New standards of taste were set by what the people of London wanted, and art
joined with commerce to satisfy those desires. Artist William Hogarth made his
living not, as earlier painters had done, through portraits of royal and noble
patrons, but by selling his prints to a large and appreciative public. London itself
— its beauty and horror, its ever-changing moods — became a favorite subject of
writers.

The sense that everything was changing was also sparked by a

revolution in science. In earlier periods, the universe had often
seemed a small place, less than six thousand years old, where a
single sun moved about the earth, the center of the cosmos.
Now time and space exploded, the microscope and telescope
opened new fields of vision, and the "plurality of worlds," as
this topic is called, became a doctrine endlessly repeated. The
authority of Aristotle and Ptolemy was broken; their systems
could not explain what Galileo and Kepler saw in the heavens
or what Hooke and Leeuwenhoek saw in the eye of a fly. As
discoveries multiplied, it became clear that the moderns knew
things of which the ancients had been ignorant. This challenge to received opinion
was thrilling as well as disturbing. In Paradise Lost, Book 8, the angel Raphael
warns Adam to think about what concerns him, not to dream about other worlds.
Yet, despite the warning voiced by Milton through Raphael, many later writers
found the new science inspiring. It gave them new images to conjure with and
new possibilities of fact and fiction to explore.

Meanwhile, other explorers roamed the earth, where they

discovered hitherto unknown countries and ways of life.
These encounters with other peoples often proved vicious.
The trade and conquests that made European powers like
Spain and Portugal immensely rich also brought the scourge
of racism and colonial exploitation. In the eighteenth
century, Britain's expansion into an empire was fueled by
slavery and the slave trade, a source of profit that belied the
national self-image as a haven of liberty and turned British
people against one another. Rising prosperity at home had
been built on inhumanity across the seas. This topic,
"Slavery and the Slave Trade in Britain," looks at the experiences of African
slaves as well as at British reactions to their suffering and cries for freedom. At
the end of the eighteenth century, as many writers joined the abolitionist
campaign, a new humanitarian ideal was forged. The modern world invented by
the eighteenth century brought suffering along with progress. We still live with its
legacies today.

Periode antara 1660 dan 1785 adalah masa ekspansi yang luar biasa untuk Inggris
- atau "Inggris," sebagai bangsa yang kemudian disebut setelah Undang-undang
Uni pada tahun 1707 bergabung dengan Skotlandia ke Inggris dan Wales. Inggris
menjadi kekuatan dunia, sebuah kerajaan di mana matahari tidak pernah
ditetapkan. Tetapi juga berubah secara internal. Dunia tampak berbeda dalam
1785. Rasa baru, memperluas kemungkinan - serta masalah yang modern -
mengubah kehidupan sehari-hari orang-orang Inggris, dan menawarkan mereka
cara segar berpikir tentang hubungan mereka dengan alam dan satu sama lain.
Oleh karena itu sastra harus beradaptasi dengan keadaan yang belum pernah ada
sebelumnya. Topik dalam Pemulihan ini dan bagian abad kedelapan belas dari
Norton Topik tinjauan online penting keberangkatan dari masa lalu - perubahan
yang telah membantu untuk membentuk dunia kita sendiri.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Salah satu perubahan yang abadi adalah
perubahan dalam populasi dari negara ke kota. "A Day in Eighteenth-Century
London" menunjukkan berbagai hiburan yang tersedia untuk penduduk kota. Pada
saat yang sama, mengungkapkan seberapa jauh kehidupan kota, di mana setiap
koran harian membawa sumber-sumber baru yang menarik, telah pindah dari
nilai-nilai tradisional. Sebelumnya selera pengadilan telah mendominasi seni.
Dalam film Shakespeare in Love, ketika anggukan Ratu Elizabeth memutuskan
sendiri masalah apa yang dapat diperbolehkan di panggung, berlebihan
mencerminkan kebenaran yang mendasari: raja singkatan bangsa. Tapi abad
kedelapan belas menyaksikan giliran dari istana ke kebun kesenangan yang
terbuka bagi siapa saja dengan harga tiket masuk. Standar baru rasa yang
ditetapkan oleh apa yang orang-orang inginkan London, dan seni bergabung
dengan perdagangan untuk memenuhi keinginan tersebut. Artis William Hogarth
nafkah tidak, sebagai pelukis sebelumnya yang telah dilakukan, melalui potret
pelanggan kerajaan dan mulia, tapi dengan menjual sidik jarinya ke publik yang
besar dan menghargai. London sendiri - keindahan dan kengeriannya, suasana hati
yang selalu berubah - menjadi subjek favorit penulis.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Rasa yang semuanya bergantian sampai juga
dipicu oleh revolusi dalam ilmu pengetahuan. Pada periode sebelumnya, alam
semesta sering tampak tempat kecil, kurang dari enam ribu tahun, di mana
matahari bergerak tunggal tentang bumi, pusat kosmos. Sekarang waktu dan ruang
meledak, mikroskop dan teleskop membuka ladang baru visi, dan "pluralitas
dunia," sebagai topik ini disebut, menjadi doktrin tanpa henti berulang.
Kewenangan Aristoteles dan Ptolemeus rusak; sistem mereka tidak bisa
menjelaskan apa Galileo dan Kepler melihat di langit atau apa Hooke dan
Leeuwenhoek melihat di mata seekor lalat. Sebagai penemuan dikalikan, menjadi
jelas bahwa modern tahu hal-hal yang dahulu telah bodoh. Tantangan ini pendapat
terima mendebarkan serta mengganggu. Di Paradise Lost, Buku 8, malaikat
Raphael memperingatkan Adam untuk berpikir tentang apa yang menyangkut
dirinya, bukan untuk bermimpi tentang dunia lain. Namun, meskipun peringatan
disuarakan oleh Milton melalui Raphael, banyak penulis kemudian menemukan
ilmu inspirasi baru. Ini memberi mereka gambar baru untuk menyulap dengan dan
kemungkinan-kemungkinan baru fakta dan fiksi untuk mengeksplorasi.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Sementara itu, penjelajah lain berkeliaran di

bumi, di mana mereka menemukan negara yang sampai sekarang belum dan cara
hidup. Pertemuan ini dengan orang lain sering terbukti setan. Perdagangan dan
penaklukan yang membuat kekuatan Eropa seperti Spanyol dan Portugal sangat
kaya juga membawa bencana rasisme dan eksploitasi kolonial. Pada abad
kedelapan belas, ekspansi Inggris menjadi sebuah kekaisaran didorong oleh
perbudakan dan perdagangan budak, sumber keuntungan yang mendustakan-citra
diri nasional sebagai surga kebebasan dan berbalik orang-orang Inggris terhadap
satu sama lain. Meningkatnya kesejahteraan di rumah telah dibangun di atas
kebiadaban seberang lautan. Topik ini, "Perbudakan dan Perdagangan Slave di
Inggris," melihat pengalaman dari budak Afrika maupun di reaksi Inggris untuk
penderitaan mereka dan menangis untuk kebebasan. Pada akhir abad kedelapan
belas, karena banyak penulis bergabung dengan kampanye abolisionis, ideal
kemanusiaan yang baru ditempa. Dunia modern diciptakan oleh abad kedelapan
belas dibawa menderita bersama dengan kemajuan. Kami masih hidup dengan
warisan hari ini.

John Dryden

When John Dryden envisioned London rising from the Great Fire of 1666 to its
destiny as one of the great cities of the world (NAEL 8, 1.2085), he foresaw what
would actually happen. During the following century, the population doubled,
from 400,000 to 800,000. But still more, the cultural and commercial life of
Britain and its empire increasingly centered on London. Though a vast majority of
English people continued to work at farming, it was the city that set the tone for
business, pleasure, and an emerging consumer society. "When a man is tired of
London, he is tired of life," according to Samuel Johnson; "for there is in London
all that life can afford."

With so much to see and do, a day in eighteenth-century

London can be viewed as a microcosm of that world.
Pope's Rape of the Lock (NAEL 8, 1.2514) uses the
events of one day in high society, from dawn to dusk, as
the comic equivalent of a full epic action. The low
society of London also bombarded the senses. A
Description of the Morning, by Jonathan Swift, itemizes
some typical sights and sounds as the city wakes. All
sorts of noise filled the streets; the famous "Cries of
London," as vendors hawked their wares, were
celebrated in popular prints and songs.

During the day, London was a vast hub of finance, trade, and manufacturing;
ships jammed the Thames with traffic from all over the world. But Londoners also
found ways to mix business with pleasure. At midday it became the fashion to
drop into clublike coffeehouses, to meet friends and cronies and catch up with the
news. Another favorite gathering place was "the nave or centre of the town," the
Royal Exchange, rebuilt after the fire as a vast mall for shopping and trade. With
growing prosperity, London turned into a city where everything was for sale. Its
elegant shops dazzled tourists, supplying not only heaps of goods but also a
perpetual source of amusement.

In the evening, under the glow of much-improved oil-

burning street lights, London came alive with places to
go, to see and be seen. Glittering pleasure gardens,
especially Vauxhall and Ranelagh, provided luxurious
grounds to view works of art, to dance or listen to
music, to stroll and mingle and flirt. Varieties of
spectacles and shows drew larger and larger crowds,
and theaters expanded to meet the competition. At the London playhouses, the
audience itself was often part of the entertainment. Nor did the quest for pleasure
cease at the witching hour. According to John Gay's Trivia, thieves and mischief-
makers took over the streets at midnight, ready for a night ramble: "Now is the
Time that Rakes their Revells keep; / Kindlers of Riot, Enemies of Sleep." As part
of the city woke at dawn, another part was just going to bed.

Ketika John Dryden membayangkan London naik dari Kebakaran Besar 1666
takdir sebagai salah satu kota besar dunia (Nael 8, 1,2085), ia meramalkan apa
yang akan benar-benar terjadi. Selama abad berikutnya, penduduk dua kali lipat,
dari 400.000 menjadi 800.000. Tetapi masih lebih, kehidupan budaya dan
komersial Inggris dan kerajaan yang semakin berpusat pada London. Meskipun
sebagian besar orang Inggris terus bekerja di pertanian, itu adalah kota yang
mengatur nada untuk bisnis, kesenangan, dan masyarakat konsumen muncul.
"Ketika seorang pria lelah London, dia bosan hidup," menurut Samuel Johnson;
"Karena ada di London semua yang hidup mampu."

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Dengan begitu banyak untuk melihat dan
melakukan, satu hari di abad kedelapan belas London dapat dilihat sebagai
mikrokosmos dari dunia itu. Pemerkosaan Paus dari Lock (Nael 8, 1,2514)
menggunakan peristiwa satu hari di masyarakat tinggi, dari fajar hingga senja,
sebagai setara komik aksi epik penuh. Masyarakat rendah London juga
membombardir indera. Sebuah Deskripsi Pagi, oleh Jonathan Swift, itemizes
beberapa pemandangan khas dan suara sebagai kota bangun. Segala macam
kebisingan memenuhi jalan-jalan; yang terkenal "Teriakan dari London," sebagai
vendor menjajakan dagangan mereka, yang dirayakan dalam cetakan populer dan
lagu-lagu.

Siang hari, London adalah pusat besar keuangan, perdagangan, dan manufaktur;
kapal macet Thames dengan lalu lintas dari seluruh dunia. Tetapi London juga
menemukan cara untuk mencampur bisnis dengan kesenangan. Pada tengah hari
itu menjadi fashion jatuh ke kedai kopi clublike, untuk bertemu teman-teman dan
kroni dan mengejar ketinggalan dengan berita. Tempat berkumpul favorit lainnya
adalah "bagian tengah atau pusat kota," Royal Exchange, dibangun kembali
setelah kebakaran sebagai mal besar untuk belanja dan perdagangan. Dengan
meningkatnya kesejahteraan, London berubah menjadi sebuah kota di mana
segala sesuatu untuk dijual. Toko elegan yang terpesona wisatawan, memasok
tidak hanya tumpukan barang, tetapi juga merupakan sumber abadi hiburan.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Pada malam hari, di bawah cahaya lampu
terbakar minyak yang jauh lebih baik jalan, London datang hidup dengan tempat
untuk pergi, untuk melihat dan dilihat. Berkilauan kebun kesenangan, terutama
Vauxhall dan Ranelagh, disediakan alasan mewah untuk melihat karya seni,
menari atau mendengarkan musik, untuk berjalan-jalan dan berbaur dan flirt.
Varietas kacamata dan acara menarik yang lebih besar dan lebih besar orang
banyak, dan teater diperluas untuk memenuhi kompetisi. Pada playhouses
London, penonton itu sendiri sering menjadi bagian dari hiburan. Begitu pula
pencarian untuk kesenangan gencatan pada jam yg mempesonakan. Menurut
Trivia John Gay, pencuri dan kerusakan pembuat mengambil alih jalan-jalan pada
tengah malam, siap untuk mengoceh malam: "Sekarang adalah waktu yang garu
Revells mereka tetap; / Kindlers kerusuhan, Musuh Sleep." Sebagai bagian dari
kota terbangun saat fajar, bagian lain itu hanya akan tidur.

In the early 1660s, when the events described in Behn's Oroonoko (NAEL 8,
1.2183) are supposed to have taken place, England was not yet a major power in
the slave trade. Portugal had been actively engaged in the traffic in African slaves
for more than two centuries; Spain had built a lucrative sugar empire by importing
slave labor to the New World; and as early as the 1560s, the English captain John
Hawkins had plundered slaves from Africa and Latin America. But only in 1660,
when Charles II helped found a new company, the Royal Adventurers into Africa,
did England fully enter the trade. The first ships took slaves from the African
Gold Coast (Guinea) to Surinam and Barbados, a flourishing sugar island in the
Caribbean; by the early eighteenth century, the leading colony for sugar and
slaves was Jamaica. The trade continued to grow. In 1713 Great Britain was
awarded the contract (asiento) to import slaves to the Spanish Indies, and the
South Sea Company, which bought the contract, excited frenzied speculation.
This was a risky business, but the profits could be immense. Bristol, then
Liverpool, developed into prosperous slave ports, trading manufactured goods to
Africa for human cargo, which crossed the Atlantic on ships that returned to
England with sugar and money. By the 1780s, when Britain shipped a third of a
million slaves to the New World, the national economy depended on the trade.

The human cost was terrible. Though slavery in Africa had

long been common, the deadly voyage — the Middle
Passage — across the Atlantic made it something
unfamiliar, brutal, unendurable. Torn from their homes,
slaves were often packed into spaces too small to allow
them to turn, with barely enough food and drink and air to
keep them alive. It is estimated that 10 percent, on average,
died on each crossing; on a bad voyage the figure might rise
above 30 percent. Revolts and mutinies were common,
though seldom successful (since the slaves had nowhere to
go), and were ruthlessly punished. Nor did those slaves who
survived the crossing feel fortunate for long. On the labor-intensive Caribbean
sugar plantations, so many died that new shiploads were constantly needed (the
situation was different in North America, where slaves lived on to reproduce and
grow in numbers). Black people also lost their ties to the cultures in which they
had been born. Mixed together from different regions of Africa, without a
common language or background, they came to be identified merely by the color
of their skin. It was convenient for owners of slaves to regard them as less than
human.

The loss of humanity rebounded on Britain as well. The

English had long regarded themselves as a people uniquely
devoted to liberty, whose spirit was embodied in the rights of
Magna Carta (1215). James Thomson spoke for patriotic pride
in the chorus of "Rule, Britannia" (NAEL 8, 1.2840): "Rule,
Britannia, rule the waves; / Britons never will be slaves." But
British rule meant slavery for others. The deep contradictions
of this position were reflected in the political philosophy of
John Locke and the interpretations of law by William
Blackstone. Some Britons avoided shame by arguing that
slavery had uplifted negroes, since it had introduced them to
Christianity and civilization; one African American poet, Phillis Wheatley,
expressed her gratitude for this conversion. But many Britons were troubled.
Humanitarian feelings grew in strength throughout the later eighteenth century. A
famous, sentimental exchange of letters between the black writer Ignatius Sancho
and Laurence Sterne, the author of Tristram Shandy, displays their mutual
sympathy for the victims of the slave trade. Such cruelty was a libel on human
nature.

By the 1780s a wave of abolitionist fervor swept through Great Britain, led by the
Quakers and, in Parliament, by William Wilberforce (1759–1833). The Society
for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, founded in 1787, inspired many abolitionist
poets to join the campaign. A few years later the French Revolution, and the wars
that followed, caused a conservative backlash in Britain. Boswell, who had earlier
argued the case for slavery against Samuel Johnson (NAEL 8, 1.2849), wrote a
poem advocating "No Abolition of Slavery" in 1791. But Wilberforce won in the
end, and a bill abolishing the British slave trade became law in 1807. That did not,
of course, put an end to illegal trade, let alone slavery itself. The conflict between
boasts of liberty and the enslavement of human beings passed from Britain to
America, where its consequences would be written in blood. Yet the eighteenth
century, which witnessed the high tide of the slave trade, also gave rise to the
ideals of freedom, equality, and human rights that led to its doom.

Pada 1660-an awal, ketika peristiwa yang dijelaskan dalam Behn Oroonoko (Nael
8, 1,2183) seharusnya memiliki tempat yang diambil, Inggris belum menjadi
kekuatan utama dalam perdagangan budak. Portugal telah aktif terlibat dalam lalu
lintas di budak Afrika selama lebih dari dua abad; Spanyol telah membangun
kerajaan gula menguntungkan dengan mengimpor tenaga kerja budak ke Dunia
Baru; dan pada awal 1560-an, Inggris kapten John Hawkins telah menjarah budak
dari Afrika dan Amerika Latin. Tapi hanya pada tahun 1660, ketika Charles II
membantu menemukan sebuah perusahaan baru, Royal Adventurers ke Afrika,
apakah Inggris sepenuhnya masuk perdagangan. Kapal-kapal pertama mengambil
budak dari Afrika Gold Coast (Guinea) ke Suriname dan Barbados, sebuah pulau
gula berkembang di Karibia; pada awal abad kedelapan belas, koloni terkemuka
untuk gula dan budak adalah Jamaika. Perdagangan terus tumbuh. Pada tahun
1713 Inggris dianugerahi kontrak (asiento) untuk mengimpor budak Hindia
Spanyol, dan South Sea Company, yang membeli kontrak, spekulasi hiruk pikuk
bersemangat. Ini adalah bisnis yang berisiko, tetapi keuntungan bisa besar.
Bristol, maka Liverpool, berkembang menjadi pelabuhan budak makmur,
perdagangan diproduksi barang ke Afrika untuk kargo manusia, yang
menyeberangi Atlantik pada kapal-kapal yang kembali ke Inggris dengan gula dan
uang. Pada 1780-an, ketika Inggris dikirim sepertiga dari satu juta budak ke Dunia
Baru, perekonomian nasional tergantung pada perdagangan.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Biaya manusia sangat mengerikan. Meskipun

perbudakan di Afrika telah lama umum, pelayaran mematikan - Passage Tengah -
melintasi Atlantik membuat sesuatu yang asing, brutal, tak tertahankan. Robek
dari rumah mereka, budak sering dikemas ke dalam ruang terlalu kecil untuk
memungkinkan mereka untuk mengubah, dengan hampir tidak cukup makanan
dan minuman dan udara untuk menjaga mereka hidup. Diperkirakan bahwa 10
persen, rata-rata, meninggal pada setiap persimpangan; pada perjalanan yang
buruk angka mungkin naik di atas 30 persen. Pemberontakan dan pemberontakan
yang umum, meskipun jarang berhasil (karena budak tidak punya tempat untuk
pergi), dan kejam dihukum. Orang budak yang selamat persimpangan juga tidak
merasa beruntung lama. Di perkebunan gula Karibia padat karya, sehingga banyak
yang mati bahwa berkapal-kapal baru terus-menerus diperlukan (situasi berbeda di
Amerika Utara, di mana budak hidup untuk bereproduksi dan berkembang dalam
jumlah). Orang kulit hitam juga kehilangan hubungan mereka dengan budaya di
mana mereka telah lahir. Dicampur bersama-sama dari berbagai daerah di Afrika,
tanpa bahasa yang umum atau latar belakang, mereka datang untuk diidentifikasi
hanya dengan warna kulit mereka. Itu nyaman bagi pemilik budak menganggap
mereka sebagai kurang dari manusia.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Hilangnya manusia rebound di Inggris juga.

Inggris telah lama menganggap diri mereka sebagai orang unik dikhususkan untuk
kebebasan, dengan jiwa yang terkandung dalam hak-hak Magna Carta (1215).
James Thomson berbicara untuk kebanggaan patriotik dalam paduan suara "Rule
Britannia" (Nael 8, 1,2840): ". Aturan, Britannia, memerintah ombak; / Britons
tidak akan pernah menjadi budak" Tapi kekuasaan Inggris berarti perbudakan bagi
orang lain. Kontradiksi dalam posisi ini tercermin dalam filsafat politik John
Locke dan interpretasi hukum oleh William Blackstone. Beberapa orang Inggris
menghindari rasa malu dengan menyatakan bahwa perbudakan telah terangkat
negro, karena telah memperkenalkan mereka ke Kristen dan peradaban; satu
penyair Amerika Afrika, Phillis Wheatley, menyatakan rasa terima kasihnya untuk
konversi ini. Tetapi banyak warga Inggris yang bermasalah. Perasaan
kemanusiaan tumbuh dalam kekuatan sepanjang abad kedelapan belas nanti.
Sebuah terkenal, pertukaran sentimental surat antara penulis hitam Ignatius
Sancho dan Laurence Sterne, penulis Tristram Shandy, menampilkan simpati
mereka saling bagi korban perdagangan budak. Kekejaman seperti itu fitnah pada
sifat manusia.

Pada 1780-an gelombang semangat abolisionis menyapu Inggris, yang dipimpin

oleh Quaker dan, di Parlemen, oleh William Wilberforce (1759-1833).
Masyarakat untuk Penghapusan Perdagangan Budak, didirikan pada tahun 1787,
menginspirasi banyak penyair abolisionis untuk bergabung kampanye. Beberapa
tahun kemudian Revolusi Perancis, dan perang yang diikuti, menyebabkan reaksi
konservatif di Inggris. Boswell, yang sebelumnya berpendapat kasus perbudakan
terhadap Samuel Johnson (Nael 8, 1,2849), menulis sebuah puisi menganjurkan
"Tidak Penghapusan Perbudakan" di 1791. Tapi Wilberforce menang pada
akhirnya, dan tagihan menghapuskan perdagangan budak Inggris menjadi hukum
pada tahun 1807. Itu tidak, tentu saja, mengakhiri perdagangan ilegal, apalagi
perbudakan itu sendiri. Konflik antara membanggakan kebebasan dan perbudakan
manusia lulus dari Inggris ke Amerika, di mana konsekuensinya akan ditulis
dalam darah. Namun abad kedelapan belas, yang menyaksikan pasang dari
perdagangan budak, juga memunculkan cita-cita kebebasan, kesetaraan, dan hak
asasi manusia yang menyebabkan kehancuran.

I saw new worlds beneath the water lie,

New people, and another sky.

— Thomas Traherne, On Leaping over the Moon (NAEL 8, 1.1772)

Human beings have always dreamed about other worlds, but in the seventeenth
century many writers and artists began to see them. An age of exploration helped
bring about this giant leap in perspective. Since 1492, the New World had become
an established fact, and the encounter of Europeans with other peoples and
cultures revealed that other ways of life were possible, perhaps even satisfying.
More and more well-defined places filled the empty stretches on the map of the
earth. Jonathan Swift's Gulliver's Travels (1726) reflects — and mocks — this
interest in distant regions and outlandish customs, alternatives or mirror images of
Old World civilization. But the most amazing discoveries came from those who
stayed at home and looked through novel instruments, the microscope and
telescope. There, in a drop of water or the endless reach of the heavens, they
found what human beings had never seen before: innumerable, incredible new
worlds.

These vistas changed humanity's view of itself, as a species at the center of the
universe, with all other things and beings proportioned to the visible, inhabited
world — a comfortable human scale of values. Perhaps we were not so important
after all; perhaps these new microscopic and cosmic worlds had their own
inhabitants and justifications. This thought could be terrifying. Imagining himself
engulfed between infinity and nothingness, the great French scientist and
theologian Blaise Pascal expressed the terror of the interstellar spaces. Yet other
writers enjoyed their contemplation of the infinite plurality of worlds within us
and around us. The possibility of traveling there, at least in imagination, could
liberate the mind from its dull rounds, from custom and authority; science could
be as exciting as science fiction. To Margaret Cavendish, the duchess of
Newcastle, the multiplication of worlds was second nature — not least because
women as well as men could imagine worlds that were better suited to what they
desired.

The fascination of seeing strange creatures

and patterns beneath the microscope —
"To see a World in a Grain of Sand," as
William Blake recommended — or of
looking deeper into the sky also made
science accessible to the public.
Knowledge was charming; it could provide
new sources of pleasure. One of the most
popular books of the age, in England as
well as France, was Fontenelle's
Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds
(1686), in which a philosopher explains the universe to a beautiful and intelligent,
though uninformed, marquise. The line between the professional scientist (or
"natural philosopher") and the amateur enthusiast was not yet firm. Some writers
argued that women, because of their natural curiosity and detachment from the
business of making a living, could be better than men at scientific pursuits. Hence
The Female Spectator encouraged ladies to take an active interest in peering
through the microscope and telescope.

What was the significance of these new worlds? One common reaction,
epitomized by Joseph Addison, was to celebrate the plenitude of God's creation,
which crammed each bit of space, both great and small, with spirit and life and
being. Alexander Pope's Essay on Man (NAEL 8, 1.2541–48) and Christopher
Smart's Song to David both glory in the fruitfulness and generosity of the divine.
Similarly, James Thomson's Seasons (NAEL 8, 1.2860–62) describe an English
day from every perspective, whether vast or minute. Extraterrestrial life became
an article of faith for many scientists, like the great Dutch physicist Christiaan
Huygens. But other writers took a more skeptical view of the new philosophy.
Samuel Butler, Cavendish, and Swift all ridiculed the scientific establishment
embodied by the Royal Society; in one of Butler's poems, an elephant spied in the
moon turns out to be a mouse caught in the telescope. More down to earth, the
thresher poet Stephen Duck related mites to men.

Investigations of the worlds of the microbe and atom, the solar system and the
Milky Way, eventually changed the conditions of life on earth. In literature,
however, perhaps the most lasting effect was a new sense that reality has many
different faces, that each of us might inhabit a different world. When the novelist
Laurence Sterne recounted A Dream of the plurality of worlds, the hope and panic
of his dream expressed the feelings of his century and those of centuries to come.

Aku melihat dunia baru di bawah kebohongan air,

    Orang baru, dan langit yang lain.

    - Thomas Traherne, Pada Leaping selama Bulan (Nael 8, 1,1772)

Manusia selalu bermimpi tentang dunia lain, tetapi pada abad ketujuh belas
banyak penulis dan seniman mulai melihat mereka. Usia eksplorasi membantu
mewujudkan lompatan raksasa ini dalam perspektif. Sejak 1492, Dunia Baru telah
menjadi fakta yang mapan, dan pertemuan Eropa dengan masyarakat dan budaya
lain mengungkapkan bahwa cara lain untuk kehidupan yang mungkin, bahkan
mungkin memuaskan. Semakin banyak yang terdefinisi dengan baik tempat
mengisi membentang kosong di peta bumi. Jonathan Swift Perjalanan Gulliver
(1726) mencerminkan - dan mengolok-olok - bunga ini di daerah-daerah yang
jauh dan kebiasaan aneh, alternatif atau gambar cermin peradaban dunia lama.
Tapi penemuan paling menakjubkan datang dari orang-orang yang tinggal di
rumah dan melihat melalui instrumen baru, mikroskop dan teleskop. Ada, dalam
setetes air atau tak berujung jangkauan langit, mereka menemukan apa yang
manusia belum pernah lihat sebelumnya: tak terhitung banyaknya, luar biasa
dunia baru.

Pemandangan ini mengubah pandangan manusia dari dirinya sendiri, sebagai

spesies di pusat alam semesta, dengan semua hal-hal lain dan makhluk
proporsional kepada terlihat, dihuni dunia - skala manusia nyaman nilai. Mungkin
kita tidak begitu penting setelah semua; mungkin ini dunia mikroskopis dan
kosmik memiliki penduduk dan pembenaran mereka sendiri. Pemikiran ini bisa
menakutkan. Membayangkan dirinya ditelan antara infinity dan kehampaan,
ilmuwan Perancis yang besar dan teolog Blaise Pascal mengungkapkan teror
ruang antarbintang. Namun penulis lain menikmati kontemplasi mereka pluralitas
tak terbatas dunia dalam diri kita dan sekitar kita. Kemungkinan ke sana,
setidaknya dalam imajinasi, bisa membebaskan pikiran dari putaran
membosankan, dari adat dan otoritas; sains bisa menyenangkan seperti fiksi
ilmiah. Margaret Cavendish, yang duchess of Newcastle, perbanyakan dunia
adalah sifat kedua - paling tidak karena perempuan maupun laki-laki bisa
membayangkan dunia yang lebih cocok dengan apa yang mereka inginkan.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Daya tarik melihat makhluk dan pola aneh di
bawah mikroskop - "Untuk melihat Dunia di Grain of Sand," William Blake
dianjurkan - atau melihat lebih dalam ke langit juga membuat ilmu dapat diakses
oleh publik . Pengetahuan adalah menarik; bisa memberikan sumber-sumber baru
kenikmatan. Salah satu buku paling populer zaman, di Inggris serta Perancis,
adalah Conversations Fontenelle di dalam Pluralitas Dunia (1686), di mana filsuf
menjelaskan alam semesta untuk marquise cantik dan cerdas, meskipun kurang
informasi,. Garis antara ilmuwan profesional (atau "filsuf alam") dan penggemar
amatir belum tegas. Beberapa penulis berpendapat bahwa perempuan, karena rasa
ingin tahu alami mereka dan melepaskan diri dari usaha mencari nafkah, bisa
lebih baik daripada laki-laki di kegiatan ilmiah. Oleh karena itu Perempuan
Penonton mendorong wanita untuk mengambil minat aktif dalam mengintip
melalui mikroskop dan teleskop.

Apa arti dari dunia baru? Salah satu reaksi umum, dicontohkan oleh Joseph
Addison, adalah untuk merayakan kelimpahan ciptaan Tuhan, yang penuh setiap
sedikit ruang, baik besar dan kecil, dengan semangat dan kehidupan dan menjadi.
Essay Alexander Pope di Man (Nael 8, 1,2541-48) dan Christopher Smart Lagu
David baik kemuliaan dalam kesuburan dan kemurahan hati ilahi. Demikian pula,
James Thomson Seasons (Nael 8, 1,2860-62) menggambarkan hari bahasa Inggris
dari berbagai sudut pandang, baik besar atau menit. Kehidupan di luar bumi
menjadi sebuah artikel iman bagi banyak ilmuwan, seperti fisikawan Belanda
yang besar Christiaan Huygens. Tapi penulis lain mengambil pandangan yang
lebih skeptis terhadap filosofi baru. Samuel Butler, Cavendish, dan Swift semua
diejek pembentukan ilmiah diwujudkan oleh Royal Society; di salah satu puisi
Butler, gajah memata-matai di bulan ternyata mouse terjebak dalam teleskop.
Lebih turun ke bumi, perontok penyair Stephen Duck tungau yang berhubungan
dengan laki-laki.

Investigasi dari dunia dari mikroba dan atom, tata surya dan Bima Sakti, akhirnya
mengubah kondisi kehidupan di bumi. Dalam literatur, bagaimanapun, mungkin
efek paling abadi adalah rasa baru bahwa realitas memiliki banyak wajah yang
berbeda, masing-masing dari kita mungkin menghuni dunia yang berbeda. Ketika
novelis Laurence Sterne menceritakan A Dream dari pluralitas dunia, harapan dan
panik mimpinya mengungkapkan perasaan abad dan orang-orang dari abad yang
akan datang.
The international man of mystery who styled himself George Psalmanazar is
perhaps the eighteenth century's most notorious impostor. Psalmanzar (c. 1680–
1763), who was likely born in the south of France, successfully posed as a native
of the island of Formosa (present-day Taiwan) in British society for three years.
His public displays of "Formosan" behavior and discourses on fictional
"Formosan" religious practices eventually culminated in a popular but spurious
travelogue entitled An Historical and Geographical Description of Formosa, An
Island Subject to the Emperor of Japan (1704; expanded second edition, 1705). In
this entertaining book, Psalmanazar "explains" to the reader such aspects of
Formosan life as wedding and funeral ceremonies and the Formosan language,
based on an elaborate alphabet which he had designed himself, and which he was
invited to teach to Oxford students. Amidst growing scepticism regarding the
authenticity of his narrative, Psalmanazar was forced to reveal his deception in
1706.

Why should we consider the history of George Psalmanazar to

be the substance of anything more than an amusing footnote?
As Jack Lynch and other scholars have noted, Psalmanazar's
forgeries are not unique in the eighteenth century. One could
easily point to his fellow fakers: James Macpherson (1736–
1796), who concocted the Ossian poems (supposedly crafted
by an ancient Scottish bard), or Thomas Chatterton (1752–
1770), who "discovered" a fifteenth-century English poet,
Rowley. While Macpherson's and Chatterton's projects may
point to anxieties about British national identity, Psalmanazar's
travelogue interests precisely because Britons' initial acceptance of it is symbolic
of their hunger for stories of exotic encounters beyond Britain's borders. George
Psalmanazar's self-representation as a learned foreign traveller is one of many
indicators of Britons' increased "planetary consciousness," to borrow Mary Louise
Pratt's term for the "construction of global-scale meaning through the descriptive
apparatuses of natural history" (Imperial Eyes, 15). The exposure of the fictional
nature of Psalmanazar's travels draws our attention to the way in which all travel
narratives may be said to construct meaning.

The selected readings in "Trade, Travel, and the Expansion of Empire" offer one
mapping of the ways in which the English language fashioned and was itself
fashioned by various categories of travel and trade. One could also discuss, for
instance, the talismanic objects on Arabella Fermor's dressing table (see
Alexander Pope, "The Rape of the Lock," NAEL 8, 1.2514) and trace a material
history of common items of trade; or conduct a journey organized along political
borders, or one based on chronology, religion, literary genre, gender definition,
emotion, aesthetic theory, or some other equally intriguing rubric.

The tour begins with an examination of contemporary meanings of English words

relating to travel and trade, as defined in Samuel Johnson's landmark work, A
Dictionary of the English Language (1755). Johnson's words are both the products
of earlier travel narratives and the means to define new cross-cultural encounters.
A second selection from Johnson's works, the essay published as Idler No. 97
(1760), or "Narratives of Travellers considered," takes a critical look at travel
writing as a genre, and suggests the ways in which it might be improved.

Travelling for the benefit of one's health was a popular eighteenth-century

diversion, and the practice is represented in this collection by an account taken
from The Journeys of Celia Fiennes (1697), which describes Celia Fiennes's
excursions to take the water cure. Although international diplomacy, not health,
was the primary reason for Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's travels, her
observations of health practices in Turkey had significant import for Britons. Two
selections from Montagu's Turkish Embassy Letters (the 1717 letters concerning
the Turkish method of inoculation for the small pox and the Turkish baths) appear
here.

Eighteenth-century tourists also realized the educative benefits of travel, and

acknowledged the necessity of receiving a sound education at home to achieving a
rich travel experience abroad. As Joseph Addison writes in his poem, "A Letter
from Italy, to the Right Honourable Charles Lord Halifax in the Year MDCCI," a
person's response to foreign peoples and landscapes is conditioned by education
and literature at least as much as by the primary senses:

      For wheresoe'er I turn my ravish'd eyes,

Gay gilded scenes and shining prospects rise,
Poetic fields encompass me around,
And still I seem to tread on classic ground;
For here the Muse so oft her harp has strung
That not a mountain rears its head unsung,
Renown'd in verse each shady thicket grows,
And ev'ry stream in heavenly numbers flows. (Lines 9–16)

Nowhere was the imaginative collusion of landscape and literature rendered more
visible than on the Grand Tour, as Bruce Redford has observed. The first of three
contemporary views of the Grand Tour is a prescriptive parental letter from Philip
Dormer Stanhope, Fourth Earl of Chesterfield, to his son Philip Stanhope (1749),
then in Turin. Next, William Beckford rapturously charts the correspondence of
Roman history and Roman landscape in a letter from his work, Dreams, Waking
Thoughts and Incidents, in a Series of Letters, from Various Parts of Europe
(1783). Third, a dialogue from The Gentleman's Pocket Companion, for
Travelling into Foreign Parts (1723) offers a practical perspective on the borders
of language.

Voyages for the purpose of scientific and geographic discovery — popular

reading amongst merchants and aristocrats alike — demonstrate the material and
cultural importance of trade and exploration to Britons. Here the reader may
contrast extracts from James Cook's private journals from the voyage of the
Endeavour (1768–1771) with the polished-for-publication work of Cook's protégé
George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round
the World 1791–1795 (1798). Piracy's threat to British naval traffic is represented
too in the figure of Blackbeard, as depicted in A General History of the Robberies
and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates (1724) by "Captain Charles Johnson."
Similarly, English readers' growing sense of the importance of individual liberty
produced a fearful fascination in captivity narratives, such as that written by
Joseph Pitts: A True and Faithful Account of the Religion and Manners of the
Mohammetans (1704).

As international companies such as the East India and the Hudson Bay Company
expanded globally throughout the eighteenth century, there was opportunity for
increased contact with cultural groups who possessed systems of writing — the
form of literature recognized and privileged by Europeans. Curiosity, admiration,
and the exigencies of trade produced a marked interest in translating,
understanding, and sometimes exploiting "other" extant literatures. Sir William
"Oriental" Jones's translation of "A Persian Song of Hafiz" and the four ashlogues
translated by Nathaniel Brassey Halhed in A Code of Gentoo Laws, or
Ordinations of the Pundits (1776) illustrate some of these impulses at work. The
final act of translation apparent in eighteenth-century writing about travel and
trade is that of imagining, and in some cases appropriating, the position of the
"other." Oliver Goldsmith, in a letter from The Citizen of the World (1760–1761),
strategically occupies the stance of "foreigner" in order to satirize Britain's
domestic political problems.

Ultimately, the expansion of empire that occurred during the eighteenth century
cannot be mapped only by meridians crossed, acres gained, or flags planted; it
exists, too, in records of the imaginative commerce that passed between place and
the written word.

Pria internasional misteri yang menyebut dirinya George Psalmanazar mungkin

penipu paling terkenal abad kedelapan belas itu. Psalmanzar (c. 1680-1763), yang
kemungkinan besar lahir di selatan Perancis, berhasil berpose sebagai penduduk
asli pulau Formosa (sekarang Taiwan) dalam masyarakat Inggris selama tiga
tahun. Menampilkan publik tentang "Formosa" perilaku dan wacana tentang
"Formosa" praktik keagamaan fiksi akhirnya memuncak dalam perjalanannya
populer tetapi palsu berjudul Sebuah Deskripsi Sejarah dan Geografis Formosa,
Sebuah Pulau Tunduk pada Kaisar Jepang (1704; diperluas edisi kedua, 1705 ).
Dalam buku ini menghibur, Psalmanazar "jelas" kepada pembaca aspek-aspek
seperti kehidupan Formosa sebagai pernikahan dan pemakaman upacara dan
bahasa Formosa, berdasarkan alfabet rumit yang ia dirancang sendiri, dan yang ia
diundang untuk mengajar kepada siswa Oxford. Di tengah tumbuh skeptisisme
mengenai keaslian ceritanya, Psalmanazar terpaksa mengungkapkan penipuan di
1706.

[Klik gambar untuk memperbesar] Mengapa kita harus mempertimbangkan

sejarah George Psalmanazar menjadi substansi sesuatu yang lebih dari sebuah
catatan kaki lucu? Seperti Jack Lynch dan sarjana lain telah mencatat, pemalsuan
Psalmanazar tidak unik pada abad kedelapan belas. Satu dapat dengan mudah
menunjuk ke sesama fakers nya: James Macpherson (1736-1796), yang
mengarang puisi Ossian (konon dibuat oleh penyair Skotlandia kuno), atau
Thomas Chatterton (1752-1770), yang "menemukan" abad kelima belas Inggris
penyair, Rowley. Sementara Macpherson dan proyek Chatterton mungkin
menunjukkan kecemasan tentang identitas nasional Inggris, kepentingan
perjalanannya Psalmanazar itu justru karena penerimaan awal Britons 'itu adalah
simbol dari rasa lapar mereka untuk cerita pertemuan eksotis di luar perbatasan
Inggris. Representasi diri george Psalmanazar sebagai wisatawan asing belajar
adalah salah satu dari banyak indikator peningkatan Britons '"kesadaran planet,"
meminjam istilah Mary Louise Pratt untuk "konstruksi makna skala global melalui
aparat deskriptif sejarah alam" (Mata Imperial , 15). Pemaparan dari sifat fiksi
perjalanan Psalmanazar yang menarik perhatian kita pada cara di mana semua
narasi wisata dapat dikatakan untuk membangun makna.

Bacaan yang dipilih dalam "Trade, Travel, dan Perluasan Empire" menawarkan
satu pemetaan satu cara di mana bahasa Inggris kuno dan itu sendiri dibentuk oleh
berbagai kategori perjalanan dan perdagangan. Satu juga bisa membahas,
misalnya, benda-benda jimat di meja rias Arabella Fermor (lihat Alexander Pope,
"The Rape of the Lock," Nael 8, 1,2514) dan melacak sejarah bahan item umum
perdagangan; atau melakukan perjalanan yang diselenggarakan sepanjang
perbatasan politik, atau yang didasarkan pada kronologi, agama, genre sastra,
definisi jenis kelamin, emosi, teori estetika, atau rubrik yang sama menarik
lainnya.
Tur dimulai dengan pemeriksaan makna kontemporer kata bahasa Inggris yang
berkaitan dengan perjalanan dan perdagangan, sebagaimana didefinisikan dalam
tengara kerja Samuel Johnson, A Dictionary of Bahasa Inggris (1755). Kata-kata
Johnson keduanya produk narasi perjalanan sebelumnya dan sarana untuk
menentukan pertemuan lintas-budaya baru. Pilihan kedua dari karya Johnson, esai
diterbitkan sebagai Idler No. 97 (1760), atau "Narasi dari Wisatawan
dipertimbangkan," mengambil kritis melihat perjalanan menulis sebagai genre,
dan menyarankan cara-cara yang bisa diperbaiki.

Perjalanan untuk kepentingan kesehatan seseorang adalah abad kedelapan belas

pengalihan populer, dan praktek diwakili dalam koleksi ini dengan akun yang
diambil dari The Journeys of Celia Fiennes (1697), yang menggambarkan
kunjungan Celia Fiennes untuk mengambil obat air. Meskipun diplomasi
internasional, bukan kesehatan, merupakan alasan utama untuk perjalanan Lady
Mary Wortley Montagu, pengamatannya praktek kesehatan di Turki memiliki
impor yang signifikan bagi warga Inggris. Dua pilihan dari Turki Kedutaan Surat
Montagu (yang 1717 huruf mengenai metode Turki inokulasi untuk cacar dan
pemandian Turki) muncul di sini.

Turis abad kedelapan belas juga menyadari manfaat edukatif, dan mengakui
perlunya menerima pendidikan suara di rumah untuk mencapai pengalaman
perjalanan yang kaya di luar negeri. Seperti Joseph Addison menulis dalam
puisinya, "Surat dari Italia, ke kanan Mulia Charles Lord Halifax di Tahun
MDCCI," respon seseorang untuk orang asing dan lanskap dikondisikan oleh
pendidikan dan sastra setidaknya sebanyak oleh indera utama :

          Untuk wheresoe'er Aku berbalik mata saya ravish'd,

    Gay adegan berlapis emas dan bersinar prospek kenaikan,
    Bidang mencakup puitis saya sekitar,
    Dan aku masih tampak melangkah di tanah klasik;
    Karena di sini Muse jadi sering kecapi nya telah digantung
    Itu bukan gunung air mata kepalanya tanpa tanda jasa,
    Renown'd dalam ayat setiap belukar tumbuh teduh,
    Dan aliran ev'ry dalam jumlah surgawi mengalir. (Garis 9-16)

Nowhere adalah kolusi imajinatif lanskap dan sastra diberikan lebih terlihat
daripada di Grand Tour, sebagai Bruce Redford telah diamati. Yang pertama dari
tiga tampilan kontemporer Grand Tour adalah surat orangtua preskriptif dari
Philip atap Stanhope, Keempat Earl of Chesterfield, anaknya Philip Stanhope
(1749), kemudian di Turin. Selanjutnya, William Beckford rapturously grafik
korespondensi sejarah Romawi dan lanskap Romawi dalam surat dari karyanya,
Dreams, Waking Pikiran dan Insiden, dalam Seri Sastra, dari Berbagai bagian
Eropa (1783). Ketiga, dialog dari The Gentleman Pocket Companion, Perjalanan
ke Bagian Asing (1723) menawarkan perspektif praktis di perbatasan bahasa.

Pelayaran untuk tujuan penemuan ilmiah dan geografis - membaca populer di

kalangan pedagang dan bangsawan sama - menunjukkan material dan pentingnya
budaya perdagangan dan eksplorasi untuk warga Inggris. Di sini pembaca dapat
membandingkan ekstrak dari jurnal pribadi James Cook dari perjalanan dari
Endeavour (1768-1771) dengan karya-dipoles untuk-publikasi Cook anak didik
George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery ke Samudra Pasifik Utara dan Round
Dunia 1791 -1795 (1798). Ancaman Pembajakan terhadap lalu lintas angkatan
laut Inggris diwakili juga dalam sosok Blackbeard, seperti yang digambarkan
dalam Sejarah Jenderal Perampokan dan Pembunuhan dari Pyrates Paling
Notorious (1724) dengan "Kapten Charles Johnson." Demikian pula, rasa
pembaca bahasa Inggris 'tumbuh pentingnya kebebasan individu menghasilkan
daya tarik yang menakutkan dalam narasi penangkaran, seperti yang ditulis oleh
Joseph Pitts: Account Benar dan Setia Agama dan Manners dari Mohammetans
(1704).

Sebagai perusahaan internasional seperti India Timur dan Perusahaan Teluk

Hudson berkembang secara global sepanjang abad kedelapan belas, ada
kesempatan untuk meningkatkan kontak dengan kelompok-kelompok budaya
yang memiliki sistem penulisan - bentuk sastra yang diakui dan istimewa oleh
orang Eropa. Rasa ingin tahu, kekaguman, dan urgensi perdagangan menghasilkan
bunga yang nyata dalam menerjemahkan, memahami, dan kadang-kadang
mengeksploitasi "lain" literatur yang masih ada. Terjemahan Sir William
"Oriental" Jones dari "A Song of Persia Hafiz" dan empat ashlogues
diterjemahkan oleh Nathaniel Brassey Halhed di A Kode Hukum Gentoo, atau
Pentahbisan dari Pakar (1776) menggambarkan beberapa impuls ini di tempat
kerja. Tindakan akhir terjemahan jelas dalam menulis abad kedelapan belas
tentang wisata dan perdagangan adalah bahwa dari imajinasi, dan dalam beberapa
kasus appropriating, posisi "lainnya." Oliver Goldsmith, dalam surat dari The
Citizen of the World (1760-1761), strategis menempati sikap "asing" untuk
menyindir masalah politik dalam negeri Inggris.

Pada akhirnya, perluasan kerajaan yang terjadi selama abad kedelapan belas tidak
dapat dipetakan hanya dengan meridian menyeberang, hektar diperoleh, atau
bendera ditanam; itu ada juga, dalam catatan perdagangan imajinatif yang terjadi
antara tempat dan kata-kata tertulis.
 The Restoration and the Eighteenth Century (1660-1785)

1. 概論 General Introduction  and  2. 時代背景 Historical Background

The England to which Charles Stuart returned in 1660 was a nation

divided against itself, exhausted by twenty years of civil wars and
revolution. Early in Charles’s reign, the people were visited by two frightful
calamities that seemed to the superstitious to be the work of a divine
Providence outraged by rebellion and regicide: the plague of 1665, carried
off over seventy thousand souls in London alone, and in September 1666,
a fire that raged for four days destroyed a large part of the City (more than
thirteen thousand houses), leaving about two-thirds of the population
homeless. Yet the nation rose from its ashes, in the century that followed,
to become an empire. The Glorious Revolution of 1688-89 established a
rule of law, and the Act of Union of 1707, a political alliance, under which
England was transformed into Great Britain in fact as well as name—a
large country to which people of widely differing backgrounds and origins
felt they owed allegiance.

Many scholars think of it as properly three discrete literary eras: the

Restoration (1660-1700), dominated by Dryden; the Age of Satire (1700-
1745), dominated by Swift and Pope; and the Age of Johnson (1745-
1790), dominated not only by Johnson but by a new kind of poetry and a
major new literary form, the novel.  n the era of the Restoration, Dryden’s
occasional verse, comedy, blank verse tragedy, heroic play, ode, satire,
translation, and critical essay and both his example and his precepts had
great influence.  In the Age of Satire, the literature is chiefly a literature of
wit, concerned with civilization and social relationships, and consequently,
it is critical and in some degree moral or satiric. Some of the finest works
of this period are mock heroic or humorous burlesques of serious classic
or modern modes.

A morbid fascination with death, suicide, and the grave preoccupies the
poets of mid-century.  In the typical Gothic romance, set amid the glooms
and intricacies of a medireview castle, the laws of nightmare replace the
laws of probability.  Forbidden themes—incest, murder, necrophilia,
atheism, and the torments of sexual desire—are allowed free play;
repressed feelings, morbid fears rise to the surface of the narrative.  The
modern novel came into existence in this century. To a large extent, the
development of the novel is identical with the attempt to interest the
growing number of female readers by shaping their lives into literature.

文體介紹 Vocabulary, Language and Style

 Comedy of manners—its concern is to bring the moral and social

behavior of its characters to the test of comic laughter.  The male hero
 lives not for military glory but for pleasure and the conquests that he can
achieve in his amorous campaigns. The object of his very practical game
of sexual intrigue is a beautiful, witty, pleasure-loving, and emancipated
lady, every bit his equal in the strategies of love. The two are distinguished
not for virtue but for the true wit and well-bred grace with which they
conduct the often complicated intrigue that makes up the plot.

 Mock-Heroic/Mock Epic—A poem in Epic form and manner ludicrously

elevating some trivial subject to epic grandeur, juxtaposing high/grand
style and low/trivial subject, to make fun of somebody or something.

 The Augustan Poets —A special feature of eighteenth-century poetic

language is its emphasis on visualizing or personifying.  Critics of the time
all argued that poets showed their genius best by imagining or seeing
what they wrote about (not by facility with words or forms or abstract
ideas); and readers were skilled at making pictures from very small hints.

Pemulihan dan abad kedelapan belas (1660-1785)

1. 概論 Umum Pendahuluan dan 2. 時代 背景 Latar Belakang Sejarah

The Inggris yang Charles Stuart kembali pada tahun 1660 adalah bangsa terpecah-
pecah, kelelahan dua puluh tahun perang saudara dan revolusi. Pada awal
pemerintahan Charles, orang-orang yang dikunjungi oleh dua bencana yang
menakutkan yang tampaknya takhayul menjadi karya seorang Providence ilahi
marah pemberontakan dan pembunuhan raja: wabah 1665, diboyong lebih dari
tujuh puluh ribu jiwa di London sendiri, dan pada bulan September 1666, api yang
berkobar selama empat hari menghancurkan sebagian besar kota (lebih dari tiga
belas ribu rumah), meninggalkan sekitar dua-pertiga dari penduduk kehilangan
tempat tinggal. Namun bangsa bangkit dari abu, pada abad berikutnya, menjadi
sebuah kerajaan. The Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689 menetapkan aturan
hukum, dan Undang-Undang Uni 1707, aliansi politik, di mana Inggris berubah
menjadi Inggris sebenarnya serta nama-negara besar yang orang dari latar
belakang yang sangat berbeda dan asal-usul merasa mereka berutang kesetiaan.

Banyak sarjana menganggapnya sebagai benar tiga era sastra diskrit: Pemulihan
(1660-1700), yang didominasi oleh Dryden; Zaman Satir (1700-1745), yang
didominasi oleh Swift dan Paus; dan Age of Johnson (1745-1790), yang
didominasi tidak hanya oleh Johnson tetapi dengan jenis baru puisi dan bentuk
sastra baru yang besar, novel. n era Restorasi, sesekali ayat Dryden itu, komedi,
tragedi kosong ayat, bermain heroik, ode, satir, penerjemahan, dan esai kritis dan
baik teladan dan ajaran-Nya memiliki pengaruh besar. Di Zaman Satir, literatur ini
terutama literatur kecerdasan, berkaitan dengan peradaban dan hubungan sosial,
dan akibatnya, sangat penting dan dalam beberapa derajat moral atau menyindir.
Beberapa karya terbaik dari periode ini adalah tiruan burlesques heroik atau lucu
mode klasik maupun modern yang serius.

Sebuah daya tarik morbid dengan kematian, bunuh diri, dan kuburan
menyibukkan para penyair dari abad pertengahan. Dalam asmara Gothic khas, set
di tengah glooms dan seluk-beluk istana medireview, hukum mimpi buruk
menggantikan hukum-hukum probabilitas. Forbidden tema-incest, pembunuhan,
necrophilia, ateisme, dan siksaan seksual keinginan-diperbolehkan bermain bebas;
perasaan tertekan, ketakutan morbid naik ke permukaan narasi. Novel yang
modern muncul pada abad ini. Untuk sebagian besar, perkembangan novel identik
dengan upaya untuk menarik meningkatnya jumlah pembaca perempuan dengan
membentuk kehidupan mereka ke sastra.

文體 介紹 Kosakata, Bahasa dan Gaya

 Komedi tata krama-nya perhatian adalah untuk membawa perilaku moral dan
sosial karakter untuk tes tawa komik. Pahlawan laki-laki hidup bukan untuk
kemuliaan militer tetapi untuk kesenangan dan penaklukan yang ia dapat
mencapai dalam kampanye asmara. Tujuan permainan yang sangat praktis tentang
intrik seksual adalah indah, cerdas, suka berfoya-foya, dan wanita beremansipasi,
setiap bit-nya sama dalam strategi cinta. Keduanya dibedakan bukan untuk
kebajikan tetapi untuk kecerdasan sejati dan kasih karunia yang dibesarkan
dengan yang mereka melakukan intrik seringkali rumit yang membentuk plot.

 Mock-Heroic / Mock Epic-Sebuah puisi dalam bentuk Epic dan cara

menggelikan mengangkat beberapa topik sepele untuk kemegahan epik,
menyandingkan tinggi grand gaya / dan rendah / subjek sepele, mengolok-olok
seseorang atau sesuatu.

 The Augustan Poets -A fitur khusus dari bahasa puisi abad kedelapan belas
adalah penekanan pada visualisasi atau personifying. Kritik waktu semua
berpendapat bahwa penyair menunjukkan kejeniusan mereka terbaik dengan
membayangkan atau melihat apa yang mereka tulis tentang (bukan oleh fasilitas
dengan kata-kata atau bentuk atau ide-ide abstrak); dan pembaca yang terampil
membuat gambar dari petunjuk yang sangat kecil.

John Dryden
 John Dryden, an English poet and dramatist who would
dominate literary efforts of The Restoration, was born on
August 19, 1631, in Aldwinkle, Northamptonshire, England.
He received a classical education at Westminster School and
Trinity College, Cambridge, then moved to London in 1657
to commence his career as a professional writer. His first
play, The Wild Gallant (1663), was a failure when first
presented, but Dryden soon found more success with The
Indian Queen (1664) which he co-authored with Sir Robert
Howard and which served as his initial attempt to found a
new theatrical genre, the heroic tragedy. Although George
Villiers' The Rehearsal, a vicious satire of heroic tragedy, brought a quick end to
the form, Dryden still managed to produce a number of successful works in this
genre including The Indian Emperor (1665) and Secret Love (1667) which mixed
heroic tragedy with contemporary comedy.

The young playwright's reputation grew quickly, and in 1668, only ten years after
his move to London, Dryden was appointed Poet Laureate of England. (He was
later stripped of the title because of religious differences when William and Mary
came into power.) That same year, he agreed to write exclusively for Thomas
Killigrew's theatrical company and became a shareholder. Both his first offering,
Tyrannick Love (1669), and his successful follow-up, The Conquest of Granada
by the Spaniards (1670), are examples of heroic tragedy. In 1672, however,
perhaps sensing the demise of his short-lived genre, Dryden turned his hand to
comedy and produced Marriage A-la-Mode, a brilliant battle of the sexes.
Dryden's relationship with Killigrew's company continued until 1678 at which
point he broke with the theatre (which was floundering in debt) and offered his
latest play, Oedipus, a drama he had co-authored with Nathaniel Lee, to another
company.

In his later years, Dryden turned to poetry and solidified his reputation as the
leading writer of the day with such masterpieces as Absalom and Achitophel.
However, he continued to write for the theatre, producing such plays as Don
Sebastian (1689), the story of a king who abdicates his throne after discovering
that he has committed incest, and Amphitryon (1690), a brilliant retelling of the
classic myth. He also adapted a number of Shakespeare's plays icluding The
Tempest and All for Love (1677), a retelling of Antony and Cleopatra. In
addition, he wrote the libretto for several operas including The State of Innocence
(1677) (an adaptation of Milton's Paradise Lost) and King Arthur (1691) with
music by Purcell.

John Dryden died in London on May 12, 1700, and was buried in Westminster
Abbey next to Chaucer. He left behind almost 30 works for the stage as well as a
major critical study (An Essay on Dramatic Poesy) and a number of translations
including the works of Virgil.
John Dryden

John DrydenJohn Dryden, seorang penyair Inggris dan dramawan yang akan
mendominasi upaya sastra Restoration, lahir pada tanggal 19 Agustus 1631, di
Aldwinkle, Northamptonshire, Inggris. Dia menerima pendidikan klasik di
Westminster School dan Trinity College, Cambridge, kemudian pindah ke
London tahun 1657 untuk memulai karirnya sebagai penulis profesional. Bermain
pertamanya, The Wild Gallant (1663), adalah kegagalan ketika pertama kali
disajikan, namun Dryden segera menemukan lebih sukses dengan The Queen
India (1664) yang ia ikut menulis dengan Sir Robert Howard dan yang menjabat
sebagai upaya awal untuk menemukan Genre teater baru, tragedi heroik.
Meskipun George Villiers 'The Rehearsal, sebuah satir setan tragedi heroik,
membawa akhir yang cepat untuk membentuk, Dryden masih berhasil
menghasilkan sejumlah karya yang sukses di genre ini termasuk The Indian
Kaisar (1665) dan Secret Love (1667) yang dicampur tragedi heroik dengan
komedi kontemporer.

Reputasi muda dramawan tumbuh dengan cepat, dan pada tahun 1668, hanya
sepuluh tahun setelah kepindahannya ke London, Dryden diangkat Poet Laureate
Inggris. (Ia kemudian dilucuti dari judul karena perbedaan agama ketika William
dan Mary berkuasa.) Pada tahun yang sama, ia setuju untuk menulis secara
eksklusif untuk perusahaan teater Thomas Killigrew dan menjadi pemegang
saham. Kedua korban pertamanya, Tyrannick Cinta (1669), dan nya sukses tindak
lanjut, The Conquest of Granada oleh Spanyol (1670), adalah contoh tragedi
heroik. Pada 1672, bagaimanapun, mungkin merasakan kematian genre singkat
nya, Dryden berbalik tangannya untuk komedi dan diproduksi Pernikahan A-la-
Mode, pertempuran brilian jenis kelamin. Hubungan Dryden dengan perusahaan
Killigrew terus sampai 1678 di mana ia memutuskan hubungan dengan teater
(yang menggelepar utang) dan menawarkan bermain terbarunya, Oedipus, sebuah
drama yang telah turut menulis dengan Nathaniel Lee, ke perusahaan lain.

Dalam tahun-tahun berikutnya, Dryden berpaling ke puisi dan dipadatkan

reputasinya sebagai penulis terkemuka hari dengan karya seperti Absalom dan
Achitophel. Namun, ia terus menulis untuk teater, memproduksi drama seperti
Don Sebastian (1689), kisah raja yang abdicates tahtanya setelah menemukan
bahwa ia telah melakukan inses, dan Amphitryon (1690), menceritakan kembali
brilian mitos klasik . Dia juga diadaptasi sejumlah drama Shakespeare icluding
The Tempest dan All for Love (1677), menceritakan kembali dari Antony dan
Cleopatra. Selain itu, ia menulis libretto selama beberapa opera termasuk Negara
of Innocence (1677) (adaptasi dari Milton Paradise Lost) dan Raja Arthur (1691)
dengan musik oleh Purcell.

John Dryden meninggal di London pada tanggal 12 Mei 1700, dan dimakamkan
di Westminster Abbey sebelah Chaucer. Dia tertinggal hampir 30 karya untuk
tahap serta studi utama yang penting (An Essay on Drama Poésy) dan sejumlah
terjemahan termasuk karya-karya Virgil.
Aphra behn

Much conjecture and little tangible knowledge exists for a biography of Aphra Behn.

She was born Aphra Johnson, possibly in Canterbury, in December, 1640. 1  Of her
education, nothing is known conclusively. She probably lived in Surinam 1663-4, returned
to London, and perhaps married a "Mr. Behn" in 1664, though no records survive. The
same supposed Mr. Behn probably died in 1665, though some have suggested Aphra may
never have been married at all,2 only taken on the guise of "Mrs." for propriety and
protection's sake.  From 1666-7 Aphra Behn served King Charles II as a spy in Antwerp,
Netherlands, incurring debts in her work, which unpaid (as Charles II was notoriously
slow in remitting payments) she served a stint in debtors' prison.

After this experience, Aphra Behn apparently left the world of espionage behind for the
theatre. Her first performed play was The Forc'd Marriage, 1670, by The Duke's
Company.  The play was a popular and financial success — an encouraging start.  1671 saw
the performance of The Amorous Prince, and by 1672 Behn even edited Covent Garden
Drollery, a poetic miscellany.3  Many plays followed: The Dutch Lover (1673), Abdelazar,
(1676), The Town Fop, (1676), The Debauchee, (1677), and The Counterfeit Bridegroom,
(1677).

In March, 1677, Aphra Behn's play The Rover was produced. It was probably her most
successful play, and to this day her best known. Nell Gwyn, the famed actress and
mistress to King Charles II, came out of retirement to play the role of the whore, Angelica
Bianca ('white angel').  The Duke of York (later James II) was also said to have admired
the play.

The success of The Rover was succeeded by Sir Patient Fancy (1678), with Nell Gwyn
again in the lead, as Lady Knowell, and The Feigned Courtesans (1679), which Behn
dedicated to Nell Gwyn.  The plays were becoming increasingly risqué sexually, and Behn
herself was accused of being a libertine.  This perception was doubtless reinforced by her
friendship with the Earl of Rochester, infamous for his sexual escapades and explicit
poetry.

Women in the theatre, in general, had always been accused of practising the oldest
profession in the world — growing success was accompanied by envy, and a woman in a
traditionally male profession was subject to attack. In 1683, playwright Robert Gould
wrote of Behn and her fellow woman writers, notably Mary Villiers (Ephelia):  "Punk and
Poetess agree so Pat,/ You cannot well be This, and not be That.4  And yet nothing would
deter Aphra Behn from writing.

The tragicomedy  The Young King was produced in the autumn of 1679, The Revenge in
1680, followed by The Second Part of The Rover in early 1681, The False Count in
November and The Roundheads in December, 1681.  The City Heiress was produced in
the spring of 1682. While Behn's plays were generally popular with their audiences, she
encountered criticism from contemporaries and later readers alike for the rampant sexual
content. Alexander Pope, for instance, wrote of Behn:

The stage how loosely does Astræea tread

Who fairly puts all characters to bed.5

Like Father, Like Son of 1682 was a flop of such magnitude it did not warrant publication
and the manuscript no longer survives. Behn was arrested for a libellous prologue, but
was soon released. At this point, the Duke's Company merged with the King's Company to
form the United Company, and playwriting no longer offered a profitable avenue of
employ for Aphra Behn, who turned to other forms of writing.

Soon after, Aphra Behn finished her first book of poetry, which appeared as Poems Upon
Several Occasions in 1684. 1684 also saw the publication of Love Letters Between a
Nobleman and His Sister, a  Roman à clef  loosely based on a contemporary affair, and a
pioneer on the field of the epistolary novel. Both works were enormously popular and
went through several contemporary printings.  Love Letters even had two sequels:  Love
Letters Between a Nobleman and His Sister, Second Part (1685), and The Amours of
Philander and Silvia, (1687).

Charles II died in 1685 and was succeeded to the throne by his brother, the Duke of York,
as James II. Behn, like other writers of the day, wrote verses on both occasions, and
published another poetic miscellany. Additionally, Behn returned to writing for the stage.
The Lucky Chance was performed in 1686 and published in 1687, to be followed by the
farce The Emperor of the Moon, which was not successful.

In 1688, Behn published the work for which she is chiefly known today: Oroonoko, a
short novel about a noble slave and his tragic love. The novel, which may have been based
partly on first-hand experiences or stories the author heard in Surinam, was the first
English work in print to express sympathy for slaves. It was an instant success, going
through many reprints, and was even adapted for the stage by Thomas Southerne in 1695.
Oroonoko also appeared in Three Histories, 1688. The novellas included The Fair Jilt and
Agnes de Castro.

James II, who had never been popular as king, and was swiftly treading towards the fate
of his father, Charles I. He was made to abdicate the throne in what has come to be known
as the "Glorious Revolution" in December, 1688.

Aphra Behn, who had been a loyal supporter of James, was by this time ill. Her own
descriptions of her lame hands and the lampoonists' cruel verses mocking her "limbs
distortured" suggest she suffered severely from rheumatoid arthritis in her last years, but
kept writing in despite of the pain. Aphra Behn died on April 16, 1689, and was buried in
the cloisters of Westminster Abbey, where her stone still rests today at Poets' Corner —
not an inconsiderable honor for a woman playwright in the late seventeeth-century.  Two
of her plays, The Widdow Ranter and The Younger Brother, were produced and
published postuhumously.

Chiefly remembered for Oroonoko and her play The Rover, Aphra Behn herself wanted to
be remembered as a poet.  Current interest in woman writers of the Early Modern period
has resuscitated interest in Behn, and prompted many new editions of her works.  Aphra
Behn's poetry was vibrant and robust, and several poems merit rememberance of her as a
poet: "Love Arm'd" is frequently anthologized, "The Disappointment" is often discussed in
comparison with Rochester's "The Imperfect Enjoyment", and A Paraphrase on Oenone
to Paris induced even Dryden to praise it and publish it in his Ovid’s Epistles, 1680.

Although Aphra Behn's contemporaries, and the prudish eras after, vilified and belittled
her accomplishments as a writer due to her rampant and unapologetic use of sexual
subjects, current critics can judge her on her merits alone.  While she was preceded by
numerous female writers, notably Katharine Philips and Margaret Cavendish, Behn was
the first to consider herself a writer by profession, one "forced to write for Bread and not
ashamed to owne it."6  Her career did break ground for the women who came after, which
prompted Virginia Woolf's now-famous lines:
All women together ought to let flowers fall upon
the tomb of Aphra Behn, ...for it was she who earned
them the right to speak their minds.7

Banyak dugaan dan sedikit pengetahuan nyata ada untuk biografi Aphra Behn.

Ia dilahirkan Aphra Johnson, mungkin di Canterbury, pada bulan Desember,

1640,1 Of pendidikannya, tidak ada yang diketahui secara meyakinkan. Dia
mungkin tinggal di Suriname 1663-4, kembali ke London, dan mungkin menikah
dengan "Mr Behn" pada tahun 1664, meskipun tidak ada catatan bertahan hidup.
Hal yang sama seharusnya Mr. Behn mungkin meninggal pada 1665, meskipun
beberapa telah menyarankan Aphra mungkin tidak pernah menikah sama sekali, 2
hanya diambil pada kedok "Ibu" untuk kepatutan dan kepentingan perlindungan
itu. Dari 1666-7 Aphra Behn menjabat Raja Charles II sebagai mata-mata di
Antwerp, Belanda, menimbulkan utang dalam pekerjaannya, yang dibayar (seperti
Charles II adalah sangat lambat dalam mengirimkan pembayaran) dia menjabat
bertugas di penjara debitur.

Setelah pengalaman ini, Aphra Behn rupanya meninggalkan dunia spionase

belakang untuk teater. Dia bermain dilakukan pertama adalah The Forc'd
Pernikahan, 1670, oleh Perusahaan Duke. Drama itu sukses populer dan keuangan
- awal menggembirakan. 1671 melihat kinerja The asmara Pangeran, dan oleh
1672 Behn bahkan diedit Covent Garden kelucuan, sebuah miscellany.3 puitis
Banyak memainkan diikuti: Belanda Lover (1673), Abdelazar, (1676), The Town
Fop, (1676), The orang gasang, (1677), dan The Palsu mempelai pria, (1677).

Pada bulan Maret, 1677, bermain Aphra Behn The Rover diproduksi. Itu mungkin
bermain paling sukses, dan sampai hari ini dia dikenal. Nell Gwyn, terkenal aktris
dan nyonya Raja Charles II, keluar dari pensiun untuk memainkan peran pelacur,
Angelica Bianca ('malaikat putih'). The Duke of York (kemudian James II) juga
dikatakan telah mengagumi bermain.

Keberhasilan The Rover digantikan oleh Sir Pasien Fancy (1678), dengan Nell
Gwyn lagi dalam memimpin, seperti Lady Knowell, dan The pura-pura Pelacur
(1679), yang Behn didedikasikan untuk Nell Gwyn. Drama yang menjadi seksual
semakin agak bersifat cabul, dan Behn dirinya dituduh sebagai jangak a. Persepsi
ini pasti diperkuat oleh persahabatannya dengan Earl of Rochester, terkenal
karena petualangan seksual dan puisi eksplisit.

Perempuan di teater, secara umum, selalu dituduh mempraktikkan profesi tertua di

dunia - sukses berkembang didampingi oleh iri hati, dan seorang wanita dalam
profesi tradisional laki-laki tunduk pada serangan. Pada 1683, dramawan Robert
Gould menulis Behn dan penulis wanita sesama, terutama Mary Villiers
(Ephelia): "Punk dan penyair setuju jadi Pat, / Anda tidak bisa baik menjadi ini,
dan tidak That.4 Namun tidak ada yang akan menghalangi Aphra Behn dari
menulis.
The tragikomedi The Young Raja diproduksi pada musim gugur 1679, The
Dendam pada tahun 1680, diikuti oleh Bagian Kedua dari The Rover pada awal
1681, The Count Palsu pada bulan November dan The Roundheads pada bulan
Desember, 1681. The City Heiress diproduksi di musim semi 1682. Sementara
memainkan Behn umumnya populer dengan khalayak mereka, dia mengalami
kritik dari sezaman dan pembaca kemudian sama untuk konten seksual merajalela.
Alexander Pope, misalnya, menulis tentang Behn:

    Panggung bagaimana longgar tidak Astræea tapak

    Yang cukup menempatkan semua karakter untuk bed.5

Seperti Bapa, Anak Seperti 1682 adalah sebuah kegagalan sebesar itu tidak
menjamin publikasi dan naskah tidak lagi bertahan. Behn ditangkap karena prolog
memfitnah, tapi segera dirilis. Pada titik ini, Perseroan Duke bergabung dengan
Perusahaan Raja untuk membentuk Perusahaan Amerika, dan penulisan drama
tidak lagi menawarkan jalan menguntungkan mempekerjakan untuk Aphra Behn,
yang beralih ke bentuk-bentuk tulisan.

Segera setelah itu, Aphra Behn menyelesaikan buku pertamanya puisi, yang
muncul sebagai Puisi Setelah Beberapa Acara di 1684. 1684 juga melihat
publikasi dari Surat Cinta Antara bangsawan dan Suster-Nya, Romawi à clef
longgar didasarkan pada urusan kontemporer, dan pelopor di bidang novel
berkenaan dgn tulisan. Kedua karya yang sangat populer dan pergi melalui
beberapa cetakan kontemporer. Surat Cinta bahkan memiliki dua sekuel: Surat
Cinta Antara bangsawan dan Suster-Nya, Bagian Kedua (1685), dan The Amours
dari Philander dan Silvia, (1687).

Charles II meninggal pada tahun 1685 dan berhasil takhta oleh saudaranya, Duke
of York, seperti James II. Behn, seperti penulis lain hari, menulis ayat-ayat pada
kesempatan kedua, dan diterbitkan varia puitis lain. Selain itu, Behn kembali
menulis untuk panggung. The Lucky Kesempatan dilakukan pada 1686 dan
diterbitkan pada tahun 1687, yang akan diikuti oleh lelucon Kaisar Bulan, yang
tidak berhasil.

Pada 1688, Behn menerbitkan karya yang ia terutama dikenal saat ini: Oroonoko,
novel pendek tentang seorang budak yang mulia dan cinta tragis. Novel, yang
mungkin telah sebagian didasarkan pada pengalaman tangan pertama atau cerita
penulis mendengar di Suriname, adalah karya Inggris lebih dulu di media cetak
untuk mengekspresikan simpati budak. Itu adalah sukses instan, akan melalui
banyak cetak ulang, dan bahkan diadaptasi untuk panggung oleh Thomas
Southerne di 1695. Oroonoko juga muncul di Tiga Sejarah, 1688. The novel
termasuk The Fair menolak cinta dan Agnes de Castro.

James II, yang belum pernah populer sebagai raja, dan cepat menginjak terhadap
nasib ayahnya, Charles I. Ia dibuat untuk melepaskan tahta dalam apa yang
kemudian dikenal sebagai "Glorious Revolution" pada bulan Desember, 1688.

Aphra Behn, yang menjadi pendukung setia James, adalah saat ini sakit. Deskripsi
sendiri tangan lumpuh dan ayat-ayat kejam lampoonists 'mengejek nya "kaki
distortured" menyarankan dia menderita parah dari rheumatoid arthritis dalam
beberapa tahun terakhir, tapi terus menulis di meskipun rasa sakit. Aphra Behn
meninggal pada April 16, 1689, dan dimakamkan di biara Westminster Abbey, di
mana batu itu masih bersandar hari ini di Poets 'Corner - tidak suatu kehormatan
yang tidak sedikit bagi seorang wanita penulis naskah di abad-seventeeth
terlambat. Dua drama nya, The widdow pembual dan The Younger Saudara,
diproduksi dan diterbitkan postuhumously.

Terutama untuk diingat Oroonoko dan dia bermain The Rover, Aphra Behn
dirinya ingin dikenang sebagai seorang penyair. Bunga yang berlaku di penulis
wanita periode Modern Awal telah menghidupkan kembali minat dalam Behn,
dan mendorong banyak edisi baru karya-karyanya. Puisi Aphra Behn adalah
bersemangat dan kuat, dan beberapa puisi pantas mengenang dia sebagai penyair:
"Cinta Arm'd" sering anthologized, "Kekecewaan" sering dibahas dibandingkan
dengan Rochester "The Imperfect Kenikmatan", dan A Paraphrase di Oenone ke
Paris diinduksi bahkan Dryden untuk memuji dan mempublikasikannya dalam
bukunya Ovid surat-surat, 1680.

Meskipun sezaman Aphra Behn, dan era sopan setelah, difitnah dan meremehkan
prestasi sebagai penulis karena penggunaan merajalela dan menyesal nya mata
pelajaran seksual, kritikus saat bisa menilai dia di manfaat sendirian. Sementara ia
didahului oleh banyak penulis perempuan, terutama Katharine Philips dan
Margaret Cavendish, Behn adalah orang pertama yang menganggap dirinya
seorang penulis oleh profesi, salah satu "terpaksa menulis untuk Roti dan tidak
malu owne itu." 6 Karirnya memang melanggar tanah untuk para wanita yang
datang setelah, yang mendorong garis sekarang terkenal Virginia Woolf:

    Semua wanita bersama-sama harus membiarkan bunga jatuh pada

    makam Aphra Behn, ... untuk itu ia yang meraih
    mereka hak untuk berbicara pikiran mereka.

Quets
There is no sinner like a young saint.

—The Rover (1677), I.ii.

Pox of Poverty, it makes a Man a Slave,

makes Wit and Honour sneak, my Soul grow
lean and rusty for want of Credit.

—The Rover (1677), III.i.

Oh, I am arm'd with more than complete steel,—

The Justice of my Quarrel.

—Abdelazar, or The Moor's Revenge (1677), IV.v.

Patience is a flatterer, Sir—and an Ass, Sir.

—The Feign'd Courtesans(1679), III.i.

Variety is the soul of pleasure.

—The Second Part of The Rover (1680), I.

Come away; Poverty's catching.

—The Second Part of The Rover (1680), I.

Money speaks sense in a language all nations understand.

—The Second Part of The Rover (1680), IV.i.

One hour of right-down Love,

Is worth an Age of living dully on.

—The Second Part of The Rover (1680), V.i.

A brave world, sir, full of religion, knavery,
and change: we shall shortly see better days.

—The Roundheads (1682), I.i.

Yet if thou didst but know how little

wit governs this mighty universe.

—The Roundheads (1682), I.i.

Love ceases to be a pleasure,

when it ceases to be a secret.

—The Lover's Watch (1686)

Faith, sir, we are here today, and gone tomorrow.

—Lucky Chance (1687), IV.i.

Oh what a dear ravishing thing is the beginning of an Amour!

—The Emperor of the Moon (1687), I.i.

Of all that writ, he was the wisest bard, who spoke this
mighty truth — He that knew all that ever learning writ,
Knew only this — that he knew nothing yet.

—The Emperor of the Moon (1687) III.iii.

As love is the most noble and divine passion
of the soul, so is it that to which we may justly
attribute all the real satisfactions of life, and
without it, man is unfinished and unhappy.

—The Fair Jilt (1688)

That perfect Tranquillity of Life, which is nowhere to be

found but in retreat, a faithful Friend and a good Library.

—The Lucky Mistake (1688)

Tidak ada orang berdosa seperti orang suci muda.

-The Rover (1677), I.ii.

Cacar Kemiskinan, itu membuat Man Slave,

membuat Wit and Honour menyelinap, Soul saya tumbuh
ramping dan berkarat karena kekurangan Kredit.

-The Rover (1677), III.i.

Oh, saya arm'd dengan lebih dari baja lengkap, -

Keadilan Bertengkar saya.

-Abdelazar, Atau The Moor Pembalasan (1677), IV.v.

Kesabaran adalah penjilat yang, Sir-dan Ass, Pak.

-The Feign'd Pelacur (1679), III.i.

Variasi adalah jiwa kesenangan.

-The Bagian Kedua dari The Rover (1680), I.

Ayo pergi; Kemiskinan yang menangkap.

-The Bagian Kedua dari The Rover (1680), I.

Uang berbicara akal dalam bahasa semua bangsa mengerti.

-The Bagian Kedua dari The Rover (1680), IV.i.

Satu jam dari kanan bawah Love,

Bernilai Era hidup datar di.

-The Bagian Kedua dari The Rover (1680), V.i.

Sebuah dunia yang berani, Pak, penuh agama, ketidakjujuran,

dan mengubah: kita segera akan melihat hari yang lebih baik.

Roundheads -The (1682), I.i.

Namun jika Engkau telah tapi tahu betapa sedikit

wit mengatur alam semesta perkasa ini.

Roundheads -The (1682), I.i.

Cinta tidak lagi menjadi kesenangan,

ketika tidak lagi menjadi rahasia.

-The Kekasih Watch (1686)

Iman, Pak, kita di sini hari ini, dan besok hilang.

Kesempatan -Lucky (1687), IV.i.

Oh apa hal menggairahkan sayang adalah awal dari Amour!

-The Kaisar Bulan (1687), I.i.

Dari semua surat perintah itu, dia adalah penyair paling bijaksana, yang berbicara
ini
Kebenaran perkasa - Dia yang tahu semua yang pernah tertulis belajar,
Hanya tahu ini - bahwa ia tahu apa-apa belum.
-The Kaisar Bulan (1687) III.iii.

Seperti cinta adalah semangat yang paling mulia dan ilahi

jiwa, sehingga itu yang mana kita mungkin adil
atribut semua kepuasan hidup yang sesungguhnya, dan
tanpa itu, manusia belum selesai dan tidak bahagia.

-The Adil menolak cinta (1688)

Itu Ketenangan yang sempurna of Life, yang mana menjadi

ditemukan tetapi mundur, Teman yang setia dan Perpustakaan baik.

-The Beruntung Kesalahan (1688)

ANNE FINCH, COUNTESS OF WINCHILSEA, English

author, daughter of Sir William Kingsmill of Sidmonton, near
Southampton, was born in April 1661. Five months later her
father died, and her mother married in 1662 Sir Thomas Ogle.
Lady Ogle died in 1664, and nothing is heard of her daughter
 Anne until 1683, when she is mentioned as one of the maids of
honour of Mary of Modena, duchess of York.

She married in May 1684 Colonel Heneage Finch, who was

attached to the duke of York's household. To him she addressed
poems and versified epistles, in which he figures as Daphnis
and she as Ardelia. At the Revolution Heneage Finch refused
the oath of allegiance to William and Mary, and he and his wife
had no fixed home until they were invited in 1690 to Eastwell
Park, Kent, by Finch's nephew Charles, 4th earl of Winchelsea,
on whose death in 1712 Heneage Finch succeeded to the
earldom. The countess of Winchelsea died in London on the 5th
of August 1720, leaving no issue, her husband surviving until
1726.

Lady Winchelsea's poems contain many copies of verse

addressed to her friends and contemporaries. She was to some
extent a follower of the "matchless Orinda" in the fervour of her
friendships. During her lifetime she published her poem "The
Spleen" in Gildon's Miscellany (1701) and a volume of Poems in
1713 which included a tragedy called Aristomenes.

With Alexander Pope she was on friendly terms, and one of the
seven commendatory poems printed with the 1717 edition of his
works was by her. But in the farce Three Hours after Marriage
(1717) attributed to Gay, but really the work of Pope, Arbuthnot
and Gay, she is ridiculed as the learned lady, Phoebe Clinket, a
character assigned to Pope's hand.

Lady Winchelsea's poems were almost forgotten when

Wordsworth in the "Essay, supplementary to the Preface" of his
Poems (1815), drew attention to her nature-poetry, asserting
that with the exception of Pope's "Windsor Forest" and her
"Nocturnal Reverie," English poetry between Paradise Lost and
Thomson's Seasons did not present "a single new image of
external nature." Wordsworth sent at Christmas 1819 a MS. of
extracts from Lady Winchelsea and other writers to Lady Mary
Lowther, and his correspondence with Alexander Dyce contains
some minute criticism and appreciation of her poetry.

Mr Edmund Gosse wrote a notice of her poems for T. H. Ward's

English Poets (1880), and in 1884 came into possession of a
MS. volume of her poems. A complete edition of her verse, The
Poems of Anne, Countess of Winchilsea, was edited by Myra
Reynolds (Chicago, 1903) with an exhaustive essay. See also E.
Gosse, Gossip in a Library (1891).
Potret Anne Finch, Countess Of Winchilsea
Anne Finch, Countess of Winchilsea (1661-1720)

ANNE Finch, Countess of WINCHILSEA, penulis Inggris, putri Sir William

Kingsmill dari Sidmonton, dekat Southampton, lahir pada bulan April 1661. Lima
bulan kemudian ayahnya meninggal, dan ibunya menikah pada 1662 Sir Thomas
Ogle. Lady Ogle meninggal pada tahun 1664, dan tidak ada yang mendengar
putrinya Anne sampai 1683, ketika dia disebutkan sebagai salah satu pelayan
kehormatan Maria dari Modena, duchess of York.

Dia menikah Mei 1684 Kolonel Heneage Finch, yang melekat pada duke rumah
tangga York. Baginya dia ditangani puisi dan surat-surat versified, di mana ia
tokoh sebagai Daphnis dan dia sebagai Ardelia. Pada Revolusi Heneage Finch
menolak sumpah setia kepada William dan Mary, dan ia dan istrinya telah ada
tetap rumah sampai mereka diundang pada tahun 1690 untuk Eastwell Park, Kent,
oleh Finch keponakan Charles, 4 earl of Winchelsea, yang pada kematian 1712
Heneage Finch berhasil earldom tersebut. The Countess of Winchelsea meninggal
di London pada 5 Agustus 1720, tanpa meninggalkan masalah, suaminya masih
hidup sampai 1726.

Puisi Lady Winchelsea yang mengandung banyak salinan dari ayat yang ditujukan
kepada teman-temannya dan sezaman. Dia sampai batas tertentu pengikut "Orinda
tak tertandingi" dalam semangat persahabatan nya. Selama hidupnya ia
menerbitkan puisinya "The Limpa" di Gildon di Miscellany (1701) dan volume
Puisi pada tahun 1713 yang termasuk tragedi yang disebut Aristomenes.

Dengan Alexander Pope dia bersahabat, dan salah satu dari tujuh puisi pujian
dicetak dengan edisi 1717 dari karya-karyanya adalah olehnya. Namun dalam
lelucon Tiga jam setelah Pernikahan (1717) dikaitkan dengan Gay, tapi benar-
benar karya Paus, Arbuthnot dan Gay, dia diejek sebagai wanita belajar, Phoebe
Clinket, karakter ditugaskan untuk tangan Paus.

Puisi Lady Winchelsea yang hampir terlupakan ketika Wordsworth dalam "Essay,
tambahan kepada Pengantar" Puisi nya (1815), menarik perhatian padanya sifat-
puisi, menyatakan bahwa dengan pengecualian "Windsor Hutan" Paus dan dia
"Nocturnal Reverie, "puisi Inggris antara Paradise Lost dan Thomson Seasons
tidak hadir" citra single baru alam eksternal. " Wordsworth dikirim pada Natal
1819 MS. ekstrak dari Lady Winchelsea dan penulis lain untuk Lady Mary
Lowther, dan korespondensi dengan Alexander Dyce berisi beberapa menit kritik
dan apresiasi puisi.

Mr Edmund Gosse menulis pemberitahuan puisinya untuk TH Ward English

Poets (1880), dan pada tahun 1884 datang ke kepemilikan MS a. volume puisinya.
Edisi lengkap ayat nya, The Puisi Anne, Countess of Winchilsea, diedit oleh Myra
Reynolds (Chicago, 1903) dengan esai lengkap. Lihat juga E. Gosse, Gossip di
Perpustakaan (1891).

Alas! a woman that attempts the pen,

Such an intruder on the rights of men,
Such a presumptuous Creature, is esteem'd,
The fault, can by no virtue be redeem'd.
—The Introduction

Each Woman has her weakness; mine indeed

Is still to write, though hopeless to succeed.

—The Apology

They err, who say that husbands can't be lovers.

—A Letter to Daphnis

Judge not my passion by my want of skill;

Many love well, though they express it ill.

—A Letter to Daphnis

They need no foreign aid invoke,

No help to draw a moving stroke,
Who dictate from the Heart.

—To Mister F., now Earl of W.

Eph.  What is Friendship, when complete?

Ard.  'Tis to share all Joy and Grief;
            'Tis to lend all due Relief
            From the Tongue, the Heart, the Hand;
            'Tis to mortgage House and Land;
            For a Friend be sold a Slave;
            'Tis to die upon a Grave,
            If a Friend therein do lie.
—Friendship between Ephelia and Ardelia

Give me, O indulgent Fate!

Give me yet, before I die,
A sweet, but absolute Retreat,
'Mongst paths so lost, and trees so high,
That the world may ne'er invade,
Through such windings and such shade,
My unshaken Liberty.

—The Petition for an Absolute Retreat

Four Women to wheedle, but found 'em too many,

For who wou'd please all, can never please any.

—The Circuit of Apollo

There is a season, which too fast approaches,

And every list'ning beauty nearly touches;
When handsome Ladies, falling to decay,
Pass thro' new epithets to smooth the way:
From fair and young transportedly confess'd,
Dwindle to fine, well-fashioned, and well-dressed.
Thence as their fortitude's extremest proof,
To well as yet; from well to well enough;
Till having on such weak foundation stood,
Deplorably at last they sink to good.
Abandon'd then, 'tis time to be retir'd,
And seen no more, when not alas! admir'd.

—Epilogue to the Tragedy of Jane Shore

We rule the world our life's whole race,
     Men but assume that right;

—Answer to Mr. Pope

We're born to wit; but, to be wise,

     By admonitions taught.

—Answer to Mr. Pope

Alas! seorang wanita yang mencoba pena,
Seperti penyusup pada hak-hak manusia,
Seperti Creature sombong, yang esteem'd,
Kesalahan, bisa dengan tidak ada kebajikan akan redeem'd.

-The Pendahuluan

Setiap Wanita memiliki kelemahannya; saya memang

Apakah masih menulis, meskipun harapan untuk berhasil.

-The Permintaan Maaf

Mereka berbuat salah, yang mengatakan bahwa suami tidak bisa kekasih.

Surat -A ke Daphnis

Hakim tidak saya sukai oleh keinginan saya keterampilan;

Banyak cinta dengan baik, meskipun mereka mengekspresikannya sakit.

Surat -A ke Daphnis

Mereka tidak perlu Panggil bantuan luar negeri,

Tidak ada bantuan untuk menggambar stroke bergerak,
Yang menentukan dari Hati.

-Untuk Pak F., sekarang Earl of W.

Ef. Apa Persahabatan, setelah selesai?

Ard. 'Tis untuk berbagi semua Joy dan Duka;
            'Tis untuk meminjamkan semua bantuan karena
            Dari Lidah, Hati, Tangan;
            'Tis menggadaikan Rumah dan Tanah;
            Untuk Teman dijual Slave a;
            'Tis mati pada Grave a,
            Jika Teman di dalamnya melakukan kebohongan.

-Friendship Antara Ephelia dan Ardelia

Beri aku, ya sabar Takdir!

Beri aku lagi, sebelum aku mati,
Sebuah manis, tapi mutlak Retreat,
Jalur 'Mongst jadi hilang, dan pohon-pohon begitu tinggi,
Supaya dunia tak pernah menyerang,
Melalui gulungan tersebut dan bayangan tersebut,
Saya tak tergoyahkan Liberty.

-The Petisi untuk Retreat Absolute

Empat Perempuan untuk memancing, tetapi ditemukan 'em terlalu banyak,

Untuk yang wou'd mohon semua, tidak pernah bisa menyenangkan setiap.

-The Circuit of Apollo

Ada musim, yang pendekatan terlalu cepat,

Dan setiap keindahan list'ning hampir menyentuh;
Ketika wanita tampan, jatuh membusuk,
Lulus thro 'julukan baru untuk memuluskan jalan tersebut:
Dari adil dan muda confess'd transportedly,
Berkurang denda, baik kuno, dan berpakaian rapi.
Situ sebagai bukti extremest ketabahan mereka,
Untuk serta belum; dari sumur ke cukup baik;
Hingga memiliki fondasi yang lemah seperti berdiri,
Deplorably akhirnya mereka tenggelam ke baik.
Abandon'd kemudian, 'waktu tis untuk retir'd,
Dan terlihat tidak lebih, bila tidak sayang! admir'd.

-Epilogue Untuk Tragedi Jane Shore

Kami menguasai dunia seluruh ras hidup kita,

     Pria tetapi menganggap hak itu;
-Terima Mr Paus

Kita lahir yakni; namun, untuk menjadi bijaksana,

     Dengan peringatan diajarkan.

-Terima Mr Paus

 
JONATHAN SWIFT, Dean of St Patrick's, Dublin, British satirist, was born at No. 7
Hoey's Court, Dublin, on the 30th of November 1667, a few months after the death of his
father, Jonathan Swift (1640-1667), who married about 1664 Abigaile Erick, of an old
Leicestershire family. He was taken over to England as an infant and nursed at
Whitehaven, whence he returned to Ireland in his fourth year. His grandfather, Thomas
Swift, vicar of Goodrich near Ross, appears to have been a doughty member of the church
militant, who lost his possessions by taking the losing side in the Civil War and died in
1658 before the restoration could bring him redress. He married Elizabeth, niece of Sir
Erasmus Dryden, the poet's grandfather. Hence the familiarity of the poet's well-known
"cooling-card" to the budding genius of his kinsman Jonathan: "Cousin Swift, you will
never be a poet."

The young Jonathan was educated mainly at the charges of his uncle Godwin, a Tipperary
official, who was thought to dole out his help in a somewhat grudging manner. In fact the
apparently prosperous relative was the victim of unfortunate speculations, and chose
rather to be reproached with avarice than with imprudence. The youth was resentful of
what he regarded as curmudgeonly treatment, a bitterness became ingrained and began
to corrode his whole nature; and although he came in time to grasp the real state of the
case he never mentioned his uncle with kindness or regard. At six he went to Kilkenny
School, where Congreve was a schoolfellow; at fourteen he entered pensioner at Trinity
College, Dublin, where he seems to have neglected his opportunities. He was referred in
natural philosophy, including mathematics, and obtained his degree only by a special but
by no means infrequent act of indulgence. The patronage of his uncle galled him: he was
dull and unhappy. We find in Swift few signs of precocious genius. As with Goldsmith,
and so many other men who have become artists of the pen, college proved a stepmother
to him.

In 1688 the rich uncle, whose supposed riches had dwindled so much that at his death he
was almost insolvent, died, having decayed, it would seem, not less in mind than in body
and estate, and Swift sought counsel of his mother at Leicester. After a brief residence
with his mother, who was needlessly alarmed at the idea of her son falling a victim to
some casual coquette, Swift towards the close of 1689 entered upon an engagement as
secretary to Sir William Temple, whose wife (Dorothy Osborne) was distantly related to
Mrs Swift. It was at Moor Park, near Farnham, the residence to which Temple had retired
to cultivate apricots after the rapid decline of his influence during the critical period of
King Charles II's reign (1679-1681), that Swift's acquaintance with Esther Johnson, the
"Stella"1 of the famous Journal, was begun. Stella's mother was living at Moor Park, as
servant or dame de compagnie of Temple's strong-minded sister, Lady Giffard. Swift was
twenty-two and Esther eight years old at the time, and a curious friendship sprang up
between them. He taught the little girl how to write and gave her advice in reading.

On his arrival at Moor Park, Swift was, in his own words, a raw, inexperienced youth, and
his duties were merely those of accountkeeper and amanuensis: his ability gradually won
him the confidence of his employer, and he was entrusted with some important missions.
He was introduced to William III during that monarch's visit to Sir William's, and on one
occasion accompanied the king in his walks round the grounds. In 1693 Temple sent him
to try and convince the king of the inevitable necessity of triennial parliaments. William
remained unconvinced and Swift's vanity received a useful lesson. The king had
previously taught him "how to cut asparagus after the Dutch fashion." Next year,
however, Swift (who had in the meantime obtained the degree of M.A. ad eundem at
Oxford) quitted Temple, who had, he considered, delayed too long in obtaining him
preferment. A certificate of conduct while under Temple's roof was required by all the
Irish bishops he consulted before they would proceed in the matter of his ordination, and
after five months' delay, caused by wounded pride, Swift had to kiss the rod and solicit in
obsequious terms the favour of a testimonial from his discarded patron. Forgiveness was
easy to a man of Temple's elevation and temperament, and he not only despatched the
necessary recommendation but added a personal request which obtained for Swift the
small prebend of Kilroot near Belfast (January 1695), where the new incumbent carried
on a premature flirtation with a Miss Jane Waring, whom he called "Varina." In the
spring of 1696 he asked the reluctant Varina to wait until he was in a position to marry.
Just four years later he wrote to her in terms of such calculated harshness and imposed
such conditions as to make further intercourse virtually impossible.

In the meantime he had grown tired of Irish life and was glad to accept Temple's proposal
for his return to Moor Park, where he continued until Temple's death in January 1699.
During this period he wrote much and burned most of what he had written. He read and
learned even more than he wrote. Moor Park took him away from brooding and glooming
in Ireland and brought him into the corridor of contemporary history, an intimate
acquaintance with which became the chief passion of Swift's life. His Pindaric Odes,
written at this period or earlier, in the manner of Cowley, indicate the rudiments of a real
satirist, but a satirist struggling with a most uncongenial form of expression. Of more
importance was his first essay in satiric prose which arose directly from the position
which he occupied as domestic author in the Temple household. Sir William had in 1692
published his Essay upon Ancient and Modern Learning, transplanting to England a
controversy begun in France by Fontenelle. Incidentally Temple had cited the letters of
Phalaris as evidence of the superiority of the Ancients over the Moderns. Temple's praise
of Phalaris led to an Oxford edition of the Epistles nominally edited by Charles Boyle.
While this was preparing, William Wotton, in 1694, wrote his Reflections upon Ancient
and Modern Learning, traversing Temple's general conclusions. Swift's Battle of the
Books was written in 1697 expressly to refute this. Boyle's Vindication and Bentley's
refutation of the authenticity of Phalaris came later.

Swift's aim was limited to co-operation in what was then deemed the well-deserved
putting down of Bentley by Boyle, with a view to which he represented Bentley and
Wotton as the representatives of modern pedantry, transfixed by Boyle in a suit of
armour given him by the gods as the representative of the "two noblest of things,
sweetness and light." The satire remained unpublished until 1704, when it was issued
along with The Tale of a Tub. Next year Wotton declared that Swift had borrowed his
Combat des livres from the Histoire poetique de la guerre nouvellement declaree entre
les anciens et les modernes (Paris, 1688). He might have derived the idea of a battle from
the French title, but the resemblances and parallels between the two books are slight.
Swift was manifestly extremely imperfectly acquainted with the facts of the case at issue.
Such data as he displays may well have been derived from no authority more recondite
than Temple's own essay.

In addition to £100, Temple left to Swift the trust and profit of publishing his
posthumous writings. Five volumes appeared in 1700, 1703 and 1709. The resulting profit
was small, and Swift's editorial duties brought him into acrimonious relation with Lady
Giffard. The dedication to King William was to have procured Swift an English prebend,
but this miscarried owing to the negligence or indifference of Henry Sidney, earl of
Romney. Swift then accepted an offer from Lord Berkeley, who in the summer of 1699
was appointed one of the lords justices of Ireland. Swift was to be his chaplain and
secretary, but upon reaching Ireland Berkeley gave the secretaryship to a Mr Bushe, who
had persuaded him that it was an unfit post for a clergyman. The rich deanery of Derry
then became vacant and Swift applied for it. The secretary had already accepted a bribe,
but Swift was informed that he might still have the place for £1000. With bitter
indignation Swift denounced the simony and threw up his chaplaincy, but he was
ultimately reconciled to Berkeley by the presentation to the rectory of Agher in Meath
with the united vicarages of Laracor and Rathbeggan, to which was added the prebend of
Dunlavin in St Patrick's — the total value being about £230 a year.

He was now often in Dublin, at most twenty miles distant, and through Lady Berkeley
and her daughters he became the familiar and chartered satirist of the fashionable society
there. At Laracor, near Trim, Swift rebuilt the parsonage, made a fish-pond, and planted a
garden with poplars and willows, bordering a canal. His congregation consisted of about
fifteen persons, "most of them gentle and all of them simple." He read prayers on
Wednesdays and Fridays to himself and his clerk, beginning the exhortation "Dearly
beloved Roger, the Scripture moveth you and me in sundry places." But he soon began to
grow tired of Ireland again and to pay visits in Leicester and London. The author of the
Tale of a Tub, which he had had by him since 1696 or 1698, must have felt conscious of
powers capable of far more effective exercise than reading-desk or pulpit at Laracor could
supply; and his resolution to exchange divinity for politics must appear fully justified by
the result. The Discourse on the Dissensions in Athens and Rome (September 1701),
written to repel the tactics of the Tory commons in their attack on the Partition Treaties
"without humour and without satire," and intended as a dissuasive from the pending
impeachment of Somers, Orford, Halifax and Portland, received the honour,
extraordinary for the maiden publication of a young politician, of being generally
attributed to Somers himself or to Burnet, the latter of whom found a public disavowal
necessary.

In April or May 1704 appeared a more remarkable work. Clearness, cogency, masculine
simplicity of diction, are conspicuous in the pamphlet, but true creative power told the
Tale of a Tub. "Good God! what a genius I had when I wrote that book!" was his own
exclamation in his latter years. It is, indeed, if not the most amusing of Swift's satirical
works, the most strikingly original, and the one in which the compass of his powers is
most fully displayed. In his kindred productions he relies mainly upon a single element of
the humorous — logical sequence and unruffled gravity bridling in an otherwise frantic
absurdity, and investing it with an air of sense. In the Tale of a Tub he lashes out in all
directions. The humour, if less cogent and cumulative, is richer and more varied; the
invention, too, is more daringly original and more completely out of the reach of ordinary
faculties. The supernatural coats and the quintessential loaf may be paralleled but cannot
be surpassed; and the book is throughout a mine of suggestiveness, as, for example, in the
anticipation of Carlyle's clothes philosophy within the compass of a few lines. At the same
time it wants unity and coherence, it attains no conclusion, and the author abuses his
digressive method of composition and his convenient fiction of hiatuses in the original
manuscript. The charges it occasioned of profanity and irreverence were natural, but
groundless. There is nothing in the book inconsistent with Swift's professed and real
character as a sturdy Church of England parson, who accepted the doctrines of his
Church as an essential constituent of the social order around him, battled for them with
the fidelity of a soldier defending his colours, and held it no part of his duty to
understand, interpret, or assimilate them.

In February 1701 Swift took his D.D. degree at Dublin, and before the close of the year he
had taken a step destined to exercise a most important influence on his life, by inviting
two ladies to Laracor. Esther, daughter of a merchant named Edward Johnson, a
dependant, and legatee to a small amount, of Sir William Temple's (born in March 1680),
whose acquaintance he had made at Moor Park in 1689, and whom he has immortalized
as "Stella," came over with her companion Rebecca Dingley, a poor relative of the Temple
family, and was soon permanently domiciled in his neighbourhood. The melancholy tale
of Swift's attachment will be more conveniently narrated in another place, and is only
alluded to here for the sake of chronology. Meanwhile the sphere of his intimacies was
rapidly widening. He had been in England for three years together, 1701 to 1704, and
counted Pope, Steele and Addison among his friends. The success of his pamphlet gained
him ready access to all Whig circles; but already his confidence in that party was shaken,
and he was beginning to meditate that change of sides which has drawn down upon him
so much but such unjustifiable obloquy.

The true state of the case may easily be collected from his next publications — The
Sentiments of a Church of England Man, and On the Reasonableness of a Test (1708).
The vital differences among the friends of the Hanover succession were not political, but
ecclesiastical. From this point of view Swift's sympathies were entirely with the Tories. As
a minister of the Church he felt his duty and his interest equally concerned in the support
of her cause; nor could he fail to discover the inevitable tendency of Whig doctrines,
whatever caresses individual Whigs might bestow on individual clergymen, to abase the
Establishment as a corporation. He sincerely believed that the ultimate purpose of
freethinkers was to escape from moral restraints, and he had an unreasoning antipathy to
Scotch Presbyterians and English Dissenters. If Whiggism could be proved to entail
Dissent, he was prepared to abandon it. One of his pamphlets, written about this time,
contains his recipe for the promotion of religion, and is of itself a sufficient testimony to
the extreme materialism of his views. Censorships and penalties are among the means he
recommends. His pen was exerted to better purpose in the most consummate example of
his irony, the Argument to prove that the abolishing of Christianity in England may, as
things now stand, be attended with some inconveniencies (1708).
About this time, too (November 1707), he produced his best narrative poem, Baucis and
Philemon, while the next few months witnessed one of the most amusing hoaxes ever
perpetrated against the quackery of astrologers. In his Almanac for 1707 a Protestant
alarmist and plot vaticinator styled John Partridge warned customers against rivals and
impostors. This notice attracted Swift's attention, and in January 1708 he issued
predictions for the ensuing year by Isaac Bickerstaff, written to prevent the people of
England being imposed upon by vulgar almanac makers. In this brochure he predicts
solemnly that on the 29th of March at 1 o'clock at night Partridge the almanac maker
should infallibly die of a raging fever. On the 30th of March he issued a letter confirming
Partridge's sad fate. Grub Street elegies on the almanac maker were hawked about
London. Partridge was widely deplored in obituary notices and his name was struck off
the rolls at Stationers' Hall. The poor man was obliged to issue a special almanac to
assure his clients and the public that he was not dead: he was fatuous enough to add that
he was not only alive at the time of writing, but that he was also demonstrably alive on the
day when the knave Bickerstaff (a name borrowed by Swift from a sign in Long Acre)
asserted that he died of fever. This elicited Swift's most amusing Vindication of Isaac
Bickerstaff Esq. in April 1709. The laughter thus provoked extinguished the Predictions
for three years, and in 1715 Partridge died in fact; but the episode left a permanent trace
in classic literature, for when in 1709 Steele was to start the Tatler, it occurred to him that
he could secure the public ear in no surer way than by adopting the name of Bickerstaff.

From February 1708 to April 1709 Swift was in London, urging upon the Godolphin
administration the claims of the Irish clergy to the first-fruits and twentieths ("Queen
Anne's Bounty"), which brought in about £2500 a year, already granted to their brethren
in England.2 His having been selected for such a commission shows that he was not yet
regarded as a deserter from the Whigs, although the ill success of his representations
probably helped to make him one. By November 1710 he was again domiciled in London,
and writing his Journal to Stella, that unique exemplar of a giant's playfulness, "which
was written for one person's private pleasure and has had indestructible attractiveness for
every one since." In the first pages of this marvellously minute record of a busy life we
find him depicting the decline of Whig credit and complaining of the cold reception
accorded him by Godolphin, whose penetration had doubtless detected the
precariousness of his allegiance. Within a few weeks he had become the lampooner of the
fallen treasurer, the bosom friend of Oxford and Bolingbroke, and the writer of the
Examiner, a journal established as the exponent of Tory views (November 1710).

He was now a power in the state, the intimate friend and recognized equal of the first
writers of the day, the associate of ministers on a footing of perfect cordiality and
familiarity. "We were determined to have you," said Bolingbroke to him afterwards; "you
were the only one we were afraid of." He gained his point respecting the Irish
endowments; and, by his own account, his credit procured the fortune of more than forty
deserving or undeserving clients. The envious but graphic description of his demeanour
conveyed to us by Bishop Kennet attests the real dignity of his position no less than the
airs he thought fit to assume in consequence. The cheerful, almost jovial, tone of his
letters to Stella evinces his full contentment, nor was he one to be moved to gratitude for
small mercies. He had it, in fact, fully in his own power to determine his relations with
the ministry, and he would be satisfied with nothing short of familiar and ostentatious
equality. His advent marks a new era in English political life, the age of public opinion,
created indeed by the circumstances of the time, but powerfully fostered and accelerated
by him. By a strange but not infrequent irony of fate the most imperious and despotic
spirit of his day laboured to enthrone a power which, had he himself been in authority, he
would have utterly detested and despised. For a brief time he seemed to resume the whole
power of the English press in his own pen and to guide public opinion as he would.

His services to his party as writer of the Examiner, which he quitted in July 1711, were
even surpassed by those which he rendered as the author of telling pamphlets, among
which The Conduct of the Allies and of the Late Ministry, in beginning and carrying on
the Present War, and Remarks on the Barrier Treaty (November and December 1711)
hold the first rank. In truth, however, he was lifted by the wave he seemed to command.
Surfeited with glory, which it began, after Malplaquet, to think might be purchased at too
heavy a cost, the nation wanted a convenient excuse for relinquishing a burdensome war,
which the great military genius of the age was suspected of prolonging to fill his pockets.
The Whigs had been long in office. The High Church party had derived great strength
from the Sacheverell trial. Swift did not bring about the revolution with which,
notwithstanding, he associated his name. There seems no reason to suppose that he was
consulted respecting the great Tory strokes of the creation of the twelve new peers and
the dismissal of Marlborough (December 1711), but they would hardly have been ventured
upon if The Conduct of the Allies and the Examiner had not prepared the way. A scarcely
less important service was rendered to the ministry by his Letter to the October Club,
artfully composed to soothe the impatience of Harley's extreme followers. He had every
claim to the highest preferment that ministers could give him, but his own pride and
prejudice in high places stood in his way.

Generous men like Oxford and Bolingbroke cannot have been unwilling to reward so
serviceable a friend, especially when their own interest lay in keeping him in England.
Harley by this time was losing influence and was becoming chronically incapable of any
sustained effort. Swift was naturally a little sore at seeing the see of Hereford slipping
through his fingers. He had already lost Waterford owing to the prejudice against making
the author of the Tale of a Tub a bishop, and he still had formidable antagonists in the
archbishop of York, whom he had scandalized, and the duchess of Somerset, whom he
had satirized. Anne was particularly amenable to the influence of priestly and female
favourites, and it must be considered a proof of the strong interest made for Swift that she
was eventually persuaded to appoint him to the deanery of St Patrick's, Dublin, vacant by
the removal of Bishop Sterne to Dromore. It is to his honour that he never speaks of the
queen with resentment or bitterness. In June 1713 he set out to take possession of his
dignity, and encountered a very cold reception from the Dublin public. The dissensions
between the chiefs of his party speedily recalled him to England. He found affairs in a
desperate condition. The queen's demise was evidently at hand, and the same instinctive
good sense which had ranged the nation on the side of the Tories, when Tories alone
could terminate a fatiguing war, rendered it Whig when Tories manifestly could not be
trusted to maintain the Protestant succession. In any event the occupants of office could
merely have had the choice of risking their heads in an attempt to exclude the elector of
Hanover, or of waiting patiently till he should come and eject them from their posts; yet
they might have remained formidable could they have remained united.

To the indignation with which he regarded Oxford's refusal to advance him in the peerage
the active St John added an old disgust at the treasurer's pedantic and dilatory formalism,
as well as his evident propensity, while leaving his colleague the fatigues, to engross for
himself the chief credit of the administration. Their schemes of policy diverged as widely
as their characters: Bolingbroke's brain teemed with the wildest plans, which Oxford
might have more effectually discountenanced had he been prepared with anything in
their place. Swift's endeavours after an accommodation were as fruitless as unremitting.
His mortification was little likely to temper the habitual virulence of his pen, which rarely
produced anything more acrimonious than the attacks he at this period directed against
Burnet and his former friend Steele. One of his pamphlets against the latter (The Public
Spirit of the Whigs set forth in their Generous Encouragement of the Author of the
Crisis, 1714) was near involving him in a prosecution, some invectives against the Scottish
peers having proved so exasperating to Argyll and others that they repaired to the queen
to demand the punishment of the author, of whose identity there could be no doubt,
although, like all Swift's writings, except the Proposal for the Extension of Religion, the
pamphlet had been published anonymously. The immediate withdrawal of the offensive
passage, and a sham prosecution instituted against the printer, extricated Swift from his
danger.

Meanwhile the crisis had arrived, and the discord of Oxford and Bolingbroke had become
patent to all the nation. Foreseeing, as is probable, the impending fall of the former, Swift
retired to Upper Letcombe, in Berkshire, and there spent some weeks in the strictest
seclusion. This leisure was occupied in the composition of his remarkable pamphlet,
Some Free Thoughts on the Present State of Affairs, which indicates his complete
conversion to the bold policy of Bolingbroke. The utter exclusion of Whigs as well as
Dissenters from office, the remodelling of the army, the imposition of the most rigid
restraints on the heir to the throne — such were the measures which, by recommending,
Swift tacitly admitted to be necessary to the triumph of his party. If he were serious, it can
only be said that the desperation of his circumstances had momentarily troubled the
lucidity of his understanding; if the pamphlet were merely intended as a feeler after
public opinion, it is surprising that he did not perceive how irretrievably he was ruining
his friends in the eyes of all moderate men. Bolingbroke's daring spirit, however, recoiled
from no extreme, and, fortunately for Swift, he added so much of his own to the latter's
MS. that the production was first delayed and then, upon the news of Anne's death,
immediately suppressed. This incident but just anticipated the revolution which, after
Bolingbroke had enjoyed a three days' triumph over Oxford, drove him into exile and
prostrated his party, but enabled Swift to perform the noblest action of his life. Almost
the first acts of Bolingbroke's ephemeral premiership were to order him a thousand
pounds from the exchequer and despatch him the most flattering invitations. The same
post brought a letter from Oxford, soliciting Swift's company in his retirement; and, to
the latter's immortal honour, he hesitated not an instant in preferring the solace of his
friend to the offers of St John. When, a few days afterwards, Oxford was in prison and in
danger of his life, Swift begged to share his captivity; and it was only on the offer being
declined that he finally directed his steps towards Ireland, where he was very ill received.
The draft on the exchequer was intercepted by the queen's death.

These four busy years of Swift's London life had not been entirely engrossed by politics.
First as the associate of Steele, with whom he quarrelled, and of Addison, whose esteem
for him survived all differences, afterwards as the intimate comrade of Pope and
Arbuthnot, the friend of Congreve and Atterbury, Parnell and Gay, he entered deeply into
the literary life of the period. He was treasurer and a leading member of the Brothers, a
society of wits and statesmen which recalls the days of Horace and Maecenas. He
promoted the subscription for Pope's Homer, contributed some numbers to the Tatler,
Spectator, and Intelligencer, and joined with Pope and Arbuthnot in establishing the
Scriblerus Club, writing Martinus Scriblerus, his share in which can have been but small,
as well as John Bull, where the chapter recommending the education of all blue-eyed
children in depravity for the public good must surely be his. His miscellanies, in some of
which his satire made the nearest approach perhaps ever made to the methods of physical
force, such as A Meditation upon a Broomstick, and the poems Sid Hamet's Rod, The
City Shower, The Windsor Prophecy, The Prediction of Merlin, and The History of
Vanbrugh's House, belong to this period. A more laboured work, his Proposal for
Correcting, Improving and Ascertaining the English Tongue (1712), in a letter to Harley,
suggesting the regulation of the English language by an academy, is chiefly remarkable as
a proof of the deference paid to French taste by the most original English writer of his
day. His History of the Four Last Years of the Reign of Queen Anne is not on a level with
his other political writings. To sum up the incidents of this eventful period of his life, it
was during it that he lost his mother, always loved and dutifully honoured, by death; his
sister had been estranged from him some years before by an imprudent marriage, which,
though making her a liberal allowance, he never forgave.

The change from London to Dublin can seldom be an agreeable one. To Swift it meant for
the time the fall from unique authority to absolute insignificance. All share in the
administration of even Irish affairs was denied him; every politician shunned him; and
his society hardly included a single author or wit. He "continued in the greatest privacy"
and "began to think of death." At a later period he talked of "dying of rage, like a poisoned
rat in a hole"; for some time, however, he was buoyed up by feeble hopes of a restoration
to England. So late as 1726 he was in England making overtures to Walpole, but he had
no claim on ministerial goodwill, and as an opponent he had by that time done his worst.
By an especial cruelty of fate, what should have been the comfort became the bane of his
existence. We have already mentioned his invitation of Esther Johnson and Mrs Dingley
to Ireland. Both before and after his elevation to the deanery of St Patrick's these ladies
continued to reside near him, and superintended his household during his absence in
London. He had offered no obstacle in 1704 to a match proposed for Stella to Dr William
Tisdall of Dublin, and, with his evident delight in the society of the dark-haired,
brighteyed, witty beauty — a model, if we may take his word, of all that woman should be
— it seemed unaccountable that he did not secure it to himself by the expedient of
matrimony. A constitutional infirmity has been suggested as the reason, and the
conjecture derives support from several peculiarities in his writings. But, whatever the
cause, his conduct proved none the less the fatal embitterment of his life and Stella's and
yet another's.

He had always been unlucky in his relations with the fair sex.
In 1695 he had idealized "Varina."  Varina was avenged by
Vanessa, who pursued Swift to far other purpose. Esther
Vanhomrigh (b. February 14, 1690), the daughter of a Dublin
merchant of Dutch origin, who died in 1703 leaving £16,000,
had become known to Swift at the height of his political
influence. He lodged close to her mother, was introduced to
the family by Sir A. Fountaine in 1708 and became an
intimate of the house. Vanessa insensibly became his pupil,
and he insensibly became the object of her impassioned
affection. Her letters reveal a spirit full of ardour and
enthusiasm, and warped by that perverse bent which leads
so many women to prefer a tyrant to a companion. Swift, on
the other hand, was devoid of passion. Of friendship, even of
    Esther (or Hester) Vanhomrigh tender regard, he was fully capable, but not of love. The
spiritual realm, whether in divine or earthly things, was a
region closed to him, where he had never set foot. As a friend he must have greatly
preferred Stella to Vanessa. Marriage was out of the question with him, and, judged in the
light of Stella's dignity and womanliness, this ardent and unreasoning display of passion
was beyond comprehension. But Vanessa assailed him on a very weak side. The strongest
of all his instincts was the thirst for imperious domination. Vanessa hugged the fetters to
which Stella merely submitted. Flattered to excess by her surrender, yet conscious of his
binding obligations and his real preference, he could neither discard the one beauty nor
desert the other. It is humiliating to human strength and consoling to human weakness to
find the Titan behaving like the least resolute of mortals, seeking refuge in temporizing,
in evasion, in fortuitious circumstance.

He no doubt trusted that his removal to Dublin would bring relief, but here again his evil
star interposed. Vanessa's mother died (1714), and she followed him to Ireland, taking up
her abode at Celbridge within ten miles of Dublin. Unable to marry Stella without
destroying Vanessa, or to openly welcome Vanessa without destroying Stella, he was thus
involved in the most miserable embarrassment; he continued to temporize. Had the
solution of marriage been open Stella would undoubtedly have been Swift's choice. Some
mysterious obstacle intervened. It was rumoured at the time that Stella was the natural
daughter of Temple, and Swift himself at times seems to have been doubtful as to his own
paternity. There is naturally no evidence for such reports, which may have been
fabrications of the anti-deanery faction in Dublin. From the same source sprang the
report of Swift's marriage to Stella by Bishop Ashe in the deanery garden at Clogher in the
summer of 1716. The ceremony, it is suggested, may have been extorted by the jealousy of
Stella and have been accompanied by the express condition on Swift's side that the
marriage was never to be avowed. The evidence is by no means complete and has never
been exhaustively reviewed. John Lyon, Swift's constant attendant from 1735 onwards,
disbelieved the story. It was accepted by the early biographers, Deane Swift, Orrery,
Delany and Sheridan; also by Johnson, Scott, Dr Garnett, Craik, Dr Bernard and others.
The arguments against the marriage were first marshalled by Monck Mason in his
History of St Patrick's, and the conjecture, though plausible, has failed to convince
Forster, Stephen, Aitken, Hill, Lane Poole and Churton Collins.

Never more than a nominal wife at most, the unfortunate Stella commonly passed for his
mistress till the day of her death (in her will she writes herself spinster), bearing her
doom with uncomplaining resignation, and consoled in some degree by unquestionable
proofs of the permanence of his love, if his feeling for her deserves the name. Meanwhile
his efforts were directed to soothe Miss Vanhomrigh, to whom he addressed Cadenus and
Vanessa, the history of their attachment and the best example of his serious poetry, and
for whom he sought to provide honourably in marriage, without either succeeding in his
immediate aim or in thereby opening her eyes to the hopelessness of her passion. In 1720,
on what occasion is uncertain, he began to pay her regular visits. Sir Walter Scott found
the Abbey garden at Celbridge still full of laurels, several of which she was accustomed to
plant whenever she expected Swift, and the table at which they had been used to sit was
still shown. But the catastrophe of her tragedy was at hand. Worn out with his evasions,
she at last (1723) took the desperate step of writing to Stella or, according to another
account, to Swift himself, demanding to know the nature of the connexion with him, and
this terminated the melancholy history as with a clap of thunder. Stella sent her rival's
letter to Swift, and retired to a friend's house. Swift rode down to Marley Abbey with a
terrible countenance, petrified Vanessa by his frown, and departed without a word,
flinging down a packet which only contained her own letter to Stella. Vanessa died within
a few weeks. She left the poem and correspondence for publication. The former appeared
immediately, the latter was suppressed until it was published by Sir Walter Scott.

Five years afterwards Stella followed Vanessa to the grave. The grief which the gradual
decay of her health evidently occasioned Swift is sufficient proof of the sincerity of his
attachment, as he understood it. It is a just remark of Thackeray's that he everywhere
half-consciously recognizes her as his better angel, and dwells on her wit and her
tenderness with a fondness he never exhibits for any other topic. On the 28th of January
1728, she died, and her wretched lover sat down the same night to record her virtues in
language of unsurpassed simplicity, but to us who know the story more significantly for
what it conceals than for what it tells. A lock of her hair is preserved, with the inscription
in Swift's handwriting, most affecting in its apparent cynicism, "Only a woman's hair!"
"Only a woman's hair," comments Thackeray; "only love, only fidelity, purity, innocence,
beauty, only the tenderest heart in the world stricken and wounded, and passed away out
of reach of pangs of hope deferred, love insulted and pitiless desertion; only that lock of
hair left, and memory, and remorse, for the guilty, lonely wretch, shuddering over the
grave of his victim." The more unanswerable this tremendous indictment appears upon
the evidence the greater the probability that the evidence is incomplete. Tout comprendre
c'est tout pardonner.

Between the death of Vanessa and the death of Stella came the greatest political and the
greatest literary triumph of Swift's life. He had fled to Ireland a broken man, to all
appearance politically extinct; a few years were to raise him once more to the summit of
popularity, though power was for ever denied him. Consciously or unconsciously he first
taught the Irish to rely upon themselves and for many generations his name was the most
universally popular in the country. With his fierce hatred of what he recognized as
injustice, it was impossible that he should not feel exasperated at the gross
misgovernment of Ireland for the supposed benefit of England, the systematic exclusion
of Irishmen from places of honour and profit, the spoliation of the country by absentee
landlords, the deliberate discouragement of Irish trade and manufactures. An Irish
patriot in the strict sense of the term he was not; he was proud of being an Englishman,
who had been accidentally "dropped in Ireland"; he looked upon the indigenous
population as conquered savages; but his pride and sense of equity alike revolted against
the stay-at-home Englishmen's contemptuous treatment of their own garrison, and he
delighted in finding a point in which the triumphant faction was still vulnerable. His
Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufactures, published anonymously in 1720,
urging the Irish to disuse English goods, became the subject of a prosecution, which at
length had to be dropped. A greater opportunity was at hand.

One of the chief wants of Ireland in that day, and for many a day afterwards, was that of
small currency adapted to the daily transactions of life. Questions of coinage occupy a
large part of the correspondence of the primate, Archbishop Boulter, whose anxiety to
deal rightly with the matter is evidently very real and conscientious. There is no reason to
think that the English ministry wished otherwise; but secret influences were at work, and
a patent for supplying Ireland with a coinage of copper halfpence was accorded to
William Wood on such terms that the profit accruing from the difference between the
intrinsic and the nominal value of the coins, about 40%, was mainly divided between him
and George I's favourite duchess of Kendal, by whose influence Wood had obtained the
privilege. Swift now had his opportunity, and the famous six letters signed M. B. Drapier
(April to Dec. 1724) soon set Ireland in a flame. Every effort was used to discover, or
rather to obtain legal evidence against, the author, whom, Walpole was assured, it would
then have taken ten thousand men to apprehend. None could be procured; the public
passion swept everything before it; the patent was cancelled; Wood was compensated by a
pension; Swift was raised to a height of popularity which he retained for the rest of his
life; and the only real sufferers were the Irish people, who lost a convenience so badly
needed that they might well have afforded to connive at Wood's illicit profits. Perhaps,
however, it was worth while to teach the English ministry that not everything could be
done in Ireland. Swift's pamphlets, written in a style more level with the popular
intelligence than even his own ordinary manner, are models alike to the controversialist
who aids a good cause and to him who is burdened with a bad one. The former may profit
by the study of his marvellous lucidity and vehemence, the latter by his sublime audacity
in exaggeration and the sophistry with which he involves the innocent halfpence in the
obloquy of the nefarious patentee.

The noise of the Drapier Letters had hardly died away when Swift acquired a more
durable glory by the publication of Travels Into Several Remote Nations of the World, in
four parts. By Lemuel Gulliver, first a surgeon and then a captain of several ships
(Benjamin Motto, October 1726). The first hint came to him at the meetings of the
Scriblerus Club in 1714, and the work was well advanced, it would seem, by 1720.
Allusions show that it was circulated privately for a considerable period before its actual
(anonymous) publication, on the 28th of October 1726. Pope arranged that Erasmus
Lewis should act as literary agent in negotiating the manuscript. Swift was afraid of the
reception the book would meet with, especially in political circles. The keenness of the
satire on courts, parties and statesmen certainly suggests that it was planned while Swift's
disappointments as a public man were still rankling and recent. It is Swift's peculiar good
fortune that his book can dispense with the interpretation of which it is nevertheless
susceptible, and may be equally enjoyed whether its inner meaning is apprehended or
not. It is so true, so entirely based upon the facts of human nature, that the question what
particular class of persons supplied the author with his examples of folly or misdoing,
however interesting to the commentator, may be neglected by the reader. It is also
fortunate for him that in three parts out of the four he should have entirely missed "the
chief end I propose to myself, to vex the world rather than divert it."
The world, which perhaps ought to have been vexed, chose rather to be diverted; and the
great satirist literally strains his power ut pueris placeat. Few books have added so much
to the innocent mirth of mankind of the first two parts of Gulliver; the misanthropy is
quite overpowered by the fun. The third part, equally masterly in composition, is less
felicitous in invention; and in the fourth Swift has indeed carried out his design of vexing
the world at his own cost. Human nature indignantly rejects her portrait in the Yahoo as a
gross libel, and the protest is fully warranted. An intelligence from a superior sphere,
bound on a voyage to the earth, might actually have obtained a fair idea of average
humanity by a preliminary call at Lilliput or Brobdingnag, but not from a visit to the
Yahoos. While Gulliver is infinitely the most famous and popular of Swift's works, it
exhibits no greater powers of mind than many others. The secret of success, here as
elsewhere, is the writer's marvellous imperturbability in paradox, his teeming
imagination and his rigid logic. Grant his premises, and all the rest follows; his world may
be turned topsy-turvy, but the relative situation of its contents is unchanged. The
laborious attempts that have been made, particularly in Germany, to affiliate the Travels
only serve to bring Swift's essential originality into stronger relief. He had naturally read
Lucian and Rabelais — possibly Crusoe and the Arabian Nights. He had read as a young
man the lunary adventure of Bishop Wilkins, Bishop Godwin and Cyrano de Bergerac.
He had read contemporary accounts of Peter the Wild Boy, the History of Sevarambes by
D'Alais (1677) and Foligny's Journey of Jacques Sadeut to Australia (1693). He may have
read Joshua Barnes's description of a race of "Pygmies" in his Gerania of 1675. He copied
the account of the storm in the second voyage almost literally from Sturmy's Compleat
Mariner. Travellers' tales were deliberately embalmed by Swift in the amber of his irony.
Something similar was attempted by Raspe in his Munchausen sixty years later.

Swift's grave humour and power of enforcing momentous truth by ludicrous exaggeration
were next displayed in his Modest Proposal for Preventing the' Children of Poor People
from being a Burden to their Parents or the Country, by fattening and eating them
(1729), a parallel to the Argument against Abolishing Christianity, and as great a
masterpiece of tragic as the latter is of comic irony. The Directions to Servants (first
published in 1745) in like manner derive their overpowering comic force from the
imperturbable solemnity with which all the misdemeanours that domestics can commit
are enjoined upon them as duties. The power of minute observation displayed is most
remarkable, as also in Polite Conversation (written in 1731, published in 1738), a
surprising assemblage of the vulgarities and trivialities current in ordinary talk. As in the
Directions, the satire, though cutting, is good-natured, and the piece shows more animal
spirits than usual in Swift's latter years. It was a last flash of gaiety. The attacks of
giddiness and deafness to which he had always been liable increased upon him. Already
in 1721 he complains that the buzzing in his ears disconcerts and confounds him. After
the Directions he writes little beyond occasional verses, not seldom indecent and
commonly trivial. He sought refuge from inferior society often in nonsense, occasionally
in obscenity.

An exception must be made in the case of the delightful Hamilton's Bawn, and still more
of the verses on his own death (1731), one of the most powerful and also one of the
saddest of his poems. In The Legion Club of 1736 he composed the fiercest of all his verse
satires. He hated the Irish parliament for its lethargy and the Irish bishops for their
interference. He fiercely opposed Archbishop Boulter's plans for the reform of the Irish
currency, but admitted that his real objection was sentimental: the coins should be struck
as well as circulated in Ireland. His exertions in repressing robbery and mendicancy were
strenuous and successful. His popularity remained as great as ever (he received the
freedom of Dublin in 1729), and, when he was menaced by the bully Bettesworth, Dublin
rose as one man to defend him. He governed his cathedral with great strictness and
conscientiousness, and for years after Stella's death continued to hold a miniature court
at the deanery. But his failings of mind were exacerbated by his bodily infirmities; he
grew more and more whimsical and capricious, morbidly suspicious and morbidly
parsimonius; old friends were estranged or removed by death, and new friends did not
come forward in their place. For many years, nevertheless, he maintained a
correspondence with Pope and Bolingbroke, and with Arbuthnot and Gay until their
deaths, with such warmth as to prove that an ill opinion of mankind had not made him a
misanthrope, and that human affection and sympathy were still very necessary to him.

The letters become scarcer and scarcer with the decay of his faculties; at last, in 1740,
comes one to his kind niece, Mrs Whiteway, of heartrending pathos:

"I have been very miserable all night, and to-day extremely deaf and full of pain. I am so
stupid and confounded that I cannot express the mortification I am under both of body
and mind. All I can say is that I am not in torture; but I daily and hourly expect it. Pray let
me know how your health is and your family: I hardly understand one word I write. I am
sure my days will be very few; few and miserable they must be. I am, for those few days,
yours entirely - Jonathan Swift.

"If I do not blunder, it is Saturday, July 26, 1740.

"If I live till Monday I shall hope to see you, perhaps for the last time."

Account book entries continue until 1742.

In March 1742 it was necessary to appoint guardians of Swift's person and estate. In
September of the same year his physical malady reached a crisis, from which he emerged
a helpless wreck, with faculties paralysed rather than destroyed — "He never talked
nonsense or said a foolish thing." The particulars of his case have been investigated by Dr
Bucknill and Sir William Wilde, who have proved that he suffered from nothing that
could be called mental derangement until the "labyrinthine vertigo" from which he had
suffered all his life, and which he erroneously attributed to a surfeit of fruit, produced
paralysis, "a symptom of which was the not uncommon one of aphasia, or the automatic
utterance of words ungoverned by intention. As a consequence of that paralysis, but not
before, the brain, already weakened by senile decay, at length gave way, and Swift sank
into the dementia which preceded his death." In other words he retained his reason until
in his 74th year he was struck down by a new disease in the form of a localized left-sided
apoplexy or cerebral softening. Aphasia due to the local trouble and general decay then
progressed rapidly together, and even then at 76, two more years were still to elapse
before "he exchanged the sleep of idiocy for the sleep of death." The scene closed on the
10th of October 1745.

With what he himself described as a satiric touch, his fortune was bequeathed to found a
hospital for idiots and lunatics, now an important institution, as it was in many respects a
pioneer bequest. He was interred in his cathedral at midnight on the 22nd of October, in
the same coffin as Stella, with the epitaph, written by himself, "Hic depositum est corpus
Jonathan Swift, S.T.P., hujus ecclesiae cathedralis decani; ubi saeva indignatio cor
ulterius lacerare nequit. Abi, viator, et imitare, si poteris, strenuum pro virili libertatis
vindicem." The stress which Swift thus laid upon his character as an assertor of liberty
has hardly been ratified by posterity, which has apparently neglected the patriot for the
genius and the wit. Not unreasonably; for if half his patriotism sprang from an instinctive
hatred of oppression, the other half was disappointed egotism. He utterly lacked the ideal
aspiration which the patriot should possess: his hatred of villany was far more intense
than his love of virtue. The same cramping realism clings to him everywhere beyond the
domain of politics — in his religion, in his fancies, in his affections. At the same time, it is
the secret of his wonderful concentration of power: he realizes everything with such
intensity that he cannot fail to be impressive.

Except in his unsuccessful essay in history, he never, after the mistake of his first Pindaric
attempts, strays beyond his sphere, never attempts what he is not qualified to do, and
never fails to do it. His writings have not one literary fault except their occasional
looseness of grammar and their frequent indecency. Within certain limits, his
imagination and invention are as active as those of the most creative poets. As a master of
humour, irony and invective he has no superior; his reasoning powers are no less
remarkable within their range, but he never gets beyond the range of an advocate. Few
men of so much mental force have had so little genius for speculation, and he is
constantly dominated by fierce instincts which he mistakes for reasons. As a man the
leading note of his character is the same — strength without elevation. His master passion
is imperious pride — the lust of despotic dominion. He would have his superiority
acknowledged, and cared little for the rest. Place and profit were comparatively
indifferent to him; he declares that he never received a farthing for any of his works
except Gulliver's Travels, and that only by Pope's management; and he had so little
regard for literary fame that he put his name to only one of his writings. Contemptuous of
the opinion of his fellows, he hid his virtues, paraded his faults, affected some failings
from which he was really exempt, and, since his munificent charity could not be
concealed from the recipients, laboured to spoil it by gratuitous surliness. Judged by
some passages of his life he would appear a heartless egotist, and yet he was capable of
the sincerest friendship and could never dispense with human sympathy. Thus an object
of pity as well as awe, he is the most tragic figure in our literature — the only man of his
age who could be conceived as affording a groundwork for one of the creations of
Shakespeare. "To think of him," says Thackeray, "is like thinking of the ruin of a great
empire." Nothing finer or truer could be said.

1 The name "Stella" is simply a translation of Esther. Swift may have learned that Esther means "star"
from the Elementa linguae persicae of John Greaves or from some Persian scholar; but he is more likely
to have seen the etymology in the form given from Jewish sources in Buxtorf's Lexicon, where the inter-
pretation takes the more suggestive form "Stella Veneris."

2 The grant of the first-fruits was to be made contingent on a concession from the Irish clergy in the
shape of the abolition of the sacramental test. This Swift would not agree to. He ultimately won his
point from Harley, and his success marks his open rupture with the Whigs.
Potret Jonathan Swift
 The Life of Jonathan Swift (1667-1745)

JONATHAN SWIFT, Dekan St Patrick, Dublin, satiris Inggris, lahir di No 7

Hoey pengadilan, Dublin, pada tanggal 30 November 1667, beberapa bulan
setelah kematian ayahnya, Jonathan Swift (1640-1667), yang menikah sekitar
1664 Abigaile Erick, dari keluarga Leicestershire tua. Ia dibawa ke Inggris
sebagai bayi dan dirawat di Whitehaven, dari mana ia kembali ke Irlandia pada
tahun keempat. Kakeknya, Thomas Swift, pendeta dari Goodrich dekat Ross,
tampaknya telah menjadi anggota gagah dari militan gereja, yang kehilangan harta
miliknya dengan mengambil pihak yang kalah dalam Perang Sipil dan meninggal
pada 1658 sebelum restorasi bisa membawanya ganti rugi. Ia menikah Elizabeth,
keponakan Sir Erasmus Dryden, kakek si penyair. Oleh karena keakraban dari
penyair terkenal "cooling-card" untuk jenius pemula nya sanak Jonathan: "Sepupu
Swift, Anda tidak akan pernah menjadi seorang penyair."

The Jonathan muda dididik terutama pada tuduhan pamannya Godwin, seorang
pejabat Tipperary, yang diduga membagikan bantuan dalam cara yang agak
enggan. Bahkan relatif tampaknya makmur adalah korban dari spekulasi malang,
dan memilih lebih untuk dicela dengan ketamakan dibandingkan dengan
kelalaian. Pemuda itu benci apa yang ia anggap sebagai pengobatan bakhil,
kepahitan yang menjadi tertanam dan mulai menimbulkan korosi seluruh sifatnya;
dan meskipun ia datang waktu untuk memahami keadaan sebenarnya dari kasus
ini dia tidak pernah menyebutkan pamannya dengan kebaikan atau hal. Pada enam
ia pergi ke Kilkenny School, di mana Congreve adalah teman sesekolah a; di
empat belas ia masuk pensiunan di Trinity College, Dublin, di mana ia tampaknya
telah mengabaikan peluang nya. Ia disebut dalam filsafat alam, termasuk
matematika, dan memperoleh gelar hanya dengan khusus tetapi tidak berarti
tindakan yang jarang mengumbar. Perlindungan pamannya galled dia: dia
membosankan dan tidak bahagia. Kita menemukan dalam beberapa tanda-tanda
Swift jenius prekoks. Seperti Goldsmith, dan begitu banyak orang lain yang telah
menjadi seniman pena, perguruan tinggi terbukti ibu tiri kepadanya.

Pada 1688 paman kaya, yang kekayaannya seharusnya telah berkurang sehingga
pada saat kematiannya ia hampir bangkrut, meninggal, setelah membusuk,
tampaknya, tidak kurang dalam pikiran dari dalam tubuh dan real, dan Swift
meminta nasihat ibunya di Leicester . Setelah tinggal singkat dengan ibunya, yang
sia-sia khawatir pada gagasan anaknya jatuh korban beberapa genit kasual, Swift
menjelang penutupan 1689 masuk pada keterlibatan sebagai sekretaris Temple
William Sir, yang istrinya (Dorothy Osborne) adalah jauh dengan Mrs Swift. Itu
di Moor Park, dekat Farnham, kediaman yang Temple telah pensiun untuk
menumbuhkan aprikot setelah penurunan cepat pengaruhnya selama periode kritis
pemerintahan Raja Charles II (1679-1681), yang kenalan Swift dengan Esther
Johnson, " Stella "1 Journal terkenal, dimulai. Ibu Stella tinggal di Moor Park,
sebagai hamba atau dame de compagnie kuat-berpikiran adik Temple, Lady
Giffard. Swift berusia dua puluh dua dan Ester delapan tahun pada waktu itu, dan
persahabatan penasaran bermunculan di antara mereka. Dia mengajarkan gadis
kecil bagaimana menulis dan memberikan nasihatnya dalam membaca.

Setibanya di Moor Park, Swift adalah, dalam kata-katanya sendiri, seorang

pemuda mentah, berpengalaman, dan tugas-tugasnya hanyalah orang-orang dari
accountkeeper dan amanuensis: kemampuannya secara bertahap memenangkan
kepercayaan dari majikannya, dan ia dipercayakan dengan beberapa penting misi.
Dia diperkenalkan ke William III selama kunjungan itu raja untuk Sir William,
dan pada satu kesempatan disertai raja di jalan-Nya putaran lapangan. Pada 1693
Candi mengirimnya untuk mencoba dan meyakinkan raja kebutuhan tak
terelakkan parlemen tiga tahunan. William tetap tidak yakin dan kesombongan
Swift menerima pelajaran yang berguna. Raja sebelumnya telah mengajarinya
"cara memotong asparagus setelah mode Belanda." Tahun depan, bagaimanapun,
Swift (yang memiliki sementara itu diperoleh tingkat MA ad eundem di Oxford)
lengser Temple, yang memiliki, dia menilai, tertunda terlalu lama dalam
mendapatkan dia keutamaannya. Sebuah sertifikat perilaku sementara di bawah
atap Temple diperlukan oleh semua uskup Irlandia ia berkonsultasi sebelum
mereka akan melanjutkan dalam hal pentahbisannya, dan setelah penundaan lima
bulan, yang disebabkan oleh kebanggaan yang terluka, Swift harus mencium
batang dan meminta di obsequious hal yang mendukung testimonial dari
pelindungnya dibuang. Pengampunan adalah mudah untuk seorang pria elevasi
Temple dan temperamen, dan dia tidak hanya diutus rekomendasi yang diperlukan
tetapi menambahkan permintaan pribadi yang diperoleh untuk Swift yang Prebend
kecil Kilroot dekat Belfast (Januari 1695), di mana incumbent baru dilakukan
pada godaan dini dengan Miss Jane Waring, yang disebutnya "Varina." Pada
musim semi tahun 1696 ia meminta enggan Varina menunggu sampai ia dalam
posisi untuk menikah. Hanya empat tahun kemudian ia menulis kepadanya dalam
hal kekerasan dihitung tersebut dan dikenakan kondisi seperti untuk membuat
hubungan lebih lanjut hampir tidak mungkin.
Sementara itu ia sudah bosan hidup Irlandia dan senang untuk menerima proposal
Temple untuk kembali ke Moor Park, di mana ia melanjutkan sampai kematian
Temple pada Januari 1699. Selama periode ini ia menulis banyak dan membakar
sebagian dari apa yang telah ditulis. Dia membaca dan belajar bahkan lebih dari
tulisnya. Moor Park membawanya pergi dari merenung dan glooming di Irlandia
dan membawanya ke koridor sejarah kontemporer, kenalan intim dengan yang
menjadi passion utama kehidupan Swift. Nya Pindaric Odes, ditulis pada periode
ini atau sebelumnya, dalam cara Cowley, menunjukkan dasar-dasar dari satiris
nyata, tetapi satiris yang berjuang dengan bentuk yang paling uncongenial
ekspresi. Lebih penting adalah esai pertama dalam prosa menyindir yang muncul
langsung dari posisi yang ia menjabat sebagai penulis domestik di rumah tangga
Temple. Sir William telah di 1692 diterbitkan Essay pada Belajar Kuno dan
modern, transplantasi ke Inggris kontroversi dimulai di Perancis oleh Fontenelle.
Kebetulan Temple telah mengutip surat Phalaris sebagai bukti superioritas the
Ancients atas Kaum modern. Pujian Temple of Phalaris menyebabkan edisi
Oxford dari Surat-surat nominal diedit oleh Charles Boyle. Sementara ini sedang
mempersiapkan, William Wotton, tahun 1694, menulis Reflections nya pada
Belajar Kuno dan modern, melintasi kesimpulan umum Temple. Swift
Pertempuran Buku ditulis pada 1697 secara tegas membantah hal ini. Boyle
Pemulihan nama dan sanggahan Bentley keaslian Phalaris datang kemudian.

Tujuan Swift terbatas pada kerjasama dalam apa yang kemudian dianggap baik-
layak meletakkan Bentley oleh Boyle, dengan pandangan yang ia mewakili
Bentley dan Wotton sebagai wakil teliti dan cermat modern, terpaku oleh Boyle
dalam baju besi yang diberikan dia dengan para dewa sebagai wakil dari "dua
mulia hal, manis dan ringan." Sindiran tetap tidak dipublikasikan sampai 1704,
ketika itu dikeluarkan bersama dengan The Tale of a Tub. Tahun depan Wotton
menyatakan bahwa Swift telah meminjam Tempur nya des livre dari Histoire
Poetique de la guerre nouvellement declaree entre les anciens et les modernes
(Paris, 1688). Dia mungkin telah diturunkan ide pertempuran dari judul Perancis,
tapi kemiripan dan kesamaan antara dua buku yang sedikit. Swift nyata sangat
tidak sempurna berkenalan dengan fakta-fakta dari kasus yang dipermasalahkan.
Data tersebut saat ia menampilkan mungkin telah diturunkan dari tidak ada
otoritas yang lebih terpendam daripada esai Temple sendiri.

Selain £ 100, Candi kiri ke Swift kepercayaan dan keuntungan penerbitan tulisan
anumerta. Lima volume muncul pada tahun 1700, 1703 dan 1709. Laba yang
dihasilkan kecil, dan tugas editorial Swift membawanya ke dalam hubungan
sengit dengan Lady Giffard. Dedikasi untuk Raja William adalah telah diperoleh
Swift sebuah Prebend Inggris, tapi ini mengalami keguguran karena kelalaian atau
ketidakpedulian Henry Sidney, earl of Romney. Swift kemudian menerima
tawaran dari Tuhan Berkeley, yang pada musim panas 1699 diangkat salah satu
bangsawan hakim Irlandia. Swift adalah untuk menjadi pendeta dan sekretarisnya,
tetapi setelah mencapai Irlandia Berkeley memberi kesekretariatan untuk Mr
Bushe, yang meyakinkannya bahwa itu adalah posting tidak layak untuk seorang
pendeta. The Dekenat kaya Derry kemudian menjadi kosong dan Swift diterapkan
untuk itu. Sekretaris sudah menerima suap, namun Swift diberitahu bahwa ia
mungkin masih memiliki tempat untuk £ 1.000. Dengan amarah pahit Swift
mengecam simoni dan muntah kapelan, tapi ia akhirnya dirujuk ke Berkeley
dengan presentasi kepada pastoran Agher di Meath dengan vicarages bersatu
Laracor dan Rathbeggan, yang ditambahkan dengan Prebend dari Dunlavin di St
Patrick - total nilai sekitar £ 230 setahun.

Dia sekarang sering di Dublin, paling dua puluh mil jauh, dan melalui Lady
Berkeley dan putrinya ia menjadi satiris akrab dan carteran dari masyarakat modis
di sana. Pada Laracor, dekat Trim, Swift dibangun kembali pendeta, membuat
kolam ikan, dan menanam kebun dengan pohon poplar dan willow, berbatasan
kanal. Jemaatnya terdiri dari sekitar lima belas orang, "sebagian besar dari mereka
lembut dan mereka semua sederhana." Ia membaca doa pada hari Rabu dan Jumat
untuk dirinya sendiri dan petugas nya, memulai nasehat "Saudara-saudara terkasih
Roger, Alkitab merayap Anda dan saya di tempat-tempat bermacam-macam."
Tapi ia segera mulai tumbuh lelah Irlandia lagi dan membayar kunjungan di
Leicester dan London. Penulis Tale of a Tub, yang telah memiliki olehnya sejak
1696 atau 1698, pasti merasa sadar kekuatan yang mampu latihan jauh lebih
efektif daripada membaca-meja atau mimbar di Laracor bisa memasok; dan
resolusi untuk pertukaran ketuhanan untuk politik harus muncul sepenuhnya
dibenarkan oleh hasil. Wacana tentang Pertikaian di Athena dan Roma
(September 1701), yang ditulis untuk mengusir taktik commons Tory dalam
serangan mereka pada Perjanjian Partisi "tanpa humor dan tanpa satir," dan
dimaksudkan sebagai larangan yang dari impeachment tertunda Somers, Orford,
Halifax dan Portland, menerima kehormatan, luar biasa untuk publikasi perdana
politisi muda, dari yang umumnya dikaitkan dengan Somers dirinya atau Burnet,
yang terakhir dari mereka menemukan penyangkalan publik yang diperlukan.

Pada bulan April atau Mei 1704 muncul sebuah karya yang lebih luar biasa.
Kejelasan, daya meyakinkan, kesederhanaan maskulin diksi, yang mencolok
dalam pamflet, tapi kekuatan kreatif yang benar kepada Tale of a Tub. "Ya
Tuhan! Apa jenius saya ketika saya menulis buku itu!" adalah seru sendiri dalam
beberapa tahun terakhir itu. Hal ini, memang, jika bukan yang paling lucu karya
satir Swift, yang paling mencolok asli, dan satu di mana kompas kekuasaannya
paling sepenuhnya ditampilkan. Dalam produksi kerabat ia bergantung terutama
pada satu elemen dari lucu - urutan logis dan gravitasi tenang bridling dalam
absurditas lain panik, dan menginvestasikannya dengan udara akal. Dalam Kisah
bak dia bulu mata ke segala arah. Humor, jika kurang meyakinkan dan kumulatif,
lebih kaya dan lebih bervariasi; penemuan, juga, lebih berani asli dan lebih benar-
benar keluar dari jangkauan fakultas biasa. Mantel supranatural dan roti klasik
dapat disejajarkan tetapi tidak dapat melampaui; dan buku ini seluruh tambang
suggestiveness, seperti, misalnya, dalam mengantisipasi pakaian filsafat Carlyle
dalam kompas dari beberapa baris. Pada saat yang sama ia ingin kesatuan dan
koherensi, itu mencapai kesimpulan, dan pelanggaran penulis metode bersifat
penyimpangan tentang komposisi dan fiksi nyaman nya hiatuses dalam naskah
asli. Tuduhan itu disebabkan senonoh dan ketidaksopanan yang alami, tapi
berdasar. Tidak ada dalam konsisten buku dengan Swift mengaku dan nyata
karakter sebagai Gereja kokoh Inggris pendeta, yang menerima doktrin Gereja-
Nya sebagai unsur utama dari tatanan sosial di sekelilingnya, berjuang untuk
mereka dengan kesetiaan seorang prajurit membela nya warna, dan memegangnya
tidak ada bagian dari tugasnya untuk memahami, menafsirkan, atau mengasimilasi
mereka.

Pada Februari 1701 Swift mengambil D.D. nya Gelar di Dublin, dan sebelum
penutupan tahun ia telah mengambil langkah ditakdirkan untuk melakukan
pengaruh yang paling penting dalam hidupnya, dengan mengundang dua wanita
untuk Laracor. Ester, putri seorang pedagang bernama Edward Johnson, yang
tergantung, dan waris untuk sejumlah kecil, Sir William Temple (lahir Maret
1680), yang kenalan ia buat di Moor Park tahun 1689, dan yang ia telah
diabadikan sebagai "Stella , "datang dengan temannya Rebecca Dingley, relatif
miskin dari keluarga Temple, dan segera permanen berdomisili di lingkungannya.
Kisah pilu lampiran Swift akan lebih nyaman diriwayatkan di tempat lain, dan
hanya disinggung di sini demi kronologi. Sementara bidang keintiman nya dengan
cepat melebar. Dia telah berada di Inggris selama tiga tahun bersama-sama, 1701-
1704, dan dihitung Paus, Steele dan Addison antara teman-temannya.
Keberhasilan pamfletnya mendapatkan dia akses siap untuk semua kalangan
Whig; tapi sudah keyakinannya dalam partai yang terguncang, dan ia mulai
merenungkan bahwa perubahan sisi yang telah ditarik kepadanya begitu banyak
tapi seperti penghinaan dibenarkan.

Keadaan sebenarnya dari kasus mungkin dengan mudah dikumpulkan dari

publikasi berikutnya - The Sentimen dari Gereja Inggris Man, dan Di kewajaran
dari Test (1708). Perbedaan penting antara teman-teman dari suksesi Hanover
tidak politis, tapi gerejawi. Dari sudut pandang ini simpati Swift sepenuhnya
dengan Tories. Sebagai pendeta Gereja ia merasa tugasnya dan minatnya sama
prihatin dalam mendukung penyebab nya; ia juga tidak bisa gagal untuk
menemukan kecenderungan tak terelakkan dari Whig doktrin, apa pun membelai
Whig individu mungkin memberikan pada pendeta individu, untuk merendahkan
Pembentukan sebagai korporasi. Dia benar-benar percaya bahwa tujuan akhir dari
pemikir bebas adalah untuk melarikan diri dari kekangan moral, dan ia memiliki
antipati beralasan untuk Scotch Presbiterian dan Inggris Ingkar. Jika Whiggism
bisa terbukti memerlukan Perbedaan pendapat, dia siap untuk meninggalkannya.
Salah satu pamflet itu, menulis tentang saat ini, berisi resep-nya untuk promosi
agama, dan dari dirinya sendiri kesaksian yang cukup untuk materialisme yang
ekstrim dari pandangannya. Censorships dan hukuman adalah salah satu cara ia
menyarankan. Pena yang diberikan untuk tujuan yang lebih baik dalam contoh
yang paling sempurna ironi nya, Argumen untuk membuktikan bahwa
penghapusan agama Kristen di Inggris mungkin, karena hal-hal sekarang berdiri,
dihadiri dengan beberapa inconveniencies (1708).

Sekitar saat ini, juga (November 1707), ia menghasilkan puisi naratif yang
terbaik, Baucis dan Filemon, sedangkan beberapa bulan ke depan menyaksikan
salah satu hoax paling lucu yang pernah dilakukan terhadap perdukunan astrolog.
Dalam Almanak nya untuk 1707 yang alarmis dan plot vaticinator Protestan gaya
John Partridge memperingatkan pelanggan melawan saingan dan penipu.
Pemberitahuan ini menarik perhatian Swift, dan di Januari 1708 ia mengeluarkan
prediksi untuk tahun berikutnya oleh Isaac Bickerstaff, ditulis untuk mencegah
orang-orang dari Inggris yang dikenakan kepada para pembuat almanak vulgar.
Dalam brosur ini ia memprediksi sungguh-sungguh bahwa pada tanggal 29 Maret
di 1:00 malam Partridge pembuat almanak terelakkan harus mati dari demam
mengamuk. Pada tanggal 30 Maret ia mengeluarkan surat yang menyatakan nasib
sedih Partridge. Elegi Grub Street pada pembuat almanak yang menjajakan
tentang London. Partridge secara luas menyesalkan dalam pemberitahuan obituari
dan namanya terjadi di lepas gulungan di Stationers 'Hall. Orang miskin terpaksa
mengeluarkan almanak khusus untuk menjamin klien dan publik bahwa ia tidak
mati: ia cukup bodoh untuk menambahkan bahwa ia tidak hanya hidup pada saat
penulisan, tapi dia juga terbukti hidup di hari ketika penjahat Bickerstaff (nama
dipinjam oleh Swift dari tanda di Long Acre) menegaskan bahwa ia meninggal
karena demam. Hal ini menimbulkan Pemulihan nama paling lucu Swift dari Isaac
Bickerstaff Esq. pada bulan April 1709. Tawa itu sehingga diprovokasi
memadamkan Prediksi selama tiga tahun, dan pada 1715 Partridge meninggal
sebenarnya; tapi episode meninggalkan jejak permanen dalam literatur klasik,
ketika pada 1709 Steele adalah untuk memulai Tatler, terpikir olehnya bahwa dia
bisa mengamankan telinga publik sama sekali tidak lebih pasti daripada
mengadopsi nama Bickerstaff.

Dari Februari 1708 sampai April 1709 Swift berada di London, mendesak kepada
pemerintah Godolphin klaim dari pendeta Irlandia untuk pertama-buahan dan
twentieths ("Ratu Anne Bounty"), yang membawa sekitar £ 2.500 per tahun,
sudah diberikan kepada mereka saudara-saudara di England.2 Nya memiliki
dipilih karena adanya komisi tersebut menunjukkan bahwa ia belum dianggap
sebagai pembelot dari Whig, meskipun keberhasilan sakit representasi nya
mungkin membantu untuk membuat dia salah satu. Oleh November 1710 ia
kembali berdomisili di London, dan menulis jurnal untuk Stella, bahwa contoh
yang unik dari main-main raksasa, "yang ditulis untuk kesenangan pribadi
seseorang dan memiliki daya tarik dihancurkan untuk setiap orang sejak saat itu."
Pada halaman pertama dari rekaman ini mengagumkan menit kehidupan sibuk
kita menemukan dia menggambarkan penurunan kredit Whig dan mengeluh
penerimaan dingin diberikan kepadanya oleh Godolphin, yang penetrasi telah
pasti terdeteksi kerawanan kesetiaan-Nya. Dalam beberapa minggu ia telah
menjadi tukang menulis ejekan dari bendahara jatuh, teman pangkuan Oxford dan
Bolingbroke, dan penulis Examiner, sebuah jurnal ditetapkan sebagai eksponen
Tory dilihat (November 1710).

Dia sekarang menjadi kekuasaan di negara itu, teman dekat dan diakui sama
penulis pertama hari, rekan menteri pada pijakan dari kebaikan yang sempurna
dan keakraban. "Kami bertekad untuk memiliki Anda," kata Bolingbroke
kepadanya setelah itu; "Anda adalah satu-satunya kami takut." Dia memperoleh
maksudnya menghormati wakaf Irlandia; dan, dengan account sendiri, kredit
diperoleh kekayaan lebih dari empat puluh klien layak atau tidak layak. Deskripsi
iri tapi grafis sikapnya yang disampaikan kepada kami oleh Uskup Kennet
membuktikan martabat nyata posisinya tidak kurang dari mengudara menurutnya
cocok untuk menganggap konsekuensi. Ceria, hampir riang, nada suratnya kepada
Stella evinces kepuasan penuh, juga tidak satu untuk pindah ke rasa syukur atas
kemurahan kecil. Dia punya itu, pada kenyataannya, sepenuhnya dalam kekuasaan
sendiri untuk menentukan hubungan dengan pelayanan, dan dia akan puas dengan
tidak kekurangan akrab dan mewah kesetaraan. Munculnya Nya menandai era
baru dalam kehidupan politik Inggris, usia opini publik, yang diciptakan memang
dengan keadaan saat itu, tapi kuat dibina dan dipercepat oleh dia. Dengan ironi
yang aneh tapi tidak jarang nasib semangat yang paling angkuh dan despotik pada
zamannya bekerja keras untuk menobatkan kekuatan yang, telah ia sendiri berada
dalam otoritas, ia akan benar-benar membenci dan dibenci. Untuk waktu yang
singkat ia tampaknya melanjutkan seluruh kekuatan pers Inggris di kandang
sendiri dan untuk membimbing opini publik saat ia akan.

Jasanya untuk partainya sebagai penulis dari Examiner, yang ia tinggalkan pada
bulan Juli 1711, bahkan dikalahkan oleh orang-orang yang ia diberikan sebagai
penulis mengatakan pamflet, di antaranya The Perilaku Sekutu dan Kementerian
Akhir, di awal dan membawa Hadir pada Perang, dan Keterangan di Barrier
Treaty (November dan Desember 1711) memegang peringkat pertama.
Sebenarnya, bagaimanapun, ia diangkat oleh gelombang tampaknya ia perintah.
Jenuh dengan kemuliaan, yang dimulai setelah Malplaquet, berpikir mungkin
dibeli dengan biaya terlalu berat, bangsa ingin alasan yang nyaman untuk
melepaskan perang memberatkan, yang jenius militer yang besar zaman dicurigai
memperpanjang untuk mengisi saku . The Whig sudah lama di kantor. Partai
Gereja tinggi telah diturunkan kekuatan besar dari sidang Sacheverell. Swift tidak
membawa tentang revolusi yang, meskipun, ia terkait namanya. Tampaknya ada
alasan untuk menganggap bahwa ia berkonsultasi menghormati Tory stroke besar
penciptaan dua belas rekan-rekan baru dan pemberhentian Marlborough
(Desember 1711), tetapi mereka akan tidak telah berkelana atas jika The Perilaku
Sekutu dan Examiner tidak mempersiapkan jalan. Sebuah hampir kurang penting
layanan ini diberikan kepada kementerian dengan Surat kepada Oktober Club
berseni disusun untuk menenangkan ketidaksabaran pengikut ekstrim Harley. Dia
memiliki setiap klaim dengan keutamaannya tertinggi para menteri bisa
memberinya, tapi harga dirinya sendiri dan prasangka di tempat-tempat yang
tinggi berdiri di jalan.

Orang yang murah hati seperti Oxford dan Bolingbroke tidak bisa telah bersedia
untuk menghargai begitu berguna teman, terutama ketika kepentingan mereka
sendiri berbaring dalam menjaga dia di Inggris. Harley saat ini kehilangan
pengaruh dan menjadi kronis mampu upaya berkelanjutan. Swift secara alami
sedikit sakit di melihat lihat dari Hereford menyelinap melalui jari-jarinya. Dia
telah kehilangan Waterford karena prasangka terhadap membuat penulis Kisah
dari bak uskup, dan ia masih memiliki antagonis yang tangguh dalam Uskup
Agung York, yang telah tersinggung, dan duchess of Somerset, yang telah satir.
Anne sangat setuju dengan pengaruh favorit imam dan perempuan, dan harus
dianggap sebagai bukti minat yang kuat dibuat untuk Swift bahwa dia akhirnya
dibujuk untuk menunjuk dia ke Dekenat dari St Patrick, Dublin, kosong dengan
penghapusan Uskup Sterne ke Dromore. Ini adalah kehormatan bahwa ia tidak
pernah berbicara tentang Ratu dengan kepahitan dan dendam. Pada Juni 1713 ia
berangkat untuk menguasai martabatnya, dan mengalami penerimaan yang sangat
dingin dari masyarakat Dublin. Para perselisihan antara para pemimpin partainya
cepat mengingat dia ke Inggris. Ia menemukan urusan dalam kondisi putus asa.
Kematian Ratu itu jelas di tangan, dan rasa naluriah yang sama baik yang telah
berkisar bangsa di sisi Tories, ketika Tories saja bisa mengakhiri perang
melelahkan, menjadikannya Whig ketika Tories nyata tidak bisa dipercaya untuk
menjaga suksesi Protestan . Dalam hal apapun penghuni kantor bisa hanya
memiliki pilihan mempertaruhkan kepala mereka dalam upaya untuk
mengecualikan pemilih dari Hanover, atau menunggu dengan sabar sampai ia
harus datang dan keluarkan mereka dari jabatan mereka; namun mereka mungkin
tetap tangguh mereka bisa tetap bersatu.
Untuk kemarahan yang ia menganggap penolakan Oxford untuk memajukan
dirinya dalam gelar bangsawan yang aktif St John menambahkan jijik tua di
bertele-tele dan lambat formalisme bendahara, serta kecenderungan jelas,
sementara meninggalkan rekannya yang seragam, untuk mengasyikkan untuk
dirinya sendiri kredit kepala pemerintahan. Skema mereka kebijakan menyimpang
seluas karakter mereka: Otak Bolingbroke yang teemed dengan rencana paling
liar, yang Oxford mungkin lebih secara efektif discountenanced yang telah
disusun dengan apa pun di tempat mereka. Upaya Swift setelah akomodasi adalah
sebagai sia-sia karena tak henti-hentinya. Malu nya sedikit kemungkinan untuk
marah virulensi kebiasaan penanya, yang jarang menghasilkan sesuatu yang lebih
sengit daripada serangan yang pada periode ini diarahkan terhadap Burnet dan
mantan temannya Steele. Salah satu pamflet melawan kedua (The Spirit Publik
Whig diatur dalam Dorongan Dermawan mereka Penulis Krisis, 1714) dekat
melibatkan dia dalam penuntutan, beberapa invectives terhadap rekan-rekan
Skotlandia setelah terbukti sangat menjengkelkan untuk Argyll dan orang lain
bahwa mereka diperbaiki untuk Ratu untuk menuntut hukuman penulis, dari yang
identitasnya bisa ada keraguan, meskipun, seperti tulisan-tulisan semua Swift,
kecuali Proposal untuk Perpanjangan Agama, pamflet telah diterbitkan secara
anonim. Penarikan segera bagian ofensif, dan penuntutan palsu dilembagakan
terhadap printer, menarik keluar Swift dari bahaya nya.

Sementara krisis telah tiba, dan perselisihan Oxford dan Bolingbroke telah
menjadi paten bagi semua bangsa. Meramalkan, seperti kemungkinan, jatuhnya
akan datang dari mantan, Swift pensiun ke Upper Letcombe, di Berkshire, dan ada
menghabiskan beberapa minggu di pengasingan ketat. Rekreasi ini diduduki
dalam komposisi pamflet yang luar biasa, Beberapa Pemikiran gratis di Negara
Hadir Urusan, yang menunjukkan konversi lengkap kepada kebijakan berani
Bolingbroke. Pengecualian mengucapkan Whig serta Pembangkang dari kantor,
renovasi tentara, pengenaan pembatasan paling kaku pada pewaris tahta - seperti
itu langkah-langkah yang, dengan merekomendasikan, Swift diam-diam mengaku
perlu untuk kemenangan partainya. Jika dia serius, hanya dapat dikatakan bahwa
putus asa keadaannya telah sejenak bermasalah kejernihan pemahamannya; jika
pamflet itu hanya dimaksudkan sebagai peraba setelah opini publik, cukup
mengejutkan bahwa dia tidak melihat bagaimana irretrievably dia merusak teman-
temannya di mata semua orang moderat. Semangat berani Bolingbroke,
bagaimanapun, mundur dari tidak ada yang ekstrim, dan, untungnya bagi Swift, ia
menambahkan begitu banyak sendiri untuk yang terakhir MS. bahwa produksi
pertama kali tertunda dan kemudian, setelah berita kematian Anne, segera ditekan.
Insiden ini tapi hanya mengantisipasi revolusi yang, setelah Bolingbroke
menikmati kemenangan tiga hari lebih Oxford, mengantarkannya ke pengasingan
dan bersujud partainya, tetapi memungkinkan Swift untuk melakukan tindakan
mulia hidupnya. Hampir tindakan pertama perdana menteri fana Bolingbroke itu
adalah untuk menyuruhnya seribu pound dari kas negara dan memberangkatkan
dia undangan paling bagus. Posting yang sama membawa surat dari Oxford,
meminta perusahaan Swift di pensiun; dan, abadi kehormatan yang terakhir, ia
ragu-ragu tidak instan dalam memilih pelipur lara dari temannya untuk tawaran St
John. Ketika, beberapa hari setelah itu, Oxford berada di penjara dan terancam
hidupnya, Swift memohon untuk berbagi penangkaran nya; dan itu hanya pada
penawaran makhluk menurun yang akhirnya dia mengarahkan langkahnya menuju
Irlandia, di mana ia sangat sakit diterima. Rancangan pada kas negara dicegat oleh
kematian ratu.

Empat tahun sibuk London kehidupan Swift belum sepenuhnya asyik dengan
politik. Pertama sebagai asosiasi dari Steele, dengan siapa ia bertengkar, dan
Addison, yang harga untuk dia selamat semua perbedaan, setelah itu sebagai
kawan akrab Paus dan Arbuthnot, sahabat Congreve dan Atterbury, Parnell dan
Gay, dia masuk dalam ke kehidupan sastra periode. Dia adalah bendahara dan
anggota terkemuka Brothers, masyarakat kecerdasan dan negarawan yang
mengingatkan hari-hari Horace dan Maecenas. Dia dipromosikan berlangganan
Paus Homer, kontribusi beberapa nomor ke Tatler, Penonton, dan Intelligencer,
dan bergabung dengan Paus dan Arbuthnot dalam pembentukan Scriblerus Club
menulis Martinus Scriblerus, bagiannya yang dapat telah tapi kecil, serta John
Bull, di mana bab merekomendasikan pendidikan semua anak bermata biru di
kebobrokan demi kebaikan publik harus pasti menjadi miliknya. Miscellanies nya,
di beberapa yang satir nya membuat pendekatan terdekat mungkin pernah dibuat
dengan metode kekuatan fisik, seperti A Meditasi pada Sapu, dan puisi-puisi Sid
Hamet Rod, The City Shower, The Windsor Prophecy, The Prediksi Merlin , dan
Sejarah Vanbrugh di House, milik periode ini. Sebuah karya yang lebih bekerja
keras, Proposal nya untuk Memperbaiki, Memperbaiki dan Memastikan Lidah
Inggris (1712), dalam sebuah surat kepada Harley, menunjukkan pengaturan
bahasa Inggris oleh akademi, adalah terutama luar biasa sebagai bukti
penghormatan yang dibayarkan kepada rasa Perancis oleh penulis Inggris yang
paling asli dari zamannya. History Empat Tahun Terakhir dari Kerajaan Ratu
Anne tidak pada tingkat dengan tulisan-tulisan politik yang lain. Untuk meringkas
insiden periode ini penting dalam hidupnya, itu selama ini bahwa dia kehilangan
ibunya, selalu mencintai dan patuh dihormati, mati; adiknya telah terasing dari dia
beberapa tahun sebelumnya oleh pernikahan ceroboh, yang meskipun
membuatnya tunjangan liberal, ia tidak pernah memaafkan.

Perubahan dari London ke Dublin jarang bisa menjadi salah satu yang
menyenangkan. Untuk Swift itu dimaksudkan untuk waktu musim gugur dari
otoritas yang unik untuk tidak penting mutlak. Semua bagian dalam administrasi
urusan bahkan Irlandia ditolak dia; setiap politisi dijauhi dia; dan masyarakatnya
tidak termasuk penulis tunggal atau kecerdasan. Dia "lanjut dalam privasi
terbesar" dan "mulai berpikir tentang kematian." Di lain waktu ia berbicara
tentang "mati kemarahan, seperti tikus beracun dalam sebuah lubang"; untuk
beberapa waktu, namun, ia didukung oleh harapan lemah dari pemulihan ke
Inggris. Jadi terlambat 1726 ia berada di Inggris membuat tawaran untuk Walpole,
tapi ia tidak memiliki klaim atas goodwill menteri, dan sebagai lawan dia pada
saat itu dilakukan terburuk nya. Dengan sebuah kekejaman utama nasib, apa yang
seharusnya menjadi kenyamanan menjadi kutukan keberadaannya. Kami telah
menyebutkan ajakannya Ester Johnson dan Mrs Dingley ke Irlandia. Baik
sebelum dan sesudah elevasi kepada Dekenat dari St Patrick wanita-wanita ini
terus berada di dekatnya, dan superintended rumah tangga selama
ketidakhadirannya di London. Dia telah menawarkan ada halangan pada 1704
untuk pertandingan diusulkan untuk Stella Dr William Tisdall dari Dublin, dan,
dengan gembira jelas di masyarakat yang berambut hitam, brighteyed, cerdas
kecantikan - model, jika kita dapat mengambil firman-Nya, semua wanita yang
harus - tampaknya tidak akuntabel bahwa dia tidak aman untuk dirinya sendiri
dengan bijaksana dari perkawinan. Sebuah kelemahan konstitusional telah
diusulkan sebagai alasan, dan dugaan yang berasal dukungan dari beberapa
keanehan dalam tulisan-tulisannya. Tapi, apa pun penyebabnya, perilakunya tidak
terbukti kurang kepenasaranan fatal hidup dan nya Stella namun orang lain.

Potret Esther Vanhomrigh

    Ester (atau Hester) Vanhomrigh
Dia selalu beruntung dalam hubungan dengan kaum hawa. Pada 1695 ia telah
ideal "Varina." Varina itu membalas dengan Vanessa, yang dikejar Swift dengan
tujuan jauh lainnya. Esther Vanhomrigh (b. 14 Februari 1690), putri seorang
pedagang Dublin asal Belanda, yang meninggal pada tahun 1703 meninggalkan £
16.000, telah menjadi dikenal Swift di puncak pengaruh politiknya. Dia
mengajukan dekat dengan ibunya, diperkenalkan kepada keluarga oleh Sir A.
Fountaine tahun 1708 dan menjadi intim rumah. Vanessa insensibly menjadi
muridnya, dan ia insensibly menjadi obyek kasih sayang berapi-api nya. Surat-
suratnya mengungkapkan semangat penuh semangat dan antusiasme, dan
menyesatkan dengan itu membungkuk sesat yang mengarah begitu banyak wanita
lebih menyukai seorang tiran untuk pendamping. Swift, di sisi lain, itu tidak
memiliki gairah. Persahabatan, bahkan dari hal tender, dia sepenuhnya mampu,
tapi tidak cinta. Alam roh, baik dalam hal-hal ilahi atau duniawi, adalah daerah
tertutup baginya, di mana ia belum pernah menginjakkan kaki. Sebagai teman ia
harus sangat disukai Stella ke Vanessa.

quets
 
Source: John Bartlett (1820—1905). Familiar Quotations, 10th ed. 1919.

I ’ve often wish’d that I had clear,

For life, six hundred pounds a year;
A handsome house to lodge a friend;
A river at my garden’s end;
A terrace walk, and half a rood
Of land set out to plant a wood.
          Imitation of Horace. Book ii. Sat. 6.

So geographers, in Afric maps,

With savage pictures fill their gaps,
And o’er unhabitable downs
Place elephants for want of towns. 1
          Poetry, a Rhapsody.

Where Young must torture his invention

To flatter knaves, or lose his pension.
          Poetry, a Rhapsody.

Hobbes clearly proves that every creature

Lives in a state of war by nature.
          Poetry, a Rhapsody.

So, naturalists observe, a flea

Has smaller fleas that on him prey;
And these have smaller still to bite ’em;
And so proceed ad infinitum. 2
          Poetry, a Rhapsody.

Libertas et natale solum:

Fine words! I wonder where you stole ’em.
          Verses occasioned by Whitshed’s Motto on his Coach.

A college joke to cure the dumps.

          Cassinus and Peter.

’T is an old maxim in the schools,

That flattery ’s the food of fools;
Yet now and then your men of wit
Will condescend to take a bit.
          Cadenus and Vanessa.

Hail fellow, well met. 3

          My Lady’s Lamentation.

Big-endians and small-endians. 4

          Gulliver’s Travels. Part i. Chap. iv. Voyage to Lilliput.

And he gave it for his opinion, that whoever could make two ears of corn, or
two blades of grass, to grow upon a spot of ground where only one grew
before, would deserve better of mankind, and do more essential service to his
country, than the whole race of politicians put together.
          Gulliver’s Travels. Part ii. Chap. vii. Voyage to Brobdingnag.

He had been eight years upon a project for extracting sunbeams out of
cucumbers, which were to be put in phials hermetically sealed, and let out to
warm the air in raw inclement summers.
          Gulliver’s Travels. Part iii. Chap. v. Voyage to Laputa.

It is a maxim, that those to whom everybody allows the second place have an
undoubted title to the first.
          Tale of a Tub. Dedication.

Seamen have a custom, when they meet a whale, to fling him out an empty
tub by way of amusement, to divert him from laying violent hands upon the
ship. 5
          Tale of a Tub. Preface.

Bread is the staff of life. 6

          Tale of a Tub. Preface.

Books, the children of the brain.

          Tale of a Tub. Sect. i.

As boys do sparrows, with flinging salt upon their tails. 7

          Tale of a Tub. Sect. vii.

He made it a part of his religion never to say grace to his meat.

          Tale of a Tub. Sect. xi.

How we apples swim! 8

          Brother Protestants.
The two noblest things, which are sweetness and light.
          Battle of the Books.

The reason why so few marriages are happy is because young ladies spend
their time in making nets, not in making cages.
          Thoughts on Various Subjects.

Censure is the tax a man pays to the public for being eminent.
          Thoughts on Various Subjects.

A nice man is a man of nasty ideas.

          Thoughts on Various Subjects.

If Heaven had looked upon riches to be a valuable thing, it would not have
given them to such a scoundrel.
          Letter to Miss Vanbromrigh, Aug. 12, 1720.

Not die here in a rage, like a poisoned rat in a hole.

          Letter to Bolingbroke, March 21, 1729.

A penny for your thoughts. 9

          Introduction to Polite Conversation.

Do you think I was born in a wood to be afraid of an owl?

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

The sight of you is good for sore eyes.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

’T is as cheap sitting as standing.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

I hate nobody: I am in charity with the world.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

I won’t quarrel with my bread and butter.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

She ’s no chicken; she ’s on the wrong side of thirty, if she be a day.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

She looks as if butter wou’dn’t melt in her mouth. 10

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

If it had been a bear it would have bit you.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

She wears her clothes as if they were thrown on with a pitchfork.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

I mean you lie—under a mistake. 11

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

Lord M. What religion is he of?

Lord Sp. Why, he is an Anythingarian.
          Polite Conversation. Dialogue i.

He was a bold man that first eat an oyster.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

That is as well said as if I had said it myself.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

You must take the will for the deed. 12

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

Fingers were made before forks, and hands before knives.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

She has more goodness in her little finger than he has in his whole body.
          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

Lord! I wonder what fool it was that first invented kissing.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

They say a carpenter ’s known by his chips.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

The best doctors in the world are Doctor Diet, Doctor Quiet, and Doctor
Merryman. 13
          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

I ’ll give you leave to call me anything, if you don’t call me “spade.”
          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.
May you live all the days of your life.
          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

I have fed like a farmer: I shall grow as fat as a porpoise.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

I always like to begin a journey on Sundays, because I shall have the prayers
of the Church to preserve all that travel by land or by water.
          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

I know Sir John will go, though he was sure it would rain cats and dogs.
          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

I thought you and he were hand-in-glove.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue ii.

’T is happy for him that his father was before him.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue iii.

There is none so blind as they that won’t see. 14

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue iii.

She watches him as a cat would watch a mouse.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue iii.

She pays him in his own coin.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue iii.

There was all the world and his wife.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue iii.

Sharp ’s the word with her.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue iii.

There ’s two words to that bargain.

          Polite Conversation. Dialogue iii.

I shall be like that tree,—I shall die at the top.

          Scott’s Life of Swift. 15

Note 1.
As geographers, Sosius, crowd into the edges of their maps parts
of the world which they do not know about, adding notes in the
margin to the effect that beyond this lies nothing but sandy deserts
full of wild beasts, and unapproachable bogs.—Plutarch:
Theseus. [back]
Note 2.
Great fleas have little fleas upon their backs to bite ’em,
And little fleas have lesser fleas, and so ad infinitum.
And the great fleas themselves, in turn, have greater fleas to go on;
While these again have greater still, and greater still, and so on.
De Morgan: A Budget of Paradoxes, p. 377. [back]
Note 3.
Rowland: Knave of Hearts (1612). Ray: Proverbs. Tom Brown:
Amusement, viii. [back]
Note 4.
As the political parties of Whig and Tory are pointed out by the
high and low heels of the Lilliputians (Framecksan and
Hamecksan), those of Papist and Protestant are designated under
the Big-endians and Small-endians. [back]
Note 5.
In Sebastian Munster’s “Cosmography” there is a cut of a ship to
which a whale was coming too close for her safety, and of the
sailors throwing a tub to the whale, evidently to play with. This
practice is also mentioned in an old prose translation of the “Ship
of Fools.”—Sir James Mackintosh: Appendix to the Life of Sir
Thomas More. [back]
Note 6.
See Mathew Henry, Quotation 10. [back]
Note 7.
Till they be bobbed on the tails after the manner of sparrows.—
Francis Rabelais: book ii. chap. xiv. [back]
Note 8.
Ray: Proverbs. Mallet: Tyburn. [back]
Note 9.
See Heywood, Quotation 92. [back]
Note 10.
See Heywood, Quotation 55. [back]
Note 11.
You lie—under a mistake.—Percy Bysshe Shelley: Magico
Prodigioso, scene 1 (a translation of Calderon). [back]
 Note 12.
The will for deed I doe accept.—Du Bartas: Divine Weeks and
Works, third day, week ii. part 2.

The will for the deed.—Colley Cibber: The Rival Fools, act
iii. [back]
Note 13.
Use three physicians
Still: first, Dr. Quiet;
Next, Dr. Merryman,
And Dr. Dyet.
Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum (edition 1607) [back]
Note 14.
See Mathew Henry, Quotation 15. [back]
Note 15.
When the poem of “Cadenus and Vanessa” was the general topic
of conversation, some one said, “Surely that Vanessa must be an
extraordinary woman that could inspire the Dean to write so finely
upon her.” Mrs. Johnson smiled, and answered that “she thought
that point not quite so clear; for it was well known the Dean could
write finely upon a broomstick.”—Samuel Johnson: Life of
Swift. [back]
Jonathan Swift: Kutipan

Sumber: John Bartlett (1820-1905). Kutipan Familiar, 10th ed. 1919.

 

Saya sudah sering wish'd bahwa saya telah jelas,

Untuk hidup, £ 600 setahun;
Sebuah rumah tampan untuk mengajukan seorang teman;
Sebuah sungai di akhir taman saya;
Teras berjalan, setengah rood sebuah
Tanah berangkat untuk menanam kayu.
          Imitasi dari Horace. Buku ii. Sat. 6.

Jadi geografi, di peta Afrika,

Dengan gambar buas mengisi kesenjangan mereka,
Dan o'er downs unhabitable
Tempat gajah karena ingin kota. 1
          Puisi, sebuah Rhapsody.

Dimana muda harus menyiksa penemuannya

Menyanjung knaves, atau kehilangan pensiunnya.
          Puisi, sebuah Rhapsody.
Hobbes jelas membuktikan bahwa setiap makhluk
Hidup dalam keadaan perang oleh alam.
          Puisi, sebuah Rhapsody.

Jadi, naturalis mengamati, kutu

Memiliki kutu kecil yang dia mangsa;
Dan ini harus lebih kecil masih menggigit 'em;
Dan lanjutkan tak terhingga. 2
          Puisi, sebuah Rhapsody.

Libertas et natale solum:

Kata-kata halus! Aku ingin tahu di mana Anda mencuri 'em.
          Ayat disebabkan oleh Motto Whitshed di Coach nya.

Sebuah lelucon perguruan tinggi untuk menyembuhkan kesedihan.

          Cassinus dan Peter.

'T adalah pepatah tua di sekolah,

Sanjungan Itulah makanan orang bodoh;
Namun sekarang dan kemudian orang-orang Anda wit
Akan berkenan untuk mengambil sedikit.
          Cadenus dan Vanessa.

Salam sesama, baik bertemu. 3

          My Lady Ratapan.

Big-endians dan kecil-endians. 4

          Perjalanan Gulliver. Bagian i. Chap. iv. Voyage to Lilliput.

Dan dia memberikannya pendapatnya, bahwa siapapun bisa membuat dua telinga
jagung, atau dua helai-helai rumput, tumbuh pada tempat tanah di mana hanya
satu tumbuh sebelumnya, akan layak lebih baik dari umat manusia, dan
melakukan pelayanan yang lebih penting untuk negaranya , dari seluruh ras
politisi disatukan.
          Perjalanan Gulliver. Bagian ii. Chap. vii. Voyage to Brobdingnag.

Dia telah delapan tahun setelah proyek untuk mengekstraksi sinar matahari dari
mentimun, yang akan dimasukkan ke dalam phials tertutup rapat, dan biarkan
keluar untuk menghangatkan udara di musim panas buruk baku.
          Perjalanan Gulliver. Bagian iii. Chap. v. Voyage ke Laputa.

Ini adalah pepatah, itu orang-orang kepada siapa orang memungkinkan tempat
kedua memiliki judul yang tak diragukan dengan yang pertama.
          Kisah dari bak. Dedikasi.
Seamen ada kebiasaan, ketika mereka bertemu ikan paus, untuk melemparkan dia
keluar bak kosong dengan cara hiburan, untuk mengalihkan dia dari
menumpangkan tangan kekerasan atas kapal. 5
          Kisah dari bak. Kata Pengantar.

Roti adalah staf kehidupan. 6

          Kisah dari bak. Kata Pengantar.

Buku, anak-anak otak.

          Kisah dari bak. Bag. aku m.

Sebagai anak laki-laki melakukan burung pipit, dengan melemparkan garam pada
ekor mereka. 7
          Kisah dari bak. Bag. vii.

Dia membuatnya menjadi bagian dari agamanya tidak pernah mengatakan kasih
karunia untuk daging.
          Kisah dari bak. Bag. xi.

Bagaimana kita apel berenang! 8

          Saudara Protestan.

Dua hal yang paling mulia, yang manis dan ringan.

          Pertempuran Buku.

Alasan mengapa begitu sedikit pernikahan yang bahagia adalah karena wanita
muda menghabiskan waktu mereka dalam membuat jaring, bukan dalam membuat
kandang.
          Pikiran beragam judul.

Kecaman adalah pajak seorang pria membayar kepada publik untuk menjadi
unggulan.
          Pikiran beragam judul.

Seorang pria yang baik adalah orang ide jahat.

          Pikiran beragam judul.

Jika Surga telah memandang kekayaan menjadi hal yang berharga, itu tidak akan
memberikan mereka kepada bajingan tersebut.
          Surat Miss Vanbromrigh, 12 Agustus 1720.

Tidak mati di sini dengan marah, seperti tikus beracun dalam lubang.
          Surat untuk Bolingbroke, 21 Maret 1729.

Sebuah sen untuk pikiran Anda. 9

          Pengantar Percakapan Sopan.
Apakah Anda pikir saya lahir di kayu menjadi takut burung hantu?
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Melihat Anda baik untuk sakit mata.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

'T adalah sebagai murah sebagai duduk berdiri.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Saya benci tidak ada: Saya dalam amal dengan dunia.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Aku tidak akan bertengkar dengan roti dan mentega.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Dia tak ayam; dia 's di sisi yang salah dari tiga puluh, jika dia menjadi hari.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Dia tampak seolah-olah mentega wou'dn't meleleh di mulut. 10

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Jika sudah beruang itu akan sedikit Anda.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Dia memakai pakaiannya seolah-olah mereka dilemparkan pada dengan garpu

rumput.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Aku berarti Anda berbaring di bawah kesalahan. 11

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Lord M. Apa agama dia dari?

Lord Sp. Mengapa, ia adalah seorang Anythingarian.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog i.

Dia adalah orang yang berani yang pertama makan tiram.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Yang juga dikatakan seolah-olah aku telah mengatakan sendiri.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Anda harus mengambil kehendak untuk perbuatan. 12

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Fingers dibuat sebelum garpu, dan pisau tangan sebelum.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Dia memiliki lebih banyak kebaikan di jari kecilnya daripada yang ia miliki di
seluruh tubuhnya.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Tuhan! Aku ingin tahu apa menipu itu yang pertama kali diciptakan berciuman.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Mereka mengatakan seorang tukang kayu 's dikenal dengan chip-nya.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Para dokter terbaik di dunia adalah Dokter Diet, Dokter Tenang, dan Dokter
Merryman. 13
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Aku akan memberikan Anda meninggalkan menelepon saya apa-apa, jika Anda
tidak menelepon saya "sekop."
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Semoga Anda tinggal semua hari-hari hidup Anda.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Saya telah makan seperti petani: Saya akan tumbuh lemak sebagai porpoise.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Saya selalu ingin memulai perjalanan pada hari Minggu, karena saya akan
memiliki doa Gereja untuk melestarikan semua bahwa perjalanan melalui darat
maupun air.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Saya tahu Sir John akan pergi, meskipun ia yakin itu akan hujan kucing dan
anjing.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

Saya pikir Anda dan dia berada di tangan-sarung tangan.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog ii.

'T senang untuk dia bahwa ayahnya adalah hadapannya.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog iii.

Tidak ada yang begitu buta karena mereka yang tidak akan melihat. 14
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog iii.

Ia melihat dia sebagai kucing akan menonton tikus.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog iii.
Dia membayar dia di koin sendiri.
          Percakapan sopan. Dialog iii.

Ada semua dunia dan istrinya.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog iii.

Sharp kata dengan dia.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog iii.

Ada dua kata untuk tawar-menawar itu.

          Percakapan sopan. Dialog iii.

Aku akan menjadi seperti pohon itu, -I akan mati di bagian atas.
          Scott Life of Swift. 15

 
Catatan 1.
Sebagai ahli geografi, Sosius, kerumunan ke tepi bagian peta mereka dari dunia
yang mereka tidak tahu tentang, menambahkan catatan di margin yang
menyatakan bahwa di luar ini terletak apa-apa kecuali gurun pasir penuh binatang
buas, dan didekati bogs.-Plutarch : Theseus. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 2.
Kutu besar memiliki sedikit kutu pada punggung mereka menggigit 'em,
Dan kutu kecil memiliki kutu kecil, dan tak terhingga.
Dan kutu besar sendiri, pada gilirannya, memiliki kutu yang lebih besar untuk
pergi;
Sementara ini lagi harus lebih besar lagi, dan lebih besar lagi, dan seterusnya.
De Morgan: Sebuah Anggaran Paradoks, p. 377. [kembali]
Catatan 3.
Rowland: Knave of Hearts (1612). Ray: Amsal. Tom Brown: Taman, viii. [Bagian
belakang]
Catatan 4.
Sebagai partai politik Whig dan Tory yang ditunjukkan oleh sepatu hak tinggi dan
rendah Liliput (Framecksan dan Hamecksan), orang-orang dari penganut agama
Katolik dan Protestan yang ditunjuk sesuai dengan Big-endians dan Kecil-
endians. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 5.
Di Sebastian Munster "kosmografi" ada potongan kapal yang ikan paus datang
terlalu dekat untuk keselamatan dirinya, dan para pelaut melemparkan bak untuk
ikan paus, jelas untuk bermain dengan. Praktek ini juga disebutkan dalam
terjemahan prosa lama dari - Sir James Mackintosh "Kapal Fools.": Lampiran
Kehidupan Sir Thomas More. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 6.
Lihat Mathew Henry, Quotation 10. [kembali]
Catatan 7.
Sampai mereka akan nongol pada ekor menurut cara sparrows.-Francis Rabelais:
buku ii. chap. xiv. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 8.
Ray: Amsal. Mallet: Tyburn. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 9.
Lihat Heywood, Quotation 92. [kembali]
Catatan 10.
Lihat Heywood, Quotation 55. [kembali]
Catatan 11.
Anda berbaring-di bawah mistake.-Percy Bysshe Shelley: Magico Prodigioso,
scene 1 (terjemahan dari Calderon). [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 12.
Kehendak untuk perbuatan saya doe accept.-Du Bartas: Minggu Ilahi dan
Pekerjaan, hari ketiga, minggu ii. Bagian 2.

Kehendak untuk deed.-Colley Cibber: The Fools Rival, tindakan iii. [Bagian
belakang]
Catatan 13.
Menggunakan tiga dokter
Masih: pertama, Dr. Quiet;
Selanjutnya, Dr. Merryman,
Dan Dr. Dyet.
Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum (edisi 1607) [kembali]
Catatan 14.
Lihat Mathew Henry, Quotation 15. [kembali]
Catatan 15.
Ketika puisi "Cadenus dan Vanessa" adalah topik umum pembicaraan, beberapa
orang mengatakan, "Tentunya yang Vanessa harus menjadi wanita luar biasa yang
bisa menginspirasi Dekan menulis begitu halus pada dirinya." Bu Johnson
tersenyum, dan menjawab bahwa "pikirnya saat itu tidak begitu jelas; untuk itu
terkenal Dekan bisa menulis halus pada sapu "- Samuel Johnson:. Kehidupan
Swift. [Bagian belakang]
ALEXANDER POPE, English poet, was born in Lombard Street, London, on the 21st
of May 1688. His father, Alexander Pope, a Roman Catholic, was a linen-draper who
afterwards retired from business with a small fortune, and fixed his residence about
1700 at Binfield in Windsor Forest. Pope's education was desultory. His father's
religion would have excluded him from the public schools, even had there been no
other impediment to his being sent there. Before he was twelve he had obtained a
smattering of Latin and Greek from various masters, from a priest in Hampshire, from
a schoolmaster at Twyford near Winchester, from Thomas Deane, who kept a school in
Marylebone and afterwards at Hyde Park Corner, and finally from another priest at
home. Between his twelfth and his seventeenth years excessive application to study
undermined his health, and he developed the personal deformity which was in so
many ways to distort his view of life. He thought himself dying, but through a friend,
Thomas (afterwards the Abbe) Southcote, he obtained the advice of the famous
physician John Radcliffe, who prescribed diet and exercise. Under this treatment the
boy recovered his strength and spirits. "He thought himself the better," Spence says,
"in some respects for not having had a regular education. He (as he observed in
particular) read originally for the sense, whereas we are taught for so many years to
read only for words." He afterwards learnt French and Italian, probably in a similar
way. He read translations of the Greek, Latin, French and Italian poets, and by the age
of twelve, when he was finally settled at home and left to himself, he was not only a
confirmed reader, but an eager aspirant to the highest honours in poetry. There is a
story, which chronological considerations make extremely improbable, that in London
he had crept into Will's coffee-house to look at Dryden, and a further tale that the old
poet had given him a shilling for a translation of the story of Pyramus and Thisbe; he
had lampooned his schoolmaster; he had made a play out of John Ogilby's Iliad for his
schoolfellows; and before he was fifteen he had written an epic, his hero being
Alcander, a prince of Rhodes, or, as he states elsewhere, Deucalion.

There were, among the Roman Catholic families near Binfield, men capable of giving a
direction to his eager ambition, men of literary tastes, and connexions with the literary
world. These held together as members of persecuted communities always do, and
were kept in touch with one another by the family priests. Pope was thus brought
under the notice of Sir William Trumbull, a retired diplomatist living at
Easthampstead, within a few miles of Binfield. Thomas Dancastle, lord of the manor of
Binfield, took an active interest in his writings, and at Whiteknights, near Reading,
lived another Roman Catholic, Anthony Englefield, "a great lover of poets and poetry."
Through him Pope made the acquaintance of Wycherley and of Henry Cromwell, who
was a distant cousin of the Protector, a gay man about town, and something of a
pedant. Wycherley introduced him to William Walsh, then of great renown as a critic. 1
Before the poet was seventeen he was admitted in this way to the society of London
"wits" and men of fashion, and was cordially encouraged as a prodigy. Wycherley's
correspondence with Pope was skilfully manipulated by the younger man to represent
Wycherley as submitting, at first humbly and then with an ill-grace, to Pope's
criticisms. The publication (Elwin and Courthope, vol. v.) of the originals of
Wycherley's letters from MSS. at Longleat showed how seriously the relations between
the two friends, which ceased in 1710, had been misrepresented in the version of the
correspondence which Pope chose to submit to the public. Walsh's contribution to his
development was the advice to study "correctness." "About fifteen," he says, "I got
acquainted with Mr. Walsh. He used to encourage me much, and used to tell me that
there was one way left of excelling; for, though we had several great poets, we never
had any one great poet that was correct, and he desired me to make that my study and
aim" (Spence, p. 280). Trumbull turned Pope's attention to the French critics, out of
the study of whom grew the Essay on Criticism; he suggested the subject of Windsor
Forest, and he started the idea of translating Homer.

It says something for Pope's docility at this stage that he recognized so soon that a long
course of preparation was needed for such a magnum opus, and began steadily and
patiently to discipline himself. The epic was put aside and afterwards burnt;
versification was industriously practised in short "essays"; and an elaborate study was
made of accepted critics and models. He learnt most, as he acknowledged, from
Dryden, but the harmony of his verse also owed something to an earlier writer, George
Sandys, the translator of Ovid. At the beginning of the 18th century Dryden's success
had given great vogue to translations and modernizations. The air was full of theories
as to the best way of doing such things. What Dryden had touched, Pope did not
presume to meddle with — Dryden was his hero and master; but there was much more
of the same kind to be done. Dryden had rewritten three of the Canterbury Tales;
Pope tried his hand at the Merchant's Tale, and the Prologue to the Wife of Bath's
Tale, and produced also an imitation of the House of Fame. Dryden had translated
Virgil; Pope experimented on the Thebais of Statius, Ovid's Heroides and
Metamorphoses, and the Odyssey. He knew little Latin and less Greek, but there were
older versions in English which helped him to the sense; and, when the
correspondents to whom he submitted his versions pointed out mistranslations, he
could answer that he had always agreed with them, but that he had deferred to the
older translators against his own judgment. It was one of Pope's little vanities to try to
give the impression that his metrical skill was more precocious even than it was, and
we cannot accept his published versions of Statius and Chaucer (published in
"miscellanies" at intervals between 1709 and 1714) as incontrovertible evidence of his
proficiency at the age of sixteen or seventeen, the date, according to his own assertion,
of their composition. But it is indisputable that at the age of seventeen his skill in verse
astonished a veteran critic like Walsh, and some of his pastorals were in the hands of
Sir George Granville (afterwards Lord Lansdowne) before 1706. His metrical letter to
Cromwell, which Elwin dates in 1707, when Pope was nineteen, is a brilliant feat of
versification, and has turns of wit in it as easy and spirited as any to be found in his
mature satires. Pope was twenty-one when he sent the "Ode on Solitude" to Cromwell,
and said it was written before he was twelve years old.

Precocious Pope was, but he was also industrious; and he spent some eight or nine
years in arduous and enthusiastic discipline, reading, studying, experimenting, taking
the advice of some and laughing in his sleeve at the advice of others, "poetry his only
business," he said, "and idleness his only pleasure," before anything of his appeared in
print. In these preliminary studies he seems to have guided himself by the maxim
formulated in a letter to Walsh (dated July 2, 1706) that "it seems not so much the
perfection of sense to say things that had never been said before, as to express those
best that have been said oftenest." His first publication was his "Pastorals." Jacob
Tonson, the bookseller, had seen these pastorals in the hands of Walsh and Congreve,
and sent a polite note (April 20, 5706) to Pope asking that he might have them for one
of his miscellanies. They appeared accordingly in May 1709 at the end of the sixth
volume of Tonson's Poetical Miscellanies, containing contributions from Ambrose
Philips, Sheffield, Garth and Rowe, with "January and May," Pope's version of
Chaucer's "Merchant's Tale." Pope's next publication was the Essay on Criticism
(1711), written two years earlier, and printed without the author's name. "In every work
regard the writer's end" (1.255) is one of its sensible precepts, and one that is often
neglected by critics of the essay, who comment upon it as if Pope's end had been to
produce an original and profound treatise on first principles.

His aim was simply to condense, methodize, and give as perfect and novel expression
as he could to floating opinions about the poet's aims and methods, and the critic's
duties, to "what oft was thought, but ne'er so well expressed " (1.298). "The town" was
interested in belles lettres, and given to conversing on the subject; Pope's essay was
simply a brilliant contribution to the fashionable conversation. The youthful author
said that he did not expect the sale to be quick because "not one gentleman in sixty,
even of liberal education, could understand it." The sales were slow until Pope caused
copies to be sent to Lord Lansdowne and others, but its success was none the less
brilliant for the delay. The town was fairly dazzled by the young poet's learning,
judgment, and felicity of expression. Many of the admirers of the poem doubtless
would have thought less of it if they had not believed all the maxims to be original. "I
admired," said Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, "Mr Pope's Essay on Criticism at first
very much, because I had not then read any of the ancient critics, and did not know
that it was all stolen."  Pope gained credit for much that might have been found, where
he found it, in the Institutes of Quintilian, in the numerous critical writings of Rene
Rapin, and in Rene le Bossu's treatise on epic poetry. Addison has been made
responsible for the exaggerated value once set on the essay, but Addison's paper
(Spectator, No. 253) was not unmixed praise. He deprecated the attacks made by Pope
on contemporary literary reputations, although he did full justice to the poet's metrical
skill.

Addison and Pope became acquainted with one another, and Pope's sacred eclogue,
"Messiah," was printed as No. 378 of the Spectator. In the Essay on Criticism Pope
provoked one bitter personal enemy in John Dennis, the critic, by a description of him
as Appius, who "stares, tremendous, with a threat'ning eye." Dennis retorted in
Reflections.. upon a late Rhapsody .. (1712), abusing Pope among other things for his
personal deformity. Pope never forgot this brutal attack, which he described in a note
inserted after Dennis's death, as late as 1743, as written "in a manner perfectly
lunatic." The Rape of the Lock in its first form appeared in 1712 in Lintot's
Miscellanies; the "machinery" of sylphs and gnomes was an afterthought, and the
poem was republished as we now have it early in 1714. William, 4th Baron Petre, had
surreptitiously cut off a lock of Miss Arabella Fermor's hair, and the liberty had been
resented; Pope heard the story from his friend John Caryll, who suggested that the
breach between the families might be healed by making the incident the subject of a
mock-heroic poem like Boileau's Lutrin. Pope caught at the hint; the mock-heroic
treatment of the pretty frivolities of fashionable life just suited his freakish
sprightliness of wit, and his studies of the grand epic at the time put him in excellent
vein. The Rape of the Lock is admitted to be a masterpiece of airiness, ingenuity, and
exquisite finish. But the poem struck Taine as a piece of harsh, scornful, indelicate
buffoonery, a mere succession of oddities and contrasts, of expressive figures
unexpected and grinning, an example of English insensibility to French sweetness and
refinement. Sir Leslie Stephen objected on somewhat different grounds to the poet's
tone towards women. His laughter at Pope's raillery was checked by the fact that
women are spoken of in the poem as if they were all like Belinda. The poem shows the
hand of the satirist who was later to assert that "every woman is at heart a rake," in the
epistle addressed to Martha Blount.

Windsor Forest, modelled on Sir John Denham's Cooper's Hill, had been begun,
according to Pope's account, when he was sixteen or seventeen. It was published in
March 1713 with a flattering dedication to the secretary for war, George Granville, Lord
Lansdowne, and an opportune allusion to the peace of Utrecht. This was a nearer
approach to taking a political side than Pope had yet made. His principle had been to
keep clear of politics, and not to attach himself to any of the sets into which literary
men were divided by party. Although inclined to the Jacobites by his religion, he never
took any part in the plots for the restoration of the Stuarts, and he was on friendly
terms with the Whig coterie, being a frequent guest at the coffee-house kept by Daniel
Button, where Addison held his "little senate." He had contributed his poem, "The
Messiah" to the Spectator; he had written an article or two in the Guardian, and he
wrote a prologue for Addison's Cato. Nevertheless he induced Lintot the bookseller to
obtain from John Dennis a criticism of Cato. On the publication of Dennis's remarks,
the violence of which had, as Pope hoped, made their author ridiculous, Pope
produced an anonymous pamphlet, The Narrative of Dr Robert Norris concerning
the. .. Frenzy of Mr John Dennis (1713), which, though nominally in defence of
Addison, had for its main purpose the gratification of Pope's own hostility to Dennis.
Addison disavowed any connivance in this coarse attack in a letter written on his
behalf by Steele to Lintot, saying that if he noticed Dennis's attack at all it would be in
such a way as to allow him no just cause of complaint.

Coolness between Addison and Pope naturally followed this episode. When the Rape
of the Lock was published, Addison, who is said to have praised the poem highly to
Pope in private, dismissed it in the Spectator with two sentences of patronizing faint
praise to the young poet, and, coupling it with Tickell's "Ode on the Prospect of Peace,"
devoted the rest of the article to an elaborate puff of "the pastorals of Mr Philips."
When Pope showed a leaning to the Tories in Windsor Forest, 2 the members of
Addison's coterie made insidious war on him. Within a few weeks of the publication of
the poem, and when it was the talk of the town, there began to appear in the Guardian
(Nos. 22, 23, 28, 30, 32) a series of articles on "Pastorals." Not a word was said about
Windsor Forest, but everybody knew to what the general principles referred. Modern
pastoral poets were ridiculed for introducing Greek moral deities, Greek flowers and
fruits, Greek names of shepherds, Greek sports and customs and religious rites. They
ought to make use of English rural mythology — hobthrushes, fairies, goblins and
witches; they should give English names to their shepherds; they should mention
flowers indigenous to English climate and soil; and they should introduce English
proverbial sayings, dress, and customs. All excellent principles, and all neglected by
Pope in Windsor Forest. The poem was fairly open to criticism in these points; there
are many beautiful passages in it, showing close though somewhat professional
observation of nature, but the mixture of heathen deities and conventional archaic
fancies with modern realities is incongruous, and the comparison of Queen Anne to
Diana was ludicrous. But the sting of the articles did not lie in the truth of the oblique
criticisms. The pastorals of Ambrose Philips, published four years before, were again
trotted out. Here was a true pastoral poet, the eldest born of Spenser, the worthy
successor of Theocritus and Virgil!
Pope took an amusing revenge, which turned the laugh against his assailants. He sent
Steele an anonymous paper in continuation of the articles in the Guardian on pastoral
poetry, reviewing the poems of Mr Pope by the light of the principles laid down.
Ostensibly Pope was censured for breaking the rules, and Philips praised for
conforming to them, quotations being given from both. The quotations were sufficient
to dispose of the pretensions of poor Philips, and Pope did not choose his own worst
passages, accusing himself of actually deviating sometimes into poetry. Although the
Guardian's principles were also brought into ridicule by burlesque exemplifications of
them after the manner of Gay's Shepherd's Week, Steele, misled by the opening
sentences, was at first unwilling to print what appeared to be a direct attack on Pope,
and is said to have asked Pope's consent to the publication, which was graciously
granted.

The estrangement from Addison was completed in connexion with Pope's translation
of Homer. This enterprise was definitely undertaken in 1713. The work was to be
published by subscription, as Dryden's Virgil had been. Men of all parties subscribed,
their unanimity being a striking proof of the position Pope had attained at the age of
twenty-five. It was as if he had received a national commission as by general consent
the first poet of his time. But the unanimity was broken by a discordant note. A
member of the Addison clique, Tickell, attempted to run a rival version. Pope
suspected Addison's instigation; Tickell had at least Addison's encouragement. Pope's
famous character of Addison as "Atticus" in the Epistle to Dr Arbuthnot (ii. 193-215)
was, however, inspired by resentment at insults that existed chiefly in his own
imagination, though Addison was certainly not among his warmest admirers. Pope
afterwards claimed to have been magnanimous, but he spoiled his case by the petty
inventions of his account of the quarrel.

The translation of Homer was Pope's chief employment for twelve years. The new
pieces in the miscellanies published in 1717, his "Elegy on an Unfortunate Lady," and
his "Eloisa to Abelard," were probably written some years before their publication. His
"Eloisa to Abelard " was based on an English translation by John Hughes of a French
version of the Letters, which differed very considerably from the original Latin. The
Iliad was delivered to the subscribers in instalments in 1715, 1717, 1718 and 1720.
Pope's own defective scholarship made help necessary. William Broome and John
Jortin supplied the bulk of the notes, and Thomas Parnell the preface. For the
translation of the Odyssey he took Elijah Fenton and Broome as coadjutors, who
between them translated twelve out of the twenty-four books. 3 It was completed in
1725. The profitableness of the work was Pope's chief temptation to undertake it. His
receipts for his earlier poems had totalled about £150, but he cleared more than
£8000 by the two translations, after deducting all payments to coadjutors — a much
larger sum than had ever been received by an English author before.

The translation of Homer had established Pope's reputation with his contemporaries,
and has endangered it ever since it was challenged. Opinions have varied on the purely
literary merits of the poem, but with regard to it as a translation few have differed from
Bentley's criticism, "A fine poem, Mr Pope, but you must not call it Homer." His
collaboration with Broome and Fenton 4 involved him in a series of recriminations.
Broome was weak enough to sign a note at the end of the work understating the extent
of Fenton's assistance as well as his own, and ascribing the merit of their translation,
reduced to less than half its real proportions, to a regular revision and correction —
mostly imaginary — at Pope's hands. These falsehoods were deemed necessary by Pope
to protect himself against possible protests from the subscribers. In 1722 he edited the
poems of Thomas Parnell, and in 1725 made a considerable sum by an unsatisfactory
edition of Shakespeare, in which he had the assistance of Fenton and Gay.
Pope, with his economical habits, was rendered independent by the pecuniary success
of his Homer, and enabled to live near London. The estate at Binfield was sold, and he
removed with his parents to Mawson's Buildings, Chiswick, in 1716, and in 1719 to
Twickenham, to the house with which his name is associated. Here he practised
elaborate landscape gardening on a small scale, and built his famous grotto, which was
really a tunnel under the road connecting the garden with the lawn on the Thames. He
was constantly visited at Twickenham by his intimates, Dr John Arbuthnot, John Gay,
Bolingbroke (after his return in 1723), and Swift (during his brief visits to England in
1726 and 1727), and by many other friends of the Tory party. With Atterbury, bishop of
Rochester, he was on terms of affectionate intimacy, but he blundered in his evidence
when he was called as a witness on his behalf in 1723.

In 1717 his father died, and he appears to have turned to the Blounts for sympathy in
what was to him a very serious bereavement. He had early made the acquaintance of
Martha and Teresa Blount, both of them intimately connected with his domestic
history. Their home was at Mapledurham, near Reading, but Pope probably first met
them at the house of his neighbour, Mr Englefield of Whiteknights, who was their
grandfather. He begun to correspond with Martha Blount in 1712, and after 1717 the
letters are much more serious in tone. He quarrelled with Teresa, who had apparently
injured or prevented his suit to her sister; and although, after her father's death in
1718, he paid her an annuity, he seems to have regarded her as one of his most
dangerous enemies. His friendship with Martha lasted all his life. So long as his
mother lived he was unwearying in his attendance on her, but after her death in 1733
his association with Martha Blount was more constant. In defiance of the scandal-
mongers, they paid visits together at the houses of common friends, and at
Twickenham she spent part of each day with him. His earlier attachment to Lady Mary
Wortley Montagu was apparently a more or less literary passion, which perished under
Lady Mary's ridicule.

The year 1725 may be taken as the beginning of the third period of Pope's career, when
he made his fame as a moralist and a satirist. It may be doubted whether Pope had the
staying power necessary for the composition of a great imaginative work, whether his
crazy constitution would have held together through the strain. He toyed with the idea
of writing a grand epic. He told Spence that he had it all in his head, and gave him a
vague (and it must be admitted not very promising) sketch of the subject and plan of it.
But he never put any of it on paper. He shrank as with instinctive repulsion from the
stress and strain of complicated designs. Even his prolonged task of translating
weighed heavily on his spirits, and this was a much less formidable effort than creating
an epic. He turned rather to designs that could be accomplished in detail, works of
which the parts could be separately laboured at and put together with patient care, into
which happy thoughts could be fitted that had been struck out at odd moments and in
ordinary levels of feeling.

Edward Young's satire, The Universal Passion, had just appeared, and been received
with more enthusiasm than any thing published since Pope's own early successes. This
alone would have been powerful inducement to Pope's emulous temper. Swift was
finishing Gulliver's Travels, and came over to England in 1726. The survivors of the
Scriblerus Club — Swift, Pope, Arbuthnot, and Gay — resumed their old amusement of
parodying and otherwise ridiculing bad writers, especially bad writers in the Whig
interest. Two volumes of their Miscellanies in Prose and Verse were published in 1727.
A third volume appeared in 1728, and a fourth was added in 1732. According to Pope's
own history of the Dunciad, an Heroic Poem in Three Books, which first appeared on
the 28th of May 1728, the idea of it grew out of this. Among the Miscellanies was a
"Treatise of the Bathos or the Art of Sinking in Poetry," in which poets were classified,
with illustrations, according to their eminence in the various arts of debasing instead
of elevating their subject. No names were mentioned, but the specimens of bathos
were assigned to various letters of the alphabet, which, the authors boldly asserted,
were taken at random. But no sooner was the treatise published than the scribblers
proceeded to take the letters to themselves, and in revenge to fill the newspapers with
the most abusive falsehoods and scurrilities they could devise. This gave Pope the
opportunity he had hoped for, and provided him with an excuse for the personalities of
the Dunciad, which had been in his mind as early as 1720. Among the most prominent
objects of his satire were Lewis Theobald, Colley Cibber, John Dennis, Richard
Bentley, Aaron Hill and Bernard Lintot, who, in spite of his former relations with Pope,
was now classed with the piratical Edmund Curll.

The book was published with the greatest precautions. It was anonymous, and
professed to be a reprint of a Dublin edition. When the success of the poem was
assured, it was republished in 1729, and a copy was presented to the king by Sir Robert
Walpole. Names took the place of initials, and a defence of the satire, written by Pope
himself, but signed by his friend William Cleland, was printed as "A letter to the
Publisher." Various indexes, notes and particulars of the attacks on Pope made by the
different authors satirized were added. To avoid any danger of prosecution, the
copyright was assigned to Lord Oxford, Lord Bathurst and Lord Burlington, whose
position rendered them practically unassailable. We may admit that personal spite
influenced Pope at least as much as disinterested zeal for the honour of literature, but
in the dispute as to the comparative strength of these motives, a third is apt to be
overlooked that was probably stronger than either. This was an unscrupulous elfish
love of fun, and delight in the creations of a humorous imagination. Certainly to
represent the Dunciad as the outcome of mere personal spite is to give an exaggerated
idea of the malignity of Pope's disposition, and an utterly wrong impression of the
character of his satire. He was not, except in rare cases, a morose, savage, indignant
satirist, but airy and graceful in his malice, revengeful perhaps and excessively
sensitive, but restored to good humour as he thought over his wrongs by the ludicrous
conceptions with which he invested his adversaries. The most unprovoked assault was
on Richard Bentley, whom he satirized in the reconstruction and enlargement of the
Dunciad made in the last years of his life at the instigation, it is said, of William
Warburton. In the earlier editions the place of hero had been occupied by Lewis
Theobald, who had ventured to criticize Pope's Shakespeare. In the edition which
appeared in Pope's Works (1742), he was dethroned in favour of Colley Cibber, who
had just written his Letter from Mr Cibber to Mr Pope inquiring into the motives that
might induce him in his satyrical writings to be so frequently fond of Mr Cibber's name
(1742). Warburton's name is attached to many new notes, and one of the preliminary
dissertations by Ricardus Aristarchus on the hero of the poem seems to be by him.

The four epistles of the Essay on Man (1733) were also intimately connected with
passing controversies. They belong to the same intellectual movement with Butler's
Analogy — the effort of the 18th century to put religion on a rational basis. But Pope
was not a thinker like Butler. The subject was suggested to him by Henry St John, Lord
Bolingbroke, who had returned from exile in 1723, and was a fellow-member of the
Scriblerus Club. Bolingbroke is said — and the statement is supported by the contents
of his posthumous works — to have furnished most of the arguments. Pope's
contribution to the controversy consisted in brilliant epigram and illustration. In this
didactic work, as in his Essay on Criticism, he put together on a sufficiently simple
plan a series of happy sayings, separately elaborated, picking up the thoughts as he
found them in miscellaneous reading and conversation, and trying only to fit them
with perfect expression. His readers were too dazzled by the verse to be severely
critical of the sense. Pope himself had not comprehended the drift of the arguments he
had adopted from Bolingbroke, and was alarmed when he found that his poem was
generally interpreted as an apology for the free-thinkers. Warburton is said to have
qualified its doctrines as "rank atheism," and asserted that it was put together from the
"worst passages of the worst authors." The essay was soon translated into the chief
European languages, and in 1737 its orthodoxy was assailed by a Swiss professor, Jean
Pierre de Crousaz, in an Examen de l'essay de M. Pope sur l'homme. Warburton now
saw fit to revise his opinion of Pope's abilities and principles — for what reason does
not appear. In any case he now became as enthusiastic in his praise of Pope's
orthodoxy and his genius as he had before been scornful, and proceeded to employ his
unrivalled powers of sophistry in a defence of the orthodoxy of the conflicting and
inconsequent positions adopted in the Essay on Man. Pope was wise enough to accept
with all gratitude an ally who was so useful a friend and so dangerous an enemy, and
from that time onward Warburton was the authorized commentator of his works.

The Essay on Man was to have formed part of a series of philosophic poems on a
systematic plan. The other pieces were to treat of human reason, of the use of learning,
wit, education and riches, of civil and ecclesiastical polity, of the character of women,
&c. Of the ten epistles of the Moral Essays, the first four, written between 1731 and
1735, are connected with this scheme, which was never executed. There was much
bitter, and sometimes unjust, satire in the Moral Essays and the Imitations of Horace.
In these epistles and satires, which appeared at intervals, he was often the mouthpiece
of his political friends, who were all of them in opposition to Walpole, then at the
height of his power, and Pope chose the object of his attacks from among the minister's
adherents. Epistle III, "Of the Use of Riches," addressed to Allen Bathurst, Lord
Bathurst, in 1732, is a direct attack on Walpole's methods of corruption, and on his
financial policy in general; and the two dialogues (1738) known as the "Epilogue to the
Satires," professedly a defence of satire, form an eloquent attack on the court. Pope
was attached to the Prince of Wales's party, and he did not forget to insinuate, what
was indeed the truth, that the queen had refused the prince her pardon on her
deathbed. The "Epistle to Dr Arbuthnot" contains a description of his personal attitude
towards the scribblers and is made to serve as a "prologue to the satires."

The gross and unpardonable insults bestowed on Lord Hervey and on Lady Mary
Wortley Montagu in the first satire "to Mr Fortescue" provoked angry retaliation from
both. The description of Timon's ostentatious villa in Epistle IV, addressed to the Earl
of Burlington, was generally taken as a picture of Canons, the seat of John Brydges,
duke of Chandos, one of Pope's patrons, and caused a great outcry, though in this case
Pope seems to have been innocent of express allusion. Epistle II, addressed to Martha
Blount, contained the picture of Atossa, which was taken to be a portrait of Sarah
Jennings, Duchess of Marlborough. One of the worst imputations on Pope's character
was that he left this passage to be published when he had in effect received a bribe of
£1000 from the duchess of Marlborough for its suppression through the agency of
Nathanael Hooke (d. 1763). As the passage eventually stood, it might be applied to
Katherine, duchess of Buckingham, a natural daughter of James II. Pope may have
altered it with the intention of diverting the satire from the original object. He was
scrupulously honest in money matters, and always independent in matters of
patronage; but there is some evidence for this discreditable story beyond the gossip of
Horace Walpole (Works, ed. P. Cunningham, i. cxliv.), though not sufficient to justify
the acceptance it received by some of Pope's biographers. To appreciate fully the point
of his allusions requires an intimate acquaintance with the political and social gossip
of the time. But apart from their value as a brilliant strongly-coloured picture of the
time Pope's satires have a permanent value as literature. It is justly remarked by Mark
Pattison 5 that "these Imitations are among the most original of his writings." The
vigour and terseness of the diction is still unsurpassed in English verse.

Pope had gained complete mastery over his medium, the heroic couplet, before he
used it to express his hatred of the political and social evils which he satirized. The
elaborate periphrases and superfluous ornaments of his earlier manner, as exemplified
in the Pastorals and the Homer, disappeared; he turned to the uses of verse in the
ordinary language of conversation, differing from everyday speech only in its
exceptional brilliance and point. It is in these satires that his best work must be
sought, and by them that his position among English poets must be fixed. It was the
Homer chiefly that Wordsworth and Coleridge had in their eye when they began the
polemic against the "poetic diction" of the 18th century, and struck at Pope as the arch-
corrupter. They were historically unjust to Pope, who did not originate this diction, but
only furnished the most finished examples of it. At the beginning of the 19th century
Pope still had an ardent admirer in Byron, whose first satires are written in Pope's
couplet. The much abused pseudo-poetic diction in substance consisted in an ambition
to "rise above the vulgar style," to dress nature to advantage — a natural ambition
when the arbiters of literature were people of fashion. If one compares Pope's
"Messiah" or "Eloisa to Abelard," or an impassioned passage from the Iliad, with the
originals that he paraphrased, one gets a more vivid idea of the consistence of pseudo-
poetic diction than could be furnished by pages of analysis. But Pope merely made
masterly use of the established diction of his time, which he eventually forsook for a far
more direct and vigorous style. A passage from the Guardian, in which Philips was
commended as against him, runs: "It is a nice piece of art to raise a proverb above the
vulgar style and still keep it easy and unaffected. Thus the old wish, 'God rest his soul,'
is very finely turned: —

Then gentle Sidney liv'd, the shepherd's friend,

Eternal blessings on his shade attend!

Pope would have despised so easy a metamorphosis as this at any period in his career,
and the work of his coadjutors in the Odyssey may be distinguished by this
comparative cheapness of material. Broome's description of the clothes-washing by
Nausicaa and her maidens in the sixth book may be compared with the original as a
luminous specimen.

Pope's wit had won for him the friendship of many distinguished men, and his small
fortune enabled him to meet them on a footing of independence. He paid long visits at
many great houses, especially at Stanton Harcourt, the home of his friend Lord
Chancellor Harcourt; at Oakley, the seat of Lord Bathurst; and at Prior Park, Bath,
where his host was Ralph Allen. With the last-named he had a temporary
disagreement owing to some slight shown to Martha Blount, but he was reconciled to
him before his death.

He died on the 30th of May 1744, and he was buried in the parish church of
Twickenham. He left the income from his property to Martha Blount till her death,
after which it was to go to his half-sister Magdalen Rackett and her children. His
unpublished MSS. were left at the discretion of Lord Bolingbroke, and his copyrights
to Warburton.

If we are to judge Pope, whether as a man or as a poet, with human fairness, and not
merely by comparison with standards of abstract perfection, there are two features of
his times that must be kept steadily in view — the character of political strife in those
days and the political relations of men of letters. As long as the succession to the
Crown was doubtful, and political failure might mean loss of property, banishment or
death, politicians, playing for higher stakes, played more fiercely and unscrupulously
than in modern days, and there was no controlling force of public opinion to keep
them within the bounds of common honesty. Hence the age of Queen Anne is
preeminently an age of intrigue. The government was almost as unsettled as in the
early days of personal monarchy, and there was this difference — that it was policy
rather than force upon which men depended for keeping their position. Secondly, men
of letters were admitted to the inner circles of intrigue as they had never been before
and as they have never been since. A generation later Walpole defied them, and paid
the rougher instruments that he considered sufficient for his purpose in solid coin of
the realm; but Queen Anne's statesmen, whether from difference of tastes or difference
of policy, paid their principal literary champions with social privileges and honourable
public appointments. Hence men of letters were directly infected by the low political
morality of the unsettled time. And the character of their poetry also suffered. The
most prominent defects of the age — the lack of high and sustained imagination, the
genteel liking for "nature to advantage dressed," the incessant striving after wit — were
fostered, if not generated, by the social atmosphere.

Pope's own ruling passion was the love of fame, and he had no scruples where this was
concerned. His vanity and his childish love of intrigue are seen at their worst in his
petty manoeuvres to secure the publication of his letters during his lifetime. These
intricate proceedings were unravelled with great patience and ingenuity by Charles
Wentworth Dilke, when the false picture of his relations with his contemporaries,
which Pope had imposed on the public, had been practically accepted for a century.
Elizabeth Thomas, the mistress of Henry Cromwell, had sold Pope's early letters to
Henry Cromwell to the bookseller Curll for ten guineas. These were published in
Curll's Miscellanea in 1726 (dated 1727), and had considerable success. This
surreptitious publication seems to have suggested to Pope the desirability of
publishing his own correspondence, which he immediately began to collect from
various friends on the plea of preventing a similar clandestine transaction. The
publication by Wycherley's executors of a posthumous volume of the dramatist's prose
and verse furnished Pope with an excuse for the appearance of his own
correspondence with Wycherley, which was accompanied by a series of unnecessary
deceptions. After manipulating his correspondence so as to place his own character in
the best light, he deposited a copy in the library of Edward, second earl of Oxford, and
then he had it printed.

The sheets were offered to Curll by a person calling himself P. T., who professed a
desire to injure Pope, but was no other than Pope himself. The copy was delivered to
Curll in 1735 after long negotiations by an agent who called himself R. Smythe, with a
few originals to vouch for their authenticity. P. T. had drawn up an advertisement
stating that the book was to contain answers from various peers. Curll was summoned
before the House of Lords for breach of privilege, but was acquitted, as the letters from
peers were not in fact forthcoming. Difficulties then arose between Curll and P. T., and
Pope induced a bookseller named Cooper to publish a Narrative of the Method by
which Mr Pope's Private Letters were procured by Edmund Curll, Bookseller (1735).
These preliminaries cleared the way for a show of indignation against piratical
publishers and a "genuine" edition of the Letters of Mr Alexander Pope (1737, fol. and
4to). Unhappily for Pope's reputation, his friend Caryll, who died before the
publication, had taken a copy of Pope's letters before returning them. This letter-book
came to light in the middle of the 19th century, and showed the freedom which Pope
permitted himself in editing. The correspondence with Lord Oxford, preserved at
Longleat, afforded further evidence of his tortuous dealings. The methods he employed
to secure his correspondence with Swift were even more discreditable. The
proceedings can only be explained as the measures of a desperate man whose maladies
seem to have engendered a passion for trickery. They are related in detail by Elwin in
the introduction to vol. i. of Pope's Works.

A man who is said to have "played the politician about cabbages and turnips," and who
"hardly drank tea without a stratagem," was not likely to be straightforward in a
matter in which his ruling passion was concerned. Against Pope's petulance and
 "general love of secrecy and cunning" have to be set, in any fair judgment of his
character, his exemplary conduct as a son, the affection with which he was regarded in
his own circle of intimates, and many well-authenticated instances of genuine and
continued kindliness to persons in distress.

1 The dates of Pope's correspondence with Wycherley are 5704-1710; with

Walsh, 1705-1707, and with Cromwell, 1708-1727; with John Caryll (1666-
1736) and his son, also neighbours, 1710-1735

2 The links that attached Pope to the Tory party were strengthened by a new
friendship. His first letter to Swift, who became warmly attached to him, is
dated the 8th of December 1713. Swift had been a leading member of the
Brothers' Club, from which the famous Scriblerus Club seems to have been an
offshoot. The leading members of this informal literary society were Swift,
Arbuthnot, Congreve, Bishop Atterbury, Pope, Gay and Thomas Parnell. Their
chief object was a general war against the dunces, waged with great spirit by
Arbuthnot, Swift and Pope.

3   1, 4, 19 and 20 are by Fenton; 2, 6, 8, II, 12, 16, 18, 23, with notes to all
the books, by Broome.

4 The correspondence with them is given in vol. viii. of Elwin and Courthope's
edition.

5 In his edition of the Satires and Epistles (1866).

Potret Alexander Pope oleh Jonathan Richardson, c1736. Museum of Fine Art,
Boston.

Alexander Pope (1688-1744)

ALEXANDER POPE, penyair Inggris, lahir di Lombard Street, London, pada 21

Mei 1688. Ayahnya, Alexander Pope, seorang Katolik Roma, adalah kain-
pedagang kain yang kemudian pensiun dari bisnis dengan uang kecil, dan tetap
kediamannya sekitar 1700 di Binfield di Windsor Forest. Pendidikan Paus itu
acak-acakan. Agama ayahnya akan dikecualikan dia dari sekolah-sekolah umum,
bahkan seandainya tidak ada hambatan lain untuk keberadaannya dikirim ke sana.
Sebelum ia dua belas ia telah memperoleh segelintir Latin dan Yunani dari
berbagai master, dari seorang imam di Hampshire, dari penuntun di Twyford
dekat Winchester, dari Thomas Deane, yang terus sekolah di Marylebone dan
setelah itu di Hyde Park Corner, dan akhirnya dari imam lain di rumah. Antara
nya kedua belas dan ketujuh belas tahun aplikasi yang berlebihan untuk studi yang
merusak kesehatannya, dan ia mengembangkan deformitas pribadi yang dalam
banyak cara untuk mengubah pandangannya tentang kehidupan. Dia berpikir
dirinya sekarat, tetapi melalui seorang teman, Thomas (setelah itu Abbe)
Southcote, ia memperoleh nasihat dari dokter terkenal John Radcliffe, yang
diresepkan diet dan olahraga. Dalam perawatan ini anak itu pulih kekuatan dan
semangatnya. "Dia berpikir dirinya lebih baik," Spence mengatakan, "dalam
beberapa hal karena tidak memiliki memiliki pendidikan reguler. Dia (sambil
mengamati khususnya) baca awalnya untuk arti, sedangkan kita diajarkan selama
bertahun-tahun hanya untuk membaca kata-kata . " Dia kemudian belajar Perancis
dan Italia, mungkin dengan cara yang sama. Dia membaca terjemahan dari bahasa
Yunani, Latin, Perancis dan Italia penyair, dan pada usia dua belas tahun, ketika ia
akhirnya menetap di rumah dan dibiarkan sendiri, ia tidak hanya pembaca
dikonfirmasi, tapi calon bersemangat untuk penghargaan tertinggi di puisi. Ada
sebuah kisah, yang pertimbangan kronologis membuat sangat mustahil, bahwa di
London ia merayap ke kopi-rumah Will untuk melihat Dryden, dan kisah lebih
lanjut bahwa penyair tua itu memberinya shilling untuk terjemahan dari kisah
Pyramus dan Thisbe; ia dicerca kepala sekolah nya; ia telah membuat sebuah
drama dari Iliad John Ogilby untuk schoolfellows nya; dan sebelum ia berusia
lima belas tahun ia telah menulis sebuah epik, pahlawannya menjadi Alcander,
seorang pangeran dari Rhodes, atau, saat ia menyatakan di tempat lain, Deucalion.

Ada, antara Katolik Roma keluarga dekat Binfield, pria mampu memberikan arah
untuk ambisi ingin nya, pria selera sastra, dan connexions dengan dunia sastra. Ini
diselenggarakan bersama-sama sebagai anggota masyarakat dianiaya selalu
melakukan, dan terus berhubungan dengan satu sama lain oleh para imam
keluarga. Paus demikian dibawa di bawah pernyataan Sir William Trumbull,
seorang diplomat pensiunan yang tinggal di Easthampstead, dalam beberapa mil
dari Binfield. Thomas Dancastle, penguasa manor dari Binfield, mengambil minat
aktif dalam tulisan-tulisannya, dan pada Whiteknights, dekat Reading, tinggal
Roma Katolik lainnya, Anthony Englefield, "pencinta besar penyair dan puisi."
Melalui dia Paus berkenalan Wycherley dan Henry Cromwell, yang merupakan
sepupu jauh dari Protector, seorang pria gay tentang kota, dan sesuatu dari pedant
a. Wycherley memperkenalkannya kepada William Walsh, maka terkenal besar
sebagai seorang kritikus. 1 Sebelum penyair adalah tujuh belas ia mengaku
dengan cara ini kepada masyarakat dari London "kecerdasan" dan orang-orang
fashion, dan hormat didorong sebagai anak ajaib. Korespondensi Wycherley
dengan Paus yang terampil dimanipulasi oleh orang yang lebih muda untuk
mewakili Wycherley sebagai mengirimkan, pada awalnya rendah hati dan
kemudian dengan sakit-rahmat, kritik Paus. Publikasi (Elwin dan Courthope, vol.
V.) Dari aslinya surat Wycherley itu dari MSS. di Longleat menunjukkan betapa
seriusnya hubungan antara dua teman, yang berhenti tahun 1710, telah salah
mengartikan dalam versi korespondensi yang Paus memilih untuk menyerahkan
kepada publik. Kontribusi Walsh kepada pengembangan adalah saran untuk
mempelajari "kebenaran." "Sekitar lima belas," katanya, "Saya berkenalan dengan
Mr. Walsh Ia digunakan untuk mendorong saya banyak, dan digunakan untuk
memberitahu saya bahwa ada satu cara yang tersisa unggul,. Untuk, meskipun
kami memiliki beberapa penyair besar, kita tidak pernah punya salah satu penyair
besar yang benar, dan dia ingin saya untuk membuat studi saya dan tujuan
"(Spence, hal. 280). Trumbull mengalihkan perhatian Paus para kritikus Perancis,
dari studi yang tumbuh Essay on Kritik; ia menyarankan subjek Windsor Forest,
dan ia mulai ide menerjemahkan Homer.

Ia mengatakan sesuatu untuk kepatuhan Paus pada tahap ini bahwa ia mengakui
begitu cepat bahwa perjalanan panjang persiapan yang diperlukan untuk suatu
magnum opus, dan mulai mantap dan sabar untuk mendisiplinkan diri. Epik itu
dimasukkan ke samping dan kemudian dibakar; syair itu getol berlatih singkatnya
"esai"; dan studi rumit terbuat dari kritikus diterima dan model. Dia belajar
sebagian, karena ia mengakui, dari Dryden, namun keharmonisan syairnya juga
berutang sesuatu untuk penulis sebelumnya, George Sandys, penerjemah Ovid.
Pada awal abad ke-18 sukses Dryden telah diberikan mode besar untuk
terjemahan dan modernisasi. Udara penuh dengan teori tentang cara terbaik untuk
melakukan hal-hal seperti itu. Apa Dryden telah menyentuh, Paus tidak berani
ikut campur dengan - Dryden adalah pahlawan dan tuannya; tapi ada lebih banyak
dari jenis yang sama harus dilakukan. Dryden telah ditulis ulang tiga Tales
Canterbury; Paus mencoba tangannya di Merchant Tale, dan Prolog ke Wife of
Bath 's Tale, dan diproduksi juga tiruan dari House of Fame. Dryden telah
diterjemahkan Virgil; Paus bereksperimen pada Thebais dari Statius, Ovid
Heroides dan Metamorphoses, dan Odyssey. Dia tahu sedikit Latin dan kurang
Yunani, tapi ada versi dalam bahasa Inggris yang membantu dia untuk arti; dan,
ketika koresponden kepada siapa ia menyerahkan versi nya menunjukkan
kesalahan penerjemahan, dia bisa menjawab bahwa ia selalu setuju dengan
mereka, tetapi bahwa ia telah ditangguhkan ke penerjemah tua terhadap penilaian
sendiri. Itu adalah salah satu kesombongan kecil Paus untuk mencoba
memberikan kesan bahwa keterampilan dangding nya lebih cepat matang bahkan
daripada itu, dan kami tidak dapat menerima versi yang diterbitkan dari Statius
dan Chaucer (diterbitkan dalam "Miscellanies" pada interval antara 1709 dan
1714) sebagai bukti yang tak terbantahkan kemampuan pada usia enam belas atau
tujuh belas, tanggal, menurut pernyataannya sendiri, komposisi mereka. Tapi itu
tak terbantahkan bahwa pada usia tujuh belas keahliannya dalam ayat heran
kritikus veteran seperti Walsh, dan beberapa Pastoral nya berada di tangan Sir
George Granville (setelah Lord Lansdowne) sebelum 1706. Surat dangding-Nya
untuk Cromwell, yang Elwin tanggal tahun 1707, ketika Paus adalah sembilan
belas, adalah prestasi cemerlang syair, dan memiliki ternyata kecerdasan di
dalamnya semudah dan semangat seperti halnya dapat ditemukan di satir matang.
Paus berusia dua puluh satu ketika ia mengirim "Ode di Solitude" ke Cromwell,
dan mengatakan itu ditulis sebelum ia berusia dua belas tahun.

Prekoks Paus, tapi dia juga rajin; dan ia menghabiskan sekitar delapan atau
sembilan tahun dalam disiplin berat dan antusias, membaca, belajar,
bereksperimen, mengambil saran dari beberapa dan tertawa di lengan bajunya
pada saran dari orang lain, "puisi-satunya bisnisnya," katanya, "dan kemalasan
nya hanya kesenangan, "sebelum hal nya muncul di cetak. Dalam studi awal ia
tampaknya telah membimbing dirinya sendiri dengan pepatah dirumuskan dalam
surat kepada Walsh (tanggal 2 Juli 1706) bahwa "tampaknya tidak begitu banyak
kesempurnaan akal untuk mengatakan hal-hal yang belum pernah dikatakan
sebelumnya, untuk mengekspresikan mereka terbaik yang telah dikatakan
oftenest. " Publikasi pertamanya adalah "Pastoral." Nya Jacob Tonson, penjual
buku, telah melihat Pastoral ini di tangan Walsh dan Congreve, dan mengirim
catatan sopan (April 20, 5706) ke Paus meminta bahwa ia mungkin memiliki
mereka untuk salah satu Miscellanies nya. Mereka muncul sesuai Mei 1709 pada
akhir volume keenam Tonson yang puitis Miscellanies, mengandung kontribusi
dari Ambrose Philips, Sheffield, Garth dan Rowe, dengan "Januari dan Mei," versi
Paus dari Chaucer "Tale Merchant." Publikasi berikutnya Paus adalah Essay on
Kritik (1711), yang ditulis dua tahun sebelumnya, dan dicetak tanpa nama penulis.
"Dalam setiap hal kerja akhir penulis" (1,255) adalah salah satu ajaran yang
masuk akal, serta salah satu yang sering diabaikan oleh para kritikus esai, yang
berkomentar di atasnya seolah-olah akhir Paus telah menghasilkan sebuah risalah
asli dan mendalam pada pertama prinsip.

Tujuannya adalah hanya untuk menyingkat, methodize, dan memberikan ekspresi

sempurna dan novel seperti dia bisa untuk pendapat mengambang tentang tujuan
penyair dan metode, dan tugas para kritikus, untuk "apa yang sering dianggap,
tapi tak pernah begitu baik diungkapkan" ( 1,298). "Kota" tertarik belles lettres,
dan diberikan kepada berbicara pada subjek; Esai Paus hanya kontribusi brilian
untuk percakapan modis. Penulis muda mengatakan bahwa ia tidak mengharapkan
penjualan harus cepat karena "tidak satu pria dalam enam puluh, bahkan
pendidikan liberal, bisa memahaminya." Penjualan yang lambat sampai Paus
menyebabkan salinan yang akan dikirim ke Lord Lansdowne dan lain-lain, tapi
keberhasilannya adalah tidak kurang cemerlang untuk penundaan. Kota ini cukup
terpesona oleh penyair muda belajar, penilaian, dan kebahagiaan dari ekspresi.
Banyak pengagum pasti puisi akan berpikir kurang dari itu jika mereka tidak
percaya semua prinsip-prinsip yang asli. "Saya mengagumi," kata Lady Mary
Wortley Montagu, "Essay Mr Paus pada Kritik pada awalnya sangat banyak,
karena saya tidak kemudian membaca salah satu kritikus kuno, dan tidak tahu
bahwa itu semua dicuri." Paus memperoleh kredit untuk banyak yang mungkin
telah ditemukan, di mana ia menemukannya, di Institut Quintilian, dalam berbagai
tulisan-tulisan kritis Rene Rapin, dan dalam risalah Rene le Bossu pada puisi epik.
Addison telah bertanggung jawab untuk nilai berlebihan sekali diatur pada esai,
tapi kertas Addison (Spectator, No. 253) tidak pujian tidak dicampur. Ia
ditinggalkan serangan yang dilakukan oleh Paus pada reputasi sastra kontemporer,
meskipun ia penuh keadilan untuk keterampilan dangding penyair.

Addison dan Paus berkenalan dengan satu sama lain, dan eclogue suci Paus,
"Mesias," dicetak sebagai No. 378 dari Spectator. Dalam Essay on Kritik Paus
memprovokasi satu musuh pribadi pahit di John Dennis, kritikus, dengan
deskripsi dia sebagai Appius, yang "tatapan, luar biasa, dengan mata threat'ning."
Dennis balas di Reflections .. di atas Rhapsody akhir .. (1712), menyalahgunakan
Paus antara lain untuk deformitas pribadinya. Paus tidak pernah melupakan
serangan brutal ini, yang digambarkan dalam sebuah catatan disisipkan setelah
kematian Dennis, hingga akhir 1743, seperti ditulis "dengan cara sempurna gila."
The Rape dari Lock dalam bentuk pertama muncul pada tahun 1712 di Lintot
yang Miscellanies; yang "mesin" dari Sylphs dan gnome adalah renungan, dan
puisi itu diterbitkan seperti sekarang kita memilikinya di awal 1714. William, 4
Baron Petre, telah diam-diam memotong seikat rambut Nona Arabella Fermor itu,
dan kebebasan telah membenci ; Paus mendengar cerita dari temannya John
Caryll, yang menyarankan bahwa pelanggaran antara keluarga mungkin
disembuhkan dengan membuat insiden subyek dari puisi mock-heroik seperti
Boileau di Lutrin. Paus tertangkap di isyarat itu; pengobatan mock-heroik
frivolities cantik kehidupan modis hanya cocok sprightliness aneh tentang
kecerdasan, dan studi tentang grand epik pada saat itu menempatkan dia dalam
vena yang sangat baik. The Rape dari Lock diakui menjadi karya airiness,
kecerdikan, dan finish indah. Tapi puisi melanda Taine sebagai bagian dari kasar,
mencemooh, lawak kasar, suksesi hanya keanehan dan kontras, tokoh ekspresif
tak terduga dan menyeringai, contoh pingsan Inggris ke Perancis manis dan
perbaikan. Sir Leslie Stephen keberatan atas alasan agak berbeda dengan nada
penyair terhadap perempuan. Tawanya di ejekan bersenda gurau Paus diperiksa
oleh fakta bahwa perempuan dibicarakan dalam puisi seolah-olah mereka semua
seperti Belinda. Puisi menunjukkan tangan satiris yang kemudian menyatakan
bahwa "setiap wanita di hati menyapu," dalam surat yang ditujukan kepada
Martha Blount.

Windsor Forest, meniru Sir John Denham Cooper Hill, telah dimulai, menurut
akun Paus, ketika ia berusia enam belas atau tujuh belas. Itu diterbitkan Maret
1713 dengan dedikasi menyanjung kepada sekretaris untuk perang, George
Granville, Lord Lansdowne, dan kiasan yang tepat untuk ketenangan Utrecht. Ini
adalah pendekatan yang lebih dekat dengan mengambil sisi politik daripada Paus
belum dibuat. Prinsipnya telah menjaga jelas politik, dan tidak melampirkan
dirinya ke salah satu set dimana laki-laki sastra dibagi oleh partai. Meskipun
cenderung ke Jacobites oleh agama, ia tidak pernah mengambil bagian manapun
di plot untuk pemulihan Stuart, dan ia bersahabat dengan Coterie Whig, menjadi
tamu sering di kopi-rumah disimpan oleh Daniel Button, di mana Addison
diadakan nya "sedikit senat." Dia telah memberikan kontribusi puisinya, "The
Messiah" ke Penonton; ia telah menulis sebuah artikel atau dua di Guardian, dan
ia menulis sebuah prolog untuk Addison Cato. Namun demikian ia diinduksi
Lintot penjual buku untuk mendapatkan dari John Dennis kritik dari Cato. Pada
publikasi pernyataan Dennis, kekerasan yang memiliki, sebagai Paus berharap,
membuat penulis mereka konyol, Paus menghasilkan pamflet anonim, The
Narrative of Dr Robert Norris tentang. .. Frenzy Mr John Dennis (1713), yang
meskipun secara nominal dalam membela Addison, memiliki untuk tujuan
utamanya kepuasan permusuhan Paus sendiri untuk Dennis. Addison mengingkari
diam-diam saja dalam serangan kasar ini dalam surat yang ditulis atas namanya
oleh Steele ke Lintot, mengatakan bahwa jika ia melihat serangan Dennis sama
sekali akan sedemikian rupa untuk memungkinkan dia tidak hanya menyebabkan
keluhan.

Kesejukan antara Addison dan Paus alami mengikuti episode ini. Ketika Rape of
the Lock diterbitkan, Addison, yang dikatakan telah memuji puisi yang sangat
kepada Paus secara pribadi, diberhentikan dalam Spectator dengan dua kalimat
merendahkan pujian samar dengan penyair muda, dan, kopling dengan Tickell
"Ode pada Prospek Perdamaian, "mengabdikan sisa artikel ke kepulan rumit"
Surat-surat Pastoral Bapak Philips. " Ketika Paus menunjukkan miring ke Tories
di Windsor Forest, 2 anggota Coterie Addison membuat perang berbahaya pada
dirinya. Dalam beberapa minggu setelah publikasi puisi, dan ketika itu adalah
pembicaraan di kota, ada mulai muncul di Guardian (no. 22, 23, 28, 30, 32)
serangkaian artikel tentang "Pastoral." Tak sepatah kata pun dikatakan tentang
Windsor Forest, tapi semua orang tahu apa prinsip-prinsip umum disebut. Penyair
pastoral modern yang diejek untuk memperkenalkan dewa moral yang Yunani,
bunga dan buah-buahan Yunani, nama Yunani gembala, olahraga Yunani dan adat
istiadat dan ritual keagamaan. Mereka harus memanfaatkan mitologi pedesaan
Inggris - hobthrushes, peri, goblin dan penyihir; mereka harus memberikan nama-
nama bahasa Inggris kepada para gembala mereka; mereka harus menyebutkan
bunga adat untuk iklim Inggris dan tanah; dan mereka harus memperkenalkan
perkataan bahasa Inggris pepatah, pakaian, dan adat istiadat. Semua prinsip yang
sangat baik, dan semua diabaikan oleh Paus di Windsor Forest. Puisi ini cukup
terbuka untuk kritik dalam poin ini; ada banyak bagian yang indah di dalamnya,
menunjukkan dekat meskipun pengamatan agak profesional alam, tetapi campuran
dewa kafir dan naksir kuno konvensional dengan realitas modern ganjil, dan
perbandingan Ratu Anne ke Diana adalah menggelikan. Namun sengatan artikel
tidak terletak pada kebenaran kritik miring. The Pastoral dari Ambrose Philips,
diterbitkan empat tahun sebelumnya, lagi-lagi berlari keluar. Berikut adalah
penyair pastoral yang benar, yang tertua lahir dari Spenser, penerus layak
Theocritus dan Virgil!

Paus mengambil balas dendam lucu, yang ternyata tertawa terhadap

penyerangnya. Dia mengirim Steele kertas anonim di kelanjutan dari artikel di
Guardian pada puisi pastoral, meninjau puisi Bapak Paus oleh cahaya prinsip-
prinsip yang ditetapkan. Pura-pura Paus dikecam karena melanggar aturan, dan
Philips dipuji karena sesuai dengan mereka, kutipan yang diberikan dari
keduanya. Kutipan yang cukup untuk membuang pretensi miskin Philips, dan
Paus tidak memilih ayat-ayat sendiri terburuk, menuduh dirinya untuk benar-
benar menyimpang kadang-kadang menjadi puisi. Meskipun prinsip-prinsip
Guardian juga dibawa ke cemoohan oleh exemplifications olok-olok dari mereka
menurut cara Gay Shepherd Week, Steele, disesatkan oleh kalimat pembukaan,
pada awalnya tidak mau mencetak apa yang tampaknya menjadi serangan
langsung terhadap Paus, dan dikatakan telah meminta persetujuan Paus ke
publikasi, yang anggun diberikan.

The keterasingan dari Addison selesai pada hubungan dengan terjemahan Paus
dari Homer. Perusahaan ini pasti dilakukan pada 1713. Pekerjaan itu akan
diterbitkan oleh berlangganan, seperti Dryden yang Virgil telah. Pria dari semua
pihak berlangganan, kebulatan suara mereka menjadi bukti mencolok dari posisi
Paus telah mencapai pada usia dua puluh lima. Seolah-olah ia telah menerima
komisi nasional dengan persetujuan umum penyair pertama waktunya. Namun
kebulatan rusak oleh catatan sumbang. Seorang anggota kelompok Addison,
Tickell, berusaha untuk menjalankan versi saingan. Paus diduga dorongan
Addison; Tickell setidaknya dorongan Addison. Karakter terkenal Paus dari
Addison sebagai "Atticus" dalam Surat Dr Arbuthnot (ii. 193-215) yang,
bagaimanapun, terinspirasi oleh kebencian pada penghinaan yang ada terutama
dalam imajinasinya sendiri, meskipun Addison tentu tidak di antara pengagumnya
terpanas. Paus kemudian mengaku telah murah hati, tapi dia manja kasusnya
dengan penemuan kecil dari catatannya tentang pertengkaran.

Penjabaran Homer adalah kepala kerja Paus selama dua belas tahun. Potongan-
potongan baru di Miscellanies diterbitkan pada tahun 1717, ia "Elegy pada Lady
Disayangkan," dan "Eloisa ke Abelard," mungkin ditulis beberapa tahun sebelum
publikasi mereka. Nya "Eloisa ke Abelard" didasarkan pada terjemahan bahasa
Inggris oleh John Hughes dari versi Perancis dari Surat yang berbeda sangat jauh
dari bahasa Latin aslinya. The Iliad disampaikan kepada pelanggan angsuran pada
1715, 1717, 1718 dan beasiswa cacat 1720. Paus sendiri membuat bantuan yang
diperlukan. William Broome dan John Jortin memasok sebagian besar catatan,
dan Thomas Parnell kata pengantar. Untuk penjabaran Odyssey ia mengambil Elia
Fenton dan Broome sebagai coadjutors, yang di antara mereka diterjemahkan dua
belas dari dua puluh empat buku. 3 Hal selesai pada 1725. The profitableness
pekerjaan adalah kepala godaan Paus untuk melakukan itu. Penerimaan-Nya bagi
puisi-puisinya sebelumnya mencapai sekitar £ 150, tapi ia membersihkan lebih
dari £ 8000 oleh dua terjemahan, setelah dikurangi semua pembayaran kepada
coadjutors - jumlah yang jauh lebih besar daripada yang pernah diterima oleh
seorang penulis Inggris sebelumnya.

Penjabaran Homer telah menetapkan reputasi Paus dengan sezamannya, dan

membahayakan itu sejak itu ditantang. Pendapat bervariasi pada manfaat murni
sastra puisi, tetapi berkaitan dengan itu sebagai terjemahan sedikit yang berbeda
dari Bentley kritik, "Sebuah puisi yang baik, Mr Paus, tetapi Anda tidak harus
menyebutnya Homer." Kolaborasinya dengan Broome dan Fenton 4 dia terlibat
dalam serangkaian saling tuduh. Broome cukup lemah untuk menandatangani
catatan pada akhir pekerjaan mengecilkan luasnya bantuan Fenton serta sendiri,
dan menganggap kebaikan terjemahan mereka, dikurangi menjadi kurang dari
setengah proporsi yang sebenarnya, untuk revisi teratur dan koreksi - sebagian
besar imajiner - di tangan Paus. Kebohongan tersebut dianggap perlu oleh Paus
untuk melindungi diri terhadap kemungkinan protes dari pelanggan. Pada 1722 ia
diedit puisi Thomas Parnell, dan pada tahun 1725 membuat jumlah yang besar
dengan edisi memuaskan dari Shakespeare, di mana ia memiliki bantuan Fenton
dan Gay.

Paus, dengan kebiasaan ekonomis nya, yang diberikan independen oleh

keberhasilan berupa uang dari Homer, dan memungkinkan untuk tinggal di dekat
London. The real di Binfield dijual, dan dia dihapus dengan orang tuanya untuk
Bangunan Mawson, Chiswick, tahun 1716, dan pada tahun 1719 untuk
Twickenham, ke rumah dengan yang namanya dikaitkan. Di sini dia berlatih
berkebun lanskap yang rumit dalam skala kecil, dan membangun gua yang
terkenal, yang benar-benar sebuah terowongan di bawah jalan yang
menghubungkan taman dengan rumput di Sungai Thames. Dia terus-menerus
dikunjungi di Twickenham oleh kawan-kawan karib, Dr John Arbuthnot, John
Gay, Bolingbroke (setelah kembali pada tahun 1723), dan Swift (selama
kunjungan singkat ke Inggris pada tahun 1726 dan 1727), dan oleh banyak teman-
teman lain dari partai Tory . Dengan Atterbury, Uskup Rochester, ia berada di hal
keintiman kasih sayang, tetapi ia melakukan kesalahan di bukti ketika ia dipanggil
sebagai saksi atas namanya pada tahun 1723.

Pada 1717 ayahnya meninggal, dan ia tampaknya telah beralih ke Blounts simpati
dalam apa yang dia berkabung sangat serius. Dia awal berkenalan Martha dan
Teresa Blount, keduanya erat dengan sejarah negeri itu. Rumah mereka berada di
Mapledurham, dekat Reading, namun Paus mungkin pertama kali bertemu mereka
di rumah tetangganya, Mr Englefield dari Whiteknights, yang adalah kakek
mereka. Dia mulai sesuai dengan Martha Blount pada tahun 1712, dan setelah
1717 huruf jauh lebih serius dalam nada. Dia bertengkar dengan Teresa, yang
tampaknya telah terluka atau dicegah baju untuk adiknya; dan meskipun, setelah
kematian ayahnya pada 1718, ia membayarnya anuitas, ia tampaknya telah
dianggap sebagai salah satu musuh paling berbahaya nya. Persahabatannya
dengan Martha berlangsung sepanjang hidupnya. Selama ibunya tinggal dia
unwearying hadir pada dirinya, tapi setelah kematiannya tahun 1733 hubungannya
dengan Martha Blount lebih konstan. Menyimpang dari skandal-mongers, mereka
melakukan kunjungan bersama-sama di rumah teman-teman biasa, dan di
Twickenham ia menghabiskan sebagian dari setiap hari dengan dia.
Keterikatannya sebelumnya untuk Lady Mary Wortley Montagu tampaknya lebih
atau kurang sastra gairah, yang tewas di bawah ejekan Lady Mary.

Tahun 1725 dapat diambil sebagai awal dari periode ketiga dari karir Paus, ketika
ia membuat ketenarannya sebagai moralis dan satiris. Ini mungkin meragukan
apakah Paus memiliki daya tahan yang diperlukan untuk komposisi karya
imajinatif yang besar, apakah konstitusi gilanya akan disatukan melalui tekanan.
Ia bermain-main dengan gagasan menulis epik besar. Dia mengatakan Spence
bahwa ia memiliki semuanya dalam kepalanya, dan memberinya kabur (dan harus
diakui tidak sangat menjanjikan) sketsa subjek dan rencana itu. Tapi dia tidak
pernah menaruh semua itu di atas kertas. Dia menyusut seperti tolakan naluriah
dari stres dan ketegangan desain rumit. Bahkan tugas berkepanjangan tentang
menerjemahkan membebani semangatnya, dan ini adalah upaya jauh lebih
tangguh daripada menciptakan sebuah epik. Dia berbalik lebih untuk desain yang
bisa dicapai secara rinci, karya mana bagian dapat bekerja secara terpisah pada
dan disatukan dengan perawatan pasien, di mana pikiran bahagia bisa dipasang
yang telah menyerang di saat-saat yang aneh dan di tingkat biasa perasaan .

Satir Edward Young, The Universal Passion, baru saja muncul, dan telah diterima
dengan lebih antusias daripada hal diterbitkan sejak keberhasilan awal Paus
sendiri. Ini perangsang yang kuat saja akan telah marah yg menandingi Paus.
Swift sedang menyelesaikan Perjalanan Gulliver, dan datang ke Inggris pada
1726. Yang selamat dari Scriblerus Club - Swift, Paus, Arbuthnot, dan Gay -
kembali hiburan lama mereka memparodikan dan sebaliknya mengejek penulis
yang buruk, penulis sangat buruk untuk kepentingan Whig. Dua volume
Miscellanies mereka di Prosa dan Ayat diterbitkan pada 1727. Volume ketiga
muncul pada 1728, dan keempat ditambahkan pada 1732. Menurut sejarah Paus
sendiri dari Dunciad, sebuah Heroic Puisi di Tiga Buku, yang pertama kali
muncul di 28 Mei 1728, ide itu tumbuh dari ini. Di antara Miscellanies adalah
"Risalah dari kecengengan atau Seni Sinking di Puisi," di mana penyair
diklasifikasikan, dengan ilustrasi, menurut keunggulan mereka dalam berbagai
seni merendahkan bukannya mengangkat subjek mereka. Tidak ada nama yang
disebutkan, tetapi spesimen kecengengan ditugaskan ke berbagai huruf abjad,
yang, penulis berani menegaskan, diambil secara acak. Tapi tidak cepat adalah
risalah yang diterbitkan dari scribblers melanjutkan untuk membawa surat-surat
untuk diri mereka sendiri, dan balas dendam untuk mengisi surat kabar dengan
kebohongan yang paling kasar dan scurrilities mereka bisa merancang. Ini
memberi Paus kesempatan ia harapkan, dan memberinya alasan untuk kepribadian
dari Dunciad, yang telah di pikirannya sejak 1720. Di antara objek yang paling
menonjol dari sindiran itu adalah Lewis Theobald, Colley Cibber, John Dennis,
Richard Bentley, Aaron Hill dan Bernard Lintot, yang, meskipun mantan
hubungan dengan Paus, kini digolongkan dengan pembajakan Edmund Curll.

Buku ini diterbitkan dengan tindakan pencegahan terbesar. Itu anonim, dan
mengaku menjadi cetak ulang dari edisi Dublin. Ketika keberhasilan puisi itu
yakin, itu diterbitkan tahun 1729, dan salinan disampaikan kepada raja oleh Sir
Robert Walpole. Nama mengambil tempat inisial, dan pertahanan sindiran
tersebut, yang ditulis oleh Paus sendiri, tapi ditandatangani oleh temannya
William Cleland, dicetak sebagai "Surat untuk Penerbit." Berbagai indeks, catatan
dan keterangan dari serangan terhadap Paus yang dibuat oleh penulis yang
berbeda satir ditambahkan. Untuk menghindari bahaya penuntutan, hak cipta
ditugaskan untuk Lord Oxford, Lord Bathurst dan Lord Burlington, yang
posisinya membuat mereka praktis tak tergoyahkan. Kita mungkin mengakui
bahwa meskipun pribadi dipengaruhi Paus setidaknya sebanyak semangat yang
tertarik untuk kehormatan sastra, tetapi dalam sengketa mengenai kekuatan
komparatif motif tersebut, yang ketiga adalah cenderung diabaikan itu mungkin
lebih kuat dari baik. Ini adalah cinta wasiat bermoral menyenangkan, dan
menyenangkan dalam kreasi dari imajinasi lucu. Tentu saja untuk mewakili
Dunciad sebagai hasil dendam pribadi semata adalah untuk memberikan
gambaran berlebihan dari keganasan disposisi Paus, dan kesan benar-benar salah
dari karakter sindiran itu. Dia tidak, kecuali dalam kasus yang jarang terjadi, yang
murung, biadab, satiris marah, tapi sejuk dan anggun dalam kejahatannya, dendam
mungkin dan terlalu sensitif, namun dikembalikan ke humor yang baik karena ia
berpikir lebih kesalahannya oleh konsepsi-konsepsi menggelikan yang ia
diinvestasikan musuhnya. Serangan yang paling tak beralasan pada Richard
Bentley, yang ia satir dalam rekonstruksi dan pembesaran Dunciad dibuat pada
tahun-tahun terakhir hidupnya di anjuran tersebut, dikatakan, dari William
Warburton. Pada edisi sebelumnya tempat pahlawan telah diduduki oleh Lewis
Theobald, yang memberanikan diri untuk mengkritik Paus Shakespeare. Dalam
edisi yang muncul di Paus Pekerjaan (1742), ia digulingkan mendukung Colley
Cibber, yang baru saja menulis suratnya dari Mr Cibber ke Mr Paus menyelidiki
motif yang mungkin menyebabkan dia dalam tulisan-tulisan bernada satirnya
untuk menjadi begitu sering menyukai Mr Cibber nama (1742). Nama Warburton
yang melekat banyak catatan baru, dan salah satu disertasi awal oleh Ricardus
Aristarchus pada pahlawan puisi tampaknya olehnya.

Empat surat dari Essay on Man (1733) juga erat dengan kontroversi lewat.
Mereka termasuk gerakan intelektual yang sama dengan Butler Analogi - upaya
abad ke-18 untuk menempatkan agama secara rasional. Tapi Paus tidak pemikir
seperti Butler. Subjek disarankan kepadanya oleh Henry St John, Lord
Bolingbroke, yang telah kembali dari pengasingan pada tahun 1723, dan
merupakan sesama anggota Scriblerus Club. Bolingbroke dikatakan - dan
pernyataan ini didukung oleh isi karya anumerta - telah dilengkapi sebagian besar
argumen. Kontribusi Paus kontroversi terdiri dalam epigram brilian dan ilustrasi.
Dalam karya didaktik ini, seperti dalam Essay on Kritik, ia mengumpulkan sebuah
rencana yang cukup sederhana serangkaian ucapan bahagia, secara terpisah
menjelaskan, mengambil pikiran saat ia menemukan mereka dalam membaca
aneka dan percakapan, dan hanya berusaha untuk menyesuaikan mereka dengan
ekspresi yang sempurna. Pembacanya yang terlalu silau dengan ayat yang akan
sangat kritis terhadap arti. Paus sendiri tidak memahami drift argumen dia
diadopsi dari Bolingbroke, dan khawatir ketika ia menemukan bahwa puisinya
secara umum diartikan sebagai permintaan maaf untuk-pemikir bebas. Warburton
dikatakan telah memenuhi syarat doktrin sebagai "ateisme peringkat," dan
menegaskan bahwa itu disatukan dari "ayat-ayat terburuk penulis terburuk." Esai
segera diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa-bahasa Eropa utama, dan pada tahun 1737
ortodoksi yang diserang oleh seorang profesor Swiss, Jean Pierre de Crousaz,
dalam Examen de l'esai de M. Paus sur l'homme. Warburton sekarang melihat
cocok untuk merevisi pendapatnya tentang kemampuan Paus dan prinsip - untuk
alasan apa tidak muncul. Dalam kasus apapun dia sekarang menjadi antusias
dalam pujian ortodoksi Paus dan kejeniusannya karena ia sebelumnya telah
mencemooh, dan terus menggunakan kekuatan yang tak tertandingi nya
menyesatkan dalam membela ortodoksi posisi yang saling bertentangan dan
ngawur diadopsi dalam Essay on Laki Laki. Paus cukup bijaksana untuk
menerima dengan rasa syukur semua sekutu yang sangat berguna teman dan
sangat berbahaya musuh, dan dari waktu itu dan seterusnya Warburton adalah
komentator resmi dari karya-karyanya.

The Essay on Man telah membentuk bagian dari serangkaian puisi filosofis pada
rencana yang sistematis. Potongan-potongan lain untuk mengobati akal manusia,
penggunaan pembelajaran, kecerdasan, pendidikan dan kekayaan, dari
pemerintahan sipil dan gereja, karakter perempuan, & c. Dari sepuluh surat-surat
yang Essays Moral, empat pertama, yang ditulis antara 1731 dan 1735, yang
terhubung dengan skema ini, yang tidak pernah dieksekusi. Ada banyak pahit, dan
kadang-kadang tidak adil, sindiran dalam Essays Moral dan imitasi dari Horace.
Dalam surat-surat ini dan satir, yang muncul pada interval, ia sering corong teman
politiknya, yang semuanya bertentangan dengan Walpole, maka pada puncak
kekuasaannya, dan Paus memilih obyek serangan dari kalangan penganut menteri.
Surat III, "Dari Penggunaan Riches," ditujukan kepada Allen Bathurst, Tuhan
Bathurst, pada 1732, adalah serangan langsung pada metode Walpole tentang
korupsi, dan kebijakan keuangannya secara umum; dan dua dialog (1738) yang
dikenal sebagai "Epilog ke Satires," sbg pertahanan sindiran, membentuk
serangan yang fasih di pengadilan. Paus melekat pada Pangeran partai Wales, dan
ia tidak lupa untuk menyindir, apa itu memang kebenaran, bahwa ratu menolak
pangeran pengampunan nya di ranjang kematiannya. The "Surat Dr Arbuthnot"
berisi deskripsi sikap pribadinya terhadap scribblers dan dibuat untuk melayani
sebagai "prolog ke satir."
quets
Say first, of God above or man below,
What can we reason but from what we know?
    —Essay on Man. Epistle i. Line 17-18.
'T is but a part we see, and not a whole.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle i. Line 60.

Heaven from all creatures hides the book of Fate,

All but the page prescrib'd, their present state.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle i. Line 77-8.

Hope springs eternal in the human breast.

    —Essay on Man. Epistle i. Line 95.

In pride, in reasoning pride, our error lies.

    —Essay on Man. Epistle i. Line 123.

Men would be angels, angels would be gods.

    —Essay on Man. Epistle i. Line 126.

All nature is but art, unknown to thee;

All chance, direction, which thou canst not see;
All discord, harmony not understood;
All partial evil, universal good;
And spite of pride, in erring reason's spite,
One truth is clear, Whatever is, is right.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle i. Line 289-294.

Know then thyself, presume not God to scan;

The proper study of mankind is man.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle ii. Line 1-2.

In faith and hope the world will disagree,

But all mankind's concern is charity.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle iii. Line 303-4.
Reason's whole pleasure, all the joys of sense,
Lie in three words,—health, peace, and competence.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle iv. Line 79-80.

Honour and shame from no condition rise;

Act well your part, there all the honour lies.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle iv. Line 193.

An honest man's the noblest work of God.

    —Essay on Man. Epistle iv. Line 247.

Tell (for you can) what is it to be wise?

'T is but to know how little can be known;
To see all others' faults, and feel our own.
    —Essay on Man. Epistle iv. Line 254-6.

Know then this truth (enough for man to know),—

"Virtue alone is happiness below."
    —Essay on Man. Epistle iv. Line 309-310.

Whether the charmer sinner it or saint it,

If folly grow romantic, I must paint it.
    —Moral Essays. Epistle ii. Line 15-16.

Men, some to business, some to pleasure take;

But every woman is at heart a rake.
    —Moral Essays. Epistle ii. Line 215-16.

Woman's at best a contradiction still.

    —Moral Essays. Epistle ii. Line 270.

The ruling passion, be it what it will,

The ruling passion conquers reason still.
    —Moral Essays. Epistle iii. Line 153-4.

Good sense, which only is the gift of Heaven,

And though no science, fairly worth the seven.
    —Moral Essays. Epistle iv. Line 43-4.

'T is with our judgments as our watches,—none

Go just alike, yet each believes his own.
    —Essay on Criticism. Part i. Line 9-10.

Pride, the never-failing vice of fools.

    —Essay on Criticism. Part ii. Line 4.

A little learning is a dangerous thing.

    —Essay on Criticism. Part ii. Line 15.

Whoever thinks a faultless piece to see,

Thinks what ne'er was, nor is, nor e'er shall be.
    —Essay on Criticism. Part ii. Line 53-4.

True wit is Nature to advantage dress'd,

What oft was thought, but ne'er so well express'd.
    —Essay on Criticism. Part ii. Line 97-8.

Words are like leaves; and where they most abound,

Much fruit of sense beneath is rarely found.
    —Essay on Criticism. Part ii. Line 109-110.

True ease in writing comes from art, not chance,

As those move easiest who have learn'd to dance.
'T is not enough no harshness gives offence,—
The sound must seem an echo to the sense.
    —Essay on Criticism. Part ii. Line 162-5.

To err is human, to forgive divine.

    —Essay on Criticism. Part ii. Line 325.

Fools rush in where angels fear to tread.

    —Essay on Criticism. Part iii. Line 66.

The hungry judges soon the sentence sign,

And wretches hang that jurymen may dine.
    —The Rape of the Lock. Canto iii. Line 21-2.

Charms strike the sight, but merit wins the soul.

    —The Rape of the Lock. Canto v. Line 34.

It is not poetry, but prose run mad.

    —Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot. Prologue to the Satires. Line 186.

Do good by stealth, and blush to find it fame.

    —Satires, Epistles, and Odes of Horace. Epilogue to the Satires. Dialogue i. Line 136.

Authors, like coins, grow dear as they grow old.

    —Satires, Epistles, and Odes of Horace. Epistle i. Book ii. Line 35.
E'en copious Dryden wanted or forgot
The last and greatest art,—the art to blot.
    —Satires, Epistles, and Odes of Horace. Epistle i. Book ii. Line 280-1.

Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in night:

God said, "Let Newton be!" and all was light.
    —Epitaph intended for Sir Isaac Newton.

Curse on all laws but those which love has made!

Love, free as air at sight of human ties,
Spreads his light wings, and in a moment flies.
    —Eloisa to Abelard. Line 74-6.

Nor Fame I slight, nor for her favours call;

She comes unlooked for if she comes at all.
    —The Temple of Fame. Line 513-14.

Blessed is he who expects nothing, for he shall never be disappointed.

    —Letter to Gay, Oct. 6, 1727.
Katakanlah pertama, Allah di atas atau di bawah laki-laki,
Apa yang bisa kita alasan tapi dari apa yang kita ketahui?
    -Essay Di Man. Surat i. Baris 17-18.

'T hanyalah bagian yang kita lihat, dan tidak keseluruhan.

    -Essay Di Man. Surat i. Baris 60.

Surga dari semua makhluk menyembunyikan buku Takdir,

Semua kecuali prescrib'd halaman, keadaan mereka saat ini.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat i. Jalur 77-8.

Harapan mata air abadi di payudara manusia.

    -Essay Di Man. Surat i. Baris 95.
Dalam kebanggaan, dalam penalaran kebanggaan, kesalahan kami terletak.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat i. Baris 123.

Pria akan malaikat, malaikat akan dewa.

    -Essay Di Man. Surat i. Baris 126.

Semua alam hanyalah seni, diketahui kepadamu;

Semua kesempatan, arah, yang engkau tidak melihat;
Semua perselisihan, harmoni tidak dipahami;
Semua kejahatan parsial, yang universal yang baik;
Dan meskipun bangga, di berdosa meskipun alasan itu,
Salah satu kebenaran yang jelas, apapun adalah, benar.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat i. Baris 289-294.

Tahu maka dirimu, menganggap bukan Tuhan untuk memindai;

Studi yang tepat umat manusia adalah manusia.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat ii. Jalur 1-2.

Dalam iman dan berharap dunia akan setuju,

Namun kepedulian seluruh umat manusia adalah amal.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat iii. Baris 303-4.

Seluruh kesenangan alasan itu, semua kesenangan akal,

Lie dalam tiga kata, -Kesehatan, perdamaian, dan kompetensi.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat iv. Baris 79-80.

Kehormatan dan malu dari tidak ada kenaikan kondisi;

Melakukan dengan baik bagian Anda, ada semua kehormatan terletak.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat iv. Baris 193.

Seorang pria yang jujur adalah pekerjaan mulia dari Tuhan.

    -Essay Di Man. Surat iv. Baris 247.

Katakan (untuk bisa) apa itu untuk menjadi bijaksana?

'T hanyalah untuk mengetahui betapa sedikit dapat diketahui;
Untuk melihat kesalahan semua orang lain, dan merasa kita sendiri.
    -Essay Di Man. Surat iv. Baris 254-6.
Tahu maka kebenaran ini (cukup bagi manusia untuk mengetahui), -
"Kebajikan saja kebahagiaan bawah."
    -Essay Di Man. Surat iv. Baris 309-310.

Apakah berdosa pawang atau suci itu,

Jika kebodohan tumbuh romantis, saya harus cat itu.
    Esai -Moral. Surat ii. Baris 15-16.

Pria, sebagian untuk bisnis, sebagian untuk kesenangan take;

Tapi setiap wanita di hati menyapu.
    Esai -Moral. Surat ii. Baris 215-16.

Wanita terbaik kontradiksi masih.

    Esai -Moral. Surat ii. Baris 270.

Putusan gairah, baik itu apa akan,

Putusan gairah Pendatukan alasan masih.
    Esai -Moral. Surat iii. Baris 153-4.

Akal sehat, yang hanya merupakan karunia Surga,

Dan meskipun ada ilmu, cukup layak tujuh.
    Esai -Moral. Surat iv. Jalur 43-4.

'T adalah dengan penilaian kami sebagai jam tangan kami, -none
Pergi saja sama, namun masing-masing percaya sendiri.
    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian i. Baris 9-10.

Kebanggaan, wakil pernah gagal orang bodoh.

    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian ii. Jalur 4.

Sedikit belajar adalah hal yang berbahaya.

    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian ii. Baris 15.

Barangsiapa yang mengira sepotong sempurna untuk melihat,

Berpikir apa yang tak pernah itu, juga tidak, atau e'er akan.
    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian ii. Jalur 53-4.

Benar kecerdasan adalah Nature mendatangkan keuntungan dress'd,

Apa yang sering dianggap, tapi tak pernah begitu baik express'd.
    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian ii. Jalur 97-8.

Kata-kata seperti daun; dan di mana mereka yang paling berlimpah,

Buah banyak akal bawah jarang ditemukan.
    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian ii. Baris 109-110.

Benar kemudahan dalam menulis berasal dari seni, bukan kebetulan,

Sebagai orang-orang bergerak termudah yang telah learn'd menari.
'T tidak cukup ada kekerasan memberikan pelanggaran, -
Suara harus tampak gema untuk arti.
    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian ii. Baris 162-5.

Melakukan kesalahan adalah manusiawi, untuk mengampuni ilahi.

    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian ii. Baris 325.

Bodoh terburu-buru di mana malaikat takut untuk melangkah.

    -Essay Pada Kritik. Bagian iii. Baris 66.

Para hakim lapar segera tanda kalimat,

Dan penjahat menggantung bahwa juri dapat makan.
    -The Rape of the Lock. Canto iii. Jalur 21-2.

Mantra menyerang pemandangan itu, tapi prestasi menang jiwa.

    -The Rape of the Lock. Canto v. Baris 34.

Hal ini bukan puisi, tapi prosa menjalankan gila.

    -Epistle Dr Arbuthnot. Prolog ke Satires. Baris 186.

Berbuat baik secara diam-diam, dan blush menemukannya ketenaran.

    -Satires, Surat-surat, dan Odes Horace. Epilog ke Satires. Dialog i. Baris 136.

Penulis, seperti koin, tumbuh sayang saat mereka tumbuh tua.

    -Satires, Surat-surat, dan Odes Horace. Surat i. Buku ii. Baris 35.

E'en berlebihan Dryden inginkan atau lupa

Seni terakhir dan terbesar, seni -the untuk menghapus.
    -Satires, Surat-surat, dan Odes Horace. Surat i. Buku ii. Baris 280-1.

Alam dan hukum alam berbaring menyembunyikan malam:

Tuhan berkata, "Biarlah Newton menjadi!" dan semua terasa ringan.
    -Epitaph Ditujukan untuk Sir Isaac Newton.

Kutukan pada semua hukum tetapi mereka yang cinta telah membuat!
Cinta, gratis udara pada pandangan hubungan manusia,
Spread sayap cahaya, dan suatu saat terbang.
    -Eloisa Ke Abelard. Jalur 74-6.

Nor Ketenaran Saya sedikit, maupun untuk nikmat nya panggilan;

Dia datang unlooked karena jika dia datang sama sekali.
    -The Temple of Fame. Baris 513-14.

Berbahagialah orang yang mengharapkan apa-apa, karena dia tidak akan pernah
kecewa.
    -Surat untuk Gay, 6 Oktober 1727.

WILLIAM COLLINS, English poet, was born on the 25th of December 1721. He divides
with Gray the glory of being the greatest English lyrist of the 18th century. After some
childish studies in Chichester, of which his father, a rich hatter, was the mayor, he was
sent, in January 1733, to Winchester College, where Whitehead and Joseph Warton were
his schoolfellows. When he had been nine months at the school, Pope paid Winchester a
visit and proposed a subject for a prize poem; it is legitimate to suppose that the lofty
forehead, the brisk dark eyes and gracious oval of the childish face, as we know it in the
only portrait existing of Collins, did not escape the great man's notice, then not a little
occupied with the composition of the Essay on Man.

In 1734 the young poet published his first verses, in a sixpenny pamphlet on The Royal
Nuptials, of which, however, no copy has come down to us; another poem, probably
satiric, called The Battle of the Schoolbooks, was written about this time, and has also
been lost. Fired by his poetic fellows to further feats in verse, Collins produced, in his
seventeenth year, those Persian Eclogues which were the only writings of his that were
valued by the world during his own lifetime. They were not printed for some years, and
meanwhile Collins sent, in January and October 1739, some verses to the Gentleman's
Magazine, which attracted the notice and admiration of Johnson, then still young and
uninfluential.

In March 1740 he was admitted a commoner of Queen's College, Oxford, but did not go
up to Oxford until July 1741, when he obtained a demyship at Magdalen College. At
Oxford he continued his affectionate intimacy with the Wartons, and gained the
friendship of Gilbert White. Early in 1742 the Persian Eclogues appeared in London. They
were four in number, and formed a modest pamphlet of not more than 300 lines in all. In
a later edition, of 1759, the title was changed to Oriental Eclogues. Those pieces may be
compared with Victor Hugo's Les Orientales, to which, of course, they are greatly inferior.
Considered with regard to the time at which they were produced, they are more than
meritorious, even brilliant, and one at least - the second - can be read with enjoyment at
the present day. The rest, perhaps, will be found somewhat artificial and effete.

In November 1743 Collins was made bachelor of arts, and a few days after taking his
degree published his second work, Verses humbly addressed to Sir Thomas Hanmer. This
poem, written in heroic couplets, shows a great advance in individuality, and resembles,
in its habit of personifying qualities of the mind, the riper lyrics of its author. For the rest,
it is an enthusiastic review of poetry, culminating in a laudation of Shakespeare.

It is supposed that he left Oxford abruptly in the summer of 1744 to attend his mother's
death-bed, and did not return. He is said to have now visited an uncle in Flanders. His
indolence, which had been no less marked at the university than his genius, combined
with a fatal irresolution to make it extremely difficult to choose for him a path in life. The
army and the church were successively suggested and rejected; and he finally arrived in
London, bent on enjoying a small property as an independent man about town. He made
the acquaintance of Johnson and others, and was urged by those friends to undertake
various important writings - a History of the Revival of Learning, several tragedies, and a
version of Aristotle's Poetics, among others - all of which he began but lacked force of will
to continue. He soon squandered his means, plunged, with most disastrous effects, into
profligate excesses, and sowed the seed of his untimely misfortune.

It was at this time, however, that he composed his matchless Odes - twelve in number -
which appeared on the 12th of December 1746, dated 1747. The original project was to
have combined them with the odes of Joseph Warton, but the latter proved at that time to
be the more marketable article. Collins's little volume fell dead from the press, but it won
him the admiration and friendship of the poet Thomson, with whom, until the death of
the latter in 1748, he lived on terms of affectionate intimacy.

In 1749 Collins was raised beyond the fear of poverty by the death of his uncle, Colonel
Martyn, who left him about £2,000, and he left London to settle in his native city. He had
hardly begun to taste the sweets of a life devoted to literature and quiet, before the
weakness of his will began to develop in the direction of insanity, and he hurried abroad
to attempt to dispel the gathering gloom by travel. In the interval he had published two
short pieces of consummate grace and beauty - the Elegy on Thomson, in 1749, and the
Dirge in Cymbeline, later in the same year. In the beginning of 1750 he composed the Ode
on the Popular Superstitions of the Highlands, which was dedicated to the author of
Douglas, and not printed till long after the death of Collins, and an Ode on the Music of
the Grecian Theatre, which no longer exists, and in which English literature probably has
sustained a severe loss. With this poem his literary career closes, although he lingered in
great misery for nearly nine years.

From Gilbert White, who jotted down some pages of invaluable recollections of Collins in
1781, and from other friends, we learn that his madness was occasionally violent, and that
he was confined for a time in an asylum at Oxford. But for the most part he resided at
Chichester, suffering from extreme debility of body when the mind was clear, and
incapable of any regular occupation. Music affected him in a singular manner, and it is
recorded that he was wont to slip out into the cathedral cloisters during the services, and
moan and howl in horrible accordance with the choir. In this miserable condition he
passed out of sight of all his friends, and in 1756 it was supposed, even by Johnson, that
he was dead; in point of fact, however, his sufferings did not cease until the 12th of June
1759. No journal or magazine recorded the death of the forgotten poet, though Goldsmith,
only two months before, had begun the laudation which was soon to become universal.

No English poet so great as Collins has left behind him so small a bulk of writings. Not
more than 1500 lines of his have been handed down to us, but among these not one is
slovenly, and few are poor. His odes are the most sculpturesque and faultless in the
language. They lack fire, but in charm and precision of diction, exquisite propriety of
form, and lofty poetic suggestion they stand unrivalled. The ode named The Passions is
the most popular; that To Evening is the classical example of perfect unrhymed verse. In
this, and the Ode to Simplicity, one seems to be handling an antique vase of matchless
delicacy and elegance. In his descriptions of nature it is unquestionable that he owed
something to the influence of Thomson.

Distinction may be said to be the crowning grace of the style of Collins; its leading
peculiarity is the incessant personification of some quality of the character. In the Ode on
Popular Superstitions he produced a still nobler work; this poem, the most considerable
in size which has been preserved, contains passages which are beyond question unrivalled
for rich melancholy fulness in the literature between Milton and Keats.

The life of Collins was written by Dr Johnson; he found an enthusiastic editor in Dr

Langhorne in 1765, and in 1858 a kindly biographer in Mr Moy Thomas.

(Edmund Gosse)

WILLIAM COLLINS, penyair Inggris, lahir pada tanggal 25 Desember 1721. Ia

membagi dengan Gray kemuliaan menjadi lyrist Inggris terbesar abad ke-18.
Setelah beberapa penelitian kekanak-kanakan di Chichester, yang ayahnya,
seorang penjual topi kaya, adalah walikota, ia dikirim, pada bulan Januari 1733,
untuk Winchester College, di mana Whitehead dan Joseph Warton adalah
schoolfellows nya. Ketika ia telah sembilan bulan di sekolah, Paus dibayar
Winchester kunjungan dan mengusulkan subjek untuk puisi hadiah; itu adalah sah
untuk menganggap bahwa dahi yang tinggi, mata gelap cepat dan oval ramah dari
wajah kekanak-kanakan, seperti yang kita kenal di satu-satunya potret yang ada
Collins, tidak luput dari perhatian orang besar, maka tidak sedikit sibuk dengan
komposisi dari Essay on Man.

Pada 1734 penyair muda yang diterbitkan ayat pertama, dalam sebuah pamflet
Sixpenny di The Royal pernikahan, yang, bagaimanapun, tidak ada copy telah
sampai kepada kita; puisi lain, mungkin menyindir, disebut Pertempuran buku
sekolah, ditulis tentang waktu ini, dan juga telah hilang. Dipecat oleh rekan
puitisnya untuk lebih prestasi dalam ayat, Collins diproduksi, pada tahun yang
ketujuh belas, mereka Eclogues Persia yang merupakan satu-satunya tulisan nya
yang dihargai oleh dunia selama hidupnya sendiri. Mereka tidak dicetak selama
beberapa tahun, dan sementara itu Collins dikirim, pada bulan Januari dan
Oktober 1739, beberapa ayat ke Gentleman Magazine, yang menarik
pemberitahuan dan kekaguman dari Johnson, itu masih muda dan uninfluential.

Pada Maret 1740 ia mengaku biasa dari Ratu College, Oxford, tetapi tidak pergi
ke Oxford sampai Juli 1741, ketika ia memperoleh demyship di Magdalen
College. Di Oxford ia melanjutkan keintiman kasih sayang-Nya dengan Wartons,
dan memperoleh persahabatan Gilbert Putih. Pada awal 1742 Persia Eclogues
muncul di London. Mereka adalah empat jumlahnya, dan membentuk sebuah
pamflet sederhana tidak lebih dari 300 baris dalam semua. Dalam edisi kemudian,
dari 1759, judul diubah menjadi Eclogues Oriental. Potongan-potongan dapat
dibandingkan dengan Victor Hugo Les Orientales, yang, tentu saja, mereka sangat
rendah. Dianggap berkaitan dengan waktu di mana mereka diproduksi, mereka
lebih dari berjasa, bahkan brilian, dan satu setidaknya - kedua - dapat dibaca
dengan kenikmatan di hari ini. Sisanya, mungkin, akan ditemukan agak buatan
dan tak berguna.

Pada November 1743 Collins dibuat sarjana seni, dan beberapa hari setelah
mengambil gelar menerbitkan karya kedua, Ayat rendah hati ditujukan kepada Sir
Thomas Hanmer. Puisi ini, ditulis dalam bait heroik, menunjukkan kemajuan
besar dalam individualitas, dan menyerupai, dalam kebiasaan yang personifying
kualitas pikiran, lirik riper penulisnya. Untuk sisanya, itu adalah kajian antusias
puisi, yang berpuncak pada puji-pujian dari Shakespeare.

Hal ini diduga bahwa ia meninggalkan Oxford tiba-tiba pada musim panas 1744
untuk menghadiri kematian tidur ibunya, dan tidak kembali. Dia dikatakan
sekarang telah mengunjungi paman di Flanders. Kemalasan nya, yang telah tidak
kurang ditandai di universitas dari kejeniusannya, dikombinasikan dengan
keraguan yang fatal untuk membuatnya sangat sulit untuk memilih baginya jalan
dalam hidup. Tentara dan gereja yang berturut-turut menyarankan dan ditolak; dan
akhirnya ia tiba di London, bertekad menikmati properti kecil sebagai orang yang
independen tentang kota. Dia berkenalan dengan Johnson dan lain-lain, dan
didesak oleh teman-teman untuk melakukan berbagai tulisan penting - Sejarah
Kebangkitan Learning, beberapa tragedi, dan versi Poetics Aristoteles, antara lain
- semua yang ia mulai tetapi tidak memiliki kekuatan dari akan melanjutkan. Dia
segera menyia-nyiakan hartanya, jatuh, dengan sebagian besar dampak buruk,
menjadi ekses boros, dan menabur benih kemalangan sebelum waktunya.

Ia saat ini, bagaimanapun, bahwa ia terdiri Odes nya tak tertandingi - dua belas
jumlahnya - yang muncul di 12 Desember 1746, tanggal 1747. Proyek awal
adalah untuk menggabungkan mereka dengan Odes Yusuf Warton, tetapi yang
terakhir terbukti pada saat itu menjadi artikel yang lebih berharga. Volume kecil
Collins jatuh mati dari pers, tetapi dia memenangkan kekaguman dan
persahabatan dari penyair Thomson, dengan siapa, sampai kematian yang terakhir
pada tahun 1748, ia hidup pada istilah keintiman kasih sayang.

Pada 1749 Collins dibesarkan di luar takut kemiskinan oleh kematian pamannya,
Kolonel Martyn, yang meninggalkannya sekitar £ 2.000 dan dia meninggalkan
London untuk menetap di kota kelahirannya. Dia hampir tidak mulai mencicipi
permen kehidupan dikhususkan untuk sastra dan tenang, sebelum kelemahan
kehendak-Nya mulai berkembang ke arah kegilaan, dan ia bergegas ke luar negeri
untuk mencoba untuk menghilangkan pengumpulan kesuraman oleh perjalanan.
Dalam interval ia menerbitkan dua buah singkat rahmat sempurna dan keindahan -
the Elegy di Thomson, pada 1749, dan Dirge di Cymbeline, kemudian pada tahun
yang sama. Pada awal 1750 ia menyusun Ode pada Takhayul Populer dari dataran
tinggi, yang didedikasikan untuk penulis Douglas, dan tidak dicetak sampai lama
setelah kematian Collins, dan Ode di Musik Teater Yunani, yang tidak ada ada
lagi, dan di mana sastra Inggris mungkin telah menderita kerugian yang parah.
Dengan puisi ini karir sastra menutup, meskipun ia berlama-lama dalam
kesengsaraan besar selama hampir sembilan tahun.

Dari Gilbert Putih, yang menuliskan beberapa halaman dari ingatan yang tak
ternilai dari Collins pada tahun 1781, dan dari teman-teman lain, kita belajar
bahwa kegilaannya itu kadang-kadang kekerasan, dan bahwa ia terbatas untuk
waktu di rumah sakit jiwa di Oxford. Tetapi untuk sebagian besar ia tinggal di
Chichester, menderita kelemahan ekstrim tubuh ketika pikiran jelas, dan tidak
mampu dari setiap pekerjaan rutin. Musik mempengaruhi dirinya secara tunggal,
dan tercatat bahwa ia tidak akan menyelinap keluar ke serambi katedral selama
layanan, dan mengerang dan melolong sesuai mengerikan dengan paduan suara.
Dalam kondisi menyedihkan ini ia melewati keluar dari pandangan dari semua
teman-temannya, dan pada 1756 itu seharusnya, bahkan oleh Johnson, bahwa ia
sudah mati; dalam kenyataannya, bagaimanapun, penderitaan-Nya tidak berhenti
sampai 12 Juni 1759. Tidak ada jurnal atau majalah mencatat kematian penyair
terlupakan, meskipun Goldsmith, hanya dua bulan sebelum, telah memulai puji-
pujian yang segera menjadi universal.

Tidak ada penyair Inggris begitu besar seperti Collins telah meninggalkan dia
begitu kecil massal tulisan. Tidak lebih dari 1500 baris-nya telah diturunkan
kepada kita, tetapi di antara tidak satu jorok, dan hanya sedikit yang miskin. Odes
Nya yang paling sculpturesque dan sempurna dalam bahasa. Mereka kekurangan
api, tetapi pesona dan ketepatan diksi, kesopanan indah bentuk, dan tinggi saran
puitis mereka berdiri tak tertandingi. Ode bernama The Passions adalah yang
paling populer; Untuk itu Evening adalah contoh klasik dari ayat unrhymed
sempurna. Dalam hal ini, dan Ode to Kesederhanaan, salah satu tampaknya
menangani vas antik kelezatan tiada tara dan keanggunan. Dalam deskripsi
tentang alam itu tidak perlu dipertanyakan lagi bahwa ia berutang sesuatu untuk
pengaruh Thomson.

Perbedaan dapat dikatakan sebagai anugerah penobatan gaya Collins; Kekhasan

terkemuka adalah personifikasi gencarnya beberapa kualitas karakter. Dalam Ode
pada Takhayul Populer ia menghasilkan pekerjaan yang masih lebih mulia; puisi
ini, yang paling besar dalam ukuran yang telah diawetkan, berisi ayat-ayat yang
berada di luar pertanyaan yang tak tertandingi untuk kaya kepenuhan melankolis
dalam literatur antara Milton dan Keats.

Kehidupan Collins ditulis oleh Dr Johnson; ia menemukan editor antusias Dr

Langhorne tahun 1765, dan pada tahun 1858 yang ramah biografi di Mr Thomas
Moy.
 (Edmund Gosse)

Quets
William Collins. (1721–1759)
1
    In numbers warmly pure and sweetly strong.
          Ode to Simplicity.
2
    Well may your hearts believe the truths I tell:
’T is virtue makes the bliss, where’er we dwell. 1
          Oriental Eclogues. 1, Line 5.
3
    How sleep the brave who sink to rest
By all their country’s wishes bless’d!
          Ode written in the year 1746.
4
    By fairy hands their knell is rung; 2
By forms unseen their dirge is sung;
There Honour comes, a pilgrim gray,
To bless the turf that wraps their clay;
And Freedom shall awhile repair,
To dwell a weeping hermit there!
          Ode written in the year 1746.
5
    When Music, heavenly maid, was young,
While yet in early Greece she sung.
          The Passions. Line 1.
6
    Fill’d with fury, rapt, inspired.
          The Passions. Line 10.
7
    ’T was sad by fits, by starts ’t was wild.
          The Passions. Line 28.
8
    In notes by distance made more sweet. 3
          The Passions. Line 60.
9
    In hollow murmurs died away.
          The Passions. Line 68.
10
    O Music! sphere-descended maid,
Friend of Pleasure, Wisdom’s aid!
          The Passions. Line 95.
William Collins. (1721-1759)
 
 
1
    Dalam nomor hangat murni dan manis yang kuat.
          Ode to Kesederhanaan.
2
    Nah mungkin hatimu percaya kebenaran saya katakan:
'T adalah kebajikan membuat kebahagiaan, where'er kita tinggal. 1
          Eclogues Oriental. 1, Jalur 5.
3
    Bagaimana tidur berani yang tenggelam untuk beristirahat
Dengan semua keinginan negara mereka bless'd!
          Ode ditulis pada tahun 1746.
4
    Dengan peri tangan lonceng mereka anak tangga; 2
Dengan bentuk yang tak terlihat nyanyian mereka dinyanyikan;
Ada Kehormatan datang, abu-abu haji,
Untuk memberkati rumput yang membungkus tanah liat mereka;
Dan Kebebasan akan perbaikan sementara,
Untuk tinggal pertapa menangis di sana!
          Ode ditulis pada tahun 1746.
5
    Ketika Musik, pembantu surgawi, masih muda,
Sementara belum pada awal Yunani dia dinyanyikan.
          The Passions. Jalur 1.
6
    Fill'd dengan amarah, diculik, terinspirasi.
          The Passions. Baris 10.
7
    'T sedih dengan cocok, dengan mulai' t liar.
          The Passions. Baris 28.
8
    Dalam catatan menurut jarak dibuat lebih manis. 3
          The Passions. Baris 60.
9
    Dalam murmur berongga mereda.
          The Passions. Baris 68.
10
    O Music! bola-turun pembantu,
Teman Kesenangan, bantuan Wisdom itu!
          The Passions. Baris 95.

WILLIAM COWPER [pronounced 'Cooper'],

English poet, was born in the rectory (now
rebuilt) of Great Berkhampstead, Hertfordshire,
on the 26th of November (O.S. 15th) 1731, his
father the Rev. John Cowper being rector of the
parish as well as a chaplain to George II. On
both the father's and the mother's side he was of ancient lineage. The father could trace
his family back to the time of Edward IV when the Cowpers were Sussex landowners,
while his mother, Ann, daughter of Roger Donne of Ludham Hall, Norfolk, was of the
same race as the poet Donne, and the family claimed to have Plantagenet blood in its
veins. Of more human interest were Cowper's immediate predecessors. His grandfather
was that Spencer Cowper who, after being tried for his life on a charge of murder, lived to
be a judge of the court of common pleas, while his elder brother became lord chancellor
and Earl Cowper, a title which became extinct in 1905.

The Rev. John Cowper was twice married. Cowper's mother, to whom the memorable
lines were written beginning "Oh that these lips had language," was his first wife. She died
in 1737 at the age of thirty-four, when the poet was but six years old, and she is buried in
Berkhampstead church. Cowper's stepmother is buried in Bath, and a tablet on the walls
of the cathedral commemorates her memory. The father, who appears to have been a
conscientious clergyman with no special interest in his sons, died in 1756 and was buried
in the Cowper tomb at Panshanger. Only one other of his seven children grew to manhood
— John, who was born in 1737.

The poet appears to have attended a dame's school in earliest infancy, but on his mother's
death, when he was six years old, he was sent to boarding-school, to a Dr Pitman at
Markyate, a village 6 miles from Berkhampstead.

From 1738 to 1741 he was placed in the care of an oculist, as he suffered from
inflammation of the eyes. In the latter year he was sent to A
HREF="http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/westminsterschool.htm">Westminst
er school, where he had Warren Hastings, Impey, Lloyd, Churchill and Colman for
schoolfellows. It was at the Markyate school that he suffered the tyranny that he
commemorated in Tirocinium. His days at Westminster, Southey thinks, were "probably
the happiest in his life," but a boy of nervous temperament is always unhappy at school.
At the age of eighteen Cowper entered a solicitor's office in Ely Place, Holborn. Here he
had Thurlow, the future lord chancellor, as a fellow-clerk, and it is stated that Thurlow
promised to help his less pushful comrade in the days of realized ambition.

Three years in Ely Place were rendered happy by frequent visits to his uncle Ashley's
house in Southampton Row, where he fell deeply in love with his cousin Theodora
Cowper. At twenty-one years of age he took chambers in the Middle Temple, where we
first hear of the dejection of spirits that accompanied him periodically through manhood.
He was called to the bar in 1754. In 1759 he removed to the Inner Temple and was made a
commissioner of bankrupts. His devotion to his cousin, however, was a source of
unhappiness. Her father, possibly influenced by Cowper's melancholy tendencies,
perhaps possessed by prejudices against the marriage of cousins, interposed, and the
lovers were separated — as it turned out for ever. During these years he was a member of
the Nonsense Club with his two schoolfellows from Westminster, Churchill and Lloyd,
and he wrote sundry verses in magazines and translated two books of Voltaire's Henriade.

A crisis occurred in Cowper's life when his cousin Major Cowper nominated him to a
clerkship in the House of Lords. It involved a preliminary appearance at the bar of the
house. The prospect drove him insane, and he attempted suicide; he purchased poison, he
placed a penknife at his heart, but hesitated to apply either measure of self-destruction.
He has told, in dramatic manner, of his more desperate endeavour to hang himself with a
garter. Here he all but succeeded. His
friends were informed, and he was sent to
a private lunatic asylum at St Albans,
where he remained for eighteen months
under the charge of Dr Nathaniel Cotton,
the author of Visions.

Upon his recovery he removed to

Huntingdon in order to be near his
brother John, who was a fellow of St
Benet's College, Cambridge. John had
visited his brother at St Albans and
arranged this. An attempt to secure suitable lodgings nearer to Cambridge had been
ineffectual. In June 1765 he reached Huntingdon, and his life here was essentially happy.
His illness had broken him off from all his old friends save only his cousin Lady Hesketh,
Theodora's sister, but new acquaintances were made, the Unwins being the most valued.
This family consisted of Morley Unwin (a clergyman), his wife Mary, and his son
(William) and daughter (Susannah). The son struck up a warm friendship which his
family shared. Cowper entered the circle as a boarder in November (1765). All went
serenely until in July 1767 Morley Unwin was thrown from his horse and killed.

A very short time before this event the Unwins had received a visit from the Rev. John
Newton, the curate of Olney in Buckinghamshire, with whom they became friends.
Newton suggested that the widow and her children with Cowper should take up their
abode in Olney. This was achieved in the closing months of 1767. Here Cowper was to
reside for nineteen years, and he was to render the town and its neighbourhood
memorable by his presence and by his poetry. His residence in the Market Place was
converted into a Cowper Museum a hundred years after his death, in 1800.

Here his life went on its placid course, interrupted only by the death of his brother in
1770, until 1773, when he became again deranged. It can scarcely be doubted that this
second attack interrupted the contemplated marriage of Cowper with Mary Unwin,
although Southey could find no evidence of the circumstance and Newton was not
informed of it. J. C. Bailey brings final evidence of this (The Poems of Cowper, page 15).
The fact was kept secret in later years in order to spare the feelings of Theodora Cowper,
who thought that her cousin had remained as faithful as she had done to their early love.

It was not until 1776 that the poet's mind cleared again. In 1779 he made his first
appearance as an author by the Olney Hymns, written in conjunction with Newton,
Cowper's verses being indicated by a "C". Mrs Unwin suggested secular verse, and Cowper
wrote much, and in 1782 when he was fifty-one years old there appeared Poems of
William Cowper of the Inner Temple, Esq.: London, Printed for J. Johnson, No. 72 St
Paul's Churchyard. The volume contained "Table Talk," "The Progress of Error," "Truth,"
"Expostulation" and much else that survives to be read in our day by virtue of the poet's
finer work.

This finer work was the outcome of his friendship with Lady Austen, a widow who, on a
visit to her sister, the wife of the vicar of the neighbouring village of Clifton, made the
acquaintance of Cowper and Mrs Unwin. The three became great friends. Lady Austen
determined to give up her house in London and to settle in Olney. She suggested The Task
and inspired John Gilpin and The Royal George. But in 1784 the friendship was at an
end, doubtless through Mrs Unwin's jealousy of Lady Austen. Cowper's second volume
appeared in 1785 — The Task; A Poem in Six Books. By William Cowper of the Inner
Temple, Esq.; To which are added by the same author An Epistle to Joseph Hill, Esq.,
Tirocinium or a Review of Schools, and the History of John Gilpin: London, Printed for
J. Johnson, No. 72 St Paul's Church Yard; 1785. His first book had been a failure, one
critic even declaring that "Mr Cowper was certainly a good, pious man, but without one
spark of poetic fire." This second book was an instantaneous success, and indeed marks
an epoch in literary history. But before its publication — in 1784 — the poet had
commenced the translation of Homer.

In 1786 his life at Olney was cheered by Lady Hesketh taking up a temporary residence
there. The cousins met after an interval of twenty-three years, and Lady Hesketh was to
be Cowper's good angel to the end, even though her letters disclose a considerable
impatience with Mrs Unwin. At the end of 1786 a removal was made to Weston
Underwood, the neighbouring village which Cowper had frequently visited as the guest of
his Roman Catholic friends the Throckmortons. This was to be his home for yet another
ten years. Here he completed his translation of Homer, materially assisted by Mr
Throckmorton's chaplain Dr Gregson.

There are six more months of insanity to record in 1787.

In 1790, a year before the Homer was published, commenced his friendship with his
cousin John Johnson, known to all biographers of the poet as "Johnny of Norfolk."
Johnson also aspired to be a poet, and visited his cousin armed with a manuscript.
Cowper discouraged the poetry, but loved the writer, and the two became great friends.
New friends were wanted, for in 1792 Mrs Unwin had a paralytic stroke, and henceforth
she was a hopeless invalid. A new and valued friend of this period was Hayley, famous in
his own day as a poet and in history for his association with Romney and Cowper. He was
drawn to Cowper by the fact that both were contemplating an edition of "Milton," Cowper
having received a commission to edit, writing notes and translating the Latin and Italian
poems. The work was never completed. In 1794 Cowper was again insane and his lifework
was over.

In the following year a removal took place into Norfolk under the loving care of John
Johnson. Johnson took Cowper and Mary Unwin to North Tuddenham, thence to
Mundesley, then to Dunham Lodge, near Swaffham, and finally in October 1796 they
moved to East Dereham. In December of that year Mrs Unwin died. Cowper lingered on,
dying on the 25th of April 1800. The poet is buried near Mrs Unwin in East Dereham
church.

Cowper is among the poets who are epoch-makers. He brought a new spirit into English
verse, and redeemed it from the artificiality and the rhetoric of many of his predecessors.
With him began the "enthusiasm of humanity " that was afterwards to become so marked
in the poetry of Burns and Shelley, Wordsworth and Byron. With him began the deep
sympathy with nature, and love of animal life, which was to characterize so much of later
poetry.

Although Cowper cannot rank among the world's greatest poets or even among the most
distinguished of poets of his own country, his place is a very high one. He had what is a
rare quality among English poets, the gift of humour, which was very singularly absent
from others who possessed many other of the higher qualities of the intellect. Certain of
his poems, moreover, for example, ">To Mary," "The Receipt of my Mother's Portrait,"
and the ballad "On the Loss of the Royal George," will, it may safely be affirmed, continue
to be familiar to each successive generation in a way that pertains to few things in
literature. Added to this, one may note Cowper's distinction as a letter-writer. He ranks
among the half-dozen greatest letterwriters in the English language, and he was perhaps
the only great letter-writer with whom the felicity was due to the power of what he has
seen rather than what he has read.
William Cowper (1731-1800)
William Cowper [diucapkan 'Cooper'], penyair Inggris, lahir di pastoran (sekarang
dibangun kembali) Great Berkhampstead, Hertfordshire, pada 26 November (OS
15) 1731, ayahnya Pendeta John Cowper menjadi rektor paroki serta pendeta
George II. Pada kedua ayah dan sisi ibu dia dari garis keturunan kuno. Sang ayah
bisa melacak keluarganya kembali ke zaman Edward IV ketika Cowpers yang
Sussex pemilik tanah, sementara ibunya, Ann, putri Roger Donne dari Ludham
Hall, Norfolk, adalah dari ras yang sama dengan penyair Donne, dan keluarga
yang diklaim memiliki darah dalam pembuluh darah yang Plantagenet.
Kepentingan manusia lagi yang pendahulu langsung Cowper. Kakeknya adalah
bahwa Spencer Cowper yang, setelah mencoba untuk hidupnya atas tuduhan
pembunuhan, hidup menjadi hakim pengadilan permohonan umum, sementara
kakaknya menjadi tuan kanselir dan Earl Cowper, judul yang punah pada tahun
1905 .

Pendeta John Cowper dua kali menikah. Ibu Cowper, kepada siapa garis
mengesankan ditulis mulai "Oh, itu bibir ini memiliki bahasa," adalah istri
pertamanya. Dia meninggal pada 1737 pada usia tiga puluh empat, ketika penyair
itu tapi lama enam tahun, dan dia dimakamkan di gereja Berkhampstead. Ibu tiri
Cowper dimakamkan di Bath, dan tablet di dinding katedral memperingati
ingatannya. Sang ayah, yang tampaknya telah menjadi pendeta teliti tanpa minat
khusus dalam anak-anaknya, meninggal pada 1756 dan dimakamkan di makam
Cowper di Panshanger. Hanya satu lainnya dari tujuh anaknya tumbuh dewasa -
John, yang lahir pada tahun 1737.

Penyair tampaknya telah menghadiri sekolah dame di masa awal, tetapi pada
kematian ibunya, saat ia berusia enam tahun, ia dikirim ke asrama sekolah, ke Dr
Pitman di Markyate, sebuah desa 6 km dari Berkhampstead.

Dari 1738-1741 dia ditempatkan dalam perawatan dokter mata, karena ia

menderita radang mata. Pada tahun kedua ia dikirim ke A HREF =
"http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/westminsterschool.htm"> sekolah
Westminster, di mana ia Warren Hastings, Impey, Lloyd, Churchill dan Colman
untuk schoolfellows. Itu di sekolah Markyate bahwa ia menderita tirani bahwa ia
diperingati dalam masa belajar. Hari-harinya di Westminster, Southey berpikir,
adalah "mungkin yang paling bahagia dalam hidupnya," tapi anak laki-laki dari
temperamen saraf selalu bahagia di sekolah. Pada usia delapan belas Cowper
memasuki kantor pengacara di Ely Place, Holborn. Di sini ia Thurlow, tuan
kanselir masa depan, sebagai sesama-petugas, dan dinyatakan bahwa Thurlow
berjanji untuk membantu sedikit kawan ambisius dalam hari-hari menyadari
ambisi.

Tiga tahun di Ely Tempat yang diberikan bahagia dengan sering berkunjung ke
rumah paman Ashley di Southampton Row, di mana ia jatuh sangat cinta dengan
sepupunya Theodora Cowper. Pada dua puluh satu tahun ia mengambil ruang di
Kuil Tengah, di mana kita pertama kali mendengar dari kekesalan roh yang
menemaninya berkala melalui kedewasaan. Dia dipanggil ke bar di 1754. Pada
1759 ia dipindahkan ke Inner Temple dan membuat komisaris bangkrut.
Pengabdiannya kepada sepupunya, bagaimanapun, adalah sumber
ketidakbahagiaan. Ayahnya, mungkin dipengaruhi oleh kecenderungan
melankolis Cowper, mungkin dimiliki oleh prasangka terhadap pernikahan
sepupu, sela, dan pecinta dipisahkan - ternyata selama-lamanya. Selama tahun ini
ia adalah anggota dari Nonsense klub dengan dua nya schoolfellows dari
Westminster, Churchill dan Lloyd, dan ia menulis ayat-ayat galanya di majalah
dan diterjemahkan dua buku Voltaire Henriade.

Krisis terjadi dalam kehidupan Cowper ketika sepupunya Mayor Cowper

dinominasikan dia untuk jabatan juru tulis di House of Lords. Ini melibatkan
penampilan awal di bar rumah. Prospek membuat dia gila, dan ia mencoba bunuh
diri; dia membeli racun, ia menempatkan pisau lipat di hatinya, tapi ragu-ragu
untuk menerapkan salah satu ukuran penghancuran diri. Dia mengatakan, secara
dramatis, dari usaha yang lebih putus asa untuk menggantung diri dengan garter a.
Di sini ia semua tapi berhasil. Teman-temannya diberitahu, dan ia dikirim ke
rumah sakit jiwa swasta di St Albans, di mana ia tinggal selama delapan belas
bulan di bawah tuduhan Dr Nathaniel Cotton, penulis Visions.
cowper1.jpg - 8124 Bytes Setelah sembuh dia dipindahkan ke Huntingdon agar
dekat saudaranya John, yang adalah seorang rekan dari St Benet College,
Cambridge. John telah mengunjungi saudaranya di St Albans dan diatur ini.
Sebuah usaha untuk mengamankan penginapan yang cocok dekat ke Cambridge
telah efektif. Pada Juni 1765 ia mencapai Huntingdon, dan hidupnya di sini pada
dasarnya bahagia. Penyakitnya telah rusak dia dari semua teman-teman lamanya
hanya menyimpan sepupunya Lady Hesketh, adik Theodora, tapi kenalan baru
dibuat, Unwins yang paling dihargai. Keluarga ini terdiri dari Morley Unwin
(pendeta), istrinya Maria, dan anaknya (William) dan putri (Susannah). Anak
memukul sebuah persahabatan yang hangat yang keluarganya bersama. Cowper
memasuki lingkaran sebagai asrama pada bulan November (1765). Semua
berjalan tenang sampai di Juli 1767 Morley Unwin terlempar dari kudanya dan
dibunuh.

Sebuah waktu yang sangat singkat sebelum acara ini Unwins telah menerima
kunjungan dari Pdt John Newton, pendeta pembantu dari Olney di
Buckinghamshire, dengan siapa mereka menjadi teman. Newton mengusulkan
bahwa janda dan anak-anaknya dengan Cowper harus mengambil tempat tinggal
mereka di Olney. Hal ini dicapai pada bulan-bulan penutupan tahun 1767. Di sini
Cowper adalah untuk tinggal selama sembilan belas tahun, dan ia adalah untuk
membuat kota dan lingkungan yang diingat oleh kehadirannya dan dengan
puisinya. Tinggalnya di Market Place diubah menjadi Museum Cowper seratus
tahun setelah kematiannya, pada tahun 1800.

Berikut hidupnya melanjutkan saja tenang-nya, terputus hanya dengan kematian

saudaranya pada tahun 1770, sampai 1773, ketika ia menjadi gila lagi. Hal ini
dapat hampir diragukan bahwa serangan kedua ini terganggu pernikahan
dimaksud dari Cowper dengan Mary Unwin, meskipun Southey tidak menemukan
bukti keadaan dan Newton tidak diberitahu tentang hal itu. JC Bailey membawa
bukti akhir ini (The Puisi Cowper, halaman 15). Fakta itu dirahasiakan di tahun
kemudian untuk cadangan perasaan Theodora Cowper, yang berpikir bahwa
sepupunya telah tetap sebagai setia seperti yang dia lakukan untuk cinta awal
mereka.

Ia tidak sampai 1776 bahwa pikiran penyair dibersihkan lagi. Pada tahun 1779 ia
membuat penampilan pertamanya sebagai penulis oleh Olney Nyanyian Rohani,
ditulis bersama dengan Newton, ayat-ayat Cowper yang ditandai dengan "C". Mrs
Unwin menyarankan ayat sekuler, dan Cowper menulis banyak, dan pada tahun
1782 ketika ia berusia lima puluh satu tahun ada muncul Puisi William Cowper
dari Inner Temple, Esq .: London, Dicetak untuk J. Johnson, No. 72 St Paulus
Churchyard . Volume berisi "Table Talk," "Perkembangan Kesalahan,"
"Kebenaran," "sanggahan" dan banyak lagi yang bertahan untuk dibaca di zaman
kita berdasarkan pekerjaan halus penyair.

Pekerjaan halus ini adalah hasil dari persahabatannya dengan Lady Austen,
seorang janda yang, dalam kunjungan ke adiknya, istri dari pendeta dari desa
tetangga Clifton, berkenalan Cowper dan Mrs Unwin. Ketiga menjadi teman baik.
Lady Austen bertekad untuk menyerah rumahnya di London dan menetap di
Olney. Dia menyarankan Tugas dan terinspirasi John Gilpin dan The Royal
George. Namun pada tahun 1784 persahabatan itu berakhir, tak diragukan lagi
melalui kecemburuan Mrs Unwin tentang Lady Austen. Volume kedua Cowper
muncul pada tahun 1785 - Tugas; Sebuah Puisi di Enam Buku. Oleh William
Cowper dari Inner Temple, Esq .; Untuk yang ditambahkan oleh penulis yang
sama Sebuah Surat Joseph Hill, Esq, masa belajar atau Ulasan Sekolah, dan
Sejarah John Gilpin:. London, Dicetak untuk J. Johnson, No. 72 St Paul Church
Yard,; 1785. Buku pertamanya telah gagal, salah satu kritikus bahkan menyatakan
bahwa "Mr Cowper pasti baik, orang saleh, tapi tanpa satu percikan api puitis."
Buku kedua ini merupakan keberhasilan seketika, dan memang menandai sebuah
era dalam sejarah sastra. Tapi sebelum publikasi - pada tahun 1784 - penyair telah
dimulai terjemahan dari Homer.

Pada tahun 1786 hidupnya di Olney dielu-elukan oleh Lady Hesketh mengambil
tempat tinggal sementara di sana. Para sepupu bertemu setelah selang waktu dua
puluh tiga tahun, dan Lady Hesketh adalah menjadi malaikat Cowper baik sampai
akhir, meskipun surat-suratnya mengungkapkan ketidaksabaran cukup dengan
Mrs Unwin. Pada akhir 1786 removal yang dibuat untuk Weston Underwood,
desa tetangga yang Cowper telah sering dikunjungi sebagai tamu teman Katolik
Roma nya Throckmortons. Ini adalah untuk menjadi rumahnya selama lagi
sepuluh tahun. Di sini ia menyelesaikan terjemahannya dari Homer, material
dibantu oleh Bapak Coki itu pendeta Dr Gregson.

Ada enam bulan kegilaan untuk merekam pada tahun 1787.

Pada 1790, satu tahun sebelum Homer diterbitkan, memulai persahabatan dengan
sepupunya John Johnson, diketahui semua penulis biografi penyair sebagai
"Johnny Norfolk." Johnson juga bercita-cita untuk menjadi seorang penyair, dan
mengunjungi sepupunya berbekal naskah. Cowper berkecil puisi, tetapi mencintai
penulis, dan dua menjadi teman baik. Teman baru ingin, untuk tahun 1792 Mrs
Unwin mengalami stroke lumpuh, dan selanjutnya dia adalah valid harapan.
Seorang teman baru dan dihargai pada masa ini adalah Hayley, yang terkenal pada
zamannya sendiri sebagai penyair dan dalam sejarah untuk hubungannya dengan
Romney dan Cowper. Dia tertarik untuk Cowper oleh fakta bahwa keduanya
merenungkan edisi "Milton," Cowper setelah menerima komisi untuk mengedit,
menulis catatan dan menerjemahkan bahasa Latin dan puisi Italia. Pekerjaan itu
tidak pernah selesai. Pada tahun 1794 Cowper lagi gila dan pekerjaan seumur
hidup sudah berakhir.

Pada tahun berikutnya penghapusan memakan tempat ke Norfolk bawah kasih

sayang dari John Johnson. Johnson mengambil Cowper dan Mary Unwin ke North
Tuddenham, dari situ ke Mundesley, kemudian ke Dunham Lodge, dekat
Swaffham, dan akhirnya di Oktober 1796 mereka pindah ke East Dereham. Pada
bulan Desember tahun itu Mrs Unwin meninggal. Cowper bertahan pada, mati di
25 April 1800. Penyair dimakamkan dekat Mrs Unwin di gereja East Dereham.

Cowper adalah salah satu penyair yang zaman pembuat. Dia membawa semangat
baru dalam ayat bahasa Inggris, dan ditebus dari kesemuan dan retorika banyak
pendahulunya. Dengan dia mulai "antusiasme kemanusiaan" yang kemudian
menjadi begitu jelas dalam puisi Burns dan Shelley, Wordsworth dan Byron.
Dengan dia mulai simpati yang mendalam dengan alam, dan cinta kehidupan
hewan, yang mencirikan begitu banyak puisi kemudian.

Meskipun Cowper tidak dapat peringkat di antara penyair terbesar di dunia atau
bahkan di antara yang paling terkemuka penyair dari negaranya sendiri, tempatnya
adalah salah satu yang sangat tinggi. Dia memiliki apa kualitas yang langka di
kalangan penyair Inggris, karunia humor, yang sangat luar biasa absen dari orang
lain yang memiliki banyak lainnya dari kualitas yang lebih tinggi dari intelek.
Beberapa puisinya, apalagi, misalnya, "> Untuk Mary," "The Penerimaan Portrait
ibu saya," dan balada "Di Kehilangan Royal George," akan, mungkin aman
menegaskan, terus menjadi akrab untuk setiap generasi berturut-turut dengan cara
yang berkaitan dengan beberapa hal dalam literatur. Ditambahkan ke ini,
seseorang dapat mencatat perbedaan Cowper sebagai penulis surat. Dia peringkat
di antara setengah lusin letterwriters terbesar dalam bahasa Inggris, dan ia
mungkin satu-satunya yang besar surat-penulis dengan siapa kebahagiaan itu
karena kekuatan apa yang telah dilihatnya daripada apa yang telah dibaca.

DR. SAMUEL JOHNSON, English writer and lexicographer, was the son of Michael Johnson (1656-
1731), bookseller and magistrate of Lichfield, who married in 1706 Sarah Ford (1669-1759). Michael's
abilities and attainments seem to have been considerable. He was so well acquainted with the contents
of the volumes which he exposed for sale that the country rectors of Staffordshire and Worcestershire
thought him an oracle on points of learning. Between him and the clergy, indeed, there was a strong
religious and political sympathy. He was a zealous churchman, and, though he had qualified himself for
municipal office by taking the oaths to the sovereigns in possession, was to the last a Jacobite in heart.
The social position of Samuel's paternal grandfather, William Johnson, remains obscure; his mother
was the daughter of Cornelius Ford, "a little Warwickshire Gent." At a house (now the Johnson
Museum) in the Market Square, Lichfield, Samuel Johnson was born on the 18th of September 1709
and baptized on the same day at St Mary's, Lichfield.

In the child the physical, intellectual and moral peculiarities which afterwards distinguished the man
were plainly discernible: great muscular strength accompanied by much awkwardness and many
infirmities; great quickness of parts, with a morbid propensity to sloth and procrastination; a kind and
generous heart, with a gloomy and irritable temper. He had inherited from his ancestors a scrofulous
taint, and his parents were weak enough to believe that the royal touch would cure him. In his third
year he was taken up to London, inspected by the court surgeon, prayed over by the court chaplains
and stroked and presented with a piece of gold by Queen Anne. Her hand was applied in vain. The boy's
features, which were originally noble and not irregular, were distorted by his malady. His cheeks were
deeply scarred. He lost for a time the sight of one eye; and he saw but very imperfectly with the other.
But the force of his mind overcame every impediment. Indolent as he was, he acquired knowledge with
such ease and rapidity that at every school (such as those at Lichfield and Stourbridge) to which he was
sent he was soon the best scholar.

From sixteen to eighteen he resided at home, and was left to his own devices. He learned much at this
time, though his studies were without guidance and without plan. He ransacked his father's shelves,
dipped into a multitude of books, read what was interesting, and passed over what was dull. An
ordinary lad would have acquired little or no useful knowledge in such a way; but much that was dull to
ordinary lads was interesting to Samuel. He read little Greek; for his proficiency in that language was
not such that he could take much pleasure in the masters of Attic poetry and eloquence. But he had left
school a good Latinist, and he soon acquired an extensive knowledge of Latin literature. He was
peculiarly attracted by the works of the great restorers of learning. Once, while searching for some
apples, he found a huge folio volume of Petrarch's works. The name excited his curiosity, and he
eagerly devoured hundreds of pages. Indeed, the diction and versification of his own Latin
compositions show that he had paid at least as much attention to modern copies from the antique as to
the original models.

While he was thus irregularly educating himself, his family was sinking into hopeless poverty. Old
Michael Johnson was much better qualified to pore over books, and to talk about them, than to trade in
them. His business declined; his debts increased; it was with difficulty that the daily expenses of his
household were defrayed. It was out of his power to support his son at either university; but a wealthy
neighbour offered assistance; and, in reliance on promises which proved to be of very little value,
Samuel was entered at Pembroke College, Oxford. When the young scholar presented himself to the
rulers of that society, they were amazed not more by his ungainly figure and eccentric manners than by
the quantity of extensive and curious information which he had picked up during many months of
desultory but not unprofitable study. On the first day of his residence he surprised his teachers by
quoting Macrobius; and one of the most learned among them declared that he had never known a
freshman of equal attainments.

At Oxford Johnson resided barely over two years, possibly less. He was poor, even to raggedness; and
his appearance excited a mirth and a pity which were equally intolerable to his haughty spirit. He was
driven from the quadrangle of Christ Church by the sneering looks which the members of that
aristocratical society cast at the holes in his shoes. Some charitable person placed a new pair at his
door; but he spurned them away in a fury. Distress made him, not servile, but reckless and
ungovernable. No opulent gentleman commoner, panting for one-and-twenty, could have treated the
academical authorities with more gross disrespect. The needy scholar was generally to be seen under
the gate of Pembroke, a gate now adorned with his effigy, haranguing a circle of lads, over whom, in
spite of his tattered gown and dirty linen, his wit and audacity gave him an undisputed ascendancy. In
every mutiny against the discipline of the college he was the ringleader. Much was pardoned, however,
to a youth so highly distinguished by abilities and acquirements. He had early made himself known by
turning Pope's "Messiah" into Latin verse. The style and rhythm, indeed, were not exactly Virgilian; but
the translation found many admirers, and was read with pleasure by Pope himself.

The time drew near at which Johnson would, in the ordinary course of things, have become a Bachelor
of Arts; but he was at the end of his resources. Those promises of support on which he had relied had
not been kept. His family could do nothing for him. His debts to Oxford tradesmen were small indeed,
yet larger than he could pay. In the autumn of 1731 he was under the necessity of quitting the university
without a degree. In the following winter his father died. The old man left but a pittance; and of that
pittance almost the whole was appropriated to the support of his widow. The property to which Samuel
succeeded amounted to no more than twenty pounds.

His life, during the thirty years which followed, was one hard struggle with poverty. The misery of that
struggle needed no aggravation, but was aggravated by the sufferings of an unsound body and an
unsound mind. Before the young man left the university, his hereditary malady had broken forth in a
singularly cruel form. He had become an incurable hypochondriac. He said long after that he had been
mad all his life, or at least not perfectly sane; and, in truth, eccentricities less strange than his have
often been thought ground sufficient for absolving felons and for setting aside wills. His grimaces, his
gestures, his mutterings, sometimes diverted and sometimes terrified people who did not know him. At
a dinner table he would, in a fit of absence, stoop down and twitch off a lady's shoe. He would amaze a
drawing-room by suddenly ejaculating a clause of the Lord's Prayer. He would conceive an
unintelligible aversion to a particular alley, and perform a great circuit rather than see the hateful
place. He would set his heart on touching every post in the streets through which he walked. If by any
chance he missed a post, he would go back a hundred yards and repair the omission. Under the
influence of his disease, his senses became morbidly torpid, and his imagination morbidly active. At
one time he would stand poring on the town clock without being able to tell the hour. At another he
would distinctly hear his mother, who was many miles off, calling him by his name.

But this was not the worst. A deep melancholy took possession of him, and gave a dark tinge to all his
views of human nature and of human destiny. Such wretchedness as he endured has driven many men
to shoot themselves or drown themselves. But he was under no temptation to commit suicide. He was
sick of life; but he was afraid of death; and he shuddered at every sight or sound which reminded him
of the inevitable hour. In religion he found but little comfort during his long and frequent fits of
dejection; for his religion partook of his own character. The light from heaven shone on him indeed,
but not in a direct line, or with its own pure splendour. The rays had to struggle through a disturbing
medium; they reached him refracted, dulled and discoloured by the thick gloom which had settled on
his soul, and, though they might be sufficiently clear to guide him, were too dim to cheer him.

With such infirmities of body and of mind, he was left, at two-and-twenty, to fight his way through the
world. He remained during about five years in the midland counties. At Lichfield, his birthplace and his
early home, he had inherited some friends and acquired others. He was kindly noticed by Henry
Hervey, a gay officer of noble family, who happened to be quartered there. Gilbert Walmesley, registrar
of the ecclesiastical court of the diocese, a man of distinguished parts, learning and knowledge of the
world, did himself honour by patronizing the young adventurer, whose repulsive person, unpolished
manners and squalid garb moved many of the petty aristocracy of the neighbourhood to laughter or
disgust. At Lichfield, however, Johnson could find no way of earning a livelihood. He became usher of a
grammar school in Leicestershire; he resided as a humble companion in the house of a country
gentleman; but a life of dependence was insupportable to his haughty spirit. He repaired to
Birmingham, and there earned a few guineas by literary drudgery. In that town he printed a
translation, little noticed at the time, and long forgotten, of a Latin book about Abyssinia. He then put
forth proposals for publishing by subscription the poems of Politian, with notes containing a history of
modern Latin verse; but subscriptions did not come in, and the volume never appeared.

While leading this vagrant and miserable life, Johnson fell in love. The object of his passion was Mrs
Elizabeth Porter (1688-1752), widow of Harry Porter (d. 1734), whose daughter Lucy was born only six
years after Johnson himself. To ordinary spectators the lady appeared to be a short, fat, coarse woman,
painted half an inch thick, dressed in gaudy colours, and fond of exhibiting provincial airs and graces
which were not exactly those of the Queensberrys and Lepels. To Johnson, however, whose passions
were strong, whose eyesight was too weak to distinguish rouge from natural bloom, and who had
seldom or never been in the same room with a woman of real fashion, his "Tetty," as he called her, was
the most beautiful, graceful and accomplished of her sex. That his admiration was unfeigned cannot be
doubted; she had, however, a jointure of £600 and perhaps a little more; she came of a good family,
and her son Jervis (d. 1763) commanded H.M.S. "Hercules."  The marriage, in spite of occasional
wranglings, proved happier than might have been expected. The lover continued to be under the
illusions of the wedding-day (July 9, 1735) till the lady died in her sixty-fourth year. On her monument
at Bromley he placed an inscription extolling the charms of her person and of her manners; and when,
long after her decease, he had occasion to mention her, he exclaimed with a tenderness half ludicrous,
half pathetic, "Pretty creature!" His marriage made it necessary for him to exert himself more
strenuously than he had hitherto done. He took a house at Edial near Lichfield and advertised for
pupils. But eighteen months passed away, and only three pupils came to his academy. The "faces" that
Johnson habitually made (probably nervous contortions due to his disorder) may well have alarmed
parents. Good scholar though he was, these twitchings had lost him usherships in 1735 and 1736. David
Garrick, who was one of the pupils, used, many years later, to throw the best company of London into
convulsions of laughter by mimicking the master and his lady.

At length Johnson, in the twenty-eighth year of his age,, determined to seek his fortune in London as a
literary adventurer. He set out with a few guineas, three acts of his tragedy of Irene in manuscript, and
two or three letters of introduction from his. friend Walmesley. Never since literature became a calling
in England had it been a less gainful calling than at the time when Johnson took up his residence in
London. In the preceding generation a writer of eminent merit was sure to be munificently rewarded by
the Government. The least that he could expect was a pension or a sinecure place; and, if he showed
any aptitude for politics, he might hope to be a member of parliament, a lord of the treasury, an
ambassador, a secretary of state. But literature had ceased to flourish under the patronage of the great,
and had not yet begun to flourish under the patronage of the public. One man of letters, indeed,
had acquired by his pen what was then considered as a handsome fortune, and lived on a footing of
equality with nobles and ministers of state. But this was a solitary exception. Even an author whose
reputation was established, and whose works were popular — such an author as Thomson, whose
Seasons was in every library, such an author as Fielding, whose Pasquin had had a greater run than any
drama since The Beggar's Opera — was sometimes glad to obtain, by pawning his best coat, the means
of dining on tripe at a cookshop underground, where he could wipe his hands, after his greasy meal, on
the back of a Newfoundland dog. It is easy, therefore, to imagine what humiliations and privations
must have awaited the novice who had still to earn a name. One of the publishers to whom Johnson
applied for employment measured with a scornful eye that athletic though uncouth frame, and
exclaimed, "You had better get a porter's knot and carry trunks." Nor was the advice bad, for a porter
was likely to be as plentifully fed, and as comfortably lodged, as a poet.

Some time appears to have elapsed before Johnson was able to form any literary connexion from which
he could expect more than bread for the day which was passing over him. He never forgot the
generosity with which Hervey, who was now residing in London, relieved his wants during this time of
trial. "Harry Hervey," said Johnson many years later, "was a vicious man; but he was very kind to me. If
you call a dog Hervey, I shall love him." At Hervey's table Johnson sometimes enjoyed feasts which
were made more agreeable by contrast. But in general he dined, and thought that he dined well, on
sixpennyworth of meat and a pennyworth of bread at an alehouse near Drury Lane.

The effect of the privations and sufferings which he endured at this time was discernible to the last in
his temper and his deportment. His manners had never been courtly. They now became almost savage.
Being frequently under the necessity of wearing shabby coats and dirty shirts, he became a confirmed
sloven. Being often very hungry when he sat down to his meals, he contracted a habit of eating with
ravenous greediness. Even to the end of his life, and even at the tables of the great, the sight of food
affected him as it affects wild beasts and birds of prey. His taste in cookery, formed in subterranean
ordinaries and à la mode beef shops, was far from delicate. Whenever he was so fortunate as to have
near him a hare that had been kept too long, or a meat pie made with rancid butter, he gorged himself
with such violence that his veins swelled and the moisture broke out on his forehead. The affronts
which his poverty emboldened stupid and low-minded men to offer to him would have broken a mean
spirit into sycophancy, but made him rude even to ferocity. Unhappily the insolence which, while it was
defensive, was pardonable, and in some sense respectable, accompanied him into societies where he
was treated with courtesy and kindness. He was repeatedly provoked into striking those who had taken
liberties with him. All the sufferers, however, were wise enough to abstain from talking about their
beatings, except Osborne, the most rapacious and brutal of booksellers, who proclaimed everywhere
that he had been knocked down by the huge fellow whom he had hired to puff the Harleian Library

About a year after Johnson had begun to reside in London he was fortunate enough to obtain regular
employment from Edward Cave on the Gentleman's Magazine. That periodical, just entering on the
ninth year of its long existence, was the only one in the kingdom which then had what would now be
called a large circulation. Johnson was engaged to write the speeches in the "Reports of the Debates of
the Senate of Lilliput", under which thin disguise the proceedings of parliament were published. He
was generally furnished with notes, meagre indeed and inaccurate, of what had been said; but
sometimes he had to find arguments and eloquence both for the ministry and for the opposition. He
was himself a Tory, not from rational conviction — for his serious opinion was that one form of
government was just as good or as bad as another — but from mere passion, such as inflamed the
Capulets against the Montagues, or the Blues of the Roman circus against the Greens. In his infancy he
had heard so much talk about the villainies of the Whigs, and the dangers of the Church, that he had
become a furious partisan when he could scarcely speak. Before he was three he had insisted on being
taken to hear Sacheverel preach at Lichfield Cathedral, and had listened to the sermon with as much
respect and probably with as much intelligence, as any Staffordshire squire in the congregation.

The work which had been begun in the nursery had been completed by the university. Oxford, when
Johnson resided there, was the most Jacobitical place in England; and Pembroke was one of the most
Jacobitical colleges in Oxford. The prejudices which he brought up to London were scarcely less absurd
than those of his own Tom Tempest. Charles II and James II were two of the best kings that ever
reigned. Laud was a prodigy of parts and learning over whose tomb Art and Genius still continued to
weep. Hampden deserved no more honourable name than that of the "zealot of rebellion." Even the
ship-money Johnson would not pronounce to have been an unconstitutional impost. Under a
government which allowed to the people an unprecedented liberty of speech and action, he fancied that
he was a slave. He hated Dissenters, and stock-jobbers, the excise and the army, septennial
parliaments, and Continental connexions. He long had an aversion to the Scots, an aversion of which
he could not remember the commencement, but which, he owned, had probably originated in his
abhorrence of the conduct of the nation during the Great Rebellion. It is easy to guess in what manner
debates on great party questions were likely to be reported by a man whose judgment was so much
disordered by party spirit. A show of fairness was indeed necessary to the prosperity of the
But Johnson long afterwards owned that, though he had saved appearances, he had taken care that the
Whig dogs should not have the best of it; and, in fact, every passage which has lived, every passage
which bears the marks of his higher faculties, is put into the mouth of some member of the opposition.

A few weeks after Johnson had entered on these obscure labours, he published a work which at once
placed him high among the writers of his age. It is probable that what he had suffered during his first
year in London had often reminded him of some parts of the satire in which Juvenal had described the
misery and degradation of a needy man of letters, lodged among the pigeons' nests in the tottering
garrets which overhung the streets of Rome. Pope's admirable imitations of Horace's Satires
Epistles had recently appeared, were in every hand, and were by many readers thought superior to the
originals. What Pope had done for Horace, Johnson aspired to do for Juvenal. Johnson's London
appeared without his name in May 1738. He received only ten guineas for this stately and vigorous
poem; but the sale was rapid and the success complete. A second edition was required within a week.
Those small critics who are always desirous to lower established reputations ran about proclaiming that
the anonymous satirist was superior to Pope in Pope's own peculiar department of literature. It ought
to be remembered, to the honour of Pope, that he joined heartily in the applause with which the
appearance of a rival genius was welcomed. He made inquiries about the author of London
man, he said, could not long be concealed. The name was soon discovered; and Pope, with great
kindness, exerted himself to obtain an academical degree and the mastership of a grammar school for
the poor young poet. The attempt failed, and Johnson remained a bookseller's hack.

It does not appear that these two men, the most eminent writer of the generation which was going out,
and the most eminent writer of the generation which was coming in, ever saw each other. They lived in
very different circles, one surrounded by dukes and earls, the other by starving pamphleteers and
indexmakers. Among Johnson's associates at this time may be mentioned Boyse, who, when his shirts
were pledged, scrawled Latin verses sitting up in bed with his arms through two holes in his blanket,
who composed very respectable sacred poetry when he was sober, and who was at last run over by a
hackney coach when he was drunk; Hoole, surnamed the metaphysical tailor, who, instead of attending
to his measures, used to trace geometrical diagrams on the board where he sat cross-legged; and the
penitent impostor, George Psalmanazar, who, after poring all day, in a humble lodging, on the folios of
Jewish rabbis and Christian fathers, indulged himself at night with literary and theological
conversation at an alehouse in the City. But the most remarkable of the persons with whom at this time
Johnson consorted was Richard Savage, an earl's son, a shoemaker's apprentice, who had seen life in
all its forms, who had feasted among blue ribands in St James's Square, and had lain with fifty pounds
weight of irons on his legs in the condemned ward of Newgate. This man had, after many vicissitudes of
fortune, sunk at last into abject and hopeless poverty. His pen had failed him. His patrons had been
taken away by death, or estranged by the riotous profusion with which he squandered their bounty, and
the ungrateful insolence with which he rejected their advice. He now lived by begging. He dined on
venison and champagne whenever he had been so fortunate as to borrow a guinea. If his questing had
been unsuccessful, he appeased the rage of hunger with some scraps of broken meat, and lay down to
rest under the piazza of Covent Garden in warm weather, and, in cold weather, as near as he could get
to the furnace of a glass house. Yet in his misery he was still an agreeable companion. He had an
inexhaustible store of anecdotes about that gay and brilliant world from which he was now an outcast.
He had observed the great men of both parties in hours of careless relaxation, had seen the leaders of
opposition without the mask of patriotism, and had heard the prime minister roar with laughter and
tell stories not over-decent. During some months Savage lived in the closest familiarity with Johnson;
and then the friends parted, not without tears. Johnson remained in London to drudge for Cave;
Savage went to the west of England, lived there as he had lived everywhere, and in 1743 died, penniless
and heartbroken, in Bristol Gaol.

Soon after his death, while the public curiosity was strongly excited about his extraordinary character
and his not less extraordinary adventures, a life of him appeared widely different from the catchpenny
lives of eminent men which were then a staple article of manufacture in Grub Street. The style was
indeed deficient in ease and variety; and the writer was evidently too partial to the Latin element of our
language. But the little work, with all its faults, was a masterpiece. No finer specimen of literary
biography existed in any language, living or dead; and a discerning critic might have confidently
predicted that the author was destined to be the founder of a new school of English eloquence.
of Savage was anonymous; but it was well known in literary circles that Johnson was the writer.
During the three years which followed, he produced no important work; but he was not, and indeed
could not be, idle. The fame of his abilities and learning continued to grow. Warburton pronounced
him a man of parts and genius; and the praise of Warburton was then no light thing. Such was
Johnson's reputation that, in 1747, several eminent booksellers combined to employ him in the arduous
work of preparing a Dictionary of the English Language, in two folio volumes. The sum which they
agreed to pay him was only fifteen hundred guineas; and out of this sum he had to pay several poor
men of letters who assisted him in the humbler parts of his task.
The prospectus of the Dictionary he addressed to the earl of Chesterfield. Chesterfield had long been
celebrated for the politeness of his manners, the brilliancy of his wit, and the delicacy of his taste. He
was acknowledged to be the finest speaker in the House of Lords. He had recently governed Ireland, at
a momentous conjuncture, with eminent firmness, wisdom and humanity; and he had since become
secretary of state. He received Johnson's homage with the most winning affability, and requited it with
a few guineas, bestowed doubtless in a very graceful manner, but was by no means desirous to see all
his carpets blackened with the London mud, and his soups and wines thrown to right and left over the
gowns of fine ladies and the waistcoats of fine gentlemen, by an absent, awkward scholar, who gave
strange starts and uttered strange growls, who dressed like a scarecrow and ate like a cormorant.
During some time Johnson continued to call on his patron, but, after being repeatedly told by the
porter that his lordship was not at home, took the hint, and ceased to present himself at the
inhospitable door.

Johnson had flattered himself that he should have completed his Dictionary by the end of 1750; but it
was not till 1755 that he at length gave his huge volumes to the world. During the seven years which he
passed in the drudgery of penning definitions and marking quotations for transcription, he sought for
relaxation in literary labour of a more agreeable kind. In January 1749 he published The Vanity of
Human Wishes, an excellent imitation of the tenth satire of Juvenal, for which he received fifteen
guineas.

A few days after the publication of this poem, his tragedy of Irene, begun many years before, was
brought on the stage by his old pupil, David Garrick, now manager of Drury Lane Theatre. The relation
between him and his old preceptor was of a very singular kind. They repelled each other strongly, and
yet attracted each other strongly. Nature had made them of very different clay; and circumstances had
fully brought out the natural peculiarities of both. Sudden prosperity had turned Garrick's head.
Continued adversity had soured Johnson's temper. Johnson saw with more envy than became so great
a man the villa, the plate, the china, the Brussels carpet, which the little mimic had got by repeating,
with grimaces and gesticulations, what wiser men had written; and the exquisitely sensitive vanity of
Garrick was galled by the thought that, while all the rest of the world was applauding him, he could
obtain from one morose cynic, whose opinion it was impossible to despise, scarcely any compliment
not acidulated with scorn. Yet the two Lichfield men had so many early recollections in common, and
sympathized with each other on so many points on which they sympathized with nobody else in the
vast population of the capital, that, though the master was often provoked by the monkey-like
impertinence of the pupil, and the pupil by the bearish rudeness of the master, they remained friends
till they were parted by death. Garrick now brought Irene out, with alterations sufficient to displease
the author, yet not sufficient to make the piece pleasing to the audience. After nine representations the
play was withdrawn. The poet however cleared by his benefit nights, and by the sale of the copyright of
his tragedy, about three hundred pounds, then a great sum in his estimation.

About a year after the representation of Irene, he began to publish a series of short essays on morals,
manners and literature. This species of composition had been brought into fashion by the success of the
Tatler, and by the still more brilliant success of the Spectator. A crowd of small writers had vainly
attempted to rival Addison. The Lay Monastery, the Censor, the Freethinker, the Plain Dealer
Champion, and other works of the same kind had had their short day. At length Johnson undertook the
adventure in which so many aspirants had failed. In the thirty-sixth year after the appearance of the
last number of the Spectator appeared the first number of the Rambler. From March 1750 to March
1752 this paper continued to come out every Tuesday and Saturday. From the first the Rambler was
enthusiastically admired by a few eminent men. Richardson, when only five numbers had appeared,
pronounced it equal if not superior to the Spectator. Young and Hartley expressed their approbation
not less warmly. In consequence probably of the good offices of Bubb Dodington, who was then the
confidential adviser of Prince Frederick, two of his royal highness's gentlemen carried a gracious
message to the printing office, and ordered seven copies for Leicester House. But Johnson had had
enough of the patronage of the great to last him all his life, and was not disposed to haunt any other
door as he had haunted the door of Chesterfield.
By the public the Rambler was at first very coldly received. Though the price of a number was only
twopence, the sale did not amount to five hundred. The profits were therefore very small. But as soon
as the flying leaves were collected and reprinted they became popular. The author lived to see thirteen
thousand copies spread over England alone. Separate editions were published for the Scotch and Irish
markets. A large party pronounced the style perfect, so absolutely perfect that in some essays it would
be impossible for the writer himself to alter a single word for the better. Another party, not less
numerous, vehemently accused him of having corrupted the purity of the English tongue. The best
critics admitted that his diction was too monotonous, too obviously artificial, and now and then turgid
even to absurdity. But they did justice to the acuteness of his observations on morals and manners, to
the constant precision and frequent brilliancy of his language, to the weighty and magnificent
eloquence of many serious passages, and to the solemn yet pleasing humour of some of the lighter
papers.

The last Rambler was written in a sad and gloomy hour. Mrs Johnson had been given over by the
physicians. Three days later she died. She left her husband almost broken-hearted. Many people had
been surprised to see a man of his genius and learning stooping to every drudgery, and denying himself
almost every comfort, for the purpose of supplying a silly, affected old woman with superfluities, which
she accepted with but little gratitude. But all his affection had been concentrated on her. He had
neither brother nor sister, neither son nor daughter. Her opinion of his writings was more important to
him than the voice of the pit of Drury Lane Theatre, or the judgment of the Monthly Review
support which had sustained him through the most arduous labour of his life was the hope that she
would enjoy the fame and the profit which he anticipated from his Dictionary. She was gone; and in
that vast labyrinth of streets, peopled by eight hundred thousand human beings, he was alone. Yet it
was necessary for him to set himself, as he expressed it, doggedly to work. After three more laborious
years, the Dictionary was at length complete.

It had been generally supposed that this great work would be dedicated to the eloquent and
accomplished nobleman to whom the prospectus had been addressed. Lord Chesterfield well knew the
value of such a compliment; and therefore, when the day of publication drew near, he exerted himself
to soothe, by a show of zealous and at the same time of delicate and judicious kindness, the pride which
he had so cruelly wounded. Since the Rambler had ceased to appear, the town had been entertained by
a journal called the World, to which many men of high rank and fashion contributed. In two successive
numbers of the World, the Dictionary was, to use the modern phrase, puffed with wonderful skill. The
writings of Johnson were warmly praised. It was proposed that he should be invested with the
authority of a dictator, nay, of a pope, over our language, and that his decisions about the meaning and
the spelling of words should be received as final. His two folios, it was said, would of course be bought
by everybody who could afford to buy them. It was soon known that these papers were written by
Chesterfield. But the just resentment of Johnson was not to be so appeased. In a letter written with
singular energy and dignity of thought and language, he repelled the tardy advances of his patron. The
Dictionary came forth without a dedication. In the Preface the author truly declared that he owed
nothing to the great, and described the difficulties with which he had been left to struggle so forcibly
and pathetically that the ablest and most malevolent of all the enemies of his fame, Horne Tooke, never
could read that passage without tears.

Johnson's Dictionary was hailed with an enthusiasm such as no similar work has ever excited. It was
indeed the first dictionary which could be read with pleasure. The definitions show so much acuteness
of thought and command of language, and the passages quoted from poets, divines and philosophers
are so skilfully selected, that a leisure hour may always be very agreeably spent in turning over the
pages. The faults of the book resolve themselves, for the most part, into one great fault. Johnson was a
wretched etymologist. He knew little or nothing of any Teutonic language except English, which
indeed, as he wrote it, was scarcely a Teutonic language; and thus he was absolutely at the mercy of
Junius and Skinner.

The Dictionary, though it raised Johnson's fame, added nothing to his pecuniary means. The fifteen
hundred guineas which the booksellers had agreed to pay him had been advanced and spent before the
last sheets issued from the press. It is painful to relate that twice in the course of the year which
followed the publication of this great work he was arrested and carried to sponging-houses, and that he
was twice indebted for his liberty to his excellent friend Richardson. It was still necessary for the man
who had been formerly saluted by the highest authority as dictator of the English language to supply
his wants by constant toil. He abridged his Dictionary. He proposed to bring out an edition of
Shakespeare by subscription, and many subscribers sent in their names and laid down their money; but
he soon found the task so little to his taste that he turned to more attractive employments. He
contributed many papers to a new monthly journal, which was called the Literary Magazine
these papers have much interest; but among them was one of the best things that he ever wrote, a
masterpiece both of reasoning and of satirical pleasantry, the review of Jenyns' Inquiry into the Nature
and Origin of Evil.

In the spring of 1758 Johnson put forth the first of a series of essays, entitled the Idler. During two
years these essays continued to appear weekly. They were eagerly read, widely circulated, and indeed
impudently pirated, while they were still in the original form, and had a large sale when collected into
volumes. The Idler may be described as a second part of the Rambler, somewhat livelier and somewhat
weaker than the first part. While Johnson was busied with his Idlers, his mother, who had
accomplished her ninetieth year, died at Lichfield. It was long since he had seen her, but he had not
failed to contribute largely out of his small means to her comfort. In order to defray the charges of her
funeral, and to pay some debts which she had left, he wrote a little book in a single week, and sent off
the sheets to the press without reading them over. A hundred pounds were paid him for the copyright,
and the purchasers had great cause to be pleased with their bargain, for the book was Rasselas
had a great success.

The plan of Rasselas might, however, have seemed to invite severe criticism. Johnson has frequently
blamed Shakespeare for neglecting the proprieties of time and place, and for ascribing to one age or
nation the manners and opinions of another. Yet Shakespeare has not sinned in this way more
grievously than Johnson. Rasselas and Imlac, Nekayah and Pekuah, are evidently meant to be
Abyssinians of the 18th century; for the Europe which Imlac describes is the Europe of the 18th
century, and the inmates of the Happy Valley talk familiarly of that law of gravitation which
discovered and which was not fully received even at Cambridge till the 18th century. Johnson, not
content with turning filthy savages, ignorant of their letters, and gorged with raw steaks cut from living
cows, into philosophers as eloquent and enlightened as himself or his friend Burke, and into ladies as
highly accomplished as Mrs Lennox or Mrs Sheridan, transferred the whole domestic system of
England to Egypt. Into a land of harems, a land of polygamy, a land where women are married without
ever being seen, he introduced the flirtations and jealousies of our ball-rooms. In a land where there is
boundless liberty of divorce, wedlock is described as the indissoluble compact. "A youth and maiden
meeting by chance, or brought together by artifice, exchange glances, reciprocate civilities, go home,
and dream of each other. Such," says Rasselas, "is the common process of marriage." A writer who was
guilty of such improprieties had little right to blame the poet who made Hector quote Aristotle, and
represented Julio Romano as flourishing in the days of the Oracle of Delphi.

By such exertions as have been described Johnson supported himself till the year 1762. In that year a
great change in his circumstances took place. He had from a child been an enemy of the reigning
dynasty. His Jacobite prejudices had been exhibited with little disguise both in his works and in his
conversation. Even in his massy and elaborate Dictionary he had, with a strange want of taste and
judgment, inserted bitter and contumelious reflexions on the Whig party. The excise, which was a
favourite resource of Whig financiers, he had designated as a hateful tax. He had railed against the
commissioners of excise in language so coarse that they had seriously thought of prosecuting him. He
had with difficulty been prevented from holding up the lord privy seal by name as an example of the
meaning of the word "renegade." A pension he had defined as pay given to a state hireling to betray his
country; a pensioner as a slave of state hired by a stipend to obey a master. It seemed unlikely that the
author of these definitions would himself be pensioned. But that was a time of wonders. George III had
ascended the throne, and had, in the course of a few months, disgusted many of the old friends, and
conciliated many of the old enemies of his house. The city was becoming mutinous; Oxford was
becoming loyal. Cavendishes and Bentincks were murmuring; Somersets and Wyndhams were
hastening to kiss hands. The head of the treasury was now Lord Bute, who was a Tory, and could have
no objection to Johnson's Toryism. Bute wished to be thought a patron of men of letters; and Johnson
was one of the most eminent and one of the most needy men of letters in Europe. A pension of three
hundred a year was graciously offered, and with very little hesitation accepted. This event produced a
change in Johnson's whole way of life. For the first time since his boyhood he no longer felt the daily
goad urging him to the daily toil. He was at liberty, after thirty years of anxiety and drudgery, to indulge
his constitutional indolence, to lie in bed till two in the afternoon, and to sit up talking till four in the
morning, without fearing either the printer's devil or the sheriff's officer.

One laborious task indeed he had bound himself to perform. He had received large subscriptions for his
promised edition of Shakespeare; he had lived on those subscriptions during some years; and he could
not without disgrace omit to perform his part of the contract. His friends repeatedly exhorted him to
make an effort, and he repeatedly resolved to do so. But, notwithstanding their exhortations and his
resolutions, month followed month, year followed year, and nothing was done. He prayed fervently
against his idleness; he determined, as often as he received the sacrament, that he would no longer
doze away and trifle away his time; but the spell under which he lay resisted prayer and sacrament.
Happily for his honour, the charm which held him captive was at length broken by no gentle or friendly
hand. He had been weak enough to pay serious attention to a story about a ghost which haunted a
house in Cock Lane, and had actually gone himself, with some of his friends, at one in the morning, to
St John's Church, Clerkenwell, in the hope of receiving a communication from the perturbed spirit. But
the spirit, though adjured with all solemnity, remained obstinately silent; and it soon appeared that a
naughty girl of eleven had been amusing herself by making fools of so many philosophers. Churchill,
who, confident in his powers, drunk with popularity, and burning with party spirit, was looking for
some man of established fame and Tory politics to insult, celebrated the Cock Lane ghost in three
cantos, nicknamed Johnson Pomposo, asked where the book was which had been so long promised and
so liberally paid for, and directly accused the great moralist of cheating. This terrible word proved
effectual, and in October 1765 appeared, after a delay of nine years, the new edition of Shakespeare

This publication saved Johnson's character for honesty, but added nothing to the fame of his abilities
and learning. The Preface, though it contains some good passages, is not in his best manner. The most
valuable notes are those in which he had an opportunity of showing how attentively he had during
many years observed human life and human nature. The best specimen is the note on the character of
Polonius. Nothing so good is to be found even in Wilhelm Meister's admirable examination of
But here praise must end. It would be difficult to name a more slovenly, a more worthless edition of any
great classic.

Johnson had, in his prospectus, told the world that he was peculiarly fitted for the task which he had
undertaken, because he had, as a lexicographer, been under the necessity of taking a wider view of the
English language than any of his predecessors. But, unfortunately, he had altogether neglected that
very part of our literature with which it is especially desirable that an editor of Shakespeare should be
conversant. In the two folio volumes of the English Dictionary there is not a single passage quoted from
any dramatist of the Elizabethan age except Shakespeare and Ben Jonson. Even from Ben the
quotations are few. Johnson might easily in a few months have made himself well acquainted with
every old play that was extant. But it never seems to have occurred to him that this was a necessary
preparation for the work which he had undertaken. He would doubtless have admitted that it would be
the height of absurdity in a man who was not familiar with the works of Aeschylus and Euripides to
publish an edition of Sophocles. Yet he ventured to publish an edition of Shakespeare, without having
ever in his life, as far as can be discovered, read a single scene of Massinger, Ford, Dekker,
Marlow, Beaumont or Fletcher. His detractors were noisy and scurrilous. He had, however, acquitted
himself of a debt which had long lain heavy on his conscience and he sank back into the repose from
which the sting of satire had roused him. He long continued to live upon the fame which he had already
won. He was honoured by the university of Oxford with a doctor's degree, by the Royal Academy with a
professorship, and by the king with an interview, in which his majesty most graciously expressed a
hope that so excellent a writer would not cease to write.
In the interval between 1765 and 1775 Johnson published only two or three political tracts. But, though
his pen was now idle, his tongue was active. The influence exercised by his conversation, directly upon
those with whom he lived, and indirectly on the whole literary world, was altogether without a parallel.
His colloquial talents were indeed of the highest order. He had strong sense, quick discernment, wit,
humour, immense knowledge of literature and of life, and an infinite store of curious anecdotes. As
respected style, he spoke far better than he wrote. Every sentence which dropped from his lips was as
correct in structure as the most nicely balanced period of the Rambler. But in his talk there were no
pompous triads, and little more than a fair proportion of words in -osity and -ation. All was simplicity,
ease and vigour. He uttered his short, weighty, and pointed sentences with a power of voice, and a
justness and energy of emphasis, of which the effect was rather increased than diminished by the
rollings of his huge form, and by the asthmatic gaspings and puffings in which the peals of his
eloquence generally ended. Nor did the laziness which made him unwilling to sit down to his desk
prevent him from giving instruction or entertainment orally. To discuss questions of taste, of learning,
of casuistry, in language so exact and so forcible that it might have been printed without the alteration
of a word, was to him no exertion, but a pleasure. He loved, as he said, to fold his legs and have his talk
out. He was ready to bestow the overflowings of his full mind on anybody who would start a subject: on
a fellow-passenger in a stage coach, or on the person who sat at the same table with him in an eating-
house.

But his conversation was nowhere so brilliant and striking as when he was surrounded by a few friends,
whose abilities and knowledge enabled them, as he once expressed it, to send him back every ball that
he threw. Some of these, in 1764, formed themselves into a club, which gradually became a formidable
power in the commonwealth of letters. The verdicts pronounced by this conclave on new books were
speedily known over all London, and were sufficient to sell off a whole edition in a day, or to condemn
the sheets to the service of the trunkmaker and the pastrycook. Goldsmith was the representative of
poetry and light literature, Reynolds of the arts, Burke of political eloquence and political philosophy.
There, too, were Gibbon the greatest historian and Sir William Jones the greatest linguist of the age.
Garrick brought to the meetings his inexhaustible pleasantry, his incomparable mimicry, and his
consummate knowledge of stage effect. Among the most constant attendants were two high-born and
high-bred gentlemen, closely bound together by friendship, but of widely different characters and
habits — Bennet Langton, distinguished by his skill in Greek literature, by the orthodoxy of his
opinions, and by the sanctity of his life, and Topham Beauclerk, renowned for his amours, his
knowledge of the gay world, his fastidious taste and his sarcastic wit. Among the members of this
celebrated body was one to whom it has owed the greater part of its celebrity, yet who was regarded
with little respect by his brethren, and had not without difficulty obtained a seat among them. This was
James Boswell, a young Scots lawyer, heir to an honourable name and a fair estate. That he was a
coxcomb and a bore, weak, vain, pushing, curious, garrulous, was obvious to all who were acquainted
with him.

To a man of Johnson's strong understanding and irritable temper, the silly egotism and adulation of
Boswell must have been as teasing as the constant buzz of a fly. Johnson hated to be questioned; and
Boswell was eternally catechizing him on all kinds of subjects, and sometimes propounded such
questions as, "What would you do, sir, if you were locked up in a tower with a baby?" Johnson was a
water-drinker and Boswell was a winebibber, and indeed little better than an habitual sot. It was
impossible that there should be perfect harmony between two such companions. Indeed, the great man
was sometimes provoked into fits of passion, in which he said things which the small man, during a few
hours, seriously resented. Every quarrel, however, was soon made up. During twenty years the disciple
continued to worship the master; the master continued to scold the disciple, to sneer at him, and to
love him. The two friends ordinarily resided at a great distance from each other. Boswell practised in
the Parliament House of Edinburgh, and could pay only occasional visits to London. During those visits
his chief business was to watch Johnson, to discover all Johnson's habits, to turn the conversation to
subjects about which Johnson was likely to say something remarkable, and to fill quarto notebooks
with minutes of what Johnson had said. In this way were gathered the materials out of which was
afterwards constructed the most interesting biographical work in the world.
Soon after the club began to exist, Johnson formed a connexion less important indeed to his fame, but
much more important to his happiness, than his connexion with Boswell. Henry Thrale, one of the
most opulent brewers in the kingdom, a man of sound and cultivated understanding, rigid principles,
and liberal spirit, was married to one of those clever, kind-hearted, engaging, vain, pert young women
who are perpetually doing or saying what is not exactly right, but who, do or say what they may, are
always agreeable. In 1765 the Thrales became acquainted with Johnson, and the acquaintance ripened
fast into friendship. They were astonished and delighted by the brilliancy of his conversation. They
were flattered by finding that a man so widely celebrated preferred their house to any other in London.
Johnson soon had an apartment at the brewery in Southwark, and a still more pleasant apartment at
the villa of his friends on Streatham Common. A large part of every year he passed in those abodes,
which must have seemed magnificent and luxurious indeed, when compared with the dens in which he
had generally been lodged. But his chief pleasures were derived from what the astronomer of his
Abyssinian tale called "the endearing elegance of female friendship." Mrs Thrale rallied him, soothed
him, coaxed him, and if she sometimes provoked him by her flippancy, made ample amends by
listening to his reproofs with angelic sweetness of temper. When he was diseased in body and in mind,
she was the most tender of nurses. No comfort that wealth could purchase, no contrivance that
womanly ingenuity, set to work by womanly compassion, could devise, was wanting to his sick room. It
would seem that a full half of Johnson's life during about sixteen years was passed under the roof of the
Thrales. He accompanied the family sometimes to Bath, and sometimes to Brighton, once to Wales and
once to Paris.

But he had at the same time a house in one of the narrow and gloomy courts on the north of Fleet
Street. In the garrets was his library, a large and miscellaneous collection of books, falling to pieces and
begrimed with dust. On a lower floor he sometimes, but very rarely, regaled a friend with a plain dinner
— a veal pie, or a leg of lamb and spinach, and a rice pudding. Nor was the dwelling uninhabited during
his long absences. It was the home of the most extraordinary assemblage of inmates that ever was
brought together. At the head of the establishment Johnson had placed an old lady named Williams,
whose chief recommendations were her blindness and her poverty. But, in spite of her murmurs and
reproaches, he gave an asylum to another lady who was as poor as herself, Mrs Desmoulins, whose
family he had known many years before in Staffordshire. Room was found for the daughter of Mrs
Desmoulins, and for another destitute damsel, who was generally addressed as Miss Carmichael, but
whom her generous host called Polly. An old quack doctor named Levett, who had a wide practice, but
among the very poorest class, poured out Johnson's tea in the morning and completed this strange
menagerie. All these poor creatures were at constant war with each other, and with Johnson's negro
servant Frank. Sometimes, indeed, they transferred their hostilities from the servant to the master,
complained that a better table was not kept for them, and railed or maundered till their benefactor was
glad to make his escape to Streatham or to the Mitre Tavern. And yet he, who was generally the
haughtiest and most irritable of mankind, who was but too prompt to resent anything which looked like
a slight on the part of a purse-proud bookseller, or of a noble and powerful patron, bore patiently from
mendicants, who, but for his bounty, must have gone to the workhouse, insults more provoking than
those for which he had knocked down Osborne and bidden defiance to Chesterfield. Year after year Mrs
Williams and Mrs Desmoulins, Polly and Levett, continued to torment him and to live upon him.

The course of life which has been described was interrupted in Johnson's sixty-fourth year by an
important event. He had early read an account of the Hebrides, and had been much interested by
learning that there was so near him a land peopled by a race which was still as rude and simple as in
the Middle Ages. A wish to become intimately acquainted with a state of society so utterly unlike all
that he had ever seen frequently crossed his mind. But it is not probable that his curiosity would have
overcome his habitual sluggishness, and his love of the smoke, the mud, and the cries of London, had
not Boswell importuned him to attempt the adventure, and offered to be his squire. At length, in
August 1773, Johnson crossed the Highland line, and plunged courageously into what was then
considered, by most Englishmen, as a dreary and perilous wilderness. After wandering about two
months through the Celtic region, sometimes in rude boats which did not protect him from the rain,
and sometimes on small shaggy ponies which could hardly bear his weight, he returned to his old
haunts with a mind full of new images and new theories. During the following year he employed
himself in recording his adventures. About the beginning of 1775 his Journey to the Hebrides
published, and was, during some weeks, the chief subject of conversation in all circles in which any
attention was paid to literature.

His prejudice against the Scots had at length become little more than matter of jest; and whatever
remained of the old feeling had been effectually removed by the kind and respectful hospitality with
which he had been received in every part of Scotland. It was, of course, not to be expected that an
Oxonian Tory should praise the Presbyterian polity and ritual, or that an eye accustomed to the
hedgerows and parks of England should not be struck by the bareness of Berwickshire and East
Lothian. But even in censure Johnson's tone is not unfriendly. The most enlightened Scotsmen, with
Lord Mansfield at their head, were well pleased. But some foolish and ignorant Scotsmen were moved
to anger by a little unpalatable truth which was mingled with much eulogy, and assailed him whom
they chose to consider as the enemy of their country with libels much more dishonourable to their
country than anything that he had ever said or written. They published paragraphs in the newspapers,
articles in the magazines, sixpenny pamphlets, five-shilling books. One scribbler abused Johnson for
being blear-eyed, another for being a pensioner; a third informed the world that one of the doctor's
uncles had been convicted of felony in Scotland, and had found that there was in that country one tree
capable of supporting the weight of an Englishman. Macpherson, whose Fingal had been treated in the
Journey as an impudent forgery, threatened to take vengeance with a cane. The only effect of this
threat was that Johnson reiterated the charge of forgery in the most contemptuous terms, and walked
about, during some time, with a cudgel.

Of other assailants Johnson took no notice whatever. He had early resolved never to be drawn into
controversy; and he adhered to his resolution with a steadfastness which is the more extraordinary
because he was, both intellectually and morally, of the stuff of which controversialists are made. In
conversation he was a singularly eager, acute and pertinacious disputant. When at a loss for good
reasons, he had recourse to sophistry; and when heated by altercation, he made unsparing use of
sarcasm and invective. But when he took his pen in his hand, his whole character seemed to be
changed. A hundred bad writers misrepresented him and reviled him; but not one of the hundred could
boast of having been thought by him worthy of a refutation, or even of a retort. One Scotsman, bent on
vindicating the fame of Scots learning, defied him to the combat in a detestable Latin hexameter: —
"Maxime, si to vis, cupio contendere tecum." But Johnson took no notice of the challenge. He always
maintained that fame was a shuttlecock which could be kept up only by being beaten back as well as
beaten forward, and which would soon fall if there were only one battledore. No saying was oftener in
his mouth than that fine apophthegm of Bentley, that no man was ever written down but by himself.

Unhappily, a few months after the appearance of the Journey to the Hebrides, Johnson did what none
of his envious assailants could have done, and to a certain extent succeeded in writing himself down.
The disputes between England and her American colonies had reached a point at which no amicable
adjustment was possible. War was evidently impending; and the ministers seem to have thought that
the eloquence of Johnson might with advantage be employed to inflame the nation against the
opposition at home, and against the rebels beyond the Atlantic. He had already written two or three
tracts in defence of the foreign and domestic policy of the government; and those tracts, though hardly
worthy of him, were much superior to the crowd of pamphlets which lay on the counters of Almon and
Stockdale. But his Taxation no Tyranny was a pitiable failure. Even Boswell was forced to own that in
this unfortunate piece he could detect no trace of his master's powers. The general opinion was that the
strong faculties which had produced the Dictionary and the Rambler were beginning to feel the effect
of time and of disease, and that the old man would best consult his credit by writing no more. But this
was a great mistake. Johnson had failed, not because his mind was less vigorous than when he wrote
Rasselas in the evenings of a week, but because he had foolishly chosen, or suffered others to choose
for him, a subject such as he would at no time have been competent to treat. He was in no sense a
statesman. He never willingly read or thought or talked about affairs of state. He loved biography,
literary history, the history of manners; but political history was positively distasteful to him. The
question at issue between the colonies and the mother country was a question about which he had
really nothing to say. Happily, Johnson soon had an opportunity of proving most signally that his
failure was not to be ascribed to intellectual decay.

On Easter Eve 1777 some persons, deputed by a meeting which consisted of forty of the first booksellers
in London, called upon him. Though he had some scruples about doing business at that season, he
received his visitors with much civility. They came to inform him that a new edition of the English
poets, from Cowley downwards, was in contemplation, and to ask him to furnish short biographical
prefaces. He readily undertook the task for which he was pre-eminently qualified. His knowledge of the
literary history of England since the Restoration was unrivalled. That knowledge he had derived partly
from books, and partly from sources which had long been closed: from old Grub Street traditions; from
the talk of forgotten poetasters and pamphleteers, who had long been lying in parish vaults; from the
recollections of such men as Gilbert Walmesley, who had conversed with the wits of Butto;, Cibber, who
had mutilated the plays of two generations of dramatists; Orrery, who had been admitted to the society
of Swift; and Savage, who had rendered services of no very honourable kind to Pope. The biographer
therefore sat down to his task with a mind full of matter. He had at first intended to give only a
paragraph to every minor poet, and only four or five pages to the greatest name. But the flood of
anecdote and criticism overflowed the narrow channel. The work, which was originally meant to consist
only of a few sheets, swelled into ten volumes — small volumes, it is true, and not closely printed. The
first four appeared in 1779, the remaining six in 1781.

The Lives of the Poets are, on the whole, the best of Johnson's works. The narratives are as entertaining
as any novel. The remarks on life and on human nature are eminently shrewd and profound. The
criticisms are often excellent, and, even when grossly and provokingly unjust, well deserve to be
studied. Savage's Life Johnson reprinted nearly as it had appeared in 1744. Whoever, after reading that
life, will turn to the other lives will be struck by the difference of style. Since Johnson had been at ease
in his circumstances he had written little and had talked much. When therefore he, after the lapse of
years, resumed his pen, the mannerism which he had contracted while he was in the constant habit of
elaborate composition was less perceptible than formerly, and his diction frequently had a colloquial
ease which it had formerly wanted. The improvement may be discerned by a skilful critic in the
Journey to the Hebrides, and in the Lives of the Poets is so obvious that it cannot escape the notice of
the most careless reader. Among the Lives the best are perhaps those of Cowley, Dryden and Pope. The
very worst is, beyond all doubt, that of Gray; the most controverted that of Milton.

This great work at once became popular. There was, indeed, much just and much unjust censure; but
even those who were loudest in blame were attracted by the book in spite of themselves. Malone
computed the gains of the publishers at five or six thousand pounds. But the writer was very poorly
remunerated. Intending at first to write very short prefaces, he had stipulated for only two hundred
guineas. The booksellers, when they saw how far his performance had surpassed his promise, added
only another hundred. Indeed Johnson, though he did not despise or affect to despise money, and
though his strong sense and long experience ought to have qualified him to protect his own interests,
seems to have been singularly unskilful and unlucky in his literary bargains. He was generally reputed
the first English writer of his time. Yet several writers of his time sold their copyrights for sums such as
he never ventured to ask. To give a single instance, Robertson received £4500 for the History of
Charles V.

Johnson was now in his seventy-second year. The infirmities of age were coming fast upon him. That
inevitable event of which he never thought without horror was brought near to him; and his whole life
was darkened by the shadow of death. The strange dependants to whom he had given shelter, and to
whom, in spite of their faults, he was strongly attached by habit, dropped off one by one; and, in the
silence of his home, he regretted even the noise of their scolding matches. The kind and generous
Thrale was no more; and it was soon plain that the old Streatham intimacy could not be maintained
upon the same footing. Mrs Thrale herself confessed that without her husband's assistance she did not
feel able to entertain Johnson as a constant inmate of her house. Free from the yoke of the brewer, she
fell in love with a music master, high in his profession, from Brescia, named Gabriel Piozzi, in whom
nobody but herself could discover anything to admire. The secret of this attachment was soon
discovered by Fanny Burney, but Johnson at most only suspected it.

In September 1782 the place at Streatham was from motives of economy let to Lord Shelburne, and
Mrs Thrale took a house at Brighton, whither Johnson accompanied her; they remained for six weeks
on the old familiar footing. In March 1783 Boswell was glad to discover Johnson well looked after and
staying with Mrs Thrale in Argyll Street, but in a bad state of health. Impatience of Johnson's criticisms
and infirmities had been steadily growing with Mrs Thrale since 1774. She now went to Bath with her
daughters, partly to escape his supervision. Johnson was very ill in his lodgings during the summer, but
he still corresponded affectionately with his "mistress" and received many favours from her. He
retained the full use of his senses during the paralytic attack, and in July he was sufficiently recovered
to renew his old club life and to meditate further journeys. In June 1784 he went with Boswell to
Oxford for the last time. In September he was in Lichfield.

On his return his health was rather worse; but he would submit to no dietary regime. His asthma
tormented him day and night, and dropsical symptoms made their appearance. His wrath was excited
in no measured terms against the re-marriage of his old friend Mrs Thrale, the news of which he heard
this summer. The whole dispute seems, to-day, entirely uncalled-for, but the marriage aroused some of
Johnson's strongest prejudices. He wrote inconsiderately on the subject, but we must remember that
he was at the time afflicted in body and mentally haunted by dread of impending change. Throughout
all his troubles he had clung vehemently to life. The feeling described in that fine but gloomy paper
which closes the series of his Idlers seemed to grow stronger in him as his last hour drew near. He
fancied that he should be able to draw his breath more easily in a southern climate, and would probably
have set out for Rome and Naples but for his fear of the expense of the journey. That expense, indeed,
he had the means of defraying; for he had laid up about two thousand pounds, the fruit of labours
which had made the fortune of several publishers. But he was unwilling to break in upon this hoard,
and he seems to have wished even to keep its existence a secret. Some of his friends hoped that the
Government might be induced to increase his pension to six hundred pounds a year, but this hope was
disappointed, and he resolved to stand one English winter more.

That winter was his last. His legs grew weaker; his breath grew shorter; the fatal water gathered fast, in
spite of incisions which he, courageous against pain but timid against death, urged his surgeons to
make deeper and deeper. Though the tender care which had mitigated his sufferings during months of
sickness at Streatham was withdrawn, and though Boswell was absent, he was not left desolate. The
ablest physicians and surgeons attended him, and refused to accept fees from him. Burke parted from
him with deep emotion. Windham sat much in the sick-room. Frances Burney, whom the old man had
cherished with fatherly kindness, stood weeping at the door; while Langton, whose piety eminently
qualified him to be an adviser and comforter at such a time, received the last pressure of his friend's
hand within. When at length the moment, dreaded through so many years, came close, the dark cloud
passed away from Johnson's mind. Windham's servant, who sat up with him during his last night,
declared that "no man could appear more collected, more devout or less terrified at the thoughts of the
approaching minute." At hour intervals, often of much pain, he was moved in bed and addressed
himself vehemently to prayer. In the morning he was still able to give his blessing, but in the afternoon
he became drowsy, and at a quarter past seven in the evening on the 13th of December 1784, in his
seventy-sixth year, he passed away. He was laid, a week later, in Westminster Abbey, among the
eminent men of whom he had been the historian — Cowley and Denham, Dryden and Congreve, Gay,
Prior and Addison.
William Cowper (1731-1800)
William Cowper [diucapkan 'Cooper'], penyair Inggris, lahir di pastoran (sekarang
dibangun kembali) Great Berkhampstead, Hertfordshire, pada 26 November (OS
15) 1731, ayahnya Pendeta John Cowper menjadi rektor paroki serta pendeta
George II. Pada kedua ayah dan sisi ibu dia dari garis keturunan kuno. Sang ayah
bisa melacak keluarganya kembali ke zaman Edward IV ketika Cowpers yang
Sussex pemilik tanah, sementara ibunya, Ann, putri Roger Donne dari Ludham
Hall, Norfolk, adalah dari ras yang sama dengan penyair Donne, dan keluarga
yang diklaim memiliki darah dalam pembuluh darah yang Plantagenet.
Kepentingan manusia lagi yang pendahulu langsung Cowper. Kakeknya adalah
bahwa Spencer Cowper yang, setelah mencoba untuk hidupnya atas tuduhan
pembunuhan, hidup menjadi hakim pengadilan permohonan umum, sementara
kakaknya menjadi tuan kanselir dan Earl Cowper, judul yang punah pada tahun
1905 .

Pendeta John Cowper dua kali menikah. Ibu Cowper, kepada siapa garis
mengesankan ditulis mulai "Oh, itu bibir ini memiliki bahasa," adalah istri
pertamanya. Dia meninggal pada 1737 pada usia tiga puluh empat, ketika penyair
itu tapi lama enam tahun, dan dia dimakamkan di gereja Berkhampstead. Ibu tiri
Cowper dimakamkan di Bath, dan tablet di dinding katedral memperingati
ingatannya. Sang ayah, yang tampaknya telah menjadi pendeta teliti tanpa minat
khusus dalam anak-anaknya, meninggal pada 1756 dan dimakamkan di makam
Cowper di Panshanger. Hanya satu lainnya dari tujuh anaknya tumbuh dewasa -
John, yang lahir pada tahun 1737.

Penyair tampaknya telah menghadiri sekolah dame di masa awal, tetapi pada
kematian ibunya, saat ia berusia enam tahun, ia dikirim ke asrama sekolah, ke Dr
Pitman di Markyate, sebuah desa 6 km dari Berkhampstead.

Dari 1738-1741 dia ditempatkan dalam perawatan dokter mata, karena ia

menderita radang mata. Pada tahun kedua ia dikirim ke A HREF =
"http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/westminsterschool.htm"> sekolah
Westminster, di mana ia Warren Hastings, Impey, Lloyd, Churchill dan Colman
untuk schoolfellows. Itu di sekolah Markyate bahwa ia menderita tirani bahwa ia
diperingati dalam masa belajar. Hari-harinya di Westminster, Southey berpikir,
adalah "mungkin yang paling bahagia dalam hidupnya," tapi anak laki-laki dari
temperamen saraf selalu bahagia di sekolah. Pada usia delapan belas Cowper
memasuki kantor pengacara di Ely Place, Holborn. Di sini ia Thurlow, tuan
kanselir masa depan, sebagai sesama-petugas, dan dinyatakan bahwa Thurlow
berjanji untuk membantu sedikit kawan ambisius dalam hari-hari menyadari
ambisi.

Tiga tahun di Ely Tempat yang diberikan bahagia dengan sering berkunjung ke
rumah paman Ashley di Southampton Row, di mana ia jatuh sangat cinta dengan
sepupunya Theodora Cowper. Pada dua puluh satu tahun ia mengambil ruang di
Kuil Tengah, di mana kita pertama kali mendengar dari kekesalan roh yang
menemaninya berkala melalui kedewasaan. Dia dipanggil ke bar di 1754. Pada
1759 ia dipindahkan ke Inner Temple dan membuat komisaris bangkrut.
Pengabdiannya kepada sepupunya, bagaimanapun, adalah sumber
ketidakbahagiaan. Ayahnya, mungkin dipengaruhi oleh kecenderungan
melankolis Cowper, mungkin dimiliki oleh prasangka terhadap pernikahan
sepupu, sela, dan pecinta dipisahkan - ternyata selama-lamanya. Selama tahun ini
ia adalah anggota dari Nonsense klub dengan dua nya schoolfellows dari
Westminster, Churchill dan Lloyd, dan ia menulis ayat-ayat galanya di majalah
dan diterjemahkan dua buku Voltaire Henriade.

Krisis terjadi dalam kehidupan Cowper ketika sepupunya Mayor Cowper

dinominasikan dia untuk jabatan juru tulis di House of Lords. Ini melibatkan
penampilan awal di bar rumah. Prospek membuat dia gila, dan ia mencoba bunuh
diri; dia membeli racun, ia menempatkan pisau lipat di hatinya, tapi ragu-ragu
untuk menerapkan salah satu ukuran penghancuran diri. Dia mengatakan, secara
dramatis, dari usaha yang lebih putus asa untuk menggantung diri dengan garter a.
Di sini ia semua tapi berhasil. Teman-temannya diberitahu, dan ia dikirim ke
rumah sakit jiwa swasta di St Albans, di mana ia tinggal selama delapan belas
bulan di bawah tuduhan Dr Nathaniel Cotton, penulis Visions.

cowper1.jpg - 8124 Bytes Setelah sembuh dia dipindahkan ke Huntingdon agar

dekat saudaranya John, yang adalah seorang rekan dari St Benet College,
Cambridge. John telah mengunjungi saudaranya di St Albans dan diatur ini.
Sebuah usaha untuk mengamankan penginapan yang cocok dekat ke Cambridge
telah efektif. Pada Juni 1765 ia mencapai Huntingdon, dan hidupnya di sini pada
dasarnya bahagia. Penyakitnya telah rusak dia dari semua teman-teman lamanya
hanya menyimpan sepupunya Lady Hesketh, adik Theodora, tapi kenalan baru
dibuat, Unwins yang paling dihargai. Keluarga ini terdiri dari Morley Unwin
(pendeta), istrinya Maria, dan anaknya (William) dan putri (Susannah). Anak
memukul sebuah persahabatan yang hangat yang keluarganya bersama. Cowper
memasuki lingkaran sebagai asrama pada bulan November (1765). Semua
berjalan tenang sampai di Juli 1767 Morley Unwin terlempar dari kudanya dan
dibunuh.

Sebuah waktu yang sangat singkat sebelum acara ini Unwins telah menerima
kunjungan dari Pdt John Newton, pendeta pembantu dari Olney di
Buckinghamshire, dengan siapa mereka menjadi teman. Newton mengusulkan
bahwa janda dan anak-anaknya dengan Cowper harus mengambil tempat tinggal
mereka di Olney. Hal ini dicapai pada bulan-bulan penutupan tahun 1767. Di sini
Cowper adalah untuk tinggal selama sembilan belas tahun, dan ia adalah untuk
membuat kota dan lingkungan yang diingat oleh kehadirannya dan dengan
puisinya. Tinggalnya di Market Place diubah menjadi Museum Cowper seratus
tahun setelah kematiannya, pada tahun 1800.

Berikut hidupnya melanjutkan saja tenang-nya, terputus hanya dengan kematian

saudaranya pada tahun 1770, sampai 1773, ketika ia menjadi gila lagi. Hal ini
dapat hampir diragukan bahwa serangan kedua ini terganggu pernikahan
dimaksud dari Cowper dengan Mary Unwin, meskipun Southey tidak menemukan
bukti keadaan dan Newton tidak diberitahu tentang hal itu. JC Bailey membawa
bukti akhir ini (The Puisi Cowper, halaman 15). Fakta itu dirahasiakan di tahun
kemudian untuk cadangan perasaan Theodora Cowper, yang berpikir bahwa
sepupunya telah tetap sebagai setia seperti yang dia lakukan untuk cinta awal
mereka.
Ia tidak sampai 1776 bahwa pikiran penyair dibersihkan lagi. Pada tahun 1779 ia
membuat penampilan pertamanya sebagai penulis oleh Olney Nyanyian Rohani,
ditulis bersama dengan Newton, ayat-ayat Cowper yang ditandai dengan "C". Mrs
Unwin menyarankan ayat sekuler, dan Cowper menulis banyak, dan pada tahun
1782 ketika ia berusia lima puluh satu tahun ada muncul Puisi William Cowper
dari Inner Temple, Esq .: London, Dicetak untuk J. Johnson, No. 72 St Paulus
Churchyard . Volume berisi "Table Talk," "Perkembangan Kesalahan,"
"Kebenaran," "sanggahan" dan banyak lagi yang bertahan untuk dibaca di zaman
kita berdasarkan pekerjaan halus penyair.

Pekerjaan halus ini adalah hasil dari persahabatannya dengan Lady Austen,
seorang janda yang, dalam kunjungan ke adiknya, istri dari pendeta dari desa
tetangga Clifton, berkenalan Cowper dan Mrs Unwin. Ketiga menjadi teman baik.
Lady Austen bertekad untuk menyerah rumahnya di London dan menetap di
Olney. Dia menyarankan Tugas dan terinspirasi John Gilpin dan The Royal
George. Namun pada tahun 1784 persahabatan itu berakhir, tak diragukan lagi
melalui kecemburuan Mrs Unwin tentang Lady Austen. Volume kedua Cowper
muncul pada tahun 1785 - Tugas; Sebuah Puisi di Enam Buku. Oleh William
Cowper dari Inner Temple, Esq .; Untuk yang ditambahkan oleh penulis yang
sama Sebuah Surat Joseph Hill, Esq, masa belajar atau Ulasan Sekolah, dan
Sejarah John Gilpin:. London, Dicetak untuk J. Johnson, No. 72 St Paul Church
Yard,; 1785. Buku pertamanya telah gagal, salah satu kritikus bahkan menyatakan
bahwa "Mr Cowper pasti baik, orang saleh, tapi tanpa satu percikan api puitis."
Buku kedua ini merupakan keberhasilan seketika, dan memang menandai sebuah
era dalam sejarah sastra. Tapi sebelum publikasi - pada tahun 1784 - penyair telah
dimulai terjemahan dari Homer.

Pada tahun 1786 hidupnya di Olney dielu-elukan oleh Lady Hesketh mengambil
tempat tinggal sementara di sana. Para sepupu bertemu setelah selang waktu dua
puluh tiga tahun, dan Lady Hesketh adalah menjadi malaikat Cowper baik sampai
akhir, meskipun surat-suratnya mengungkapkan ketidaksabaran cukup dengan
Mrs Unwin. Pada akhir 1786 removal yang dibuat untuk Weston Underwood,
desa tetangga yang Cowper telah sering dikunjungi sebagai tamu teman Katolik
Roma nya Throckmortons. Ini adalah untuk menjadi rumahnya selama lagi
sepuluh tahun. Di sini ia menyelesaikan terjemahannya dari Homer, material
dibantu oleh Bapak Coki itu pendeta Dr Gregson.

Ada enam bulan kegilaan untuk merekam pada tahun 1787.

Pada 1790, satu tahun sebelum Homer diterbitkan, memulai persahabatan dengan
sepupunya John Johnson, diketahui semua penulis biografi penyair sebagai
"Johnny Norfolk." Johnson juga bercita-cita untuk menjadi seorang penyair, dan
mengunjungi sepupunya berbekal naskah. Cowper berkecil puisi, tetapi mencintai
penulis, dan dua menjadi teman baik. Teman baru ingin, untuk tahun 1792 Mrs
Unwin mengalami stroke lumpuh, dan selanjutnya dia adalah valid harapan.
 Seorang teman baru dan dihargai pada masa ini adalah Hayley, yang terkenal pada
zamannya sendiri sebagai penyair dan dalam sejarah untuk hubungannya dengan
Romney dan Cowper. Dia tertarik untuk Cowper oleh fakta bahwa keduanya
merenungkan edisi "Milton," Cowper setelah menerima komisi untuk mengedit,
menulis catatan dan menerjemahkan bahasa Latin dan puisi Italia. Pekerjaan itu
tidak pernah selesai. Pada tahun 1794 Cowper lagi gila dan pekerjaan seumur
hidup sudah berakhir.

Pada tahun berikutnya penghapusan memakan tempat ke Norfolk bawah kasih

sayang dari John Johnson. Johnson mengambil Cowper dan Mary Unwin ke North
Tuddenham, dari situ ke Mundesley, kemudian ke Dunham Lodge, dekat
Swaffham, dan akhirnya di Oktober 1796 mereka pindah ke East Dereham. Pada
bulan Desember tahun itu Mrs Unwin meninggal. Cowper bertahan pada, mati di
25 April 1800. Penyair dimakamkan dekat Mrs Unwin di gereja East Dereham.

Cowper adalah salah satu penyair yang zaman pembuat. Dia membawa semangat
baru dalam ayat bahasa Inggris, dan ditebus dari kesemuan dan retorika banyak
pendahulunya. Dengan dia mulai "antusiasme kemanusiaan" yang kemudian
menjadi begitu jelas dalam puisi Burns dan Shelley, Wordsworth dan Byron.
Dengan dia mulai simpati yang mendalam dengan alam, dan cinta kehidupan
hewan, yang mencirikan begitu banyak puisi kemudian.

Meskipun Cowper tidak dapat peringkat di antara penyair terbesar di dunia atau
bahkan di antara yang paling terkemuka penyair dari negaranya sendiri, tempatnya
adalah salah satu yang sangat tinggi. Dia memiliki apa kualitas yang langka di
kalangan penyair Inggris, karunia humor, yang sangat luar biasa absen dari orang
lain yang memiliki banyak lainnya dari kualitas yang lebih tinggi dari intelek.
Beberapa puisinya, apalagi, misalnya, "> Untuk Mary," "The Penerimaan Portrait
ibu saya," dan balada "Di Kehilangan Royal George," akan, mungkin aman
menegaskan, terus menjadi akrab untuk setiap generasi berturut-turut dengan cara
yang berkaitan dengan beberapa hal dalam literatur. Ditambahkan ke ini,
seseorang dapat mencatat perbedaan Cowper sebagai penulis surat. Dia peringkat
di antara setengah lusin letterwriters terbesar dalam bahasa Inggris, dan ia
mungkin satu-satunya yang besar surat-penulis dengan siapa kebahagiaan itu
karena kekuatan apa yang telah dilihatnya daripada apa yang telah dibaca.

Samuel Johnson. (1709–1784)

1
    Let observation with extensive view
Survey mankind, from China to Peru. 1
          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 1.

2
    There mark what ills the scholar’s life assail,—
Toil, envy, want, the patron, and the jail.
          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 159.

3
    He left the name at which the world grew pale,
To point a moral, or adorn a tale.
          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 221.

4
    Hides from himself his state, and shuns to know
That life protracted is protracted woe.
          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 257.

5
    An age that melts in unperceiv’d decay,
And glides in modest innocence away.
          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 293.

    Superfluous lags the veteran on the stage.

          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 308.

7
    Fears of the brave, and follies of the wise!
From Marlb’rough’s eyes the streams of dotage flow,
And Swift expires, a driv’ler and a show.
          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 316.

8
    Must helpless man, in ignorance sedate,
Roll darkling down the torrent of his fate?
          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 345.

9
    For patience, sov’reign o’er transmuted ill.

          Vanity of Human Wishes. Line 362.

10
    Of all the griefs that harass the distrest,
Sure the most bitter is a scornful jest. 2
          London. Line 166.

11
    This mournful truth is ev’rywhere confess’d,—
Slow rises worth by poverty depress’d. 3
          London. Line 176.
12
    Studious to please, yet not ashamed to fail.
          Prologue to the Tragedy of Irene.
13
    Each change of many-colour’d life he drew,
Exhausted worlds, and then imagin’d new.
          Prologue on the Opening of Drury Lane Theatre.
14
    And panting Time toil’d after him in vain.
          Prologue on the Opening of Drury Lane Theatre.
15
    For we that live to please must please to live.
          Prologue on the Opening of Drury Lane Theatre.
16
    Catch, then, oh catch the transient hour;
  Improve each moment as it flies!
Life ’s a short summer, man a flower;
  He dies—alas! how soon he dies!
          Winter. An Ode.
17
    Officious, innocent, sincere,
Of every friendless name the friend.
          Verses on the Death of Mr. Robert Levet. Stanza 2.
18
    In misery’s darkest cavern known,
  His useful care was ever nigh 4
Where hopeless anguish pour’d his groan,
  And lonely want retir’d to die.
          Verses on the Death of Mr. Robert Levet. Stanza 5.
19
    And sure th’ Eternal Master found
  His single talent well employ’d.
          Verses on the Death of Mr. Robert Levet. Stanza 7.
20
    Then with no throbs of fiery pain, 5
  No cold gradations of decay,
Death broke at once the vital chain,
  And freed his soul the nearest way.
          Verses on the Death of Mr. Robert Levet. Stanza 9.
21
    That saw the manners in the face.
          Lines on the Death of Hogarth.
22
    Philips, whose touch harmonious could remove
The pangs of guilty power and hapless love!
Rest here, distress’d by poverty no more;
Here find that calm thou gav’st so oft before;
Sleep undisturb’d within this peaceful shrine,
Till angels wake thee with a note like thine!
          Epitaph on Claudius Philips, the Musician.
23
    A Poet, Naturalist, and Historian,
Who left scarcely any style of writing untouched,
And touched nothing that he did not adorn. 6
          Epitaph on Goldsmith.
24
    How small of all that human hearts endure,
That part which laws or kings can cause or cure!
Still to ourselves in every place consigned,
Our own felicity we make or find.
With secret course, which no loud storms annoy,
Glides the smooth current of domestic joy.
          Lines added to Goldsmith’s Traveller.
25
    Trade’s proud empire hastes to swift decay.
          Line added to Goldsmith’s Deserted Village.
26
    From thee, great God, we spring, to thee we tend,—
Path, motive, guide, original, and end. 7
          Motto to the Rambler. No. 7.
27
    Ye who listen with credulity to the whispers of fancy, and pursue with eagerness the
phantoms of hope; who expect that age will perform the promises of youth, and that the
deficiencies of the present day will be supplied by the morrow,—attend to the history of
Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia.
          Rasselas. Chap. i.
28
    “I fly from pleasure,” said the prince, “because pleasure has ceased to please; I am
lonely because I am miserable, and am unwilling to cloud with my presence the happiness
of others.”
          Rasselas. Chap. iii.
29
    A man used to vicissitudes is not easily dejected.
          Rasselas. Chap. xii.
30
    Few things are impossible to diligence and skill.
          Rasselas. Chap. xii.
31
    Knowledge is more than equivalent to force. 8
          Rasselas. Chap. xiii.
32
    I live in the crowd of jollity, not so much to enjoy company as to shun myself.
          Rasselas. Chap. xvi.
33
    Many things difficult to design prove easy to performance.
          Rasselas. Chap. xvi.
34
    The first years of man must make provision for the last.
          Rasselas. Chap. xvii.
35
    Example is always more efficacious than precept.
          Rasselas. Chap. xxx.
36
    The endearing elegance of female friendship.
          Rasselas. Chap. xlvi.
37
    I am not so lost in lexicography as to forget that words are the daughters of earth, and
that things are the sons of heaven. 9
          Preface to his Dictionary.
38
    Words are men’s daughters, but God’s sons are things. 10
          Boulter’s Monument. (Supposed to have been inserted by Dr. Johnson, 1745.)
39
    Whoever wishes to attain an English style, familiar but not coarse, and elegant but not
ostentatious, must give his days and nights to the volumes of Addison.
          Life of Addison.
40
    To be of no church is dangerous. Religion, of which the rewards are distant, and which
is animated only by faith and hope, will glide by degrees out of the mind unless it be
invigorated and reimpressed by external ordinances, by stated calls to worship, and the
salutary influence of example.
          Life of Milton.
41
    The trappings of a monarchy would set up an ordinary commonwealth.
          Life of Milton.
42
    His death eclipsed the gayety of nations, and impoverished the public stock of harmless
pleasure.
          Life of Edmund Smith (alluding to the death of Garrick).
43
    That man is little to be envied whose patriotism would not gain force upon the plain of
Marathon, or whose piety would not grow warmer among the ruins of Iona.
          Journey to the Western Islands: Inch Kenneth.
44
    He is no wise man that will quit a certainty for an uncertainty.
          The Idler. No. 57.
45
    What is read twice is commonly better remembered than what is transcribed.
          The Idler. No. 74.
46
    Tom Birch is as brisk as a bee in conversation; but no sooner does he take a pen in his
hand than it becomes a torpedo to him, and benumbs all his faculties.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 11 Vol. i. Chap. vii. 1743.
47
    Wretched un-idea’d girls.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 12 Vol. i. Chap. x. 1752.
48
    This man [Chesterfield], I thought, had been a lord among wits; but I find he is only a
wit among lords. 13
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 14 Vol. ii. Chap. i. 1754.
49
    Sir, he [Bolingbroke] was a scoundrel and a coward: a scoundrel for charging a
blunderbuss against religion and morality; a coward, because he had not resolution to fire
it off himself, but left half a crown to a beggarly Scotchman to draw the trigger at his
death.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 15 Vol. ii. Chap. i. 1754.
50
    Is not a patron, my lord, one who looks with unconcern on a man struggling for life in
the water, and when he has reached ground encumbers him with help?
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 16 Vol. ii. Chap. ii. 1755.
51
    I am glad that he thanks God for anything.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 17 Vol. ii. Chap. ii. 1755.
52
    If a man does not make new acquaintances as he advances through life, he will soon
find himself left alone. A man, sir, should keep his friendship in a constant repair.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 18 Vol. ii. Chap. ii. 1755.
53
    Being in a ship is being in a jail, with the chance of being drowned.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 19 Vol. ii. Chap. iii. 1759.
54
    Sir, I think all Christians, whether Papists or Protestants, agree in the essential articles,
and that their differences are trivial, and rather political than religious. 20
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 21 Vol. ii. Chap. v. 1763.
55
    The noblest prospect which a Scotchman ever sees is the high-road that leads him to
England.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 22 Vol. ii. Chap. v. 1763.
56
    If he does really think that there is no distinction between virtue and vice, why, sir,
when he leaves our houses let us count our spoons.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 23 Vol. ii. Chap. v. 1763.
57
    Sir, your levellers wish to level down as far as themselves; but they cannot bear
levelling up to themselves.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 24 Vol. ii. Chap. v. 1763.
58
    A man ought to read just as inclination leads him; for what he reads as a task will do
him little good.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 25 Vol. ii. Chap. vi. 1763.
59
    Sherry is dull, naturally dull; but it must have taken him a great deal of pains to become
what we now see him. Such an access of stupidity, sir, is not in Nature.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 26 Vol. ii. Chap. ix. 1763.
60
    Sir, a woman preaching is like a dog’s walking on his hind legs. It is not done well; but
you are surprised to find it done at all.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 27 Vol. ii. Chap. ix. 1763.
61
    I look upon it, that he who does not mind his belly will hardly mind anything else. 28
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 29 Vol. ii. Chap. ix. 1763.
62
    This was a good dinner enough, to be sure, but it was not a dinner to ask a man to.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 30 Vol. ii. Chap. ix. 1763.
63
    A very unclubable man.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 31 Vol. ii. Chap. ix. 1764.
64
    I do not know, sir, that the fellow is an infidel; but if he be an infidel, he is an infidel as
a dog is an infidel; that is to say, he has never thought upon the subject.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 32 Vol. iii. Chap. iii. 1769.
65
    It matters not how a man dies, but how he lives.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 33 Vol. iii. Chap. iv. 1769.
66
    That fellow seems to me to possess but one idea, and that is a wrong one. 34
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 35 Vol. iii. Chap. v. 1770.
67
    I am a great friend to public amusements; for they keep people from vice.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 36 Vol. iii. Chap. viii. 1772.
68
    A cow is a very good animal in the field; but we turn her out of a garden.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 37 Vol. iii. Chap. viii. 1772.
69
    Much may be made of a Scotchman if he be caught young.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 38 Vol. iii. Chap. viii. 1772.
70
    A man may write at any time if he will set himself doggedly to it.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 39 Vol. iv. Chap. ii. 1773.
71
    Let him go abroad to a distant country; let him go to some place where he is not known.
Don’t let him go to the devil, where he is known.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 40 Vol. iv. Chap. ii. 1773.
72
    Was ever poet so trusted before?
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 41 Vol. v. Chap. vi. 1774.
73
    Attack is the reaction. I never think I have hit hard unless it rebounds.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 42 Vol. v. Chap. vi. 1775.
74
    A man will turn over half a library to make one book.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 43 Vol. v. Chap. viii. 1775.
75
    Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 44 Vol. v. Chap. ix. 1775.
76
    Hell is paved with good intentions. 45
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 46 Vol. v. Chap. ix. 1775.
77
    Knowledge is of two kinds: we know a subject ourselves, or we know where we can
find information upon it. 47
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 48 Vol. v. Chap. ix. 1775.
78
    I never take a nap after dinner but when I have had a bad night; and then the nap takes
me.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 49 Vol. vi. Chap. i. 1775.
79
    In lapidary inscriptions a man is not upon oath.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 50 Vol. vi. Chap. i. 1775.
80
    There is now less flogging in our great schools than formerly,—but then less is learned
there; so that what the boys get at one end they lose at the other.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 51 Vol. vi. Chap. i. 1775.
81
    There is nothing which has yet been contrived by man by which so much happiness is
produced as by a good tavern or inn. 52
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 53 Vol. vi. Chap. iii. 1776.
82
    No man but a blockhead ever wrote except for money.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 54 Vol. vi. Chap. iii. 1776.
83
    Questioning is not the mode of conversation among gentlemen.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 55 Vol. vi. Chap. iv. 1776.
84
    A man is very apt to complain of the ingratitude of those who have risen far above him.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 56 Vol. vi. Chap. iv. 1776.
85
    All this [wealth] excludes but one evil,—poverty.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 57 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
86
    Employment, sir, and hardships prevent melancholy.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 58 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
87
    When a man is tired of London he is tired of life; for there is in London all that life can
afford.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 59 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
88
    He was so generally civil that nobody thanked him for it.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 60 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
89
    Goldsmith, however, was a man who whatever he wrote, did it better than any other
man could do.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 61 Vol. vii. Chap. iii. 1778.
90
    Johnson said that he could repeat a complete chapter of “The Natural History of
Iceland” from the Danish of Horrebow, the whole of which was exactly thus: “There are
no snakes to be met with throughout the whole island.” 62 [Chap. lxxii.]
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 63 Vol. vii. Chap. iv. 1778.
91
    As the Spanish proverb says, “He who would bring home the wealth of the Indies must
carry the wealth of the Indies with him,” so it is in travelling,—a man must carry
knowledge with him if he would bring home knowledge.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 64 Vol. vii. Chap. v. 1778.
92
    The true, strong, and sound mind is the mind that can embrace equally great things and
small.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 65 Vol. vii. Chap. vi. 1778.
93
    I remember a passage in Goldsmith’s “Vicar of Wakefield,” which he was afterwards
fool enough to expunge: “I do not love a man who is zealous for nothing.”… There was
another fine passage too which he struck out: “When I was a young man, being anxious to
distinguish myself, I was perpetually starting new propositions. But I soon gave this over;
for I found that generally what was new was false.”
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 66 Vol. vii. Chap. viii. 1779.
94
    Claret is the liquor for boys, port for men; but he who aspires to be a hero must drink
brandy.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 67 Vol. vii. Chap. viii. 1779.
95
    A Frenchman must be always talking, whether he knows anything of the matter or not;
an Englishman is content to say nothing when he has nothing to say.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 68 Vol. vii. Chap. x.
96
    Of Dr. Goldsmith he said, “No man was more foolish when he had not a pen in his
hand, or more wise when he had.”
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 69 Vol. vii. Chap. x.
97
    The applause of a single human being is of great consequence.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 70 Vol. vii. Chap. x.
98
    The potentiality of growing rich beyond the dreams of avarice. 71
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 72 Vol. viii. Chap. ii.
99
    Classical quotation is the parole of literary men all over the world.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 73 Vol. viii. Chap. iii. 1781.
100
    My friend was of opinion that when a man of rank appeared in that character [as an
author], he deserved to have his merits handsomely allowed. 74
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 75 Vol. viii. Chap. iii. 1781.
101
    I never have sought the world; the world was not to seek me. 76
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 77 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1783.
102
    He is not only dull himself, but the cause of dullness in others. 78
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 79 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
103
    You see they ’d have fitted him to a T.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 80 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
104
    I have found you an argument; I am not obliged to find you an understanding.
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 81 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
105
    Who drives fat oxen should himself be fat. 82
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 83 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
106
    Blown about with every wind of criticism. 84
          Life of Johnson (Boswell). 85 Vol. viii. Chap. x. 1784.
107
    If the man who turnips cries
Cry not when his father dies,
’T is a proof that he had rather
Have a turnip than his father.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 30.
108
    He was a very good hater.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 39.
109
    The law is the last result of human wisdom acting upon human experience for the
benefit of the public.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 58.
110
    The use of travelling is to regulate imagination by reality, and instead of thinking how
things may be, to see them as they are.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 154.
111
    Dictionaries are like watches; the worst is better than none, and the best cannot be
expected to go quite true.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 178.
112
    Books that you may carry to the fire and hold readily in your hand, are the most useful
after all.
          Johnsoniana. Hawkins. 197.
113
    Round numbers are always false.
          Johnsoniana. Hawkins. 235.
114
    As with my hat 86 upon my head
  I walk’d along the Strand,
I there did meet another man
  With his hat in his hand. 87
          Johnsoniana. George Steevens. 310.
115
    Abstinence is as easy to me as temperance would be difficult.
          Johnsoniana. Hannah More. 467.
116
    The limbs will quiver and move after the soul is gone.
          Johnsoniana. Northcote. 487.
117
    Hawkesworth said of Johnson, “You have a memory that would convict any author of
plagiarism in any court of literature in the world.”
          Johnsoniana. Kearsley. 600.
118
    His conversation does not show the minute-hand, but he strikes the hour very correctly.
          Johnsoniana. Kearsley. 604.
119
    Hunting was the labour of the savages of North America, but the amusement of the
gentlemen of England.
          Johnsoniana. Kearsley. 606.
120
    I am very fond of the company of ladies. I like their beauty, I like their delicacy, I like
their vivacity, and I like their silence.
          Johnsoniana. Seward. 617.
121
    This world, where much is to be done and little to be known.
          Prayers and Meditations. Against inquisitive and perplexing Thoughts.
122
    Gratitude is a fruit of great cultivation; you do not find it among gross people.
          Tour to the Hebrides. Sept. 20, 1773.
123
    A fellow that makes no figure in company, and has a mind as narrow as the neck of a
vinegar-cruet.
          Tour to the Hebrides. Sept. 30, 1773.
124
    The atrocious crime of being a young man, which the honourable gentleman has with
such spirit and decency charged upon me, I shall neither attempt to palliate nor deny; but
content myself with wishing that I may be one of those whose follies may cease with their
youth, and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of experience. 88
          Pitt’s Reply to Walpole. Speech, March 6, 1741.
125
    Towering in the confidence of twenty-one.
          Letter to Bennet Langton. Jan. 9, 1758.
126
    Gloomy calm of idle vacancy.
          Letter to Boswell. Dec. 8, 1763.
127
    Wharton quotes Johnson as saying of Dr. Campbell, “He is the richest author that ever
grazed the common of literature.”
Note 1.
All human race, from China to Peru,
Pleasure, howe’er disguised by art, pursue.
Thomas Warton: Universal Love of Pleasure.

De Quincey (Works, vol. x. p. 72) quotes the criticism of some writer, who contends with
some reason that this high-sounding couplet of Dr. Johnson amounts in effect to this: Let
observation with extensive observation observe mankind extensively. [back]
Note 2.
Nothing in poverty so ill is borne
As its exposing men to grinning scorn.
Oldham (1653–1683): Third Satire of Juvenal. [back]
Note 3.
Three years later Johnson wrote, “Mere unassisted merit advances slowly, if—what is not
very common—it advances at all.” [back]
Note 4.
Var. His ready help was always nigh. [back]
Note 5.
Var. Then with no fiery throbbing pain. [back]
Note 6.
Qui nullum fere scribendi genus
Non tetigit,
Nullum quod tetigit non ornavit.

See Chesterfield, Quotation 12. [back]

Note 7.
A translation of Boethius’s “De Consolatione Philosophiæ,” iii. 9, 27. [back]
Note 8.
See Bacon, Quotation 39. [back]
Note 9.
The italics and the word “forget” would seem to imply that the saying was not his
own. [back]
Note 10.
Sir William Jones gives a similar saying in India: “Words are the daughters of earth, and
deeds are the sons of heaven.”

See Herbert, Quotation 29. Sir Thomas Bodley: Letter to his Librarian, 1604. [back]
Note 11.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 12.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 13.
See Pope, Quotation 200. [back]
Note 14.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 15.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 16.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.
Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 17.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 18.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 19.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 20.
I do not find that the age or country makes the least difference; no, nor the language the
actor spoke, nor the religion which they professed,—whether Arab in the desert, or
Frenchman in the Academy. I see that sensible men and conscientious men all over the
world were of one religion of well-doing and daring.—Ralph Waldo Emerson: The
Preacher. Lectures and Biographical Sketches, p. 215. [back]
Note 21.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 22.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 23.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 24.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 25.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 26.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 27.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 28.
Every investigation which is guided by principles of nature fixes its ultimate aim entirely on
gratifying the stomach.—Athenæus: Book vii. chap. ii. [back]
Note 29.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 30.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 31.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 32.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 33.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 34.
Mr. Kremlin as distinguished for ignorance; for he had only one idea, and that was wrong.—
Benjamin Disraeli (Earl Beaconsfield): Sybil, book iv. chap. 5. [back]
Note 35.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 36.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 37.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 38.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 39.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 40.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 41.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 42.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 43.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 44.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 45.
See Herbert, Quotation 21.

Do not be troubled by Saint Bernard’s saying that hell is full of good intentions and wills.—
Francis de Sales: Spiritual Letters. Letter xii. (Translated by the author of “A Dominican
Artist.”) 1605. [back]
Note 46.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 47.
Scire ubi aliquid invenire possis, ea demum maxima pars eruditionis est (To know where
you can find anything, that in short is the largest part of learning).—Anonymous. [back]
Note 48.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 49.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 50.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 51.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 52.
Whoe’er has travell’d life’s dull round,
Where’er his stages may have been,
May sigh to think he still has found
The warmest welcome at an inn.
William Shenstone: Written on a Window of an Inn. [back]
Note 53.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 54.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 55.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 56.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.
Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 57.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 58.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 59.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 60.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 61.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 62.
Chapter xlii. is still shorter: “There are no owls of any kind in the whole island.” [back]
Note 63.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.
Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 64.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 65.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 66.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 67.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 68.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 69.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 70.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 71.
I am rich beyond the dreams of avarice.—Edward Moore: The Gamester, act ii. sc. 2.
1753. [back]
Note 72.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 73.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 74.
Usually quoted as “When a nobleman writes a book, he ought to be encouraged.” [back]
Note 75.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 76.
I have not loved the world, nor the world me.—Lord Byron: Childe Harold, canto iii. stanza
113. [back]
Note 77.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 78.
See Shakespeare, King Henry IV. Part II, Quotation 3. [back]
Note 79.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 80.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 81.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 82.
A parody on “Who rules o’er freemen should himself be free,” from Brooke’s “Gustavus
Vasa,” first edition. [back]
Note 83.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 84.
Carried about with every wind of doctrine.—Ephesians iv. 14. [back]
Note 85.
From the London edition, 10 volumes, 1835.

Dr. Johnson, it is said, when he first heard of Boswell’s intention to write a life of him,
announced, with decision enough, that if he thought Boswell really meant to write his life he
would prevent it by taking Boswell’s!—Thomas Carlyle: Miscellanies, Jean Paul Frederic
Richter. [back]
Note 86.
Elsewhere found, “I put my hat.” [back]
Note 87.
A parody on Percy’s “Hermit of Warkworth.” [back]
Note 88.
This is the composition of Johnson, founded on some note or statement of the actual speech.
Johnson said, “That speech I wrote in a garret, in Exeter Street.” Boswell: Life of Johnson,
1741. [back]
Samuel Johnson. (1709-1784)
 
 
1
    Biarkan observasi dengan pemandangan yang luas
Survey manusia, dari Cina ke Peru. 1
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Jalur 1.
2
    Ada menandai apa penyakit para sarjana menyerang kehidupan, -
Kerja keras, iri hati, ingin, pelindung, dan penjara.
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 159.
3
    Dia meninggalkan nama di mana dunia tumbuh pucat,
Untuk huruf a moral, atau menghiasi dongeng.
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 221.
4
    Menyembunyikan dari dirinya negara, dan shuns tahu
Hidup yang berlarut-larut adalah celaka berlarut-larut.
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 257.
5
    Usia yang meleleh di pembusukan unperceiv'd,
Dan meluncur di sederhana bersalah pergi.
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 293.
6
    Berlebihan tertinggal veteran di atas panggung.
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 308.
7
    Kekhawatiran yang berani, dan kebodohan orang bijak!
Dari mata Marlb'rough yang aliran aliran pikun,
Dan Swift berakhir, sebuah driv'ler dan acara.
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 316.
8
    Harus tak berdaya manusia, dalam ketidaktahuan tenang,
Gulung Dark bawah torrent nasibnya?
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 345.
9
    Untuk kesabaran, sov'reign o'er ditransmutasikan sakit.
          Kesombongan Manusia Wishes. Baris 362.
10
    Dari semua kesedihan yang melecehkan distrest tersebut,
Tentu yang paling pahit adalah bercanda mencemooh. 2
          London. Baris 166.
  

  
11
    Kebenaran sedih ini adalah confess'd ev'rywhere, -
Naik lambat layak oleh depress'd kemiskinan. 3
          London. Baris 176.
12
    Rajin untuk menyenangkan, namun tidak malu untuk gagal.
          Prolog Tragedi Irene.
13
    Setiap perubahan banyak-colour'd hidup ia menarik,
Dunia lelah, dan kemudian imagin'd baru.
          Prolog pada Pembukaan Drury Lane Theatre.
14
    Dan terengah-engah Waktu toil'd setelah dia sia-sia.
          Prolog pada Pembukaan Drury Lane Theatre.
15
    Untuk kita yang hidup untuk menyenangkan harus menyenangkan untuk hidup.
          Prolog pada Pembukaan Drury Lane Theatre.
16
    Menangkap, kemudian, oh menangkap jam sementara;
  Meningkatkan setiap saat seperti lalat!
Hidup 's musim panas singkat, manusia bunga;
  Dia meninggal-sayangnya! seberapa cepat ia meninggal!
          Musim Dingin. Sebuah Ode.
17
    Officious, polos, tulus,
Dari setiap nama sahabat teman.
          Ayat tentang Kematian Mr Robert Levet. Stanza 2.
18
    Dalam gua tergelap penderitaan dikenal,
  Perawatan nya berguna pernah dekat 4
Dimana penderitaan harapan pour'd mengerang-nya,
  Dan kesepian ingin retir'd mati.
          Ayat tentang Kematian Mr Robert Levet. Stanza 5.
19
    Dan Guru Abadi yakin th 'ditemukan
  Bakat tunggal dengan baik employ'd.
          Ayat tentang Kematian Mr Robert Levet. Stanza 7.
20
    Kemudian tanpa berdenyut nyeri berapi-api, 5
  Tidak ada gradasi dingin pembusukan,
Kematian pecah sekaligus rantai penting,
  Dan membebaskan jiwanya cara terdekat.
          Ayat tentang Kematian Mr Robert Levet. Stanza 9.
21
    Itu melihat perilaku di wajah.
          Garis-garis pada Kematian Hogarth.
22
    Philips, yang sentuhan yang harmonis dapat menghapus
Kepedihan kekuasaan bersalah dan cinta malang!
Beristirahat di sini, distress'd kemiskinan tidak lebih;
Di sini menemukan bahwa tenang engkau gav'st begitu sering sebelumnya;
Tidur undisturb'd dalam kuil damai ini,
Sampai malaikat membangunkan engkau dengan catatan seperti milikmu!
          Epitaph pada Claudius Philips, Pemusik.
23
    Sebuah Penyair, Naturalist, dan Sejarahwan,
Yang meninggalkan hampir setiap gaya penulisan tersentuh,
Dan menyentuh apa-apa yang ia tidak menghiasi. 6
          Epitaph di Goldsmith.
24
    Bagaimana kecil dari semua yang hati manusia bertahan,
Bagian itu yang hukum atau raja dapat menyebabkan atau menyembuhkan!
Masih untuk diri kita sendiri di setiap tempat konsinyasi,
Kebahagiaan kita sendiri kita buat atau menemukan.
Dengan kursus rahasia, yang tidak ada badai keras mengganggu,
Meluncur arus kelancaran sukacita dalam negeri.
          Garis ditambahkan ke Goldsmith wisatawan.
25
    Kerajaan bangga Trade hastes membusuk cepat.
          Baris ditambahkan ke Goldsmith Deserted Village.
26
    Dari engkau, Allah yang besar, kita musim semi, kepadamu kita cenderung, -
Path, motif, panduan, original, dan akhir. 7
          Motto ke Rambler. No 7.
27
    Orang-orang yang mendengarkan dengan mudah percaya dengan bisikan
mewah, dan mengejar dengan semangat hantu harapan; yang mengharapkan usia
yang akan melakukan janji-janji pemuda, dan bahwa kekurangan dari hari ini akan
dipasok oleh keesokan harinya, -attend dengan sejarah Rasselas, Pangeran
Abyssinia.
          Rasselas. Chap. aku m.
28
    "Saya terbang dari kesenangan," kata sang pangeran, "karena senang telah
berhenti untuk menyenangkan; Saya kesepian karena aku sengsara, dan saya tidak
mau awan dengan kehadiran saya kebahagiaan orang lain. "
          Rasselas. Chap. aku aku aku.
29
    Seorang pria yang digunakan untuk perubahan-perubahan tidak mudah sedih.
          Rasselas. Chap. xii.
30
    Beberapa hal yang mustahil untuk ketekunan dan keterampilan.
          Rasselas. Chap. xii.
31
    Pengetahuan adalah lebih dari setara dengan memaksa. 8
          Rasselas. Chap. xiii.
32
    Saya tinggal di kerumunan kegembiraan, tidak begitu banyak untuk menikmati
perusahaan untuk menghindari diri.
          Rasselas. Chap. xvi.
33
    Banyak hal yang sulit untuk merancang membuktikan mudah untuk kinerja.
          Rasselas. Chap. xvi.
34
    Tahun-tahun pertama manusia harus membuat ketentuan untuk terakhir.
          Rasselas. Chap. xvii.
35
    Contoh selalu lebih mujarab ketimbang ajaran.
          Rasselas. Chap. xxx.
36
    Keanggunan menawan persahabatan perempuan.
          Rasselas. Chap. xlvi.
37
    Saya tidak begitu tenggelam dalam leksikografi sebagai melupakan bahwa kata-
kata adalah putri-putri bumi, dan bahwa hal-hal yang anak-anak surga. 9
          Pengantar ke Kamus nya.
38
    Kata-kata adalah putri pria, tapi anak-anak Allah adalah hal-hal. 10
          Monumen Boulter itu. (Seharusnya telah dimasukkan oleh Dr Johnson,
1745.)
39
    Siapapun yang ingin mencapai gaya Inggris, akrab tapi tidak kasar, dan elegan
tapi tidak mencolok, harus memberikan hari dan malam untuk volume Addison.
          Kehidupan Addison.
40
    Agar tidak ada gereja berbahaya. Agama, dimana imbalan yang jauh, dan yang
animasi hanya dengan iman dan harapan, akan meluncur dengan derajat keluar
dari pikiran kecuali harus disegarkan dan reimpressed oleh peraturan eksternal,
dengan panggilan dinyatakan ibadah, dan pengaruh yang bermanfaat dari contoh.
          Kehidupan Milton.
41
    Perangkap monarki akan mendirikan sebuah persemakmuran biasa.
          Kehidupan Milton.
42
    Kematiannya terhalang gayety bangsa, dan miskin saham publik kenikmatan
berbahaya.
          Kehidupan Edmund Smith (menyinggung kematian Garrick).
43
    Orang itu sedikit yang bisa iri yang patriotisme tidak akan mendapatkan
berlaku pada dataran Marathon, atau yang kesalehan tidak akan tumbuh lebih
hangat di antara reruntuhan Iona.
          Perjalanan ke Kepulauan Barat: Inch Kenneth.
44
    Dia ada orang bijak yang akan berhenti kepastian untuk ketidakpastian.
          The pemalas. No. 57.
45
    Apa yang dibaca dua kali biasanya lebih diingat daripada apa yang ditranskrip.
          The pemalas. No. 74.
46
    Tom Birch adalah sebagai cepat sebagai lebah dalam percakapan; tapi tidak
cepat apakah ia mengambil pena di tangannya daripada menjadi torpedo dia, dan
benumbs semua fakultas.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 11 Vol. aku m. Chap. vii. 1743.
47
    Celaka un-idea'd gadis.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 12 Vol. aku m. Chap. x. 1752.
48
    Pria ini [Chesterfield], saya pikir, telah menjadi tuan di antara akal; tapi saya
merasa dia hanya kecerdasan antara tuan. 13
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 14 Vol. aku aku. Chap. aku m. 1754.
49
    Sir, dia [Bolingbroke] adalah bajingan dan pengecut: bajingan untuk pengisian
blunderbuss terhadap agama dan moralitas; pengecut, karena ia tidak resolusi api
itu dari dirinya sendiri, tetapi meninggalkan setengah mahkota untuk orang
Skotlandia miskin untuk menarik pelatuk pada saat kematiannya.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 15 Vol. aku aku. Chap. aku m. 1754.
50
    Bukankah pelindung, tuanku, orang yang terlihat dengan ketidakpedulian pada
seorang pria yang berjuang untuk hidup di dalam air, dan ketika ia telah mencapai
tanah menyulitkan dia dengan bantuan?
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 16 Vol. aku aku. Chap. aku aku. 1755.
51
    Saya senang bahwa ia bersyukur kepada Allah untuk apa pun.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 17 Vol. aku aku. Chap. aku aku. 1755.
52
    Jika seorang pria tidak mendapat kenalan baru saat ia kemajuan melalui hidup,
ia akan segera menemukan dirinya ditinggalkan sendirian. Seorang pria, Pak,
harus menjaga persahabatannya dengan perbaikan terus-menerus.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 18 Vol. aku aku. Chap. aku aku. 1755.
53
    Berada di sebuah kapal berada di penjara, dengan kesempatan yang tenggelam.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 19 Vol. aku aku. Chap. aku aku aku. 1759.
54
    Sir, saya pikir semua orang Kristen, apakah pengikut Paus atau Protestan,
setuju dalam artikel penting, dan bahwa perbedaan mereka sepele, dan bukan
politik daripada agama. 20
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 21 Vol. aku aku. Chap. v. 1763.
55
    Prospek mulia yang pernah melihat orang Skotlandia adalah tinggi-jalan yang
mengarah dia ke Inggris.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 22 Vol. aku aku. Chap. v. 1763.
56
    Jika dia benar-benar berpikir bahwa tidak ada perbedaan antara kebaikan dan
kejahatan, mengapa, Pak, ketika ia meninggalkan rumah kami mari kita
menghitung sendok kami.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 23 Vol. aku aku. Chap. v. 1763.
57
    Sir, Leveller Anda ingin tingkat bawah sejauh sendiri; tetapi mereka tidak tahan
naik level untuk diri mereka sendiri.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 24 Vol. aku aku. Chap. v. 1763.
58
    Seorang pria harus membaca seperti kecenderungan membawanya; untuk apa
dia membaca sebagai tugas akan melakukan dia sedikit baik.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 25 Vol. aku aku. Chap. vi. 1763.
59
    Sherry membosankan, tentu membosankan; tapi itu harus membawanya banyak
payah untuk menjadi apa yang sekarang kita melihat dia. Seperti akses
kebodohan, Pak, tidak di Nature.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 26 Vol. aku aku. Chap. ix. 1763.
60
    Sir, seorang wanita khotbah adalah seperti berjalan anjing di kaki belakangnya.
Hal ini tidak dilakukan dengan baik; tetapi Anda terkejut menemukan itu
dilakukan sama sekali.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 27 Vol. aku aku. Chap. ix. 1763.
61
    Aku melihatnya, dia yang tidak keberatan perutnya tidak akan keberatan apa
pun. 28
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 29 Vol. aku aku. Chap. ix. 1763.
62
    Ini adalah makan malam yang cukup baik, untuk memastikan, tapi itu tidak
makan malam untuk meminta seorang pria untuk.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 30 Vol. aku aku. Chap. ix. 1763.
63
    Seorang pria yang sangat unclubable.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 31 Vol. aku aku. Chap. ix. 1764.
64
    Saya tidak tahu, Pak, bahwa sesama adalah seorang kafir; tetapi jika ia menjadi
kafir, ia adalah seorang kafir sebagai anjing adalah seorang kafir; yang
mengatakan, dia tidak pernah berpikir tentang itu.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 32 Vol. aku aku aku. Chap. aku aku aku.
1769.
65
    Tidak peduli betapa manusia mati, tapi bagaimana ia hidup.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 33 Vol. aku aku aku. Chap. iv. 1769.
66
    Orang itu tampaknya saya untuk memiliki tapi satu ide, dan itu adalah salah. 34
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 35 Vol. aku aku aku. Chap. v. 1770.
67
    Saya seorang teman baik untuk hiburan publik; karena mereka mencegah orang
wakil.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 36 Vol. aku aku aku. Chap. viii. 1772.
68
    Seekor sapi adalah hewan yang sangat baik di lapangan; tapi kami mengubah
dirinya dari taman.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 37 Vol. aku aku aku. Chap. viii. 1772.
69
    Banyak dapat dibuat dari orang Skotlandia jika ia ditangkap muda.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 38 Vol. aku aku aku. Chap. viii. 1772.
70
    Seorang pria dapat menulis kapan saja jika ia akan mengatur dirinya tabah
untuk itu.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 39 Vol. iv. Chap. aku aku. 1773.
71
    Biarkan dia pergi ke luar negeri ke negeri yang jauh; biarkan dia pergi ke suatu
tempat di mana dia tidak diketahui. Jangan biarkan dia pergi ke setan, di mana ia
dikenal.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 40 Vol. iv. Chap. aku aku. 1773.
72
    Apakah pernah penyair sehingga dipercaya sebelumnya?
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 41 Vol. v. Chap. vi. 1774.
73
    Serangan adalah reaksi. Saya tidak pernah berpikir saya telah memukul keras
kecuali rebound.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 42 Vol. v. Chap. vi. 1775.
74
    Seorang pria akan berubah lebih dari setengah perpustakaan untuk membuat
satu buku.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 43 Vol. v. Chap. viii. 1775.
75
    Patriotisme adalah perlindungan terakhir dari bajingan.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 44 Vol. v. Chap. ix. 1775.
76
    Neraka ditaburi dengan niat baik. 45
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 46 Vol. v. Chap. ix. 1775.
77
    Pengetahuan adalah dua jenis: kita tahu subjek diri kita sendiri, atau kita tahu di
mana kita dapat menemukan informasi atasnya. 47
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 48 Vol. v. Chap. ix. 1775.
78
    Aku tidak pernah tidur siang setelah makan malam, tetapi ketika saya telah
memiliki malam yang buruk; dan kemudian tidur siang membawaku.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 49 Vol. vi. Chap. aku m. 1775.
79
    Dalam prasasti singkat seorang pria bukan pada sumpah.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 50 Vol. vi. Chap. aku m. 1775.
80
    Saat ini sudah ada kurang cambuk di sekolah besar kita daripada sebelumnya, -
tapi kemudian kurang dipelajari di sana; sehingga apa yang anak-anak
mendapatkan di salah satu ujung mereka kehilangan di lain.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 51 Vol. vi. Chap. aku m. 1775.
81
    Tidak ada yang belum dibikin oleh manusia dimana begitu banyak kebahagiaan
diproduksi sebagai oleh kedai yang baik atau penginapan. 52
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 53 Vol. vi. Chap. aku aku aku. 1776.
82
    Tidak ada orang bodoh tapi pernah menulis kecuali uang.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 54 Vol. vi. Chap. aku aku aku. 1776.
83
    Menyoal bukanlah modus percakapan antara pria.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 55 Vol. vi. Chap. iv. 1776.
84
    Seorang pria yang sangat tepat untuk mengeluh tentang tidak tahu berterima
kasih dari orang-orang yang telah meningkat jauh di atas dia.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 56 Vol. vi. Chap. iv. 1776.
85
    Semua ini [kekayaan] tidak termasuk tetapi jahat, -poverty.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 57 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
86
    Pekerjaan, Pak, dan kesulitan mencegah melankolis.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 58 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
87
    Ketika seorang pria lelah London dia bosan dengan kehidupan; karena ada di
London semua yang hidup mampu.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 59 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
88
    Dia begitu umum sipil yang tidak ada mengucapkan terima kasih untuk itu.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 60 Vol. vi. Chap. ix. 1777.
89
    Goldsmith, bagaimanapun, adalah seorang pria yang apa yang dia tulis,
melakukannya lebih baik daripada laki-laki lain bisa lakukan.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 61 Vol. vii. Chap. aku aku aku. 1778.
90
    Johnson mengatakan bahwa ia bisa mengulang bab lengkap "The Natural
History of Iceland" dari Denmark Horrebow, keseluruhan dari yang persis
demikian: "Tidak ada ular untuk bertemu dengan seluruh seluruh pulau." 62
[Chap. lxxii.]
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 63 Vol. vii. Chap. iv. 1778.
91
    Sebagai pepatah Spanyol mengatakan, "Dia yang akan membawa pulang
kekayaan Hindia harus membawa kekayaan Hindia dengan dia," sehingga dalam
perjalanan, pria -a harus membawa pengetahuan dengan dia jika dia akan
membawa pengetahuan rumah.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 64 Vol. vii. Chap. v. 1778.
92
    Benar, kuat, dan suara pikiran adalah pikiran yang dapat merangkul hal-hal
sama besar dan kecil.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 65 Vol. vii. Chap. vi. 1778.
93
    Saya ingat suatu bagian di Goldsmith "Vikaris Wakefield," yang ia kemudian
menipu cukup untuk menghapus: ". Saya tidak mencintai pria yang bersemangat
untuk apa-apa" ... Ada bagian lain baik juga yang ia menyerang: "Ketika saya
adalah seorang pemuda, yang ingin membedakan diri, saya terus-menerus mulai
proposisi baru. Tapi aku segera memberikan lebih ini; karena aku menemukan
bahwa secara umum apa yang baru adalah palsu. "
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 66 Vol. vii. Chap. viii. 1779.
94
    Claret adalah minuman keras untuk anak laki-laki, port untuk laki-laki; Tetapi
orang yang bercita-cita untuk menjadi pahlawan harus minum brandy.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 67 Vol. vii. Chap. viii. 1779.
95
    Seorang Prancis harus selalu berbicara, apakah dia tahu apa-apa tentang
masalah atau tidak; seorang Inggris adalah konten untuk mengatakan apa-apa
ketika dia tidak ada katakan.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 68 Vol. vii. Chap. x.
96
    Dr Goldsmith ia berkata, "Tidak ada orang yang lebih bodoh ketika ia tidak
pena di tangannya, atau lebih bijaksana ketika dia."
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 69 Vol. vii. Chap. x.
97
    Tepuk tangan dari seorang manusia adalah konsekuensi besar.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 70 Vol. vii. Chap. x.
98
    Potensi tumbuh kaya melebihi mimpi keserakahan. 71
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 72 Vol. viii. Chap. aku aku.
99
    Klasik kutip adalah pembebasan bersyarat pria sastra di seluruh dunia.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 73 Vol. viii. Chap. aku aku aku. 1781.
100
    Teman saya berpendapat bahwa ketika seorang pria muncul di peringkat
karakter yang [sebagai penulis], dia pantas untuk memiliki kelebihan nya mahal
diperbolehkan. 74
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 75 Vol. viii. Chap. aku aku aku. 1781.
101
    Saya tidak pernah mencari dunia; dunia ini bukan untuk mencari saya. 76
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 77 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1783.
102
    Dia tidak hanya membosankan sendiri, namun penyebab kebodohan orang lain.
78
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 79 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
103
    Anda melihat mereka 'd telah dipasang ke sebuah T.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 80 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
104
    Saya telah menemukan Anda argumen; Saya tidak berkewajiban untuk
menemukan Anda pemahaman.
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 81 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
105
    Yang drive lembu lemak harus sendiri menjadi gemuk. 82
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 83 Vol. viii. Chap. v. 1784.
106
    Blown sekitar dengan setiap angin kritik. 84
          Kehidupan Johnson (Boswell). 85 Vol. viii. Chap. x. 1784.
107
    Jika orang yang lobak teriakan
Menangis tidak ketika ayahnya meninggal,
'T adalah bukti bahwa ia memiliki lebih
Memiliki lobak dari ayahnya.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 30.
108
    Dia adalah seorang pembenci sangat baik.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 39.
109
    Hukum adalah hasil terakhir dari hikmat manusia bertindak atas pengalaman
manusia untuk kepentingan masyarakat.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 58.
110
    Penggunaan perjalanan adalah untuk mengatur imajinasi dengan realitas, dan
bukannya berpikir bagaimana hal-hal mungkin, untuk melihat mereka karena
mereka.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 154.
111
    Kamus seperti jam tangan; yang terburuk adalah lebih baik daripada tidak, dan
yang terbaik tidak bisa diharapkan untuk pergi cukup benar.
          Johnsoniana. Piozzi, 178.
112
    Buku yang mungkin Anda membawa api dan tahan mudah di tangan Anda,
yang paling berguna setelah semua.
          Johnsoniana. Hawkins. 197.
113
    Angka bulat yang selalu salah.
          Johnsoniana. Hawkins. 235.
114
    Seperti topi saya 86 atas kepala saya
  Aku walk'd sepanjang Strand,
Saya ada tidak bertemu pria lain
  Dengan topi di tangannya. 87
          Johnsoniana. George Steevens. 310.
115
    Pantang adalah sebagai mudah untuk saya sebagai kesederhanaan akan sulit.
          Johnsoniana. Hannah More. 467.
116
    Anggota badan akan bergetar dan bergerak setelah jiwa hilang.
          Johnsoniana. Northcote. 487.
117
    Hawkesworth kata Johnson, "Anda memiliki memori yang akan menghukum
setiap penulis plagiarisme di pengadilan sastra di dunia."
          Johnsoniana. Kearsley. 600.
118
    Pembicaraannya tidak menunjukkan menit-tangan, tapi dia menyerang jam
sangat benar.
          Johnsoniana. Kearsley. 604.
119
    Berburu adalah tenaga kerja dari orang liar Amerika Utara, tapi hiburan dari
pria Inggris.
          Johnsoniana. Kearsley. 606.
120
    Saya sangat menyukai perusahaan wanita. Saya suka keindahan, aku suka
kelezatan mereka, saya suka kelincahan mereka, dan saya suka diam mereka.
          Johnsoniana. Seward. 617.
121
    Dunia ini, di mana banyak yang harus dilakukan dan sedikit yang diketahui.
          Doa dan Meditasi. Terhadap Pikiran ingin tahu dan membingungkan.
122
    Syukur adalah buah dari budidaya besar; Anda tidak menemukannya di antara
orang-orang yang kotor.
          Tur ke Hebrides. 20 September 1773.
123
    Seorang rekan yang membuat tidak ada tokoh dalam perusahaan, dan memiliki
pikiran sempit seperti leher cuka-cruet.
          Tur ke Hebrides. 30 September 1773.
124
    Kejahatan mengerikan menjadi seorang pemuda, yang pria terhormat telah
dengan semangat tersebut dan kesopanan dibebankan kepada saya, saya akan
tidak mencoba untuk meringankan atau menyangkal; tapi isi diri dengan berharap
bahwa saya dapat menjadi salah satu dari mereka yang kebodohan dapat berhenti
dengan masa muda mereka, dan bukan dari nomor yang tidak tahu meskipun
pengalaman. 88
          Balas Pitt ke Walpole. Pidato, 6 Maret 1741.
125
    Menjulang di kepercayaan dua puluh satu.
          Surat untuk Bennet Langton. 9 Januari 1758.
126
    Tenang suram kekosongan menganggur.
          Surat untuk Boswell. 8 Desember 1763.
127
    Wharton mengutip Johnson mengatakan Dr. Campbell, "Dia adalah penulis
terkaya yang pernah merumput umum sastra."
 
Catatan 1.
Semua umat manusia, dari Cina ke Peru,
Kesenangan, howe'er disamarkan dengan seni, mengejar.
Thomas Warton: Cinta Universal Kesenangan.

De Quincey (. Works, vol xp 72) mengutip kritik dari beberapa penulis, yang
berpendapat dengan beberapa alasan bahwa ini bait yang terdengar tinggi dari Dr
Johnson jumlah berlaku untuk ini: Biarkan pengamatan dengan pengamatan yang
luas mengamati umat manusia secara luas. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 2.
Tidak ada dalam kemiskinan sehingga sakit ditanggung
Seperti yang mengekspos orang untuk menyeringai cemoohan.
Oldham (1653-1683): Ketiga Satir Juvenal. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 3.
Tiga tahun kemudian Johnson menulis, "Mere jasa tanpa bantuan kemajuan
lambat, jika-apa yang tidak sangat umum-itu kemajuan sama sekali." [Kembali]
Catatan 4.
Var. Siap membantu nya selalu dekat. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 5.
Var. Lalu tanpa rasa sakit berdenyut yang berapi-api. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 6.
Qui nullum fere scribendi genus
Non tetigit,
Nullum quod non tetigit ornavit.

Lihat Chesterfield, Quotation 12. [kembali]

Catatan 7.
Sebuah terjemahan Boethius "De Consolatione Philosophiae," iii. 9, 27. [kembali]
Catatan 8.
Lihat Bacon, Quotation 39. [kembali]
Catatan 9.
Miring dan kata "lupa" akan tampaknya menyiratkan bahwa kata itu tidak sendiri.
[Bagian belakang]
Catatan 10.
Sir William Jones memberikan ucapan serupa di India: ". Kata-kata adalah putri-
putri bumi, dan perbuatan adalah anak surga"

Lihat Herbert, Quotation 29. Sir Thomas Bodley: Surat untuk Pustakawan nya,
1604. [kembali]
Catatan 11.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 12.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 13.
Lihat Paus, Quotation 200. [kembali]
Catatan 14.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 15.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 16.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 17.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 18.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 19.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 20.
Saya tidak menemukan bahwa usia atau negara membuat perbedaan sedikit; tidak,
maupun bahasa aktor berbicara, maupun agama yang mereka mengaku, -baik
Arab di padang pasir, atau Prancis di Akademi. Saya melihat bahwa orang-orang
yang masuk akal dan laki-laki teliti seluruh dunia adalah salah satu agama yang
melakukan dan daring.-Ralph Waldo Emerson: Pengkhotbah. Kuliah dan
Biographical Sketches, p. 215. [kembali]
Catatan 21.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 22.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 23.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 24.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 25.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 26.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 27.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 28.
Setiap penyelidikan yang dipandu oleh prinsip-prinsip alam perbaikan Tujuan
utamanya sepenuhnya pada memuaskan dengan stomach.-Athenaeus: Book vii.
chap. aku aku. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 29.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 30.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 31.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 32.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 33.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 34.
Mr Kremlin sebagai dibedakan untuk ketidaktahuan; karena ia hanya punya satu
ide, dan yang salah.-Benjamin Disraeli (Earl Beaconsfield): Sybil, buku iv. chap.
5. [kembali]
Catatan 35.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 36.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 37.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 38.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 39.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 40.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 41.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 42.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 43.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 44.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 45.
Lihat Herbert, Quotation 21.

Jangan terganggu oleh Saint Bernard mengatakan neraka yang penuh niat baik dan
wills.-Francis de Sales: Surat Spiritual. Surat xii. (Diterjemahkan oleh penulis "A
Artist Dominika.") 1605. [kembali]
Catatan 46.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 47.
Scire ubi aliquid invenire possis, ea demum maxima pars eruditionis est (Untuk
mengetahui di mana Anda dapat menemukan apa-apa, yang singkatnya adalah
bagian terbesar dari pembelajaran) .- Anonymous. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 48.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 49.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 50.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.

Dr Johnson, dikatakan, ketika ia pertama kali mendengar tentang niat Boswell

untuk menulis kehidupan dia, mengumumkan, dengan cukup keputusan, bahwa
jika ia berpikir Boswell benar-benar dimaksudkan untuk menulis hidupnya ia akan
mencegahnya dengan mengambil Boswell! -Thomas Carlyle : Miscellanies, Jean
Paul Frederic Richter. [Bagian belakang]
Catatan 51.
Dari edisi London, 10 volume, 1835.