The Mughal Painter Daswanth

Author(s): Milo Cleveland Beach

Source: Ars Orientalis , 1982, Vol. 13 (1982), pp. 121-133
Published by: Freer Gallery of Art, The Smithsonian Institution and Department of the
History of Art, University of Michigan

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4629314

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THE MUGHAL PAINTER DASWANTH
DASWANTH WAS THE FAVORITE PAINTER OF AN EXTRAORDI-
narily perceptive patron, the Mughal emperor Akbar
(r. 1556-1605).' In the A'7n-i-Akbarl (Annals of
Akbar), the official contemporary study of the
imperial administrative system, the author Abu'l
Fazl wrote of the artist:
Then there was Daswanta, the son of a palanquin-bearer (kahar),
who was in the service of this workshop and, urged by a natural
desire, used to draw images and designs on walls. One day the far-
reaching glance of His Majesty fell on those things and, in its
penetrating manner, discerned the spirit of a master working in
them. Consequently, His Majesty entrusted him to the Khwa-ja
[i.e., 'Abd as-Samad]. In just a short time he became matchless in
his time and the most excellent, but the darkness of insanity
enshrouded the brilliance of his mind and he died, a suicide. He
has left many masterpieces.2
This reference was placed within a hierarchic
ranking of important artists, and the name of
Daswanth, listed third, followed those of Mir Sayyid
'All and 'Abd as-Samad. These two Iranian emigre
painters-whose reputations had been well estab-
lished in their homeland-were brought by
Humay-un, Akbar's father, when he returned to India
in 1555, following almost fifteen years of exile. Mfr
Sayyid 'All, the older master, does not seem to have
been artistically active after about 1570, however,
when he evidently went on pilgrimage to Mecca;
even then, only very modest works by the artist
dating from his years in India are known.3 What we
know of 'Abd as-Samad's style suggests that he was
less an innovator than a maintainer of traditional
standards, for his works are stylistically highly
conservative.4 (This is of interest, of course, because
he was Daswanth's teacher.) He was, moreover,
given major governmental administrative responsi-
bilities after 1577, which would certainly have
lessened his involvement with the painting studios.
It seems possible, therefore, that both men were more
important as prestigious standards of established
artistic quality than as creative artists, suggesting
that Daswanth was indeed-at least in Akbar's
opinion-the major active painter at this time.
There is a second important reference to Daswanth
in the Akbar-nama, the official historical narrative
of Akbar's reign, also by Abiu'l Fazl. In the passages
for 1584, it is written:
One of the occurrences was the death of the painter Daswanth. He
was the son of a kaha-r.... The acuteness and appreciativeness of
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BY MILO CLEVELAND BEACH
the world's lord [i.e., Akbar] brought his great artistic talents to
notice. His paintings were not behind those of Bihzad [the most
famous Iranian painter] and the painters of China. All at once
melancholy took possession of him, and he wounded himself with
a dagger. After two days he paid back the loan of life, and grief
came to the hearts of connoisseurs.5
As this is the only laudatory reference to a painter in
the entire lengthy work, it was obviously an event of
extraordinary importance for the emperor. It seems,
too, that Akbar's judgment of the artist may have
been based on a particularly personal response to
Daswanth's sensitivities, for in a passage about the
painter Bas-awan, who is fourth in the A'zn-i-Akbari
list, Abi'l Fazl says that he "has come to be uniquely
excellent. Many perspicacious connoisseurs give
him preference over Daswanta."i We seem to catch
here the unusual suggestion that imperial opinion,
at least in this case, was not supreme.
Despite his obvious importance, however,
Daswanth is a difficult artist to discuss, for very few
of his paintings are known. The major portion of his
identified work is found in a Razm-nama manu-
script executed between 1582 and 1586, which is now
reportedly in the Maharaja Sawai Man Singh II City
Palace Museum in Jaipur.7 It is not available for
inspection, however, and scholars must rely on an
almost complete publication of the work by T.
Holbein Hendley in 1884.8
What are the characteristics of the manuscript and
its paintings? There is an illustration on almost
every page, so the impact of imagery is unrelenting,
especially as the scenes are full of often violent action
and detail. This is not the case with figure 1,
however, which was designed by Bas-awan. It is a
crystal clear composition, in which the spaces and
figural interrelationships are rationally arranged.
The artist gives us an immediate sense of physical
depth, even without such devices as spatial diminu-
tion. Basawan was a great innovator in the develop-
ment of Mughal naturalism-the use of painting to
define and explore seemingly objective character-
istics of the natural world-and this interest is
already apparent here.
Other pages from the manuscript are far less
controlled, however, and it is these works which give
the book its unique character. Figure 2 illustrates the
episode in which Bhima kills the brothers of Kichaka
just as they are about to burn the body of Draupadi.
The corpse lies at the bottom, surrounded by frenzied
 122 MILO CLEVELAND
mourners; above, seemingly suspended in air, is the
wood gathered for the funeral pyre and, still higher,
the attacking Bhima. Despite careful modeling and
the view of a town in the background, the forms seem
suspended on the surface, and the effect of the upper
half is that of a vision hovering in space. In figure 3,
the ghoulish K-al-r-atri rises out of the dead body of
Shikandin and drinks the blood of those slain during
a night assault on the Pandava camp. The back-
ground here is almost blank, a device which also
obliterates any sense of spatial volume or depth. The
gigantic demon, garlanded with flayed animals and
a necklace of freshly severed heads, sips from a bowl
of blood. In both of the latter works, we sense a world
in which humans are manipulated by energies over
which they have no control-quite different from the
rational world continually presented by Bas-awan.
Figures 2 and 3 are designed by Daswanth. Typical of
the evidence we have for his mature-and most
distinctive-work, these scenes are charged with
energy, instability, and constant movement; they
lack the stabilizing elements provided by the horn-
zontals and verticals so evident in Bas-awan's scenes.
Basawan also brings our attention to such architec-
tural details as the various tile or inlaid wall
patterns, which he defines with great faithfulness,
increasing our sense of the reality of physical and
material surfaces and textures. The two artists,
therefore, do seem to represent two quite different
aesthetic attitudes.
Kumar Sangram Singh, former director of the City
Palace Museum, has stated that the Jaipur Razm-
nama has 176 illustrations. As is true for figures 1-3
here, most were executed within a system whereby a
master artist made designs which were actually
painted by lesser (or younger) men, with special
portraits occasionally added by a third major
painter. Some folios are the work of single artists
painting unassisted, though this is far rarer.9 Lal
executed the greatest number of designs, thirty-
seven, while Basawan drew thirty-three and
Daswanth thirty. After this, the numbers drop
sharply: Makand designed only five pages but
worked on an additional six illustrations unassisted;
Kesiu D-as designed four, with three unassisted; and
K-anh-a designed five. L-al, Basawan, and Daswanth
were therefore unquestionably the most important
active artists at the time of the project. A bare
numerical tabulation, however, is not sufficient to
indicate the extent of Daswanth's role. His last folio
is number 125, at which point death intervened. Of
L-al's thirty-seven pages, only twenty-six come before
folio 125, and of Bas-awan's group, only nineteen.
This means that Daswanth had, before his death,
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BEACH
designed relatively more folios than either of the
other artists. Had he not died, he would have been
the project's most prolific painter. As the first
illustration in the volume is by 'Abd as-Samad,
working without help, the elderly Iranian may have
been an honorary overseer of the project, which was
reportedly directed by his son, Muhammad Sharif.
He might then have been responsible for the extent
and character of the scenes assigned to Daswanth, his
pupil. The relationship of the two men is made
clearer in an earlier work, a page from the TdrAkh-i-
khandan-i-Timuriya, or Timur-nama, in the Khuda
Bakhsh Public Library, Patna (fig. 4).
The painting, which illustrates the childhood of
Timur, is closely related to 'Abd as-Samad's style as
exemplified by Jamshid Writing on a Rock, dated
1588, in the Freer Gallery of Art (fig. 5). We find the
same love of densely packed detail. Both paintings
share similarly animated mountain forms as well,
and these are built up out of overlapping flat planes.
In each, the composition is stabilized by a massive
tree. Neither artist can here create particularly
convincing or profound character types, a limitation
that stays with 'Abd as-Samad throughout his career.
It would thus seem reasonable to date the Timur-
nama page earlier than the Razm-nama illustrations
since Daswanth's individual artistic personality in
the former is far less defined.
These illustrations represent the mature
Daswanth-the artist's style in the years just preced-
ing his suicide-and what we know of Akbar
explains his own sympathy with the painter.
The emperor's physical and intellectual dyna-
mism has been too frequently discussed to require
repetition here. He came to the throne in 1556,
inheriting a very tentative political structure which
he quickly and brilliantly strengthened. Born in
Sind in 1542 during his father's slow retreat from
India to Iran, Akbar's initial years were extremely
difficult and could hardly have given him a sense of
either political or personal stability or power-
factors which did surround his own son and
successor, Jahdnglr (r. 1605-1627), and which helped
to determine much of his quite different character. In
1543, Akbar was left with guardians and did not see
his father again for more than two years, when
Hum-ay-un returned to Kabul after his sojourn at the
court of the Safavid Sh-ah Tahmasp. During these
early years, Hum-ayun and his brother Kamr-an were
fighting for control of Kabul, which Humay-un
eventually established as his interim capital. Finally,
in 1555, he took advantage of a declining political
situation in India and returned to reclaim his throne
in Delhi, only to die the next year.
 THE MlTGHAL PAINTER DASWANTH 123
The great Hamza-nama manuscript may have
been begun for Akbar by 1562.10 Its production offers
us insight into the young emperor's character at this
point. We know it was a favorite text; in fact, a
contemporary account states that he "was very fond
of the story of Amir Hamza which contained 360
tales. So much so that he in the female apartments
used to recite them like a storyteller." 11 The work is a
fantastic adventure story based very loosely on the
life of an uncle of the prophet Muhammad, and the
illustrations are brilliantly innovative. They com-
bine the usual complexity of Iranian painting with
the immediacy, vividness, and vigor found in Indian
styles. Composition is used to reinforce narrative
impact, to which purely aesthetic values are sub-
servient. The paintings were closely linked to
Akbar's need for physical excitement, adventure, and
direct encounter and must have seemed virtual ex-
tensions of his own life.
A major concern of Akbar during these years of the
Hamza-nama project (which was only completed in
about 1577) was his failure to produce an heir. In
1568, knowing that one of the queens was
pregnant-her identity is still disputed-he con-
sulted with Shaikh Sallm Chishti at Fathepur and
was assured of a son. The child, named Salim after
the saint, was born in 1569, and in 1570 and 1572 two
more sons, Murad and Daniy-al, appeared. Akbar had
conquered Chitor Fort, in Rajasthan, the home of
the rulers of Mewar, the most rebellious of R-ajp-ut
nobles, in 1568; and Bengal, to the east, fell in 1576.
By the later 1570s, therefore, Akbar's dynastic and
political power was securely established, and his
energies could flow into new channels.
His first encounter with Europeans came in 1572,
and this served to whet an already keen appetite for
new ideas and for information about the world
around him. Akbar was never content with the
acceptance of given traditions, and this eventually
produced a profound conflict with established
Muslim orthodoxy. In 1575 he organized the
'Ib-adatkhana, or House of Discussion, where men of
different religious and philosophical beliefs could
explain these systems and debate with each other.
The emperor even wrote to the Jesuit order at Goa to
ask for priests to come to teach him about the
Gospels. They arrived in 1580, and two years later,
drawing from all these experiences, Akbar estab-
lished a new religious system, the Din IMAhY (Divine
Faith), a synthesis of those beliefs which he found
personally acceptable.'2 This was the creative cul-
mination of a period of intense probing and
intellectual experimentation.
The most important of all the events which
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determined Akbar's personal development may well
have been a mystic vision which he had in 1579,
following the slaughter of a hunt.'3 In Abu'l Fazl's
words, "a sublime joy took possession of his bodily
frame. The attraction (jazaba) of cognition of God
cast its ray.""'' It was a quintessentially irrational
event which seemed to give the emperor a sense of a
fundamental holism behind the diversity with which
he was surrounded. And it is precisely this sense of
the irrational, of overwhelming forces and emo-
tional intensity, that distinguishes Daswanth's work
from that of, for example, Bas-awan. But after 1582,
when Akbar's concerns were given an outlet through
political and dynastic developments, or the Din
Ihhi, he himself, as if relieved of that pressure,
moved in a new direction: he became interested in the
factual and the historically verifiable. In manuscript
production, work now concentrated on the writing
or translation of historical studies or of basic
religious texts; the Razm-nama, for example, was a
translation of the Sanskrit Mahabharata, the greatest
of Hindu epics. In the introduction to the TarT-kh-i-
Alfi, a history of the first millenium of Islam, it was
explicitly stated that Akbar "ordered, that the
rational contents of different religions and faiths
should be translated in the language of each, and
that the rose garden of the traditional aspects of each
religion should, as far as possible, be cleared of the
thorns of bigotry." 15
Daswanth, then, a troubled individual, was
particularly responsive to Akbar during an emo-
tionally turbulent period of the emperor's own life.
And, by removing a major and distinctive influence,
the painter's death in 1584 may have simply eased
and accelerated a transition already under way in
Akbar's personality. Certainly from this time for-
ward the rationality of Bas-awan was the dominant
element of the Mughal style.'6
Recent discoveries provide us with some addi-
tional evidence of Daswanth's development as an
artist. The earliest Akbari manuscript now known is
the Tuti-nama (Tales of a Parrot) of the Cleveland
Museum of Art, begun about 1560. While marginal
inscriptions originally noted the painters of the
illustrations, the vast majority of these were trimmed
at some point when the manuscript was remar-
ginated. Two pages do, however, still bear recog-
nizable inscriptions to Daswanth, and others are
attributable to the artist. The character of these can,
again, best be isolated through comparison with
illustrations signed by Basawan.
Folio 32v (fig. 6), by Daswanth, and folio 36v (fig.
7), by Basawan, combine figures and architecture
and attempt to create a spatial ambient; and both are
 124 MILO CLEVELAND BEACH

clearly early, immature works compared to the
artists' major paintings. In the Bas-awan page, the
diagonals of the rug at the left are reinforced as
spatial definition by the three overlapping seated
figures; while this is a naive device, it is an early
experiment with interests for which Basawan would
become especially acclaimed. Daswanth also used
diagonals in the base of the pavilion, but the figures
in no way aid any potential move into depth, and it
remains a flat shape. The human figures as well are
placed with minimal overlapping, and they too re-
main on the surface. Basawan carefully models
clothing-of the parrot-keeper and the king, espe-
cially-and exults in his new-found ability to
present cloth as a three-dimensional substance.
Bas-awan's character types are also more varied,
expressively rich, and securely handled. His is the
quieter, more epicurean work.
A second comparison is also useful. Folio 32 (fig.
8) is attributed to Daswanth and folio 35 (fig. 9) to
Basawan. There is an important initial difference:
the Daswanth scene is far more immediate. The trees
and animals are seen as separate entities, and the
effect is vivid. The Basawan work is, by comparison,
relatively complex: not only are there more trees, for
example, but they are intertwined. Each element is
not so clearly isolated; therefore, the effect of the
illustration is based on a slower accumulation of
perceptions. In addition, Daswanth places his
figures as he does in folio 32 of the Tuti-nama (fig. 6):
the surface arrangement is most important.
Basawan, on the other hand, is interested in the
relation of objects in space and uses the picture
surface to reproduce this sense of external reality.
Daswanth's painting is harder and more vivid; its
strength of impact is retained as a trait by the artist
throughout his career (note the Razm-nama pages).
One innovation found in all four of the Tuti-nama
pages reproduced here is the very free application of
wet pigment, especially noticeable in the trees. Not
explicable in terms of Iranian or Indian precedents,
this is close to European oil or watercolor tech-
niques, although we have no information on
European paintings available in India at the time
which may have served as models. (Prints, of course,
existed in abundance.) rather than the artistic contributions of the older
The Tuti-nama pages are the only manuscript Persian directors, that is at the root of the manu-
illustrations known by Daswanth working unas- script's brilliance. 'Abd as-Samad's role in the
sisted. There is, however, an important and hitherto
workshop must have been to maintain artistic
unnoticed drawing (fig. 10) inscribed with the
artist's name in a fragmentary album in the Royal
Library, Windsor. Consisting of twelve loose pages,
the album also contains drawings with inscriptions
to Basawan, Bhagavati, Bundi, Dhanraj, Kesui, Lal,
and Makand; these are surrounded by excellent, late
sixteenth-century gold margins. The styles of the
inscribed pages are consistent in every case with
other known works by the named artists, so there is
no reason to question the authenticity of the
inscriptions.
Figure 10 shows a group of holy men. As in the
Tuti-nama pages by Daswanth, the figures are
arranged individually on a flat surface; though there
is a landscape background, it creates no depth. The
small, badly worn drawing (fig. 11) by Basawan
included in the album has no background at all, yet
it evokes a much deeper, more coherent, naturalistic
space. In his Tuti-nama illustrations-note espe-
cially figure 7-Basawan's modeling was clearly
checked by strong outlines and was therefore of
limited impact. In figure 11, however, he has
softened, even obliterated, the outlines, and the
figures have thereby taken on greater corporeality.
The majority of the figures in the Daswanth drawing
are only slightly more sophisticated in treatment
than those of his Tuti-nama page (fig. 6). Faces in
three-quarter profile tend to have large, flattened
noses, for example, and most expressions have no
vitality. What gives the drawing its artistic impor-
tance is the extraordinarily intense study of the holy
man seated at the top right. His character is clearly
the focus, perhaps even the extent, of Daswanth's
interest in the scene; he is a charismatic personality,
while the subsidiary figures are of severely limited
impact. Thus, the drawing seems both to develop
characteristics found in the Tuti-nama pages and to
predict the riveting power of the best Razm-nama
illustrations.
Daswanth certainly worked on the Hamza-nama
as well, for ten of its fourteen volumes were executed
under the directorship of 'Abd as-Samad. (The first
four volumes were painted under Mir Sayyid 'All's
supervision.) Doubtless it was this project that
demonstrated Daswanth's abilities and helped to
bring about his eventual major responsibility for the
Razm-nama illustrations. Moreover, the Hamza-
nama betrays the same conflict between the irra-
tional and naturalistic worlds that we have noted as a
basic characteristic of the period. It is this tension,
standards, though Daswanth's career proves that he
clearly recognized and encouraged-perhaps even
inspired-innovation among those working for
him. The recognition of Daswanth's contribution to
the Hamza-na-ma is one of the most important

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 THE MUGHAL PAINTER DASWANTH 125

problems facing students of Mughal art.
Daswanth may originally have been a village
artist, as is perhaps implied by Abiu'l Fazl's reference
to his painting on walls. To suggest further that he
was discovered by the "far-reaching glance of His
Majesty" is not necessarily to be taken literally, for
talent is frequently said to originate with a patron.
Of 'Abd as-Samad, for example, Abiu'l Fazl wrote
that "though he knew this art before he joined the
royal service, the transmuting glance of the king has
raised him to a more sublime level, and his images
have gained depth of spirit." '7 And even at the sub-
imperial level, it was said of NadYm, who painted for
'Abd ar-Ratilm, Khan-i-kha-nn, that "the exalted
Khan Khanan himself instructed and raised him
to this high level. Thus, under the training of the
Khan Khanan, he became a peerless master in his
art.""8
In any case, there is little evidence in the Tuti-
nama paintings that suggests either 'Abd as-Samad's
influence or Daswanth's later importance. Clearly,
the artist was then at the beginning of his career. By
the time of the production of the Timur-na-ma, he
had virtually adopted the style of 'Abd as-Samad, and
his technique had acquired immense control. While
he continued to paint in a conservative manner in
some Razm-na-ma scenes, the greatest and most
individual illustrations are the episodes of frenzy and
chaos-doubtless motivated and enforced by the
disturbed character of Daswanth's own mind.

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126 MILO CLEVELAND
Notes
1. For brief discussions about the artist, see W. Staude,
"Daswanth," in Encyclopedia of World Art, 15 vols.
(London, 1954), 2:234-35 and pls. 112-15; and Pramod
Chandra, The Tuti-nama of The Cleveland Museum of Art
(Graz, 1976), pp. 88-90.
2. Chandra, Tuti-nama, p. 183.
3. He is thoroughly discussed in Martin Dickson and Stuart
Cary Welch, The Houghton Shahnameh, 2 vols. (Cam-
bridge, Mass., and London, 1981).
4. A major study of the artist is also included in ibid. See also
Milo C. Beach, The Imperial Image-Painting for the
Mughal Court (Washington, D.C., 1981), pp. 164-67.
5. Abu-'l Fazl 'Allami, Akbar-nama, 3 vols. (1927; reprint ed.,
Delhi, 1973), 3:651.
6. Chandra, Tuti-nama, p. 184.
7. For a discussion of the manuscript's dating, see R. Skelton,
"Mughal Paintings from Harivamsa Manuscript," Victoria
and Albert Museum Yearbook, 1970, p. 48.
8. T. Holbein Hendley, Memoirs of the Jeypore Exhibition
1883, 4 vols. (Jaipur, 1884), vol. 4.
9. A full list of artists who worked on the Razm-nama and
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BEACH
Timur-na-ma manuscripts is given in Beach, Imperial
Image, pp. 215-20.
10. This dating is given in Chandra, Tuti-nama, pp. 62-68.
11. S. N. Khan, Maathir ul-Umara, 3 vols. (Calcutta, 1911-14),
1:454.
12. This is discussed at length in S. A. A. Rizvi, The Religious
and Intellectual History of Muslims During Akbar's Reign
(Delhi, 1973).
13. Further discussion is found in Beach, Imperial Image, p. 18.
14. Abu-l Fazl, Akbar-na-ma, 3:346-47.
15. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History, p. 254.
16. The differences in the two illustrated versions of the
Harivamsa text (see Skelton, "Mughal Paintings") can also
be attributed to the change in Akbar's interests noted here. It
is interesting also to see the emperor's personal development
in relation to modern psychoanalytic theories of the
evolution of human personality around the age of forty. See,
for example, D. J. Levinson, The Seasons of a Man's Life
(New York, 1978).
17. Chandra, Tuti-nama, p. 183.
18. M. Mahfuzul Haq, "The Khan Khanan and His Painters,
Illuminators and Calligraphists," Islamic Culture 5 (1931):
626.
 THE MUGHAL PAINTER DASWANTH 127

FIG. 1. Bhima Arrives at Dwarka. Designed by Bas~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~wan, painted by Jagjivan. From a Razm-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Idm in.C.18-56 aa MnSnhIiyPlc usu,Jiu.(fe_.H

Hedly Meor_fteJyoeEhbto 83 vl.[apr 84,vl ,p.lxi

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128 MILO CLEVELAND BEACH

FIG._2._Bhima Kills the Brothers of

Razm-nIma i

i~~~~~~~~~Mmis vo.4i1.xxi.

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 THE MUGHAL PAINTER DASWANTH 129

~~~~~~~~~I
( e ev 4, p . l

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130 MILO CLEVELAND BEACH

FIG. 5. Jamshid Writing on a Rock. By 'Abd as-Samad. From

an album of Jahangir. Dated 1588. Courtesy, Freer Gallery of
FIG. 4. The Childhood of Timur. Designed by Daswanth, Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
painted by Jagjivan Kalan. From a Timur-nama ms. Ca. 1580.
Khuda Bakhsh Public Library, Patna.

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 THE MUGHAL PAINTER DASWANTH 131

FIG. 6. The Wounded Monkey Bites the Hand of the FIG. 7. The Hunter Offers the Mother Parrot to the

Prince. By Daswanth. From a Tutina-ma ms. Ca. 1560. King. By Basawan. From a Tuti-nama ms. Ca. 1560. The
The Cleveland Museum of Art (Gift of Cleveland Museum of Art (Gift of Mrs. A. Dean Perry).
Mrs. A. Dean Perry).

FIG. 8. The Parrot Mother Cautions Her Young. FIG. 9. The Hunter Throws Away the Baby Parrots.
Attributed to Daswanth. From a Tuti-na-ma ms. Ca. 1560. Attributed to Basawan. From a Tuti-naima ms. Ca. 1560.
The Cleveland Museum of Art (Gift of The Cleveland Museum of Art (Gift of
Mrs. A. Dean Perry). Mrs. A. Dean Perry).

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132 MILO CLEVELAND BEACH

FIG. 10. Holy Men. By Daswanth. Ca. 1580. Royal Librar

Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II.

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 THE MUGHAL PAINTER DASWANTH 133

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FIG. 11. Two Ascetics and a Dog. By Basawan. Ca. 1580. Royal Library,
Windsor. Reproduced by Gracious Permission of Her Majesty
Queen Elizabeth II.

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