Pakistani Marxist theorist Hamza Alavi study and analyse the nature of state, class and capitalism in post-colonial

state and found that almost all of the post-Colonial state went through same way. He mainly focused on East
(Bangladesh) and West Pakistan as an example. His main argument is,
View on state:
• Classical Marxist theory claim that, state has two functions,
1. State is an agent for managing the common interest of the whole Bourgeoisie while political power
is an instrument of one class for oppressing other class.
2. State isn't autonomous against dominant.
• But Hamza Alavi found problems with this relationship in the post-colonial state. According to him,
1. post-colonial state isn't an instrument of a single ruling class.
2. Moreover, state in post-colonial society is autonomous against dominant class because it is created
for serving colonial interests what Alvi called, Overdeveloped.

Characteristics of Post-colonial state:

• Colonial experience and radical realignment of class brought structural changes in post-colonial state.
• The state in the postcolonial society is not the instrument of a single ruling class.
• State is relatively autonomous
• The superstructure of the state in the post-colony is therefore Overdeveloped.
• The post-colonial society controlled and regulated indigenous social classes by Overdeveloped state
apparatus and its institutionalized practices.
• Overdevelopment lead to the centralization of power in the hands of metropolitan Bourgeoisie and military
bureaucrat.
• Post-colonial society had a weak and underdeveloped indigenous bourgeoisie.
• It creates state apparatus for the purpose of exploitation and domination.
• The special role of the military-bureaucratic oligarchy was common in post colonial societies.

Military-bureaucratic Oligarchy:
• Post-colonial state allows military-bureaucratic oligarchy to mediate between the competing interests of the
three exploiting classes such as indigenous/domestic bourgeoisie, neo-colonialist bourgeoisie, the landed
classes, what combinedly called metropolitan patronage.
• Moreover, the military and the bureaucracy in the post-colonial society is not simply an instrument of a
single ruling class. Rather, it helps the metropolitan patronage to pursue their competing but no longer
contradictory interests and demands.
• Under the multi-class relationship of the state in post-colonial societies, the military-bureaucratic
oligarchies, the apparatus of the state, assume a new and relatively autonomous economic role.
• In other words, Military-bureaucracy oligarchy participate in economic activities in the name of economic
development.
• In post-colonial state, military-bureaucratic oligarchy recruits senior military officers from the rich and
large land owing classes, what is called Sardari Lineages
• Moreover, military-bureaucratic oligarchy has the authority to directly connect or work with the foreign
power like USA, China, etc.
• If democratic form of government operates in a postcolonial society, politicians and political parties
become the part of that oligarchy. Then the relationship between the politicians and military-bureaucratic
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 oligarchy is seen as ambivalent. As there was no such functional democracy, military-bureaucratic
oligarchy controlled all things.
Scenario of Military-bureaucratic oligarchy in Pakistan:
• In 1958, President Iskander Mirza imposed martial law throughout Pakistan and later the then Commander-
in-Chief of the Army, General Ayub Khan, forcefully took the post of president.
• In 1969, Ayub resigned in the face of a popular uprising in East Pakistan, ending his 11-year presidency.
• In 1969, before falling from power, Ayub Khan again declared martial law and gave the power to General
Yahya Khan
• In 1970, military-bureaucratic oligarchy faced the most powerful challenges by the regional movements in
Pakistan.
• In 1971, Bhutto became president and Gul Hassan became the commander-in-chief of Army and then Tikka
Khan.
Class structure in Post-colonial state:
In his article, Dr. Lipon Kumar Mondal said that, Alavi identifies eight classes in colonial mode of production.
These were:
• indigenous bourgeoisie;
• the metropolitan neo colonialist bourgeoisies;
• landed classes These
Three classes are combinedly called, metropolitan patronage.
• English educated contactors having connections with influential bureaucrats
• a small trading class which was allowed to take benefits from the state in terms of construction, tax evasion
• landed peasants;
• industrial workers; and
• landless peasants.
Furthermore, author dr. Lipon Kumar Mondal said that Alavi also found the existence of a dominant class which
was submissive to the metropolitan bourgeoisie. This class evolved, by nature, as a junior partner to metropolitan
bourgeois whom Mao Zedong termed as "comprador bourgeoisie" and Andre Gunder Frank conceptualized as
"lumpen-bourgeoisie".

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