Advances in Sciences and Humanities

2022; 8(2): 37-47

http://www.sciencepublishinggroup.com/j/ash
doi: 10.11648/j.ash.20220802.13
ISSN: 2472-0941 (Print); ISSN: 2472-0984 (Online)

On the Lutheran Tradition in Estonia - In Particular on the

Social-ethical Suggestions of Alexander von Oettingen
Andreas Pawlas
School of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Tartu, Tartu, Estonia

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To cite this article:

Andreas Pawlas, On the Lutheran Tradition in Estonia - In Particular on the Social-ethical Suggestions of Alexander von Oettingen.
Advances in Sciences and Humanities. Vol. 8, No. 2, 2022, pp. 37-47. doi: 10.11648/j.ash.20220802.13

Received: April 7, 2022; Accepted: May 3, 2022; Published: May 24, 2022

Abstract: This paper reviews Alexander von Oettingen, a Lutheran theologian from what is now Estonia, and his work,
which was widely recognized in the 19th century, and his approach that is still influential today. In the background there is the
tension between the religious and the secular sphere in the Christian tradition and the resistance of Martin Luther and the
Reformation against the medieval unconvincing overcoming of this tension by the consolidation of the papacy and its claim to
power. Since the 16th century, the Lutheran profile has had a formative role in Estonia, both politically and ecclesiastically.
And even when Estonia fell politically to the predominantly orthodox tsarist Russia, the orientation towards Luther's theology
remained - especially at the University of Dorpat (Tartu), which was important for the tsarist empire and where von Oettingen
taught. But in the 19th century, in the German culture that stretched as far as Estonia, Martin Luther and Lutheran theology
were considered outdated. In the modern world, many felt they could ignore religion. However, this did not prevent von
Oettingen from intensively dealing with the modern secular instrument of statistics based on his Lutheran thinking. As a result,
he developed the modern tools of statistical social analysis and presented a much-noticed "moral statistic". In this context, he
not only founded the modern discipline of social ethics, but is also regarded as a pioneer of the sociology of religion and
empirical social research. Furthermore, the insights gained according to his approach, for example about abortions or suicides,
can provide information about the mental or religious orientation of a people. In this respect, his method is still important
today, not only for politics and society, but also for the church.
Keywords: Lutheranism, Estonia, Alexander von Oettingen, Social Ethics, Society, Abortion, Suicide

1. Introduction
Estonia is a small country and is not exactly in the center
of Europe. Nevertheless, it has a share in the great
intellectual movements of history and the present. It owes
this to important personalities such as the Lutheran
theologian Alexander von Oettingen (1827-1905).
The background to his work is that the Christian tradition
is shaped by the tension between the religious and the secular
sphere, between church and politics or between the sacred
and the profane. But it is also part of Christianity that this
tension should be overcome in the Middle Ages by
consolidating the papacy and its claim to power, but this did
not succeed convincingly.
For Estonia and von Oettingen, on the other hand, it was
decisive that Martin Luther and the Reformation opposed the
implausibility of the Christian testimony caused by the
Middle Ages. In this way, the Lutheran profile gained
political and ecclesiastical importance for Estonia from the
16th century onwards.
But when Reinhold Seeberg in 1909 was looking back on
the life of his teacher von Oettingen, who had died four years
previously, he characterized him as the "last orthodox
Lutheran“. [1-3] And this was not meant as a compliment.
Rather, from the point of view of the time, it must be
understood as an indulgent designation for something
hopelessly outdated and obsolete, which, in view of the
challenges of modernity, would no longer be of any
importance. Such an assessment of Oettingen's Lutheran
theology is not only to be found among his students and
38 Andreas Pawlas: On the Lutheran Tradition in Estonia - In Particular on the Social-ethical Suggestions of
Alexander von Oettingen
ultimately also in Adolf von Harnack. And even in the
"Luther Renaissance" that grew up around the same time,
Oettingen was not registered as a pioneering theologian. All
in all, this has to do with a far-reaching lack of understanding
for his theological approach, which had grown on Lutheran
soil and was ultimately more modern than the "modern"
theologians of the time, such as Seeberg or von Harnack,
seemed to understand. And that was obviously due to the fact
that Oettingen did not get caught up in historicist details, as
was popular in the age of historicism. But rather, from a
Lutheran point of view and in a very unique way, he faced
the problems and ways of thinking of the then current present
at the University of Tartu (Dorpat). And the Lutheran
perspective is by no means something new for the University
of Tartu, but is embedded in the development of Lutheranism
in Estonia and the Baltic States in general. [4].
2. Luther and His "Dear Livonians"
It should be remembered here that Luther had the Baltic
region already theologically well in mind as early as 1518.
[5] The first signs of the Reformation can also be found there
as early as 1521 with the preaching of Andreas Knopken. [6]
And on February 1, 1524, Luther can almost euphorically go
to write to Spalatin: “The gospel is going on in Livonia and is
making good progress, especially among those in Riga whose
letter and deputies I recently received. How wonderful is
Christ.” [7] Moreover, he writes to them, “dear sir and
brother," that he "may gladly speak them beatified”. [8].
It must be added that the term "Livonia" used here and
then customary in Luther's time meant a landscape “at the
end of the world”, [9] which extended temporal in different
forms over the areas of today's Latvia and Estonia. There, as
early as 1524, a Protestant union was founded of Tallinn
(Reval), Tartu (Dorpat) and Riga. [10]. Finally, the
Reformation prevailed “completely and. exclusively in the
form of Lutheranism”. [11].
Grüner now enumerates that in the period from 1523 to
1540 Luther addressed his "dear Livonians" at least 17 times,
mostly with letters and expert opinions. [12] However, the
reactions to this are not yet known in every case.
But perhaps the headings of his most important writings
can show that he was very fond of writing to the Livonians,
although without being able to come to Riga, Reval or
Dorpat himself. In 1523 he wrote "To the elected dear friends
of God, all Christians in Riga, Reval and Dorpat in Livonia,
my dear gentlemen and brothers in Christo“. [13] In the same
key he headlined in 1524: "Martinus Luther All dear friends
in Christo in Riga and Livonia." and adds an interpretation of
Psalm 127. [14] And in 1525 he writes "To all dear Christians
in Livonia, together with their pastors and preachers“. [15].
What moves him in his "Letters", partly in the Pauline
style, is "care for the souls of Christians", while here outside
the borders of Germany he leaves politics to the "worldly
understanding“. [16] It may suffice at this point to take note
of Grüner's overview of Luther's writings to the Livonians,
according to which they contain the core Reformation
questions of grace, justification, the greatness and love of
God and the power and miracles of the Lord Christ, but not
dogmatically didactic, but particularly true to life with the
purpose of edifying the parish. [17].
Even if Martin Luther's Reformation was adopted early on
by the German population, [18] the development of
Lutheranism was by no means only concentrated on the
Germans there. Rather, the tribes of Livonia, which at that
time was still part of the German Empire, [19] apparently
gladly accepted the gospel, and so Luther's catechism was
published in Estonian [20] as early as 1535 and in Latvian in
1586/7. [21] This language difference may indicate that, in
addition to Luther's extensive devotion to the Livonians in
general, [22] his exclusive correspondence to the Estonian
part of Livonia is by all means less. It is almost limited to the
letters to the council of the cities of Reval (today Tallinn) and
Dorpat (today Tartu) and deals with personnel and
administrative issues. [23] In any case, Girgensohn knows
how to sum up that Luther not only had "great importance for
our church" as the herald of the newly created true word of
God, but he also served “our ancestors as a warm personal
friend and participated in the fate of the Livonian
congregations to the heartiest part”. [24].
3. Lutheranism in the Tsarist Empire:
Social-ethical Aspects of the Question
of Authority
At this point it is not necessary to go into more detail at
what times and in what way the rule of the Deutscher Orden,
the Russians, the Poles or the Swedes changed over Livonia
or Estonia since the 17th century. In any case, one
consequence was the strengthening of the Lutheran profile of
this region. [25] This did not change when, the Baltic States
fell to Russia for around 200 years as a result of the Northern
War (1700 to 1721). Rather, the Protestant, Lutheran church
system there was initially able to develop unhindered during
these years. [26] It was even included in the special tasks that
awaited the Baltic areas as now new Russian Baltic provinces
in the continent-spanning Russian Empire: namely, they
should mediate the "superior" European knowledge and
culture - again represented by the Protestant-Lutheran
tradition - into the still underdeveloped wide tsarist empire.
From the social-ethical perspective, however, the church's
contribution to this project had its own significance. On the
one hand, the Lutheran Christians in Livonia never doubted
that they felt committed to the state in which they lived,
according to the fourth commandment - even if it was
denominationally subject to a different (here orthodox)
overall character. On the other hand, being a Christian also
meant seeing oneself called upon to resist when state law was
transgressed and in the face of orthodox indoctrination. This
ecclesiastical and theologically differentiated perspective
made it clear, for example - and this was already the case
when the German Reich was founded in 1871 - that there
could well be an exaggerated cult of a (German) nationality
 Advances in Sciences and Humanities 2022; 8(2): 37-47
which, as a Christian, one could escape from simply by
leaving one's ancestral homeland. [27].
This sober Lutheran attitude, hardened in the confrontation
with the Russian-Orthodox alliance of state and church,
demonstrates that Barth's complete identification of
Lutheranism with unconditionally state obedient theology
and church [28] is refuted solely by the existence and
ecclesiastical life and suffering of Baltic Lutheranism.
In a certain sense, the fact also belongs in this context that
in the mid-17th century the Lutheran pastor Heinrich Stahl
(1600-1657) developed the first Estonian grammar [29] so
that the mostly German pastors, in the spirit of Luther, could
preach to the Estonian-speaking people in their mother
tongue. Stahl thus became the "father" of the written
Estonian language. It was a few more decades to 1682 before
the Bible was translated into (South) Estonian, again based
on Luther's example. It was "a memorable event for Estonian
culture“[30] insofar as such a writing of the Estonian
language created a bulwark against the later massive
absorption and annihilation of Estonian culture into the
Russian Empire.
4. The University of Tartu (Dorpat) and
the Lutheran Profile
Understandably, the University of Tartu (Dorpat), which
was (re)founded in 1802, had to play a special role in the
mediation process decreed by the Tsar between the Baltic
regions and the eastern provinces of the Russian Empire. In
its theological faculty with a strictly denominational
Lutheran character, [31] all of the young Protestant
theologians were trained for the Russian Empire - from the
Baltic Sea to the Pacific Ocean. [32] Adolf von Harnack, who
was born and shaped in Tartu, analyzes that the tsar "ignored
every national-Russian concerns and.. at the same time
placed complete trust in the loyalty of the Germans in the
Baltic Sea provinces". [33] Furthermore, Harnack even says,
that Lutheranism had been consolidated by the university in
the Baltic countries and had become completely merged with
the spirit of the Estonians and Latvians. [34].
It should be pointed out that the theological tradition and
piety that was cultivated at this University of Tartu was
similar to the Erlangen theology, which was much discussed
at the same time in the German-speaking world in the mid-
19th century. [35] The reason for such a similarity funds not
least in the fact that there was a wide range of exchanges and
various suggestions between the explicitly Lutheran
theological faculties in Tartu and in Erlangen, which are
hardly adequately traced in detail. But, for example,
Theodosius Harnack worked in Tartu from 1844-1852 and
1865-1875 and in between from 1853-1866 in Erlangen. [36]
The Hofmann student Wilhelm Volck also taught in Tartu
from 1862-1898. [37] And vice versa, Oettingen's student,
Reinhold Seeberg, taught in Erlangen from 1889-1898 after
his academic qualification in Tartu. [38].
39
5. Alexander von Oettingen as a Baltic
Lutheran
Almost parallel to the consolidation of the Lutheran profile of
the university, the Russification efforts that had been pushed
forward from Moscow since the middle of the 19th century as
part of an awakening nationalism had a major impact. They
were combined with a pushing towards the Russian Orthodox
Church, from which the predominantly Lutheran population and
the university suffered considerably. [39] According to reliable
biographical reports, Alexander von Oettingen was one of the
first men in the country in this resistance and fighting situation
in his church. [40] At the same time, however, he was also
highly honored as a "Kaiserlich-russischer Wirklicher Staatsrat".
[41] As Seeberg reports, he was seen as a "walking apology of
(Lutheran) Christianity". [42] His nature was "penetrated and
sanctified by the spirit of Christ."[43] And his lectures on
"Moralstatistik" regularly attracted a large audience of students
from all faculties. [44] His residence on the Tartu "Wallgraben"
was dubbed with highly respect the "Vatican". [45].
If one asks about Oettingen's theological fathers, one is
first referred back to the University of Tartu, where he first
studied philology from 1845-1846 and then theology until
1849. At that time, Theodosius Harnack taught as a practical
theologian, Johann Karl Friedrich Keil as an exegete,
Friedrich Busch as a church historian and Friedrich Adolf
Philippi as a systematist. At that time, Philippi had the
strongest influence on the faculty, and thus also on Oettingen.
And Seeberg thinks he can characterize part of Oettingen's
work somewhat disparagingly by the fact that he "(renewed)
Philippi's attempt to bring the orthodox teaching system as a
whole and without deductions closer to the new time, in
ongoing internal and external confrontation with the newer
and newest dogmatic work". [46].
Perhaps this assessment may have been justified at first,
but later Oettingen distanced itself more and more clearly
from Philippi. And at the latest in his Dogmatics he rejected
in particular the Philippian procedure of including
ecclesiastical doctrinal regulations or old dogmatic formulas
unchanged in the systematic development itself. [47]
Oettingen's aim, on the other hand, was to present the organic
connection between the individual dogmas in connection
with the Christian's subjective experience of salvation. [48].
Apparently, there was an approach to J. C. K. von
Hofmann and the "Erlanger Theology“[49] after Oettingen
had passed his candidate exam in 1850. Because together
with his brother-in-law Moritz von Engelhardt he not only
continued his studies in Berlin and Bonn, where he also
studied with Albrecht Ritschl, but also in Erlangen. His
habilitation in Tartu then took place in 1854. Then, in 1856,
he first became an associate professor and a few months later
a full professor of systematic theology. [50].
In retrospect, Seeberg thinks he can state that Oettingen's
theology "was finished while he was in the first half of the
thirties of his life". [51] If so, it means not a contrast to the
fact that Oettingen then was concentrating on ethical and
aesthetic issues for almost thirty years of his life.
40 Andreas Pawlas: On the Lutheran Tradition in Estonia - In Particular on the Social-ethical Suggestions of
Alexander von Oettingen
The impetus for Oettingen to deal with moral statistics
came from the national economist and statistician Adolf
Wagner, who was appointed to Tartu in 1865. [52] Wagner
had been led to the assumption of absolute determinism in his
recently published work "Die Gesetzmäßigkeit in den
scheinbar willkürlichen menschlichen Handlungen vom
Standpunkte der Statistik". [53] However, this position was
theologically unacceptable to Oettingen. And so the
confrontation with the empirical justification of this
determinism thesis drew him deeper and deeper into moral
statistical studies. In 1868, after a relatively short time,
Oettingen was able to present his own "Moralstatistik" [54]
and reprint them in revised form in 1874 and 1882.
6. The "Moralstatistik" as the Basis of
Oettingen's Theological Thinking
Põder is currently trying to emphasize aspects of a
theology of the cross more clearly in Oettingen. [55] But that
must not lead to overlooking Karl Girgensohn's justified
analysis that it was the publication of his "Moralstatistik" that
brought Oettingen a "scientific world reputation“. [56] His
"Christliche Sittenlehre" he developed from this in 1873 was
described by Emil Brunner, for example, as the "best ethical
achievement of the 19th century". [57] In this respect, the
focus in the following should not be placed on Oettingen's
remarkable dogmatic achievements, but rather on his social-
ethical impulses. However, Oettingen was by no means the
first theologian to focus on statistics. For example,
Schleiermacher considered it absolutely necessary to use
"ecclesiastical statistics" to gain comprehensive "knowledge
of the social situation in all the different parts of the Christian
church" and therefore he held lectures about this topic often
enough. [58].
In his approach, however, Schleiermacher was only too
clearly oriented towards the older, so-called "university
statistics" in the sense of Achenwall, [59] which exhausted
themselves almost unmathematically in a more or less
flowery description of all "national oddities".
On the other hand, thanks to Wagner's suggestion,
Oettingen dealt with "modern" numerical or mathematical
statistics. That had to be surprising for the time and the
allegations of social infertility raised by Max Weber or Ernst
Troeltsch against denominational Lutheran theology:[60]
Ironically, a consciously Lutheran theologian begins a
conversation with modern statistics in which the sociality of
people is emphatically addressed. And in doing so, Oettingen
not only made use of modern statistical instruments in his
ethical work, which was also well respected in statistical
science, [61] but he also subjected it to ethical reflection.
In the manner already indicated above, it was also shown
here that, contrary to the ideas of the then "modern" liberal
theology of Ritschl or Harnack, Oettingen was not concerned
with a "symbiosis" of modern - here statistical - thinking with
theology, but with maintaining denominational
characteristics. And in view of the decisive distinction
between law and gospel for Lutheran theology, this had to
mean that he necessarily included statistics in the category of
law. And his basic idea was then to open up ways for modern
man to deal with the divine law with the help of his own
thinking - namely statistics.
In this context, it is Elert [62] who emphasizes Oettingen's
merit in using statistics to show modern people the extent of
moral derailments and their consequences - or, as Trillhaas
says, the "realities of social life" [63] - for the first time.
When Oettingen was then publicly accused of not having
presented "moral statistics" at all, but rather "immoral
statistics", this is justified in a certain sense. [64] In fact, it
was his declared intention to ensure that the divine law was
taken seriously and understood in its judging or self-
judgmental function.
It was precisely this theological context that led him to use
statistics to construct his social-ethical system. Furthermore,
the statistical way of thinking, which is based on mass
processes, led him to perceive all collective and social
references to reality with particular urgency. As a result, he
was the first within theology and church to address the
modern phenomenon of "society (Gesellschaft)". This not
only made him the creator of the new concept of
"Sozialethik". But at the same time, through his approach, he
also establishes his own theological discipline of
"Sozialethik". [65] And some voices even appreciate this new
discipline of "Sozialethik" in such a way that its reference to
the common good gives it an advantage over individual
ethics, [66] while others believe that ethics are actually
always "Sozialethik". [67].
Be that as it may, this controversy must not allow to forget
that Oettingen using the numerical or mathematical statistics
in a completely new way to record the phenomenon of the
social thus became a significant stimulus for empirical social
research and the sociology of religion. [68].
7. Oettingen’s "Christliche Sittenlehre":
Its Content Suggestions and Its
Formal Failure
As already mentioned above, each of the three editions of
his moral statistics brought a wide echo in the theological and
extra-theological world. On the other hand, his "Christliche
Sittenlehre" of 1873 found no corresponding reaction. [69] It
undoubtedly brought a wealth of inspiration for many facets
of ethics, but apparently its content did not fit into the
theological (and political) landscape at the founding of the
Wilhelmine Empire. After all, who would e.g. want to hear
Oettingen’s warnings against the "questionable ethical
consequences of the principle of nationality" at the time
when national enthusiasm flared up after German unification
in 1871, as well as against the "cosmopolitanism" propagated
by certain representatives of liberalism? On the other hand,
Oettingen obviously knew - not least because of the
informations collected in his "Moralstatistik" about
regionally occurring immorality - more than e.g. Hofmann
 Advances in Sciences and Humanities 2022; 8(2): 37-47
and above all many representatives of the cultural
Protestantism that was emerging at the time about evil. And
thus he also knew more about conflicts of conscience to
which a Christian can be exposed, for example as a result of
a "pagan apotheosis of folklore" or as a result of "sinful
popular tendencies" and popular immorality. And who at that
time in the Deutsches Reich, but also in the other national
states, would have liked to consider that for a Christian “it
(can) become necessary to escape conflicts of conscience by
leaving their homeland”? [70].
However much one may appreciate such insights, which
were unpopular at the time but important in terms of content,
they do not help to overcome a crucial formal deficiency:
Actually, his attempt to build up an ethics on the basis of
moral statistical knowledge was unsuccessful. For how
should it be epistemological possible to found a Sozialethik
"based on experience" with the help of statistics? Because of
the nature of the matter, it obviously cannot be possible to
"prove" a spiritual interpretation of the world and a Christian
way of life with the help of "worldly" data, i.e. data found
through statistics, in the strict sense.
However, the epistemological findings of the present also
include the fact that this fundamental objection must actually
be raised against any interpretation of "worldly" perceptions
and facts - whereby at the same time precisely this task for
the interpretation of all "worldly" perceptions and facts is one
of the indispensable requirements of the coping with life that
belongs to everyone.
In this respect, the interpretation of facts is vital. And an
ethics that does not want to take off into pure, supramundane
speculation will refer to statistical results. This cannot be done
in the sense of strict mathematical proofs, as Oettingen initially
thought. Nevertheless, there are good reasons to consider
statistical results "illustratively" in ethical arguments.
For this reason, despite the formal deficiency that has been
presented, the merit of the Lutheran theologian Alexander
von Oettingen remains, as the first and only theologian of
modern times to have taken up the conversation with
statistics and thus also to have laid the foundations for a
continuation of this conversation. [71].
8. On the Argument That the Lutheran
Heritage Is "Out of Fashion"
Oettingen resigned his teaching position in 1891 after
thirtyfive years of teaching in Tartu, during which he had also
refused any call for other chairs. [72] However, this was only
the beginning of his third creative period. Because his student
Reinhold Seeberg, who was now teaching in Erlangen, had
been urged by the publisher to write a dogmatics, but due to
his youth he did not feel ready for it. On the one hand he
therefore recommended his old teacher and on the other hand
he was actually able to encourage him to develop
systematically his Lutheran theology, which had been tried
and tested for almost a generation, in a context. [73].
It took Oettingen around ten years to complete his three-
41
volume "Lutherische Dogmatik" (1897-1902). Unfortunately,
from the point of view of the "modern" theology of the time,
which was inclined towards historicism, it then had to appear
as hopelessly unmodern. Apparently, such traditional Lutheran
dogmatics could not be acceptable for the self-confidence and
the unbroken belief in progress of this epoch. And later Karl
Girgensohn remarked on this in his later dispute with
Oettingen: "The demand for a modern transformation of
positive theology, a 'modern positive theology', is such an
urgent need for the many young people among us who love the
old gospel that we unfortunately have to take the advice of the
elderly to steer clear of this dangerous enterprise let, can not
follow. For us there can only be a ‘modern’, i.e. contemporary,
positive theology, or none at all." [74].
The consequence of such a transformation had to mean,
however, that dogmatics in the Lutheran tradition, which
placed the justification of the sinner [75] as articulus stantis
et cadentis ecclesiae and therefore man’s sinfulness and need
for redemption at the center, [76] could at best be perceived
as a disturbance.
The world at that time, which was interested in historical
connections, offered enough possibilities to relativize
Oettingen's work with the help of historical means by
analyzing that in it allegedly "a few Hofmann (and) Frankian
thoughts were placed on the old orthodox system and over
these. A third layer of Ritschlian suggestions to perceive".
Since one always only learns how good and correct the old
Lutheran building is, a tiredness spreads in the reader, which
then also explains why “the great laborious work that should
represent the fruit of a theological life has been given so little
attention”. [77].
It is only today that it is becoming clear to some that the
contemporaries, who were completely fascinated by
"modernity" at the time, had not found access to what was
decisive in Lutheran theology, namely precisely to the
doctrine of justification as the heart of Protestant theology.
However, who would want to judge mercilessly here: If, for
example, even such theologians as Ernst Troeltsch - who was
certainly much more popular than Oettingen at the time -
following Dilthey had been blocked in the access to this
central teaching and its background of experience, [78] how
should smaller lights be able for more understanding?
Oettingen, who was nevertheless highly honored in his
Baltic homeland, died on August 7 (20) 1905 [79] after a few
days of serious illness. It is surprising that Oettingen's
student Reinhold Seeberg, despite his criticism of his teacher
and his own theological and ethical commitment to
historicism and cultural Protestantism, in retrospect on his
life, recommends "to take an example of the inner security in
the confession of the old truth, of the high-spirited mood of a
pious theologian and in the connection of the theologia crucis
with the cosmopolitan mind". His work is not only "a faithful
compilation of the heritage of our fathers", but it also inspires
"to fight for the future". [80].
And overall, there is much to suggest that Ehlert's
assessment of the spirit of Dorpat University is correct, that
although the theologians Theodosius Harnack, Moritz von
42 Andreas Pawlas: On the Lutheran Tradition in Estonia - In Particular on the Social-ethical Suggestions of
Alexander von Oettingen
Engelhardt and Alexander von Oettingen were no longer
teaching at the end of the 19th century, but that "their spirit
had been still effective and alive". [81].
9. Some Social-ethical Inquiries and
Observations with Regard to Today's
Estonia
Since, in the Lutheran sense and in the responsibility
before God, it can never be a question of transfiguring the
past, but rather of dealing with the present and the future, a
review of this Lutheran theologian and his social-ethical
approach should not be limited to the collection of
biographical details. Rather, it may not only be permissible
but even necessary to ask a few selected social-ethical
questions from a quantitative perspective in relation to the
region in which Oettingen once lived, in relation to today's
Estonia. While 78.3% of the 1,107,059 inhabitants of Estonia
identified themselves as Lutheran in the 1922 census, [82]
according to the will and ideological conviction of the
communists who ruled Estonia until 1991, religion should no
longer exist as a social phenomenon. Either one expected the
extinction of all religions or one helped to a large extent by
means of sometimes nasty sanctions, which had considerable
consequences for the mental structure of the Estonians.
According to Kiivit's analysis, it is anchored in the
consciousness of the Estonians that for decades "torture and
killing, to which millions and millions fell victim, were an
inseparable part of the (atheistic) Soviet system". [83].
It is certainly not possible to find unequivocal answers or
to prove mathematically how long years of oppression have
etched themselves into the souls of Estonians. However, the
requirement to demand ultimate accuracy here would only
have to result in not attempting an answer at all. In this
respect, all that remains is an attempt based on quantitative
perspectives and methods to gain an "illustrative" overview
through some data, as Alexander von Oettingen would
certainly have dared in his time.
And surely changes in a soul's condition may be most
evident in a person's dealings with life and death. And first of
all, not only for Estonia, it can be said that the worst
successes of communist (re)education can be shown by way
of example, especially in dealing with unborn life. The
protection of life demanded by the Christian tradition,
including that of the unborn, was most clearly disregarded
here - apparently in favor of a state ideology that promised
pleasure and joie de vivre.
Although there are no direct data for Estonia from the 19th
century, it is to expect that the numbers for this period are
minimal. [84] On the other hand, it must be stated that during
the communist era, e.g for every birth there were almost two
abortions. [85] Fortunately, however, the abortion rate as a
sign of a bad attitude towards life has fallen significantly after
the end of the communist system. Nevertheless, the abortion
rates in Estonia significantly exceed those of other European
countries and in 2011, with 8,654 abortions per 14,679 births
[86] and thus an abortion rate of 590/1000, it is still almost
three times as high as in directly neighboring Finland [87] and
3.6 times as high as in Germany. [88] However, the path out of
the deeply rooted, inhuman attitude to life seems to be
progressing further. In 2017 in Estonia there were only 5,756
abortions per 13,784 births, which corresponds to an abortion
rate of 418/1000, which, however, still means more than three
times the abortion rate in Germany. [89-90].
In addition to the problem of abortions, the high suicide
rate in Estonia is a cause for thought. It was Oettingen who
had already dealt extensively with suicide in his moral
statistics. [91] What he can point out as particularly
disturbing for that time is the astonishing increase in the
suicide rate. [92].
And what he can then state apparently for the period from
1874-1878 about "Our Baltic suicide rate", i.e. also the
Estonian one, is a quotient "from about 65 to 1 million
inhabitants", i.e. according to current information 6.5/
100,000. It was thus "twice as strong as the Finnish and
Russian ones." [93] These dates could stand for an Estonian
or "Finno-Ugric" peculiarity. [94] However, Oettingen
himself refers to the many times higher suicide rate in
Denmark, Thuringia and Saxony. [95].
However, the suicide rate in Soviet times is of a completely
different magnitude. As shown in Table 1 for 1970, the
number of suicides in Estonia is 31.5 per 100,000 inhabitants,
almost five times higher than in Oettingen's time. And the rate
is about twice as high as in Germany, which could support the
"Finno-Ugric" thesis. But the suicide rates for Latvia and
Lithuania (28.3 and 25.8 respectively per 100,000 inhabitants)
given in Table 1 for 1970 must be held against.
These high rates are more likely to reflect the emotional
distress of all Balts during this terrible time of communist
occupation.
Table 1. [96-98].
Suicide rates: number of suicides per 100,000 inhabitants
Selected years Estonia Latvia Lithuania Germany
1970 31,5 28,3 25,8 16,7
1994 40,7 40,3 45,7 15,8
2011 16,31 21,23 33,38 12,14
2018 14,85 15,57 23,98 10,61
Mehilane now points out that in 1991, during the "Singing
Revolution", when Estonia was liberated from communist
oppression, the suicide rate there dropped from 33.7 per
100,000 in the early 1980s to 24.3 in 1988/9. [99] On the
other hand, the suicide rates rose again at the beginning of
the 1990s (Table 1 1994: 40.7/100,000). Some interprete this
as a sign that the new conditions compared to the ordering
and stabilizing power of the previous system caused for some
people a lot of fear (of death). But it could also be the case
that many had already entered this period of upheaval
mentally mutilated and now had no more creative power.
In any case - as can also be seen from Table 1 - it can be
observed that the suicide rates in Estonia have decreased
considerably since the turn of the millennium - and not only
in Estonia, but also in the entire Baltic region.
 Advances in Sciences and Humanities 2022; 8(2): 37-47
If fluctuations of this kind can now be viewed as
indicators of the hope from which a people lives in the
sense of Oettingen's social-ethical analysis, the fall in the
suicide rate [100] since the turn of the millennium, as well
as the permanent fall in the abortion rate, could not be
seen as proof, but as an encouraging signal of a certain
psychological stabilization of the Estonian population.
And that would only be welcome from a social-ethical
point of view.
With regard to the current relationship between Estonia
and Luther, however, this would in no way document a belief
in the sense of Luther's doctrine of justification. However,
these data could be understood as indications of how good it
is for a people when the state is no longer encroaching as it
was in communist times and, contrary to the Lutheran
doctrine of the two kingdoms, tries to intervene in the souls
and world interpretation systems of people and to manipulate
them in its own interests.
10. Conclusion
Remembering Alexander von Oettingen is not only
interesting in terms of intellectual history or the history of
Estonia or Lutheranism. Rather, it is helpful to take Estonia
as an example to recognize that the Lutheran tradition is not
identical with willing servitude to authority. A memory of
von Oettingen does not only mean an appreciation of the
beginnings of social ethics, the sociology of religion or
empirical social research. Rather, the statistical knowledge
obtained according to his approach, for example about
abortions or suicides, cannot be understood as evidence, but
as indications of the mental or religious orientation of a
people. That is why Oettingen's approach is still of no small
importance for politics, society and the church.
References
[1] Dietzel, Stefan (2013). Reinhold Seeberg als Ethiker des
Sozialprotestantismus. Die ‚Christliche Ethik‘ im Kontext
ihrer Zeit. Göttingen, 23ff. currently outlines the position of
Reinhold Seeberg as a student of Alexander von Oettingen.
[2] The death notice of the family and the Dorpat faculty can be
found as an attachment to the Nordlivländische Zeitung Nr.
173 of the 8. (21.) August 1905. Surprisingly, Gruehn, Werner
(1930). Oettingen, in: RGG IV2, 654, and Schott, Erdmann,
(1960). Oettingen, in: RGG IV3, 1596, and Christophersen,
Alf (2003). Oettingen, Alexander Konstantin v., in: RGG VI4,
460 gives the year 1906 as the year of death. Böhme, Monika
(1971). Die Moralstatistik. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
Quantifizierung in der Soziologie, dargestellt an den Werken
Adolphe Quetelets und Alexander von Oettingens. Köln/
Wien, 30 even the year 1903.
[3] Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, ein
baltischer Theologe. In: Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Aus
Religion und Geschichte. Gesammelte Aufsätze und Vorträge
Vol. 2, Zur Systematischen Theologie. Leipzig, 37.
[4] On the Christianization of the Baltic, see e.g. Ripke, Justus
Nicolaus (1883). Die Einführung der Reformation in den
43
Baltischen Provinzen und Dr. Martin Luther’s persönliche
Beziehung zu derselben. Riga, 2ff.
[5] See Luthers reference to "Livonia" in his Resolutiones
disputationum de indulgentiarum virtute of 1518. WA
1,571,20 (WA= Luther, Martin (1883ff.). Werke. Kritische
Gesamtausgabe. Vol. 1ff. Weimar).
[6] See WA 18,412. According to Ripke, Justus Nicolaus (1883).
Die Einführung der Reformation, 9 the authoritative
reformatory writings of 1520, i.e. "An den christlichen Adel
deutscher Nation von des Christlichen standes besserung"(WA
6,404-469), "De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae Praeludium
Martini Lutheri."(WA 6, 497- 573) and "Von der Freyheyt
eyniß Christen menschen"(WA 7, 20-38), "paved their way to
all hearts longing for truth, also in Livonia."
[7] WABr 3,241,17-20: "Euangelion oritur & procedit in Liuonia,
presertim apud Rigenses feliciter, quorum literas ac legatum
nuper suscepi; Sic mirabilis est Christus." (WABr= Luther,
Martin (1930ff.). Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe.
Briefwechsel Vol. 1ff. Weimar).
[8] WA 12, 147, 7f.; 148, 3.
[9] WA 12, 148, 3.
[10] Salumäe, Tiit (1993). Estland, in: Andreas Rössler (Ed.),
Protestantische Kirchen in Europa, Stuttgart, 50.
[11] See Iserloh, Erwin (1985). Die Reformation in Osteuropa, in:
Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte ed. by Hubert Jedin, Vol. IV
Freiburg, 326.
[12] Grüner, Viktor (1941). Luthers Livland gewidmete Schriften,
in: Luther-Jahrbuch 23, 94ff.
[13] WA 12, 147-150, especially WA 12, 147, 1-3: "Den
Auszerwelten lieben Freunden gottis, allen Christen zu Righe,
Revell und Tarbthe ynn Lieffland, meynen lieben herren und
brudern ynn Christo".
[14] WA 15, 360-378, especially WA 15, 360, 1-2: "Martinus Luther
Allen lieben freunden ynn Christo zu Rigen und Liffland."
[15] WA 18, 417-21, especially WA 18, 417, 1-3: "Allen lieben
Christen ynn Lieffland sampt yhren Pharherrn und predigern."
And perhaps it should also be added here that Luther was also
willing to write the preface to a commentary on the
Apocalypse that had been given to him by reliable Livonians
(see WA 26, 123, 5).
[16] Grüner, Viktor (1941). Luthers Livland gewidmete Schriften,
in: Luther-Jahrbuch 23, 117.
[17] Grüner, Viktor (1941). Luthers Livland gewidmete Schriften,
in: Luther-Jahrbuch 23, 118. For a more detailed description
of the reformatory upheaval in Livonia, see e.g. Helmsing, J.
Th. (1868). Die Reformationsgeschichte Livlands in ihren
Grundzügen dargestellt, Riga.
[18] For further details of the adoption of the Reformation in
Livonia and in the Baltic see, e.g Seraphim, Ernst (1906).
Geschichte von Livland Vol. 1, Gotha, 173-222. See as well
Ripke, Justus Nicolaus (1883). Die Einführung der
Reformation in den Baltischen Provinzen und Dr. Martin
Luther’s persönliche Beziehung zu derselben. Riga with
reports on the Reformation in Riga "and Livonia (in the
narrower sense)" (7ff.), in Dorpat (17ff.), in Reval "and
Ehstland" (21ff.), on Oesel and Wieck (38f.) and in Kurland
(39ff.).
44 Andreas Pawlas: On the Lutheran Tradition in Estonia - In Particular on the Social-ethical Suggestions of
Alexander von Oettingen
[19] Girgensohn, Josef (1927). Die Ostseeprovinzen, Leipzig/
Berlin, 15.
[20] The oldest book in Estonian is considered to be the Wanradt-
Koell-Katechismus of 1535. See Rebane, Liia (2018).
LVCREC – VENVS – IV-DITT. Tallinner Bucheinbände zu
Beginn der frühen Neuzeit. Buchbinder, Einwirkungen und
Verzierungen. Helsinki, 131ff.
[21] Helmsing, J. Th. (1868). Die Reformationsgeschichte
Livlands in ihren Grundzügen dargestellt, Riga, 76.
[22] Of the 17 writings by Luther to Livonia listed by Grüner, eight
letters, most of them relating to administration or personnel,
go to Riga or relate to Riga affairs (WABr 3,513/ WABr
5,124/ WABr 5,142/ WABr 5,677f./ WABr 6,166/ WABr
6,169/ WABr 8,134/ WABr 9,220).
[23] See the five letters: WABr 6,88/ WABr 12,302/ WABr 6,499/
WABr 6,346/ WABr 6, 33.
[24] Girgensohn, Josef (1917). Aus der Reformationszeit Alt-
Livlands, Mitau, 16.
[25] Köhler, Karl Franz (1866). Die lutherische Kirche in den
russischen Ostseeprovinzen, Leipzig, 8ff.
[26] Kahle, Wilhelm (1982). Lutherische Begegnungen im
Ostseeraum, Gütersloh, 48f.
[27] Oettingen, Alexander von (1873). Die Moralstatistik und die
christliche Sittenlehre. Versuch einer Sozialethik auf
empirischer Grundlage. Zweiter Teil: Die Christliche
Sittenlehre, Erlangen, 682.
[28] Barth, Karl (1945). Eine Schweizer Stimme 1938 bis 1945,
Zürich, 113.
[29] Stahlen, M. Henrico (1637). Anführung zu der Esthnischen
Sprach. Revall (ND Tartu 20002).
[30] Paul, Toomas (1994). Die Geschichte der estnischen
Bibelübersetzung I Teil (XVI-XIX Jahrhundert). Tartu, 14. In the
northern dialect, the New Testament was published in 1715 (16).
[31] Girgensohn, Karl (1918). Die Theologische Fakultät, in:
Semel Hugo (Ed.) (1918). Die Universität Dorpat (1802-
1918), Dorpat, 39-50, especially 39.41.
[32] Kahle, Wilhelm (1982). Lutherische Begegnungen im
Ostseeraum, Gütersloh, 172f.
[33] Harnack, Adolf von (1916). Aus der Friedens- und
Kriegsarbeit, Giessen, 366.
[34] Harnack, Adolf von (1916). Aus der Friedens- und
Kriegsarbeit, Giessen, 365. However, the descriptions by
Bernewitz, (Alexander Hans)(1920). Die Evangelische
Kirche in baltische Landen, in: Rendtorff, Franz (Ed.)
(1920). Die evangelische Diaspora, Leipzig, 34-41,
especially 39 speak against this - probably only for a certain
transitional period.
[35] Pawlas, Andreas (1990). Zu den Einflüssen Erlanger
Theologie auf das Baltische Luthertum: Alexander von
Oettingens Nähe und Distanz zur Theologie J. C. K. von
Hofmanns. Zeitschrift für bayerische Kirchengeschichte 59/
1990, 199-214.
[36] Merz, Georg (1959). Harnack, Theodosius, in RGG III3, 79f.
[37] Köberle, Adolf (1908). Volck, Wilhelm: In: Realenzyklopädie
für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, Vol. 203, Leipzig,
730–733.
[38] Dietzel, Stefan (2013). Reinhold Seeberg als Ethiker des
Sozialprotestantismus. Die ‚Christliche Ethik‘ im Kontext
ihrer Zeit. Göttingen, 37ff.
[39] Frey, Johannes (1910). Dorpat, Universität, in: RGG II1,
130ff., see further Bernewitz, (Alexander Hans)(1920). Die
Evangelische Kirche in baltische Landen, in: Rendtorff, Franz
(Ed.) (1920). Die evangelische Diaspora, Leipzig, 35.
[40] Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 57f.
For more recent work on Oettingen's theology, see e.g.
Põder, Thomas-Andreas (2016). Solidarische Toleranz.
Kreuzestheologie und Sozialethik bei Alexander von
Oettingen, Göttingen.
[41] Hasselblatt, Arnold & Otto, Gustav (1889). Album
academicum der Kaiserlichen Universität Dorpat, Dorpat, 355.
[42] Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 57.
[43] Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 44f.;
see also the reference to his piety Schrenck, Erich von (1909).
Alexander von Oettingen, in: Deutscher Verein in Livland
(Ed.)(1909). Aus baltischer Geistesarbeit. Reden und
Aufsätze, Riga, 34-40, 38.
[44] Schrenck, Erich von (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 37
states that the number of listeners sometimes rose to 800.
[45] Hauptmann, Peter (1982). Dorpat, in: Müller, Gerd a.o. (Ed.)
(1982). Theologische Realenzyklopädie Vol. IX, Berlin/New
York, 161.
[46] Seeberg, Reinhold (1903). Die Kirche Deutschlands im
neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Eine Einführung in die religiösen,
theologischen und kirchlichen Fragen der Gegenwart, Leipzig,
287. Much more disrespectfully and with considerably less
understanding Krimmer, Heiko (1973). Empirie und
Normativität. Die Ethik Alexander von Oettingens
(Moralstatistik, 3. Aufl. 1882) Diss. Hamburg, 32f.,
reproaches Oettingen that he simply reproduces old thoughts
"without really considering his own time". And ultimately, he
accuses him of having “outdated theology,” whatever that

means.
[47] Oettingen, Alexander von (1897). Lutherische Dogmatik Vol.
I, München, 458. Further differences to Philippi are to be
discovered with him, above all with regard to the "Lehre von
der Heilsanbahnung" (ibid. 630), "Lehre vom Urstand des
Menschen" (Oettingen, Alexander von (1900). Lutherische
Dogmatik Vol. II/1, München 1900, 397), "Angelologie"
(ibid., 17), "Chiliasmus" (Oettingen, Alexander von (1902).
Lutherische Dogmatik Vol. II/2, München, 701), "Doxologie"
(ibid., 732) and in a relative appreciation of realistic
conceptions of the sacraments (ibid., 401).
[48] Oettingen, Alexander von (1897). Lutherische Dogmatik Vol.
I, München, 452f.
[49] More precisely see Pawlas, Andreas (1990). Zu den
Einflüssen, 199ff.
[50] Schrenck, Erich von (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 34;
further see Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander von
Oettingen, 34; see too Frey, Johannes (1905). Die
Theologische Fakultät der Kais. Universität Dorpat Jurjew
1802-1903, Reval, 188f.
 Advances in Sciences and Humanities 2022; 8(2): 37-47
[51] Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 51.
Linnenbrink, Günter (1969). Die „Sozialethische
Weltansicht“ Alexander von Oettingens. Ein Beitrag zur
Geschichte evangelischer Sozialethik, in: Wendland Heinz-
Dietrich (Ed.) (1969). Sozialethik im Umbruch der
Gesellschaft, Göttingen, 183, is here certainly shifting the
emphasis if he sees this alone as the reason for the later
relatively low response to Oettingen's dogmatics, that is, that
the "complete theologian" did not deal with the theological
currents of the late 19th century. Against this the debate of
Oettingen with Albrecht Ritschl and partly also with Adolf
von Harnack, which runs through the entire dogmatics, should
only be mentioned as an example. Even if, as Schrenck, Erich
von (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 36 certainly rightly
remarks, a complete "assimilation" of the latest "modern"
theological thoughts may be missing in Oettingen, this has to
do with the fact that Oettingen resisted a self-abandonment of
the Lutheran theology to historicism and liberalism. In this
sense, the conversation with his student Reinhold Seeberg is
to be understood, in which Oettingen, following
Mephistopheles' wellknown saying, warned him against the
"hidden poison" in theology (See Seeberg, Reinhold (1909).
Alexander von Oettingen, 50).
[52] On this influential figure, who certainly did not find church
commitment as a "Christian Socialist" without his relationship
with Oettingen, see Stucken, R. (1961). Wagner, Adolph, in:
HdSW Vol. 11, 470ff.
[53] 2 Parts, Hamburg 1864.
[54] Oettingen, Alexander von (1868). Die Moralstatistik und
die christliche Sittenlehre. Versuch einer Sozialethik auf
empirischer Grundlage. 1. Teil: Die Moralstatistik,
Erlangen. (2. Edition: Oettingen, Alexander von (1874).
Die Moralstatistik in ihrer Bedeutung für eine christliche
Socialethik. Erlangen. 3. Edition: Oettingen, Alexander
von (1882). Die Moralstatistik in ihrer Bedeutung für eine
christliche Socialethik. Erlangen).
[55] Põder, Thomas-Andreas (2016). Solidarische Toleranz, 30ff.
[56] Girgensohn, Karl (1918). Die Theologische Fakultät, in:
Semel, Hugo (Ed.) (1918). Die Universität Dorpat (1802-
1918), Dorpat, 39-50, 44. See similar Schrenck, Erich von
(1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 36; but see also from the
abundance of positive appraisals of his approach, e.g.
Titius, (Arthur) (1930). Moralstatistik, in: RGG IV2, 207;
see Titius, (Arthur) (1910). Ethik, in: RGG II1, p. 667; or
see Gass, W(ilhelm) (1887). Geschichte der christlichen
Ethik, Vol. II/II Berlin, 255ff.
[57] Brunner, Emil (1939). Das Gebot und die Ordnungen, Zürich,
4. Edition, 92.
[58] Schleiermacher, Friedrich (1811/1830). Kurze Darstellung des
theologischen Studiums zum Behuf einleitender Vorlesungen
entworfen, Berlin, in: Schleiermacher, Friedrich (1843).
Friedrich Schleiermacher’s sämmtliche Werke, Zur Theologie
Vol. I Berlin, 75. 90ff. (§195; §§232ff.); see also the reference
to Schleiermacher's lectures of 1830/31 with Schneider,
J(ohannes) (1931). Statistik, Kirchliche, in: RGG V2, 766.
[59] Achenwall, Gottfried (1749). Abriss der neuesten
Staatswissenschaften der vornehmsten europäischen Reiche
und Republicken. Göttingen. On Schleiermacher's reference to
the older statistical term see also Daiber, Karl-Fritz (1986).
Empirische Sozialforschung, in: Fahlbusch, Erwin a.o.
(Editor). Evangelisches Kirchenlexikon (3rd Edition), 1023.
The outdated statistical term is also still used in the theology
45
of Oettingen's contemporaries. See e.g. Rothe, Richard
(1867/71). Theologische Ethik, 5 volumes 1867/71, Vol. IV,
XIV.
[60] Troeltsch, Ernst (1965). Die Soziallehren der christlichen
Kirchen und Gruppen. Reprint Aalen, 597ff.; see Weber, Max
(1920). Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie I,
Tübingen, 28; see as well Wünsch, Georg (1921). Der
Zusammenbruch des Luthertums als Sozialgestaltung,
Tübingen. See also recently Pannenberg, Wolfhart (1983).
Anthropologie aus theologischer Perspektive, Göttingen, 12.
[61] See e.g. not only Tönnies, F(erdinand) (1925). Moralstatistik,
in: Elster, Ludwig, Weber, Adolf & Wieser, Friedrich (Ed.).
Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaft Vol. 64 Jena, 639; but
also Zahn, F(riedrich) (1926), Statistik (Allgemeines), in:
Elster, Ludwig, Weber, Adolf & Wieser, Friedrich (Ed.).
Handwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften Vol. 74 Jena, 871.
[62] Elert, Werner (1949). Das christliche Ethos. Grundlinien der
lutherischen Ethik. Tübingen, 205.
[63] Trillhaas, Wolfgang (1970). Ethik, Berlin 3. Edition, 346.
[64] Oettingen himself refers to these objections of his opponents,
specifically in: Oettingen, Alexander von (1873). Die
Moralstatistik und die christliche Sittenlehre. Versuch einer
Sozialethik auf empirischer Grundlage. Zweiter Teil: Die
Christliche Sittenlehre, Erlangen, 19.
[65] See e.g. Honecker, Martin (1975). Sozialethik, in: EStL2,
2351; Honecker, Martin (1987). Sozialethik, in: EStL3, 3192;
see Schweitzer, W(olfgang) (1962). Sozialethik, in: RGG VI3,
161; See Walther, Christian (1967). Theologie und
Gesellschaft. Ortsbestimmung der evangelischen Sozialethik,
Zürich/ Stuttgart, 29; see Gremmels, Christian (1982).
Sozialethik, Deutsches Pfarrerblatt 82, 16.
[66] See e.g. Utz, Artur F. (1964). Sozialethik. Mit internationaler
Bibliografie. 1. Teil: Die Prinzipien der Gesellschaftslehre,
Heidelberg/ Löwen 2. Edition, 87f.
[67] See the contradiction of Körtner, Ulrich H. J. (1999).
Evangelische Sozialethik, Göttingen, 43 against this view in
Herms, Eilert (1991). Gesellschaft gestalten. Beiträge zur
evangelischen Sozialethik, Tübingen, XII.
[68] See e.g. Daiber, Karl-Fritz (1987). Religionssoziologie, in:
EStL3, 2976f.; see Fürstenberg Friedrich & Mörth Ingo
(1979). Religionssoziologie, in: König, René (Ed.) (1979),
Handbuch der empirischen Sozialforschung, Vol. 142:
Religion, Bildung, Medizin. Stuttgart, 2; see Kretschmar,
G(erald) (1975). Die Kirche in ihrer sozialen Gestalt, in:
Ammer, Heinrich a.o. (Ed.) (1975). Handbuch der Praktischen
Theologie, Vol. 1, Berlin, 69; see Matthes, Joachim (1969).
Kirche und Gesellschaft. Einführung in die
Religionssoziologie Vol. 2, Reinbek b. Hamburg, 42; see
Maus, H(einz) (1973). Zur Vorgeschichte der empirischen
Sozialforschung, in: König, René (Ed.) (1979), Handbuch der
empirischen Sozialforschung, Vol. 13, Stuttgart, 31.; see
Rössler, Dietrich (1986). Grundriss der Praktischen Theologie,
Berlin/ New York, 93; see Savramis, Demosthenes (1977).
Religionssoziologie. Eine Einführung. Bonn 2. Edition, 26.
[69] Reinhold Seeberg, from his perspective caught by the
"modern" and exciting point of view of historicism, even
thinks: "The 'attempt at a social ethics on an empirical basis'
did not succeed. You can study that in the >Christlichen
Sittenlehre< 1873". (Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander
von Oettingen, 53).
46 Andreas Pawlas: On the Lutheran Tradition in Estonia - In Particular on the Social-ethical Suggestions of
Alexander von Oettingen
[70] Oettingen, Alexander von (1873). Die Moralstatistik und die
christliche Sittenlehre. Versuch einer Sozialethik auf
empirischer Grundlage. Zweiter Teil: Die Christliche
Sittenlehre, Erlangen, 681.
[71] See for initial suggestions by Pawlas, Andreas (1991).
Statistik und Ethik. Zur Problematik der Integration
statistischer Aussagen in der Ethik, dargestellt an der Sozial-
und Wirtschaftsethik Alexander von Oettingens. Frankfurt/M./
Bern/ New York/ Paris.
[72] Gruehn, Werner (1927). Dorpat: II. Universität, in: RGG I2,
1992; see also the reference to Oettingen’s call to Erlangen in
1856 in: Frey, Johannes (1905). Die Theologische Fakultät,
189.
[73] See the personal report in Seeberg, Reinhold (1909).
Alexander von Oettingen, 54.
[74] Girgensohn, Karl (1904). Noch ein Wort zur Forderung einer
modernen positiven Theologie. Mitteilungen und Nachrichten
für die evangelische Kirche in Russland, 465.
[75] As far as the core of Luther's theology is concerned, Brunner,
Emil (1939). 62 note 16, emphasizes Oettingen with regard to
Luther's central understanding of his doctrine of justification,
alongside Theodosius Harnack over all the other Lutherans of
the 19th century.
[76] So it wasn't like Ratschow, Carl Heinz (1985). Rechtfertigung.
Diakritisches Prinzip des Christentums im Verhältnis zu
anderen Religionen, in: EZW Texte X/1985, 2, claims that
Martin Kähler was the last systematist in Germany in 1883
who tried to include "justification as the all-determining basic
article of theological thinking". He didn't consider Oettingen.
[77] See Seeberg, Reinhold (1909). Alexander von Oettingen, 55f.
See also a similar analysis in Gruehn, Werner (1930).
Oettingen, in: RGG IV, 2. Edition, 654.
[78] See the analysis by Fischer, Hermann (1984). Die Ambivalenz
der Moderne. Zu Troeltschs Verhältnisbestimmung von
Reformation und Neuzeit. In: Renz, Horst & Graf, Friedrich
Wilhelm (Ed.) (1984), Troeltsch Studien, Vol. 3,
Protestantismus und Neuzeit, Gütersloh, 72ff.
[79] It is to read in the death notice of the family in:
Nordlivländische Zeitung Nr. 173 of the 8. (21.) August 1905:
"Last night at 12 o'clock" Oettingen "fell asleep (died) gently
after a short illness".
[80] Seeberg, Reinhold (1905). Alexander von Oettingen,
Mitteilungen und Nachrichten für die ev. Kirche in Russland,
Vol. 61, 481-503, 502.
[81] Ehlert, Thomas (2018). Traugott Hahn (1875-1919). Leben,
Wirken, Martyrium, Spiritualität und Theologie. Erlangen,
31f. with reference to Thomsen, Erik (1954). Traugott
Hahn. Ein Märtyrer der baltischen Kirche, Giessen und
Basel, 25.
[82] Eesti Statistika 1924, Kuukiri nr. 3, S. 12f.. Currently, the
Estonian Church states: "About 11% of Estonian population
are members of the EELC." (https://eelk.ee/en/our-church/ on
26.2.2022) and The Lutheran World Federation estimated
172,000 Lutheran church members in Estonia in 2011, see
Lutheran World Information No. 01/2011, 9.
[83] Kiivit, Jaan (1991). Rückkehr aus dem Schweigen. Die
Evanglisch-Lutherische Kirche Estlands. Gedanken über die
Aufgaben von morgen. In: Lutherische Kirche in der Welt.
Jahrbuch des Martin-Luther-Bundes Folge 38, Erlangen, 107.
[84] Oettingen does not provide any figures here, but a trend can
be discerned: if Estonia is still included in the German cultural
area at the time and Prussia is regarded as representative here,
Oettingen, Alexander von (1868). Die Moralstatistik und die
christliche Sittenlehre. Versuch einer Sozialethik auf
empirischer Grundlage. 1. Teil: Die Moralstatistik, Erlangen,
p. *121* Tab. 137 registers for the years 1862-65 for the
whole of Prussia between 14 and 39 abortions. Based on the
well over 600,000 births (from his Tab 95 p. *80* there are
about 640,000 births on average for 1844-1853), which would
probably be expected in the time, there could be determined
an abortion rate (abortions to number of births) that would not
even be in the tenths per thousand range.
[85] In 1970 there were 40,663 abortions per 21,552 births, which
corresponds to an abortion rate of 1890/1000 (1971: 42,256
abortions per 22,118 births, abortion rate: 1910/1000. 1972:
42,309 abortions per 21,757 births, abortion rate: 1940/1000).
See
https://andmed.stat.ee/en/stat/Lepetatud_tabelid__Rahvastik.A
rhiiv__Rahvastikusündmused.%20Arhiiv/RV174/table/tableVi
ewLayout2 on 23.2.2022 bzw. https://andmed.stat.ee/en/
stat/rahvastik__rahvastikunaitajad-ja-
koosseis__demograafilised-
pehinaitajad/RV030/table/tableViewLayout2 on 22.02.2022.
[86] See
https://andmed.stat.ee/en/stat/Lepetatud_tabelid__Rahvastik.A
rhiiv__Rahvastikusündmused.%20Arhiiv/RV174/table/tableVi
ewLayout2 on 23.2.2022 bzw.
https://andmed.stat.ee/en/stat/rahvastik__rahvastikunaitajad-
ja-koosseis__demograafilised-pehinaitajad/RV030/table/table-
ViewLayout2 on 22.02.2022.
[87] Haagensen, Klaus Munch (Ed.) (2013). Nordic Statistical
Yearbook 2013 Vol 51, Copenhagen, 42 gives slightly less
than 200 abortions per 1000 live births in Finland in 2011.
[88] In 2011 there were 108,867 abortions per 662,685 live births
in Germany and thus an abortion rate of 0.164= 164 abortions
per 1000 live births. See
https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/232/umfrage/anza
hl-der-schwangerschaftsabbrueche-in-deutschland/ on
15.3.2022 and
https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/161831/umfrage/g
egenueberstellung-von-geburten-und-todesfaellen-in-
deutschland/ on 15.3.2022.
[89] Furthermore, in Estonia in 2018 there were 5,590 abortions
per 14,367 births, abortion rate: 0.389. 2019: 5514 abortions
per 14,099 births, abortion rate: 0.391. See
https://andmed.stat.ee/en/stat/Lepetatud_tabelid__Rahvastik.A
rhiiv__Rahvastikusündmused.%20Arhiiv/RV174/table/table-
ViewLayout2 on 23.2.2022 bzw.
https://andmed.stat.ee/en/stat/rahvastik__rahvastikunaitajad-
ja-koosseis__demograafilised-
pehinaitajad/RV030/table/tableViewLayout2 on 22.02.2022.
[90] In 2017 there were 101,209 abortions per 784,901 live births
in Germany and thus an abortion rate of 0.129= 129 abortions
per 1000 live births. (2018: 100,986 in 787,523 live births:
abortion rate 0.128/ 2019: 100,893 in 778,090 live births:
abortion rate: 0.130). See
https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/232/umfrage/anza
hl-der-schwangerschaftsabbrueche-in-deutschland/ on
15.3.2022 und https://de.statista.com/statistik/
daten/studie/161831/umfrage/gegenueberstellung-von-
geburten-und-todesfaellen-in-deutschland/ on 15.3.2022.
 Advances in Sciences and Humanities 2022; 8(2): 37-47
[91] Oettingen, Alexander von (1868). Die Moralstatistik und die
christliche Sittenlehre. Versuch einer Sozialethik auf
empirischer Grundlage. 1. Teil: Die Moralstatistik, Erlangen,
906-943 (2. Edition 1874: 689-732/ 3. Edition 1882: 737-785).
See as well Oettingen, Alexander von (1881). Ueber akuten
und chronischen Selbstmord. Ein Zeitbild. Dorpat/ Fellin.
[92] Oettingen, Alexander von (1868). Die Moralstatistik und die
christliche Sittenlehre. Versuch einer Sozialethik auf
empirischer Grundlage. 1. Teil: Die Moralstatistik, Erlangen,
909 (2. Edition: 695).
[93] Oettingen, Alexander von (1881). Ueber akuten und
chronischen Selbstmord, 13.
[94] This thesis takes up the fact that for a long time the suicide
rates in the Finno-Ugric peoples were very high. See e.g. the
dates for the year 2000 of the world health organisation, in:
https://apps.who.int/gho/data/node.main.MHSUICIDE?lang=e
n on 5.4.2022: the suicide rate of Hungary (33.4 per 100,000),
of Finland (24.3 per 100,000) and of Estonia (29.1 per
100,000).
[95] Oettingen, Alexander von (1881). Ueber akuten und
chronischen Selbstmord, 65 notes a suicide rate for Denmark
of 25.5/100,000, for Thuringia of 30.5/100,000 and for
Saxony of 33.4/100,000 for the period from 1874 to 1878.
[96] Data for 1970 for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania see
Statistikaamet (Ed.) (1998). Eesti, Läti ja Leedu
demograafiakogumik, Demographic data collection of
47
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania 1996, Tallinn, 52 ff.; Data for
1970 and 1994 Germany see https://www.theologische-
links.de/downloads/tabellen/selbstmorde_deutschland.html on
17.3.2022 and
https://www.destatis.de/DE/Themen/Querschnitt/Demografisc
her-Wandel/textbaustein-taser-blau-
bevoelkerungszahl.html?nn=238640 on 16.3.2022 (1970:
13,046/78.100.000=16,7/ 1994: 12,718/80,400.000= 15,8).
[97] Data for 1994 for Estonia, Latviaand Lithuania see Nordic
Statistical Secretariat (Ed.) (1996). Yearbook of Nordic
Statistics 1996 Vol 34, Århus, 326.
[98] Data for 2011 and 2018 see
http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/tgm/table.do?tab=table&init=
1&plugin=1&language=en&pcode=tps00122 on 16.3.2022.
[99] Mehilane, L (embit) (1996). Mental Health Care Reforms in
the Baltic states, Tartu, 26.
[100] Perhaps the similar development of the murder rate in Estonia
could also be added to this overview of figures. This rate fell
from 4.73 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in 2011 to 2.26 per
100,000 inhabitants in 2018. However, it must not be
concealed that this rate is still more than eight times (0.54
murders per 100,000 inhabitants in 2011) or more than five
times (0.4 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2018) as high as in
Germany. See
https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/tps00146/defau
lt/table?lang=de on 14.03.2022.