Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden

Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden: A Self-Image of a Late-Chosŏn Court Painter
Author(s): JIYEON KIM

Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 62 (2012), pp. 47-67
Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43677803
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Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden : A Self-Image of a
Late-Chosõn Court Painter
JIYEON KIM
Ulsan University
artist's image as free and romantic, modest and cultured,

Throughout
courtcourt painters
painters Korea's
were the majorwere the Chosõn
producers major period producers (1392-1910), of pictures
of pictures an image constructed from the somewhat conventional
for both the court and private patrons.1 As government compliments of his peers, has been accepted and embel-
employees, Chosõn court painters mostly worked on lished by modern biographers, often making for a yet
court and other public projects, such as the production further idealization of the artist.6 What such a reading
of portraits, decorative screens used for various events, overlooks are questions regarding the artist's particular
and documentary paintings. On private commissions, interests and concerns in producing the painting. What
too, the subject and format of the paintings were usually motivated him to paint this scroll and present it to his
determined by the patron. Expression of feeling or of friend? Why did he choose the gathering at his house as
personality, long considered the essence of scholar- the subject of the painting? As in every commemorative
painting in East Asian culture, was rarely the primary work, such interests and concerns are closely connected to
object or incentive of court painters. On the other hand, the social framework in which the painting was produced.
it was expected of an outstanding court painter that Unlike his commissioned works, this painting was
his personality (or the myth of personality) be naturally planned by the artist himself, who decided on subject,
reflected in his brushwork; it certainly helped a court format, and style, with the recipient, whom he also chose,
painter to attract more private patrons. in mind. The very subject of the painting, Tanwõn, or
Sandalwood Garden (Tanwõn-do) (Fig. j), the sub- Sandalwood Garden, provides a clue to the artist's
ject of his essay, was done by the Late Chosõn court intentions. It was the name of Kim Hongdo's residence
painter Kim Hongdo (1745-after 1806) in 1784. To in Seoul, but any Korean reader will also recognize the
modern Koreans Kim Hongdo is probably the best- word as the artist's sobriquet (K: ho; C: bao). For this
known premodern painter. He has long been loved and reason, the original title of the painting, Tanwon-do
admired as a great artist whose work embodies an ttHH ("Picture of Sandalwood Garden "), can be inter-
essential "Korean-ness."2 Born into an obscure family, preted as "a picture of the garden," or as a portrait of
Kim Hongdo entered the Royal Bureau of Painting Tanwõn, the artist. Or, of course, as both. At least until
(tohwasõ) in his youth. His exceptional painting skill, Kim Hongdo's time, virtually no Chosõn court painters
soon acknowledged, led to a lifelong success as a pro- produced a work whose title was patently so self-oriented
fessional career.3 He was also a well-regarded poet and and self-representing.
calligrapher, and especially proficient in music. Late The following analysis of Sandalwood Garden asks
Chosõn patrons increasingly sought out artists who, by what motivated the artist to produce this painting and
elaborating on artistic subjects at their gatherings, might what affected his selection of its main theme and its
reflect elegance on their hosts.4 Kim Hongdo was cer- mode of representation. I consider that this process was
tainly one such cultivated artist. Patrons not only com- closely related to the artist's marginal social status as a
missioned him to paint, but also invited him to their painter and his changed social role at the particular
private gatherings and parties; there he would be asked time of the painting's production, which I believe prom-
to paint "on the spot" for the delectation of the other ised him an elevation of his social position, even if only
guests.5 briefly. In this sense, the discussion will also serve as a
Sandalwood Garden 9 which depicts a small gather- case study of a late Chosõn court painter responding to
ing of friends held in the artist's own house, has been his position within elite society, and by extension, as a
read to signify the humble but cultured lifestyle of the study of contemporary attitudes toward culture, status,
artist and his circle. This interpretation, based on the and social distinction.
48 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART
Fig. i. Kim Hongdo (1745-after 1806)

Sandalwood Garden. 1784. Chosön
dynasty. Hanging scroll; ink and light
color on paper; h. 135 cm, w. 78.5 cm.
Private collection, Korea.
JIYEON KIM • Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden 49
Playing Host: The Changed Social Role of the energy has not diminished. You say that you will
Artist and Presentation of Self-image go down to Cheju Island and climb Mount Halla
at the beginning of spring. How extraordinary
Sandalwood Garden, a large hanging scroll (h. 135 cm), and praiseworthy this is! We drank and talked for
was painted in 1784, when Kim Hongdo had just five days and five nights, just as we had previously
turned forty se (C: sui).7 Earlier that year he had partici-enjoyed ourselves [in 1781] in the Sandalwood
pated in a royal portrait project, and as a reward wasGarden. Then, beginning to feel sad I painted a
appointed to his first local administrative post, in the scroll, Sandalwood Garden , and presented it to
town of An'gi in the southeastern Province of Kyöng- you. The painting depicts [our first gathering] on
sang.8 According to the artist's inscription on his paint-that day [in 1781], and the two stanzas of poems
ing, it was made to commemorate a visit of 1781 from inscribed on the upper part of the painting are
two friends, Chöng Lan (1725-1791) and Kang Hüiönthose you composed on the very day [when the
(1738-before 1784), at the artist's own house in Seoul,painting was made]. On the twelfth month of the
the capital. The painting was made three years laterKapchin year, painted by Kim Sanüng, owner of
when one of the guests, Chöng Lan, visited Kim HongdoTanwön.10
at his new An'gi office. Chöng Lan, the oldest of the three
friends of the 1791 gathering, was an "eccentric" scholarAs far as I know, this is the only inscription by Kim
and ardent traveller, apparently from a marginalized Hongdo that explains the why and when of his painting
yangban (the hereditary ruling elite of Choson that
a picture. He seldom inscribed his paintings made for
monopolized civil-service positions, which loosely over- the court and private patrons, and when he did, his
lapped with the "scholar-officials" group) family.9 Oninscriptions
an were limited to famous quotations and
early spring day of 1784 he stopped by Kim Hongdo's well-known poetic lines. Equally significantly, it is the
only self-image that he identified as such. At the center
office, in passing during one of his travels in the country,
and stayed with Kim for a few days. Before Chöng took of the painting are the three friends sitting on the maru,
his leave, Kim Hongdo painted Sandalwood Gardenthe andslightly elevated wooden patio attached to the thatch-
presented it to him as a parting gift, as described in roofed
Kim house, and leisurely enjoying music, wine, and
Hongdo's own inscription on the painting: conversation. The central figure is a young man facing
forward and playing the komurigo. According to the
It was on the Ch'onghwa Day (the first day of the inscription, this figure is Kim Hongdo himself. Framed
fourth month) of the Sinch'uk year (1781) when by the open doorway to his study, he attracts the gaze
you, Master Chöng Lan, after travelling north toof his guests and of the painting's viewers. His residence
Mount Purham (present-day Mount Paektu) andand all its elegantly landscaped garden also serve as both
the way to the Great Wall (referring to the border physical enclosure and pictorial framework. The paint-
between Korea and China), and west from Mounting's composition is literally centered on the image of
Kümgang, visited me at my humble thatch-roofedthe artist, just as the title of the painting indicates.
cottage in the Sandalwood Garden. The sun softly A Chosön-period painting depicting the court artist
warmed the garden, and ten thousand flowers had and his residence is very rare. Such rarity stems from the
just begun to blossom. I played the komun'go (six- low social status of Choson court painters and equally
stringed Korean zither), Kang Hüion helped with from the low respect toward their occupation. Court
the wine, and you took the role of leader of the painters belonged to the chungin ("middle people"),
group. This is how the "True and Honest Gathering otherwise known as the "second status group"11 In the
( chinsorboe )" was formed. [Almost] five years havenotably strict social hierarchy of Choson, chungin were
passed since then. Now, Kang Hüiön has alreadybelow the ruling scholar-official, or yangban, and above
passed away and the branches of the arborvitae are commoners. In a narrower definition chungin refers to the
already heavy with fruits. I have been in distress,professionals employed in the court, namely the chapkwa
not being able to beget children, and it has almost chungin (" chungin of the miscellaneous division") who
been a year since I started to live in the south of had
the passed the chapkwa examination. Government em-
mountain (referring to Kyongsang Province), deriv- ployees might also be hired by miscellaneous bureaus
ing my salary from working in a post office. Then through
I simpler tests called ch'wijae ("selection of
suddenly meet you in this place! Your eyebrows and talent"); court painters were recruited through ch'wijae,
beard have gathered the breath of clouds, but your and for this reason they had even lower status.
SO ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART
When King Yöngjo (r. 1724-1775) had the court

Although there was no visible systematic discrimina-
painters
tion against these chungin professionals during the paint portraits of the royal family, Sanüng
early
years of the dynasty, starting in the mid-Chosön (Kim Hongdo) was summoned and worked with
period
they were forbidden to advance into key posts,other and
painters. King Chöngjo (r. 1776-1800) also
gradually, they developed into a distinct social group.
ordered his portrait from Kim Hongdo, and the
result pleased his majesty greatly. [In acknowledge-
Since their occupations required special skills, chungin
sons often inherited their fathers' profession, mentwhich
of his achievements on this project], Kim was
stabilized the chungin group but also contributed toappointed
specially a to a position that oversaw
greater marginalization vis-à-vis the yanghanpostalscholar-
horses. Upon finishing the term, he returned
[to the
officials.12 Court painters had even lower positions andcapital], cleaned his room, swept the yard,
rank within the chungin officials of the court, and a variety of beautiful flowers and
and planted
extremely limited opportunities for promotion.13 plants. The roof and the pillars are all clean, and
A royal
not a single speck of dust rises. There are only an .
portrait project was indeed one of the few opportunities
through which a court painter could advance his oldofficial
ink stone, good brushes and ink, and a piece
career. of spotless silk [for painting]. Then he took the
Kim Hongdo's new role as a ch'albang, a local
sobriquet Tanwön offi-
and asked me to write its
cial responsible for managing the postal "recordstation
[ ki /."16 and
postal horses of his region, afforded him considerable
privileges and possibly a high position within As Kim Hongdo
the localhad experienced a new life as a
society. This junior sixth rank, although local administrator,
no higherhis change of sobriquet right after
than
that of the honorary court positions that the completion of his term can be understood as an
he was routinely
granted in the capital, entailed actual attemptgoverning. He just as the act of cleaning
to elevate his identity,
ranked slightly above a town magistrate, and the size his room and landscaping his garden on returning to
of his office and the number of his slave-servants were Seoul symbolically cleaned his mind and reinvigorated
also substantial, certainly making for a change in life- his spirit. This concern, in my view, also informs
style.14 Although his interactions with the local elite are Sandalwood Garden, an obviously self-focused painting
rarely recorded, he did on at least one occasion write a completed at the beginning of his appointment to local
calligraphic piece for the signboard that now hangs out- governance.
side a scholar's studio in Andong. Requesting someone The need for self-elevation, on the other hand, signi-
to write a calligraphy to be hung at one's residence or fies an uncertainty about the self. As mentioned above,
studio was a typical show of respect from one scholar Kim Hongdo as a court painter was rarely able to repre-
to another.15 sent himself in the paintings he produced. At many of
A clue to the link between Kim's painting of Sandal- the literary gatherings organized by yangban scholars,
wood Garden and the change in his social role can be he, like other court painters, was more a performer
found in his short biography, titled "Tanwon-ki (Record than a guest. Often, the paintings produced in the gather-
of Sandalwood Garden)," composed, supposedly in 1886, ings, along with poems submitted by other guests, were
by his long-time mentor, the renowned scholar official compiled into albums. These would be kept by the host
and art critic Kang Sehwang (1713-1791). In 1886 of the gathering, but frequently circulated among the
Kim had completed his administrative term in An'gi guests or other friends, acquiring further comments
and returned to the capital. Kim Hongdo himself re- and colophons on the way, a practice originated in the
quested Kang to write his biography, his reason being Chinese literati tradition and adopted by Chosõn scholar-
that at just this point he had decided to use Tan won ex- officials early on.17 This process of exchanging and add-
clusively as his sobriquet. When he painted Sandalwood ing commentaries to certain paintings served to consoli-
Garden, Kim Hongdo had not yet adopted this as his date friendships and forge alliances among scholars.
sobriquet. As in the inscription quoted above, Tan won Predictably, when court painters were invited to paint
was used to refer exclusively to Kim Hongdo's house in at gatherings of scholar-officials, they were largely ex-
Seoul and he signed the painting as Sanüng, the style- cluded from this process.
name (K: cha; C: zi) used from his early years. The fol- The following description by So Yugu (1764-1845)
lowing excerpt from "Record of Sandalwood Garden" of Elegant Gathering at Segõmjõng (Segõmjõng ajip-to)
summarizes why Kim Hongdo asked for a "record" of (the painting has since been lost) makes patent the dis-
his new name. tinction between painters and the "real guests" of yang-
ban gatherings.
There is a small pavilion beneath the cliff and near

the water. There are six people outside the pavilion.
Two boy servants are bringing fountain water to
boil for tea. Another servant is seated asleep with
his knees raised to his chest and head lowered. Still
another one is lying with his head pillowed on his
arm, holding the bridle of a horse. The remaining
two are seated on a flat rock, cupping their hands to
carry water with which to wash their faces. There
are five people inside the pavilion. One is seated
with a spread piece of paper upon which he is
wielding his brush. Another looks into the distance,
while leaning against the Southern pillar. Three
others gather around beneath the Eastern beams,
smiling and talking about poetry
who composed the five four-character poems on the

left [of the painting] are Master Kümnüng, Master
Horwön, Master Uch'o, Student Han, and Student
Yi. These are the five people inside the pavilion.
Kim Hongdo painted the scroll and Yi Yuha wrote
the inscription. They are not among the five people
inside the pavilion
So Yugu and all the other guests were scholars from

prominent families who belonged toFig. the2. Kang
sameHüiönpolitical
(1738-before 1784), Wielding Brushes.
faction. In this inscription, So is at 1pains
8th c. Chosön dynasty. Album leaf; ink and light color on
to emphasize
paper; h. 26 cm, w. 21 cm. Private collection, Korea.
that the painter and the scribe are not among the five
people "inside" the pavilion. Like the scholar-officials in
Taegu gatherings, So Yugu highly praises Kim Hongdo's
artistic ability in his other writings,wasbutproduced
here byhenone other than Kang Hüiön, one of
states,
the two friends
indirectly but unmistakably, that the painter and the who visited Kim Hongdo's Seoul house
calligrapher do not belong to his in 1781. Kang
social group.HüiönNor,
was a chap kwa chungin who
however, are the painter and the calligrapher worked in the Bureau of Astronomy, and also was an
counted
among the servants, those six who carry amateur out
painter. According to a contemporary record,
typically
mundane and unskilled functions and are therefore in- many renowned court artists, including Kim Hongdo,
dubitably lower in status. Among Kim Hongdo's extant gathered at Kang Hüiön's house to work on private
paintings or paintings by his contemporaries, there is nocommissions, and scholars and connoisseurs of art would
representation of a court artist associating with hishang about to see them work.19 Wielding Brushes pro-
patrons. Rarely, in fact, is a professional painter depictedvides a glimpse into this kind of work environment.
in such paintings in the first place. The painters are sim-Casually dressed - one of them has actually taken off
ply absent from paintings of yangban social gatherings,his shirt - the four painters, absorbed in their work,
and to somewhat the same extent from written docu- are sprawled unceremoniously on the floor of the ta
mentation of their social scenes. Nothing could express ech'öng. This open hall between rooms, which served
more clearly that associating with their patrons lent as a reception or a resting area, contains no furniture
cachet to the painters but the painters firmly remained or architectural or other decoration.
socially marginal. Unlike these painters engrossed in their work, Kim
In Sandalwood Garden , Kim Hongdo has portrayed Hongdo, as he pictured himself in Sandalwood Garden,
himself as a cultured host and literātus, omitting all sits upright, is dressed appropriately in a wide-sleeved
hints of his identity as a professional painter. This omis- robe, and has a servant in close attendance. We see
sion becomes apparent when we juxtapose Sandalwood him here, not as a painter-for-pay, but as high-minded
Garden with a rather rare matter-of-fact depiction of gentleman-scholar in a private moment. As will be fur-
artists, Wielding Brushes (Sain hwibo) (Fig. 2). The latter ther discussed in the following section, the painter's
Fig. 3. Kim Hongdo. Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden. 1778. Chosön dynasty. Six-fold-screen; i
h. 122.7 cm5 w- 287.4 cm- National Museum of Korea.
uncertainty about the self and the ensuing looks backward

anxiety in and Chõng Lan's servant waits out-
side
self-revelation is eased by the iconography he thechosen.
has gate with a donkey, resting his chin on his
knee.
This I consider common characteristics of chungin works
produced in the Late Chosõn period. These various motifs used by Kim to construct the
image of his garden were long familiar from the tradi-
Between Real and Ideal: Obscurity of tion of literary-gathering painting. As a professional
Representation artist, he was already well acquainted with the format
of "Elegant Gathering Painting (ahoe-to or ajip-to )" In
Sandalwood Garden presents a well-structured theseimage of poetry is recited, calligraphies written,
paintings
the artist's modest house and garden, enclosed by a
paintings brushed, musical instruments played, and arts
stone fence and backed by boulders. The peaceful atmo-
and antiques appreciated; they developed into a distinct
sphere envelops an animated event. In front genre
of the three
of East Asian painting. Among them, subjects like
friends stands a small tray holding a wine the bottle
"Gatheringand
at the Orchid Pavilion (Nanjõng sugye-to )"
of Wang
cups, an inkstone, a brush holder, and a scroll Xizhi's (ca. 303-ca. 361) and his friends and
of paper.
"Elegant
That the cultivated garden "dissolves" into the Gathering in the Western Garden (Sowon
wilderness
in back is in a way characteristic of Chosõn ajip-to
gardens, y of but
legendary Song-dynasty scholar-artists in-
cluding of
it also contributes to the romantic atmosphere Mi the
Fu (1051-1107), Su Shi (1036-1101), and
Li Gonglin
painting. Beside the house is a small rectangular (io49?-iio 6), were especially popular in
lotus
pond and next to that a moderately large koeseok,
Chosõn Korea. Kim Hongdo himself was an "expert" at
the strangely weathered rock that was a "Elegant
staple Gathering
for a in the Western Garden" paintings.
His
scholar's garden. Under the cleft in the large characteristic
rock in the style, which combines the elaborate
court style
upper right corner stands a stone bench. Various with his own relaxed and vibrant manner,
trees
and bushes are planted around the house, as and
can one tall,
be seen in his Elegant Gathering in the Western
upright paulownia tree stands in front of the terrace.
Garden painted in 1778, gained huge popularity and was
The trunk of the willow tree outside the stone wall in continually being imitated by his followers (Fig. 3).20
Sandalwood Garden contains motifs that the artist fre-
the foreground is dramatically curved, in order to frame
the garden without obstructing the view. A crane calmlyquently used in his "Elegant Gatherings" paintings as
Fig. 4. Kim Hongdo. Life in Retreat Is Better Than High Ranks. 1801 (Detail). Chosön dynasty. Eight-fold screen; ink and light color
on paper; h. 133.7 cm, w. 418.4 cm. Leeum, Korea. Eightfold screen.
well as in his other pictures of ancient anecdotes. Thereveals a strongly professional aspect of Kim Hongdo's
vase with the peacock feathers, piles of books, koesõk, art. One can easily recognize similar compositions, poses,
banana palm, and enormous rock which the upper part and figure types in his numerous works.
disappears in the mist, are staples of his idealized figure The iconography of the painting, of course, does not
paintings. Likewise, the arrangement of three figures - solely consist of conventional motifs. The figures are
the host playing the zither and the two guests relaxed dressed in costumes distinctive of the Choson period,
and listening - can also be found in his large commis-and key individual features such as facial contours,
sioned work Life in Retreat Is Better Than High Rankmustache and beard, and wrinkles are distinct enough
( Samgong purhwan-to) (Fig. 4). Such repetition of motifsfor each figure to be identified. For instance, Chõng
Fig. 5. Anonymous .Jade Vase Pavilion.

19th c. Chosõn dynasty. Korea. Ink and
light color on paper; h. 280 cm, w. 150 cm
Private collection, Korea.
roof and the

Lan's rugged facial features, with high eyebrows andwooden patio (maru) are also based on
actual Chosön architecture.
angular cheekbones, correspond to a contemporary
In the"re-
writer's description of his eccentric appearance that same vein, the display of studio and garden
sembles a Western Catholic priest."21 The objects
garden in also
Sandalwood Garden can be at least partly
retains a certain vernacular flavor, whichbased makes theactual lifestyle of Kim Hongdo. In 1781
on the
he was already
painting more accessible and thus more convincing. Dif- one of the most sought-after painters
of Chosön,
ficult as it is to accurately reconstruct a private garden as Kang Sehwang testifies in "Record of
of the Chosön period, we do have plans and documents
Tanwõn."23 According to the nineteenth-century chungin
literātus Cho Hüiryong (1789-1866), who compiled
of scholar-officials' residences that show them as char-
acteristically geometric in layout and based on Neo-biographies of chingin, Kim Hongdo received as much
Confucian cosmic principles.22 A typical Chosön garden as 3000 chõn for a painting, which is several times one
of an affluent family would have featured a rectangularmonth's salary of a low-ranked court painter, and spent
pond, neat rows of flower and fruit trees, and stone2000 chön to buy a rare blossoming-plum tree.24 This
stairs that connect the main residential section and the record has contributed to the image of Kim Hongdo as
shrine behind it. These stairs were sometimes adorned a free spirit and free spender; it also suggests a passion
with potted flowers, as seen in the plan of Jade Vase for luxury objects and the means to afford them, how-
Pavilion (Okhojöng), which belonged to Kim Chosunever occasionally.
(1765-1832), the father-in-law of King Sunjo (r. 1800- Significant in the context of this study is neither the
artist's actual wealth nor his spending pattern, but
1834) (Fig. 5). The small rectangular lotus pond, stone
rather how he selected and arranged objects to create
stairs in the backyard, and variety of trees planted along
the fence in Sandalwood Garden are some of the fea-a beautifully idealized pictorial image of a retreat. To
tures typical of an affluent Chosõn scholar's garden.
illustrate this point, let us compare Sandalwood Garden
Architectural details such as the shade made by thewith a less embellished, more documentary contem-
porary depiction of a Chosön elite residence such as is
thatching of leafy branches extending from under the
Fig. 6. Chöng Hwang (1735-?). Gathering at the Gable of Ease and Peace. 1789. Chosön dynasty. Handscroll; ink and light color on
paper; h. 25 cm, w. 57 cm. Private collection, Korea.
depicted in Gathering at the Gable of Ease and PeaceGarden (Pugivon suhoe-to), painted in 1716 by Chõng
(lanwa susok-to) painted in 1789 (Fig. 6 ). Painted byHwang's grandfather Chõng Son (Fig. 7). 26
Chõng Hwang (1735-?), a grandson of the eighteenth- In Sandalwood Garden Kim Hongdo avoids such a
straight-line presentation of the scale and plan of the
century "master" of "true-view" painting (K: chin'gyong
house by revealing only a partial side view of the build-
sansu; C: zhenjing shanshui ; J: shinkei sansui) Chõng Son
(1676-1759), the painting commemorated a gathering
ing and by creating a zigzag composition that invites
of members of three renowned families long resident inour gradual exploration of the garden. The painting is
the scenic Mount Inwang area of northwestern Seoul. less devoted to specific description of the residence, and
The figures are seated in a row as in typical kyehoedo, in that sense, contrasts sharply with both Gathering
paintings that documented formal gatherings of govern-at the Gable of Ease and Peace (Fig. 6) and Longevity
ment officials - the hierarchy among the participants is Gathering in the Northern Garden (Fig. 7), where the
courtyards, high-roofed walls, and attached buildings
made explicit by their relative positions in line.25 Along
the fence that sharply bounds the courtyard are several provide plenty of information about the actual plan of
potted flowers and a rock in a basin. This rather rigid the house. Also, in Gathering at the Gable of Ease and
arrangement, characteristic of the slightly stark look ofPeace the location of the house is specified: the distant
courtyards belonging to urban residences of Chosön, is peak, although simply drawn, is immediately identifi-
also evident in Longevity Gathering in the Northern able as Mount Pugak by its characteristic profile, which
Fig. 7. Chõng Son (1676-1759). Longevity Gathering in the Northern Garden , 1716. Chosön dynasty. Albu
on silk; h. 39.4 cm, w. 54.4 cm. Private collection, Korea.
Kim Hongdo
artists of Kim Hongdo's time repeated in numerous other was not, in this painting, concer
paintings.27 Sandalwood Garden, by contrast, point
offers out his home's historicity or geomantic s
little
cance.city
clue to its actual location. Only the faintly drawn A similar scheme can be found in Quiet
wall behind the house vaguely suggests a siteing in Benevolent
within the Valley (In'gok yugo-to ), Chöng
city. Obviously, Kim Hongdo was more concerned painting
with of his own house (Fig. 9), whose effect i
the overall ambiance of the scene than with different
providing from that of Chöng Son's depictions
patrons' properties, such as Clear Breeze Stream (
specific geographic or architectural information.
In that regard, Kim Hongdo's project ran In counter
Quiet Dwelling in Benevolent Valley, the focus
to that of many yangban scholar-officials thewho also
inner garden, especially the trees in the fron
andyangban
had their residences and studios painted. These the harmony of their placement, not the r
commissions are generally discussed in thebetween
context the
of residence and its massive surroun
Like Kim Hongdo,
the chirigyong ("true-view") landscape painting of the Chõng Son quotes motifs from
Late Chosön period, in which context they ous sourcesa to evoke a general image of cultural s
express
revival in vernacular themes and "national awareness."28
tication, and of an inner harmony that reflects h
as economic
A recent study, however, indicates a parallel an artist.31 Here, as in Sandalwood Garde
artist's house was portrayed as a reflection of his
and social concern regarding private property.29 Chõng
Son's Clear Breeze Stream (Fig, 8 ), depicting
andthe resi-
personality.
dence of his foremost patrons, the powerful KimThe tendency toward generalization and idealiz
family
of Andong, clearly emphasizes the location and can be found equally in portraits and portrait-like
surround-
ing landscape, and is indubitably related to the patrons' One fascinating contemporary exa
of chungin.
Immortal
interest in establishing the historicity of certain with a Sword by the sõõl ("secondar
buildings
and the geomantically "auspicious spot."30 born of a yangban man and commoner woman"
Sandalwood Garden , by contrast, invites Yi theInsang
viewer (1710-1760) (Fig. 10). Although it ap
into the house to discover the tastefulness of to
its be a generic painting of an Immortal, the ima
interior;
recent study suggests, may take on complicated meanings

if interpreted as a portrait. Among the works attributed
to Kim Hongdo, Portrait of a Scholar (Sain ch'osang)
(Fig. 11) and Enjoying the Life of a Free Spirit, Forgo-
ing Office-Holding (P'oui p'ungnyu-to) (Fig. 12) display
images of the ideal literati lifestyle as also presented in
Sandalwood Garden?1 In Portrait of a Scholar a young
man sits upright in a dignified pose. He wears an ample,
large-sleeved robe and ťanggon, the scholar's semifor-
mal hat usually worn indoors. His room is meticulously
clean and organized, with an array of antiques and writ-
ing implements displayed on a writing desk. In Enjoying
the Life of a Free Spirit , which indeed appears to be a
generic image rather than a portrait, a more animated
figure surrounded by a variety of antique objects plays
the pip9 a, as in Sandalwood Garden. These images re-
veal the cultural values and pursuits of Kim Hongdo's
fellow chungin, many of whom acquired and enjoyed
books and artworks and other luxury objects and dis-
played them as emblems of cultural sophistication.33
Unlike official portraiture, casual portraits in private
settings relied on cultural references to construct the
sitters' identities.34 Yangban officials, who had the right
to commission portraits in the preestablished official
format, possibly had lesser need for commissioning
casual portraits, whereas chungin and sõõl, who could
rarely commission or possess official portraits, often
desired casual portraits. Due to the extensive use of
cultural symbols and elaborate stylization, the boundary
between the real and the ideal in a casual portrait is
often blurred, and sometimes even the image's function
as a portrait becomes ambiguous.35 For example, Spring
Purification Gathering (Sugye-to), painted in 1853 (Fig.
13), depicts a gathering of thirty-three friends celebrat-
ing the fifteen hundredth anniversary of the Gathering
at the Orchid Pavilion hosted by the legendary Chinese
calligrapher Wang Xizhi (ca. 303-ca. 361). Painted by
Yu Suk (1827-1873), a court painter and one of the
thirty-three participants at the Spring Purification gather-
ing, this painting highlights a concern among the mar-
ginal elite for proper self-representation. The painting
rather faithfully depicts the gathering, held at a certain
pavilion on Southern Mountain (Namsan), located in
the southern suburb of Seoul. The painter's intention to
create lifelike portraits is apparent in the detailed atten-
tion to facial features, but he consciously eschewed the
traditional chracteristics of portraiture - most notably,
the participants are not identifiable by their features
or through documentation, several participants are
Fig. 8. Chõng Son. Clearly Breeze Stream. 1730. Chosön represented in side view, and some even from the back.
Somewhere
dynasty. Hanging scroll; ink and light color on paper; h. 96.2 cm, between a group portrait and an elegant
w. 3 6 cm. Korea University Museum, Korea.
Fig. 9. Chöng Son. Quiet Dwelling in Benevolent Valley. 18th c. Chosõn dynasty. Album leaf; ink and ligh
w. 27.4 cm. Kansong Museum, Korea.
gathering painting, the picture deliberatelywood Garden

overlaps the is thus largely an elegant gatherin
participants with legendary cultural figures.36
ing, imbued with only enough elements of reality
pear asand
Yu Suk combined the technique of portraiture a representation of actual people and a
landscape painting in Spring Purification event. It can
Gathering , be understood as a reasonable self
but in Sandalwood Garden Kim Hongdo did not sentation
venture of a court painter skilled at both id
to adopt the portrait technique. Conceptually, Sandal-
paintings and standardized portraiture and looki
Fig. 10. Yi Insang (1710-1760). Immortal

with a Sword , 1 8th c. Chosõn dynasty.
Hanging scroll; ink and light color on
paper; h. 61.8 cm, w. 96.7 cm. National
Museum of Korea.
a convincing as well as permissible way of presenting social role of the artist at that time. This does not mean
himself as a member of the literati elite, outside the pre- that he hoped for an actual change in his social status -
established realms of official portraits and kyehoedo . which also holds true for the chungin in general.37
While working as a civil official in An'gi, Kim Hongdo
The Challenge of the Court Painter: Aspiration was well aware that his role as a civil administrator
and Frustration was temporary and that he would soon return to his
original position as a painter. In An'gi Kim Hongdo fre-
As discussed in previous sections, the production of quently associated with other civil officials, but it seems
Sandalwood Garden is closely related to the changed that the latter were keenly aware of his former identity
6o ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART
and required him to continue as such on many occasions.

For example, several months before he painted Sandal-
wood Garden Kim Hongdo attended a series of poetry
gatherings hosted by Yi Pyöngmo (1742-1806), the
governor of Kyöngsang Province. Kim Hongdo was
possibly entitled to join the gatherings based on his
status as a ch'albang, but most likely he was invited be-
cause the governor knew his reputation as a court painter.
In any case, the difference in rank between the governor
and Kim Hongdo was vast. In literary gatherings talented
guests painted and played musical instruments on their
own initiatives, and Kim Hongdo might have done the
like in many other cultural gatherings he was invited to.
In gatherings sponsored by the governor, however, it is
Fig. ii. Attributed to Kim Hongdo. Portrait ofimagine
easy to a Scholar . i8th
that he c.
was expected - even ordered -
Chosön dynasty. Album leaf; ink and light color on paper;
to perform. Whatever the nuance of the relationship,
h. 27.5 cm, w. 43 cm. P'yöngyang National Museum of Art,
North Korea. during these gatherings Kim Hongdo completed a number
Fig. 12. Kim Hongdo. Enjoying the Life of a Free Spirit Without Holding Office. 18th c. Choson dynasty. Album leaf; ink and light
color on paper; h. 27.9 cm, w. 37 cm. Private collection, Korea.
JIYEON KIM • Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden 6i
Fig. 13. Yu Suk, Spring Purification Scroll. 1853 (Detail). Chosõn dynasty. Hanging scroll; ink and light color on paper; h. 30
w. 800 cm. Private collection, Korea.
his expectation for an even more highly regarded and

of paintings and sometimes played the flute at the request
of other guests.38 As court painter, he was assignedbetter
the established position in the capital.
same role as at the high officials' gatherings and banquetsAs he anticipated, he continued to enjoy privilege
in the capital.39 and perhaps wealth for some decades. Several years
He must have attempted continually, however,later to he participated in another royal portrait project,
promote himself as best he could. Acquiring yangban
and as a reward served as a local magistrate of a town
status was beyond the bounds of possibility, but he Yöngp'ung; regardless of his rank (there too also
called
might have hoped for a more intimate association with
a junior sixth), he must once more have enjoyed privi-
lege within the local society. His late years, however,
his patrons, on terms of greater equality, once he goes
back to the capital. His prospects as a court artistwere less fortunate. After King Chöngjo died in 1800,
were rosy enough to justify optimism. As a favored
the old artist was once again relegated to painter-in-
waiting, competing with young painters in regularly
artist of the king he was not officially part of the ch'abi
scheduled examinations.42 According to his letters to
taeryõng hwawõn ("painters-in-waiting") system. In fact,
some of the best-known painters are not named on thatson written in his late years, he seems to have under-
his
list, for example, Yi Myõnggi (1756-after 1804),gone one some economic difficulties.43 It is also said that in
of the most favored portraitists of the period.40 Kanghis latest years he was sponsored by the salt merchant
Kim
Kwansik, who conducted the pioneering research on Hant'ae, who was famous for his wealth and ex-
travagant
the painters-in-waiting system, suggests that, at least in lifestyle.44 Regardless of Kim Hongdo's repu-
King Chöngjo's time, a few court painters who weretation as a fine and cultivated person, his social status
considered exceptional by the king were exempted from
remained marginal.
the nokch'wi ("selection of talent") exams normallyTaking into account age-old discrimination against
required for selection as a painter-in-waiting. Several
painters by other civil officials, it is not difficult to
records indeed confirm this.41 Also, as suggested earlier,
imagine the social uncertainty of a former court painter
the life of the cultural elite was already considerably
in his new administrative role.45 Kim Hongdo as a local
open to Kim Hongdo, with his well-established position
official was eventually the object of harsh accusations by
at court, wealth accumulated from private commissions,
higher civil officials. There is no evidence of any criti-
cism in An'gi, where he completed his three-year tenure,
and reputation gained from his interactions with private
but during his second local appointment as a magistrate
patrons. A governing post in An'gi must have augmented
he was charged with "exploiting people"

Garden. and "wasting
Earlier, I mentioned that Kang
ord of Tanwõn"
time with hunting and matchmaking."46 The tone was
of requested by K
the criticism was bitter enough: changed his sobriquet on his return fr
common to select sobriquet after th
residence,
As a base (pi) and insignificant (mi) in he
[painter], accordance
re- with the idea
ceived a great favor from the state.ality is reflected
Instead in one's surroundings.5
of striv-
ing to be worthy of it, he rather garden
behavedand estate proprietors always
vilely.47
writing, ki ("record"), from renowned
Although these charges were soon Ki, which
lifted by means
King "record of a place
Chöngjo, his foremost patron, and Kim a "record
Hongdo ofpromptly
an individual." "Record o
ever, is
returned to the Royal Bureau of Painting much
the same more
year,about the individua
place. A of
the incident testifies to the ongoing hostility typical ki is approximately equ
civil offi-
tion of
cials toward court painters who attained thecivil
high site posi-
and of the personali
tions. but "Tanwon-ki" only briefly mentio
The feeling of uncertainty and Sehwang states
frustration explicitly that he on
Kim
Hongdo might have felt throughout Kim Hongdo's
his residence. Obviously,
life is alluded
to in Kang Sehwang's "Record of the place. Moreover, in his conclusio
Tanwõn":
states that "since Kim Hongdo origin
(garden
Often, he tapped his lute and sang. or estate),
Whenever the I cannot write a "
song made him sad, he shed tears, hereby write
pouring outa his
short biography of him
anger. Only those who know him wall
willinstead."53
understand
his feelings.48 Here, Kang Sehwang makes clear th
did not possess an estate or even a su
he probably
The artist overpowered by his emotion had a small house in the
is familiar
as are
cultural type, but the following lines most chungin did, which Kang Se
convincing:
have considered a won . The name Tanw
Although people on the street tap bolic than realistic.
his shoulder and This explains wh
call him by name, how would they essentially
possibly distinguished
know from contemp
what kind of person he is?49 paintings" depicting a specific residenc
remark by Kang Sehwang further expla
The implication here is that KimingHongdo, by his
of Tanwõn.
birth and occupation, was socially accorded the same
As In
position as the "people on the street." I think about
his late [the origin of the n
years
it is the
he no longer had need to promote himself or sobriquet
ambition of the Ming-dynas
to elevate his position. An encounter between
Liufang. theisold
There something that Kim
wants
artist and a young scholar-official, Nam to do for
Chuhõn himself by emulatin
(1769-
1821), not long before the artist passed
What is away, is re- It is only that K
his intent?
vealing. Nam Chuhõn, who casually befriended
admires Kim
his lofty and clear writing a
Hongdo, told the artist that he wouldaswrite
well as
hishis marvelous and gracefu
biogra-
phy. Kim Hongdo refused his offer, Now, [to describe]
asking, "Of mywhat kind of pers
painting and your writing, which is, one is better?"
his eyes and eyebrows are handso
tive, his
Though the old artist will not set aside and pride,
the intention
the he harbors in
conversation between them, especially cleantheand free they
terms of worldliness. Anyon
use to refer to each - Nam Chuhõnwill calls Kimthat
know Hongdo
his loftiness and grac
"you" (kun) but Kim Hongdo calls Nam matters,
worldly "lord" and that he is not a
and
(kong) - indicates the strict hierarchy of lowly
their people on the street.54
relation-
ship, and the low status of Kim Hongdo.50
Li Liufang (1575-1629), one of the
Meaning of Tanwõn of Painting" of Ming China, was m
Korean amateur and court painters f
lieved
Finally, I should like to reconsider the to be his original sketches in
sociopsychological
Garden
implication of the concept of Tanwõn, Painting
the Manual (C: Jieziyu
Sandalwood
handbook of styles, brushstrokes, and compositions

was a small house along a narrow lane in central Seoul.
that was widely studied by Late Chosön painters.55 Re-
Unlike Yi Onjin's space, which only suggests inner trans-
formation, the image Kim Hongdo created presents a
cent studies, however, reveal that Li Liufang's contribu-
tion to The Mustard Seed Garden Painting Manual may visual and thus visible alternative, idyllically belying the
have actually been fabricated by the publisher. Thus,social reality of chungin, who typically lived on bustling
Kim Hongdo's homage to Li Liufang may have pro- streets near government offices. Within the multiple
ceeded from a misunderstanding.56 Nonetheless,pictorial
his frames that surround the gathering scene,
Sandalwood Garden is demarcated as an enclosed space
intention was well understood by contemporary scholars
and patrons such as Kang Sehwang, and thus the name
where the artist could play the role of an ideal literātus
still served its purpose. and the host of an Elegant Gathering.
As suggested throughout the essay, the name Tanwõn
Jiyeon Kim is a research professor at Ulsan University .
took on a new meaning when he adopted it for his
She received her PhD in Korean art history from the
sobriquet. Evoking the familiar analogy between one's
University of California , Los Angeles and recently
residence and oneself, Kim Hongdo identified himself
finished postdoctoral work at Columbia University . She
with his clean and tastefully organized home, in pointed
is currently conducting research on late Chosõn paint-
contrast to the "dusty world" outside. As Kang Sehwang
ings documenting chungin gatherings . Her most recent
reiterates several times throughout his two biographies
publication is ((Okkyesa üi sihwach'op kwa Sugapkkye-
of the artist, Kim Hongdo hoped to transcend his social
ch'op e naťanan chosõn hugi y õh angin üi soro tarün
origin by virtue of his cultivation.
Conflict between one's inner self and outer world re- imiji (Two different self-representations of late Chosõn
clerks: poetry and painting albums of Okkye Poetry
ality was indeed a reoccurring literary theme for chungin
Society and Sugapkye )," which was published on Misul
and other marginalized members of the elite. The follow-
sahak yön'gu, vol 265. [jiyekim@yahoo.com]
ing poem by Yi Onjin (1740-1766), a gifted poet who
served as a Chinese-language interpreter, presents a
poignant analogy between spatial and social divisions Notes
as understood by Kim Hongdo's contemporaries.57
i. Initial research on Chosön court painters was con-
Passing along the filthy street and entering a clean
ducted by Ahn Hwi-joon, who provided an overview of
room
the court academy system and introduced historical sources
Burning a fragrant incense and hanging an regarding Chosön court painters, especially
and anecdotes
embroidered Buddha
of the Early Chosön period; see An Hwijun (Ahn Hwi-
Even those with scabs and abscesses joon), "Chosön wangjo sidae ůi hwawön li J# EE 18 B# ft
Will think like a bodhisattva.58 Jilt (Court painters of the Chosön dynasty)," Han'guk
munhwa, vol. 9 (1988), pp. 147-78. Kim Chiyöng has
The title of Yi Onjin's series of poems is Residing
more recently contributed to further research on the Korean
in a Room amid Narrow Streets (Tongho kõsil). Itscourt academy, focusing on changes to the system in the
Buddhist references notwithstanding, the underlyingLate Chosön period and the ensuing shift in the status of
theme of the poem is the contrast between inner selfcourt painters; see Kim Chiyöng, "18 segi hwawön üi
and outer world, which is illustrated in the poem's firsthwaltong kwa hwawönhwa üi pyönhwa 18 tMß ÄJt^l
line. Yi Onjin, whose poetic genius was admired even by Mit (The Activities of Court Painters
contemporary yangban scholars, died by the time Kim and the Change in Court Paintings in the 18th Century),"
Hongdo entered on his official career as a court painter.Han'guk munhwa, vol. 3 (1994), pp. 1-69. Kang Kwansik
Before he died, the poet burned most of his works, an presented a detailed analysis of the new system of recruit-
action strongly suggesting his feeling of inner conflict ing court painters known as chabi taeryõng hwawõn (Mi#
as a writer of marginal status. In the above poem YiÍTf^iBÂ? painters-in-waiting), and discussed its social
significance; see Kang Kwansik, Chosõn hugi kungjung
Onjin's inner world is represented by his quiet, incense-
hwawõn yön'gu : Kyujanggak chabi taeryõng hwawõn ul
filled room, detached from the soiled street outside. A
chungsim ůro MWiãiÍL W9E- SSM lê ít tu#
transformation is made possible by entering his roomII (Court Painters of the Late Chosön Period:
and leaving his everyday reality behind. Painters-in- Waiting in the Royal Library) (Seoul: Tobae-
The frustrated interpreter's haven envisioned in his gae, 2001).
poem is not a mountain residence or country retreat, 2. Praise of Kim Hongdo as the embodiment of
like the ones built by many scholar-officials of the periodKorean-ness is most explicit in the title of O Chusök's
and imaged in true-view landscape paintings. Rather, it monograph on Kim Hongdo: Tanwõn Kim Hongdo:
Chosõnjõgin nõmuna Cbosõnjõgin hivaga ÄH kyegüp chõk sõnggyõk IUI 0# ft 0cł&

M-?- M* lISÉň?] (Tanwõn Kim Hongdo ( Characteristics
: A of Chungin as a Status Group in th
Painter Who Is So Much Like Chosõn). The Chosõn Period)," Han'guk munhwa, vol. 9 (1988), pp
monograph
179-209. Recently,
was reprinted with a more neutral title, Tanwõn Kim Kyung Moon Hwang grouped differen
members
Hongdo , and an English version of this book of the marginal elite and categorized them as
was also
published: The Art of Kim Hongdo : A Great Courtthe "secondary
Painter status group," including chapkwa chungin
of 18th-century Korea (Seoul: Sol, 2005). sõõl (£öF|i:, secondary sons of yangban, who were born
3 . Kim Hongdo was first recorded as a court from
paintercommoner
in women), low-ranked military officials
1765, when he was twenty years old. Ibid., p.country
94. clerks, and people from Northwestern regions; see
Beyond
4. In China professional painters with literary Birth : Social Status in the Emergence of Modern
and
Korea
scholarly gifts were already recognized as such by the (Cambridge,
Ming MA, and London: Harvard University
dynasty, and became exceedingly popular during Press,
the2004).
Qing;Notwithstanding his definition of "second
see, for example, Anne Clapp, The Painting of status group"
T'ang Yin clarifies much of the confusion regardin
the social
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998); Ginger stratification of Chosõn society, I use the term
Hsu,
Bushel of Pearls: Painting for Sale in Eighteenthchungin here mostly to refer to the marginal urban elit
-century
Yangchow (Stanford: Stanford University Press, namely
2001).chapkwa chungin and other officials who were
5. O Chusõk, Tanwõn Kim Hongdo : Chosonjogin slightly below them in social rank, such as court painter
nõmuna Chosonjogin hwaga, pp. 144-46. For a more detailed discussion of the term, see Jiyeon Kim,
"Gathering
6. For the comments of scholars in Kim Hongdo's timePaintings of Chungin in Late Chosõn (1392-
on his personality, see ibid., pp. 62-64. 19 10), Korea," PhD diss., University of California, Los
7. During his forties, which mark the peak Angeles,
of Kim 2009, pp. 3-5.
12. Among
Hongdo's career, he was twice appointed to local civic posts chungin, foreign-language interpreters and
as reward for his accomplishments in royal portrait
physicianscom-
occupied the most privileged positions, and they
could achieve a certain degree of respect and considerabl
missions. O Chusõk, Tanwõn Kim Hongdo : Chosonjogin
nõmuna Chosonjogin hwaga, pp. 123, 127, 179, wealth.
182. Of course, not all translators had an opportunity to
8. For details of Kim Hongdo's life in An'gi,
getsee ibid,
rich. Only those who were selected to accompany regu-
pp. 117-143« lar diplomatic trips, especially to China, had the oppor
tunity
9. For the family background and life of Chöng Lan, to make money through private trading during t
see An Taehoe, Chosõn üi ' püro'pesyonol Sìlicitrip.
13. Chin Chunhyon, Tanwon Kim Hongdo yon gu
a] ^ (Professionals of Chosõn) (Seoul: Humanist, 2007),
pp. 21-60. (Tanwon Kim Hongdo) (Seoul: Ilchisa,
10. mw.n ě 1999), PP- 155-56.
14. O Chusõk, Tanwon Kim Hongdo : Chosonjogin
am ii»? m nõmuna Chosonjogin hwaga, n. 187.
fEŤÍí A LÜffi 3FÃSP 15. Yu Hongjun, "Ch'albang sijöl üi Kim Hongdo
w mmmm ä* ISIÎ (Kim Hongdo's Years as Ch'albang),"
ē mmmm Wõlgan misul, 1994.2, pp. 74-79.
m mm a rnmrnz.. mt-mmmmum 16. Kang Sehwang, Tanwon-ki illHsH (Record or
Tanwon)," P'yoam yugo % (Manuscripts by P'yoam)
ttB±À àË±tËl§. Kim Hongdo, "Inscription on (Söngnam: Han'gukhak chungang yon'guwon (Academy
Sandalwood Garden 1784. of Korean Studies), 1980), p. 249.
ii. Scholars are not in agreement regarding divisions 17. For the social function of literati painting, see
within the Chosõn status system. Some scholars advocate Craig Clunas, Elegant Debts : The Social Art of Wen
the simple division between yang (jä, "good" people, Zhengming (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press,
which include yangban, chungin, and commoners) and 2004); James Cahill, The Painters's Practice : How Artists
ch'on (jH, low-born people), others only separate yangban Lived and Worked in Traditional China (New York:
from the latter two groups. Most common, however, is Columbia University Press, 1994).
the four-tiered hierarchy of yangban, chungin, commoners, 18. So Yugu, "Che segõmjõng ajipto," P'ungsok
chõnjip, p. 70, quoted in O Chusõk, Tanwon Kim Hongdo :
and low-born people; see Yi Chun'gu, Chosõn bugi sinbun
chigyõk pyõndong yon'gu S IK W[% Chosonjogin nõmuna Chosonjogin hwaga, pp. 121-22.
(Changes in Social and Occupational Hierarchies19. inIbid.,
Latepp. 102-3.
20. For a discussion of how Kim Hongdo's Western
Chosõn) (Seoul: Ilchogak, 1992), pp. 10-15. Definitions
of chungin in Late Chosõn sources also varied,Garden
but itpaintings
seems adopted iconographies and compositions
that by the seventeenth-century, chungin was of established
Chinese prototypes, see Burglind Jungmann, "Two
Screens
as a distinctive social group between the yangban andof the
com-Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden
moners; see Han Yõngu, "Chosõn sidae chungin üi sinbun
in the Western Collection," Orientations , vol. 39, no. 4 of the historical texts illustrating the history of the
tion
(2008), pp. 58-67. mansion, see Chin Chegyo, "Ijo hugi munye üi kyosöp
21. O Chusök, Tanwõn Kim Hongdo: Chosõnjõgin kwa konggan üi chae palgyön
nõmuna Chosõnjõgin hwaga, p. 118. Sitili (Revisiting the Sites of Literary and Artistic Ex-
change in Late Chosõn), Hanmun kyoyuk yorìgu , vol. 21
22. For examples of Chosõn gardens and related phi-
losophy, see An Taehoe, Sansugan e chip ül chitko Lil(2003),
7k pp. 509-38.
PbMI ^ s: (Building a House Between Mountain and 31. The increased emphasis on correct taste can be
Water) (Seoul: Tolbaegae, 2005). related to the expansion of material culture and the ensuing
23. Kang Sehwang, "Tanwon-ki," p. 149. anxiety among the elite; see Craig Clunas, Superfluous
24. Cho Hüiryong. Hosan Oegi (Outside Things : Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern
China (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press,
Record of Hosan, vol. 6 of Cho Hüiryong chõ njip i|ļ?Ef|
(Complete Works of Cho Hüiryong) (Seoul: Hangil199 1 ). Late Ming manuals on taste were widely introduced
atü, 1999), p. 76. to Korea in the Late Chosõn period. For example, So Yugu,
25. For kyehoedo, see Ahn Hwi-joon, "Koryõ mit mentioned above, compiled these Chinese sources and
Chosõn wangjo üi munin kyehoe wa kyehoedo ¡(¡§1published ^ II them with his own writings. His subjects include
JCÀ ("Literary Gathering Painitngs of antiques, books, artworks, buildings, and gardens; So
Koryõ and Chosõn"), Komunhwa, vol. 20 (1982), pp. 3-13. Yugu, "Iunji fnft^ (Thoughts on a Delightful Cloud)"
26. In an early study on Korean gardens Chong Tongo and "Yuyeji Sžll/Ě (Thoughts on Leisure and Arts)," in
characterized this linear, geometric design as uniquely Imwõn Kyõngjeji (Thoughts on Rural Life)
characteristic of the Chosõn garden, in contrast to contem- (Seoul: Soul Taehakkyo (Seoul National University) Kojõn
porary Chinese and Japanese counterparts. This character- Kanhaenghoe, 1966-1969).
ization, however, is based on observing urban scholars' 32. Chang Chin-sung argues that these images embody
residences rather than on private academies or country villas, the Late-Chosõn nouveaux riches, their collecting fervor
plans of which were usually more organic and integrated and conflicting values; see Chang Chin-sung, "Chosõn
with nature; see Chong Tongo, Hariguk üi chõngwõn hugi kodong sõhwa sujip yõlgi üi sõngkyõk: Kim Hongdo
ĚB (The Korean Garden) (Seoul: Minümsa, 1986). For üi 'P'oüi p'ungnyu to' wa 'Sain ch'osang' ül chungsim üro
discussion of Chosõn gardens and the related philosophy, mm&m w
see An Taehoe, Sansugan e chip ül chitko. IB" "±ÀPÉft" s: 4^0.5. (The Collecting Fervor of
27. Chong Hwang, "Taeünam," in The National Late Chosõn period: Kim Hongdo's Enjoying the Life of
Museum of Korea, Ch'unch'on (Ch'unch'on National Mu- a Free Spirit, and Portrait of a Scholar "), Misulsa wa sigak
seum); Uri ttang, uri chingyõng ÄS (Our munhwa, vol. 3 (2004), pp. 154-203.
Land, Our True-view Paintings) (Ch'unch'on: Ch'unch'on 33. See ibid., and also Jiyeon Kim, "Gathering Paint-
National Museum, 2002), pl. 42. ings of Chungin in Late Chosõn (1392-1910), Korea,"
28. For an English survey of Korean true-view chap. 4.
34. Richard Vinograd notes the established tradition
painting and its ideological implications, see Yi Songmi,
in Chinese
"Artistic Tradition and the Depiction of Reality: Trueportraiture of presenting private images identi-
fied by various distinctive cultural references as opposed to
View Landscape Painting of the Chosõn Dynasty," in
public and formal representations labelled by their ritual
Arts of Korea, ed. Judith Smith (New York: Metropoli-
and iconic function; see Richard Vinograd, The Boundaries
tan Museum of Art, 1998).
of the Self: Chinese Portraits, 1600-1900 (Cambridge and
29. Cho Kyuhüi, "Chosõn sidae pyölsödo yõngu
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992). The former
fêfíX SUSHI (Paintings of Scholar's Studio in the
category was less popular in Chosõn, where the elite was
Chosõn Period)," PhD diss., Seoul National University, 2006. less diversified.
30. Chongp'ung Stream Mansion (łWJUMH Ch'ong-
35. Chang Chin-sung, "Yi Insang üi sööl üisik: kungnip
p'unggye-to) depicts the residence of the Kim family of
chungang pangmulgwan sojang 'Kömsöndo' rül chungsim
Andong, which dominated Chosõn politics during the üro mmmm-- mm «wabi*
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Written records con-
(Yi Insang and a Daoist Imm
cerning the residents verify that Chong Son accurately
Question of the Self in Eighteenth-
documented all the important outlines and architectural
ture)," Misulsa wa sigak munhw
elements of the villa including the shapes and locations of
69.
buildings and ponds and the placement of trees. On the
36. For a detailed discussion of this painting and its
other hand, he barely described the specific details of the
meaning, see Jiyeon Kim, "Gathering Paintings of Chungin
house, pavilions, and garden. Rather than having their
in Late Chosõn (1392-1910), Korea," chap. 4.
own distinctive beauties, the artificial structures blend
37. Despite the social discrimination and legal restric-
perfectly into the landscape, as if the family's grounds
tion that prohibited their ascent of the bureaucratic ladder,
naturally encompassed all of Mount Inwang, which has,
chungin officials had a relatively comfortable and econom-
in fact, long been associated with them. For the transla-
ically stable life. Probably for this reason there was little
organized movement among chungin 48. to Kang Sehwang, "Tanwön-ki

overcome theiru ilbon
status. Only in the mid-nineteenth-century P'yoam yugo, kwõndid 4, p. 253.
chungin
officials submit a major petition pleading 49. for
Ibid., p.their
254. restric-
tions to be lifted, but this petition was 50. not
O Chusok,evenTanwon Kim Hongdo : Chosõnjõgin
delivered
to the king, and the legal restrictions nõmuna imposed
Chosõnjõgin hwaga, onp.them
230.
were not removed until the total reform of the bureau- 51. Robert E. Harrist Jr., Fainting and Private Life in
cratic system in 1894. For a detailed description of this Eleventh -Century China : Mountain Villa by Li Gonglin
political action, see Jiyeon Kim, "Gathering Paintings of(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 3-10.
Chungin in the Late Chosön (1392-19 10), Korea" pp. 52. The literary format of "Record of Tanwon" re-
186-88. flects this connection between place and person. Ki, mean-
38. O Chusõk, Tanwõn Kim Hongdo: Chosõnjõgin ing "record," is a standard format of East Asian literature
nõmuna Chosõnjõgin hwaga, p. 40. that is used to comment on specific places, journeys, or
39. Chin Chunhyön, Tanwõn Kim Hongdoindividuals.
yon'gu, Ki written for certain buildings or places typi-
P. 45- cally include a foundation history and salient anecdotes, as
40. Yi Myönggi served as the "painter in charge" in well as a physical description. When composing a ki on a
the second royal portrait project Kim Hongdo participated
private residence, pavilion, or garden, the writer often adds
in as an "assistant painter." Yi Myönggi and Kim Hongdo complimentary remarks about the owner's life and person-
also co-worked for a private commission, the portrait ofality. In this way, a place's fame is often determined by the
So Chiksu, in which Yi Myönggi painted the face and authors who described it; see Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites :
Kim Hongdo painted the clothes. Garden Culture in Ming Dynasty China (Durham, N.C.:
41. Kang Kwansik, Lhoson hugi kungjung hwawon Duke University Press, 1 996), pp. 137-39.
yon'gu: Kyujanggak eh 'ahi taeryõng hwawon ül chungsim 53. Kang Sehwang, "Tanwön-ki u ilbon," P'yoam
uro , p. 64. yugo, p. 254.
42. O Chusok, Tanwon Kim Hongdo yon gu: Lhoson- 54. Kang Sehwang, "Tanwon-ki," P'yoam yugo, p. 250.
jõgin nõmuna Chosõnjõgin hwaga, p. 217. 55. For the influence of Chinese painting manuals on
43. Ibid., p. 228. Korean and Japanese painting, see Burglind Jungmann,
44. Although there is little contemporary record on Painters as Envoys: Korean Inspiration in Eighteenth
these relationships, mainly because of the scarcity of the century Japanese Nanga (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton
materials written by merchants themselves, the relation- University Press, 2004), pp. 49-51.
ship between Kim Hongdo and Kim Hant'ae is known 56. O Chusok, Tanwon Kim Hongdo : Chosõnjõgin
through the testimony of O Sech'ang (1864-1953), the nõmuna Chosõnjõgin hwaga, n. 58.
author of the first art-historical reference book published 57. Yi Õnjin was a disciple of Yi Yonghyu, a scholar
in the twentieth-century, Küny ok sõhwajing (19 17). O who wrote for Kim Hongdo several times. Although his
Sech'ang's family was closely related to Kim Hant'ae's de- interaction with Kim Hongdo is not recorded, and Yi Onji
scendants, so this testimony is worth taking into account; died at the very young age of twenty-seven, when Kim
see Yi Tongju, Uri nara üi yet kurim Hongdo was only twenty-two, they certainly occupied th
(Seoul: Pakyöngsa, 1975), p. 208. same social and cultural milieu.
45. Since early in the Chosön dynasty, tensions be- 58. Yi Önjin, "Tongho kosil (Residing in
tween kings who wanted to promote their favorite court a Room Amid Narrow Streets)," quoted from Kang
painters to higher positions and officials who refused to ac- Myönggwan, Chosõn hugi yõhang munhak yon'gu
knowledge equal status with the painters resulted in heated ÏJf % (Yöhang Literature in the Late Chosön
debates. For example, when the Early Chosön court Period) (Seoul: Ch'angjak kwa pip'yongsa, 1997), p. 314.
painter Ch'oe Kyöng (act. fifteenth-century) was promoted
to a senior third rank, the other civil officials objected,
arguing that "his original occupation was lowly ( ch'on )," Glossary
and that he had only been awarded his current status by
"flattering powerful people"; see Ahn Hwi-joon, "Chosön Ahoedo JMtHI
wangjo sidae üi hwawon," Hariguk munhwa, vol. 9 (1988), Ajipto JIH HI
pp. 147-78). Chöng Son (1676-1759), the eighteenth- An'gi
century master of true-view painting, was also accused of Ch'abi taeryõng hwawon
attaining a high rank by means of "a lowly technique ch'albang ^5$
(ch'on'gi)"; see Yu Hongjun, Hwain yõlchõn 1 (Seoul: chapkwa chungin
Yöksa pip'yongsa, 2001), p. 197. chin'gyöng ¡m®
46. O Chusok, Tanwon Kim Hongdo : Chosõnjõgin Chinsorhoe
nõmuna Chosõnjõgin hwaga, pp. 194-96. Ch'oe Kyöng US
47. Ibid., n. 282. Cho Hüiryong M SB fi
JIYEON KIM • Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden 6*
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Mount Inwang {ZžEULj Yi Insang
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Mount Puram Yöngp'ung
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Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden

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Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden

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Kim Hongdo's Sandalwood Garden: A Self-Image of a Late-Chosŏn Court Painter

Author(s): JIYEON KIM

artist's image as free and romantic, modest and cultured,

Fig. i. Kim Hongdo (1745-after 1806)

When King Yöngjo (r. 1724-1775) had the court

There is a small pavilion beneath the cliff and near

who composed the five four-character poems on the

So Yugu and all the other guests were scholars from

uncertainty about the self and the ensuing looks backward

Fig. 5. Anonymous .Jade Vase Pavilion.

roof and the

recent study suggests, may take on complicated meanings

gathering painting, the picture deliberatelywood Garden

Fig. 10. Yi Insang (1710-1760). Immortal

and required him to continue as such on many occasions.

his expectation for an even more highly regarded and

he was charged with "exploiting people"

handbook of styles, brushstrokes, and compositions

Chosõnjõgin nõmuna Cbosõnjõgin hivaga ÄH kyegüp chõk sõnggyõk IUI 0# ft 0cł&

organized movement among chungin 48. to Kang Sehwang, "Tanwön-ki

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