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Cooperative Tourism
Planning in a Developing
Destination
Dallen J. Timothy
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Cooperative Tourism Planning in a
Developing Destination
Dallen J. Timothy
Sport Management, Recreation and Tourism Division, School of HMSLS, Bowling
Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio 43403, USA
This paper presents a normative model of tourism planning which requires cooperation
between government agencies, between various administrative levels of government,
between same-level autonomous polities, and between the public and private sectors.
These cooperative planning principles are examined in the context of Yogyakarta,
Indonesia, where it was found that they are not a part of the planning practices already
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in place. Sociopolitical factors are considered the most important reasons for the lack
of cooperative tourism planning in the study area and it is believed that other devel-
oping destinations with similar human environmental conditions would also be lack-
ing in the use of cooperative planning principles.
Introduction
In the recent past, several tourism planning paradigms have emerged from
the broader traditions of urban and regional planning. These paradigms
generally aim to reduce tourism’s negative impacts and enhance its positive
impacts. They include community-based planning, wherein locally defined goals
and local development actions are an integral part of tourism planning (Murphy,
1985, 1988; Prentice, 1993; Simmons, 1994), incremental planning, which allows
for high levels of predictability and flexibility (Getz, 1986, 1987; Baud-Bovy,
1982), and collaborative planning where all stakeholders are permitted and
encouraged to participate in the decision-making process (Gunn, 1994; Dowling,
1993; Getz & Jamal, 1994; Jamal & Getz, 1995).
Comprehensive development is another view of planning that takes on a
systems tradition in that all aspects of regional tourism, including its institutional
elements, facilities, and services, are planned in a comprehensive manner.
Tourism is thus viewed as an interrelated system that ought to be planned as
such (Inskeep, 1991: 29). According to Gunn (1994), all elements of regional
tourism, such as transportation, accommodation, promotion, attractions, and
information, need to be planned in concert to avoid conflicts between tourism
sub-sectors. This paradigm has received widespread criticism in the past
(Hudson, 1979; Mitchell, 1989), suggesting, among other things, that it is
impossible to consider all elements in the planning process together at one time.
The introduction of alternative approaches, such as community-based and
incremental planning, has been a response to recognised deficiencies in this
approach.
A second, perhaps less disputable, perspective related to comprehensive
planning is that tourism ought to be integrated into the overall plan and total
development strategy of a country or region (Lee, 1987; Inskeep, 1991). This is
often referred to in the literature as integrative planning (Marcouiller, 1997).
Several authors have stressed the importance of not singling out tourism alone
for development. Rather, it should be planned in conjunction with a region’s
broader development goals; tourism should be one element of broader regional
development planning (Baud-Bovy, 1982; Inskeep, 1987, 1988; Marcouiller, 1997).
This type of planning aims to increase efficiency and adaptability as components
of the tourism industry are planned together and are included in a region’s
broader development goals.
If integrative tourism development is to occur, however, cooperation between
various planning sectors must exist. Cooperation between government agencies,
between different levels of government, between equally autonomous polities at
various administrative levels, and between the private and public sector is
necessary if integrative tourism development is the goal. Nunn and Rosentraub
(1997) have referred to these approaches collectively as ‘interjurisdictional
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As noted earlier, at least four types of cooperation need to exist in order for
successful integrative tourism development to occur (Figure 1). These include
cooperation between government agencies, cooperation between levels of
administration, cooperation between same-level polities, and private-and pub-
lic-sector cooperation.
Figure 1 The four types of cooperation necessary for the development of successful
integrative tourism
research and development projects by various agencies are not at all uncommon,
especially in developing countries (e.g. when two or more situation analyses are
conducted by two different agencies at the same time for regional tourism
planning).
Within a country, the national government is the highest level of administra-
tion and in some countries this may be the only level at which tourism planning
is done. Nearly all countries, however, are divided in some way for purposes of
administration. Lower-order civil divisions include states, provinces, counties,
and municipalities. Each of these levels has its own responsibilities and conducts
some form of planning, such as education and law enforcement. To be successful,
tourism development in a region might require coordinated efforts between two
or more levels of government. This will eliminate some overlap of services and
parallel planning, which will improve efficiency in terms of time and money. As
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Hall (1994: 33) commented, ‘Coordination is necessary both within and between
the different levels of government in order to avoid duplication of resources in
the various government tourism bodies and the private sector, and to develop
effective tourism strategies’.
Cooperation is also essential in many countries because local initiatives
usually require approval and financial support from the national government.
As well, the successful implementation of national-level initiatives might require
the involvement of lower-level governments. This is because tourism develop-
ment usually requires critical, local knowledge, something that is often lacking
in large, distant capital cities among leaders who are less familiar with regional
cultures and local conditions. This would also improve equity as lower-level
governments would be permitted and even encouraged to participate more in
decision making.
In areas where tourism resources are shared by one or more autonomous
polities, at any administrative level (e.g. national, provincial, or county),
integrative planning can best be achieved through some kind of cooperation.
Although planning traditions in most countries have been restricted by political
boundaries, cross-border tourism planning is now increasing in a few parts of
the world as neighbouring international destinations realise the value of working
together to develop and promote common resources (Richard, 1993; Kliot, 1996).
Some destinations are beginning to promote day visits to areas in neighbouring
jurisdictions as an added attraction to the original destination (Timothy, 1995).
On a larger scale, strategic international alliances, such as the European Union
and NAFTA, are examples of multi-lateral cross-border cooperation that are
becoming more commonplace. This type of cross-border planning is also
occurring at a sub-national level in many parts of the world. One example is in
the Northeastern United States, where the New England states (i.e. Maine, New
Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut) have
begun a unique cooperative effort to market themselves together as a tourism
region, individual political boundaries notwithstanding. A lack of trans-bound-
ary cooperation can result in environmental degradation on both sides of a border
and can create a rift between neighbours. It might also mean that resources in
one area are over utilised or under utilised compared with a neighbouring region.
Cross-border planning can prevent or eliminate, at least to some degree,
56 Journal of Sustainable Tourism
Research Methods
As part of a larger research project, which involved several methods of
collecting data, 20 key-informant interviews were conducted from June to
August 1994 and from April to June 1995 with a mix of tourism planning officials,
private tourism planning consultants, and interest-group representatives. Dur-
ing the same periods, 20 interviews with small tourism business managers (e.g.
street vendors, guest house owners, shop keepers, and tour guides) were
conducted. As most government officials and planning consultants spoke and
understood English well, interviews with them were conducted in English, as
were some of the interviews with interest-group representatives and small
business managers. Approximately half of the interviews were conducted in
Bahasa Indonesia with the assistance of experienced interpreters and research
assistants. To ensure reliability of the information through the translation
process, detailed repetitive explanations of questions and answers between the
interviewer and those being interviewed were given. Questioning proceeded
only once the previous questions and answers were fully understood by both
parties. Interviews included a consistent set of open-ended questions that were
designed to address issues of tourism planning. For example, administrators
were asked about the degree of local participation in decision making, coopera-
tion between agencies and governments in tourism planning, as well as about
specific examples where this might have taken place. They were also questioned
about their understanding of community-based and cooperative tourism devel-
opment, what these mean, and whether or not they felt these approaches were
important. Other participants were asked similar questions but were also
questioned about their involvement in tourism decision making and their
Cooperative Tourism Planning in a Developing Destination 57
perceptions about the need for cooperative planning. They were also asked to
consider local constraints to cooperative planning.
In addition to the interviews, planning documents were examined to
understand the issues of concern to planners in the study region. The plans were
examined to discover the extent to which they recognise and consider the
cooperative planning principles discussed earlier. Each Repelita (National
Five-Year Development Plan) and Repelitada (Regional Five-Year Development
Plan) was examined beginning with the original plans dating from 1969.
Additionally, several regional tourism planning documents were examined. The
documents were read and reread, and information was recorded pertaining to
the types of tourism development recommended and established in policy. The
appearance of cooperative planning principles in the development of the plans
themselves, as well as in their recommendations and policy sections was
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Central
Government
Province
Kabupaten Kotamadya
Kecamatan
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Kelurahan Desa
section of the document establishes the country’s goals and policies for tourism
development and is compiled by the national-level Department of Tourism, Post
and Telecommunications (Deparpostel). In addition, each province produces its
own regional five-year plan, Repelitada, which also includes a tourism section.
At the provincial level there are presently two parallel government agencies
whose responsibilities include collecting tourism-related data and directing the
development of tourism within the province. Kanwil is the provincial office for
the national government’s Deparpostel, and Dinas Pariwisata is the provincial
government’s tourism development agency. Kanwil reports both to the provincial
Governor and to its home ministry in Jakarta, while Dinas Pariwisata reports only
to the Governor (Mitchell, 1994). Each of these agencies has its own responsibili-
ties, although many of their duties overlap.
signs exist that it is beginning to emerge in Yogyakarta. For example, during the
mid-1980s, cooperation between Dinas Pariwisata and the Department of Public
Works resulted in the improvement of the highway between the city, the airport,
and Prambanan temple complex. The road was widened, motorcycle and bicycle
lanes were added, and trees were planted to improve the highway environment
for tourists and locals. According to officials at Dinas Pariwisata, there are ongoing
plans to collaborate with Public Works to continue improving the highway by
adding toll booths. It is believed that this will enhance the quality of the road and
decrease travel time to the airport by decreasing crowded conditions.
The Kraton (palace) Festival 1991, which focused on the Sultan palaces in
Yogyakarta and Surakarta, is viewed by local planners as an example of
successful cross-sectoral cooperation. The festival was held from 7–21 September
1991, and was featured as one of four core events during Visit Indonesia Year.
The festival drew thousands of foreign and domestic visitors to Yogyakarta and
Surakarta and featured many aspects of everyday life among palace residents
and workers. In both public and private circles the festival was considered a huge
success. The gala was unique and successful in many people’s view because it
involved planned cooperation among 15 separate government agencies in
Yogyakarta and Central Java to cover transportation, security, accommodation,
public relations, equipment, and health. According to one informant, however,
this success was in large part due to the fact that the festival was a nationally-
sponsored event and local government agencies were required by Jakarta to
coordinate their efforts.
Planning for heritage-based tourism presents some unique difficulties leading
to a similar fragmentation of responsibilities. By legislation, the national-level
Department of Education and Culture is directly responsible for the restoration
and preservation of the historic structures themselves. The grounds surrounding
the monuments and their related infrastructure, such as ticket booths, interpre-
tative centres and parking lots, are administered by PT Taman Wisata (Tourism
Parks), a public corporation under the administration of the national Department
of Tourism, Post and Telecommunications. On the other hand, souvenir stands,
food stalls, and other tourism-related structures outside the main grounds fall
under the control of Dinas Pariwisata of the province in which they are located.
This kind of spatial arrangement has the potential to create administrative
62 Journal of Sustainable Tourism
problems and indeed it has in the past. The current practice, however, is to make
the spatial delineations prior to development of the attraction, so that conflicts
between departments are usually avoided. One recent example of an operational
horizontal delineation of this nature occurred at the Ratu Boko palace complex
to the northeast of Yogyakarta City. The historic structures themselves are
currently being restored by archaeologists under the Department of Education
and Culture. The grounds have already been improved a great deal, and a ticket
booth is operated by Taman Wisata. The tourism infrastructure in surrounding
communities is being improved with shops, snack bars, and other facilities under
the administration of Dinas Pariwisata.
Cooperation was also recently achieved between Dinas Pariwisata and the
Department of Agriculture for the development of the Salak Pondoh agrovillage
project. Salak is a unique fruit with a snakeskin-like appearance and is a popular
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food among Indonesians. The pondoh variety is apparently found only at the base
of Yogyakarta’s Mount Merapi in Bangunkerto Village. Owing to the fruit’s
uniqueness, the decision was made by provincial administrators to promote salak
cultivation as a form of agrotourism. Promotion for the project began in 1992,
with Japanese, Dutch, and domestic tourists being targeted as the primary market
groups for half-day tours to the area in conjunction with visits to Prambanan and
Borobudur. Interpretative information regarding the plant itself and cultivating
and harvesting procedures were dealt with by the Department of Agriculture.
The more direct touristic aspects, such as organising tour groups, establishing
eating facilities and small guest houses, and erecting signs, were handled by
Dinas Pariwisata. Telfer’s (1997) work provides a detailed account of the growth
of salak tourism in Bangunkerto.
Cooperation was also achieved between Dinas Pariwisata and the police
department in 1991 with the creation of tourist police. This was a response to the
need to improve safety for tourists during Visit Indonesia Year, and the service
still continues to function in an effort of cooperation.
Still, according to most informants, little cooperation occurs among various
government agencies, and none of the provincial planning documents recognised
the need for this type of cooperation. According to most of the local planners,
these examples of cooperation are the exception rather than the rule. There is still
a notable lack of cooperation and communication among government agencies.
To the admission of some informants, as mentioned above, there is a significant
dearth of cooperation between Dinas Pariwisata and Kanwil, even though both
have been charged with developing tourism at the provincial level. Tjatera (1994)
discovered a similar lack of coordination in Bali and found that weak cooperative
efforts between government agencies often lead to confusion among implemen-
ters and beneficiaries.
some informants, these grassroots proposals are rarely taken into account, since
higher-level priorities always tend to take precedence, even within the province.
This problem was also observed by van Steenbergen (1992) in the broader
Indonesian context.
As part of the larger attempts to decentralise power at the national level, as
discussed earlier, provincial governments are supposed to decentralise as well.
This process has apparently begun, as attempts are being made at cooperative
efforts between provincial and municipal governments in matters of tourism
management. For example, according to the director of Yogyakarta’s municipal-
level planning agency, certain responsibilities relating to tourism, such as
overseeing the operations of some restaurants and entertainment facilities, were
handed over to the municipal government of Yogyakarta in 1995 by Dinas
Pariwisata and Kanwil. Similarly, dealings with street vendors are divided
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between the municipal government and the provincial Dinas Pariwisata. The city
handles matters of taxation and licensing, while the province handles matters of
tourism-related training and public relations.
The Kraton Festival, mentioned above, was viewed as an important adminis-
trative breakthrough in this respect as well. The event was considered successful
by Indonesian and international observers alike because ground-breaking
cooperation between the national government in Jakarta (responsible for
budgeting and marketing) and the two provincial governments (responsible for
local arrangements) was achieved (UNESCO/UNDP, 1992).
Despite these initial attempts to share tourism responsibilities between
administrative levels, little other progress is actually being made along these
lines. That the recommendation in the third Regional Five-Year Development
Plan to establish sub-provincial branches of Dinas Pariwisata, made nearly 19
years ago, has not yet been accomplished, attests to this fact.
tourism planning. The second need, more pertinent to this section, is to increase
cooperation between the two provinces for cultural tourism development. In
order to accomplish this, a regional cultural tourism planning approach was
recommended that involved equal input from the Departments of Tourism,
Education and Culture, and Home Affairs from both provinces under a joint
board. This Memorandum of Understanding was drafted and signed by the
governors of both provinces in June 1993. Although this has been established,
according to one participant, it is having difficulty functioning and is essentially
defunct owing to lack of interest on both parts and lack of communication
between the two provinces.
As for the national government, there appears to be a great deal of
international cooperation for tourism development. A number of ambitious
plans have been considered for international tourism alliances. The Indonesia–
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Several possible reasons were identified during the field research for this
dearth of cooperative efforts. According to all government and other planning
informants, the traditional social and political hierarchy in the country is a major
factor in producing traditional sectoral and political boundary-restricted plan-
ning practices locally. Javanese traditional views of power concentration are still
very strong and continue to influence the political structure in Indonesia even to
the extent that such power, or control, is mandated by constitutional law (Liddle
and Mallarangeng, 1997; Suryadinata, 1997). These traditions accept that political
and social control rests in the hands of the central government or head
socio-political figure (Moedjanto, 1986) — a concept that has allowed the
concentration of power in the hands of President Suharto and his family for more
than 30 years. According to Brown (1994: 117), the Javanese concept of power
presumes that ‘power ¼ diminishes with distance from the individual at the
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centre’. And, according to tradition, ‘power generates its own authority in that
those who attain positions of dominance are assumed to have deserved it because
of their skill and moral virtue’. Therefore, it is believed that the centre of power,
whether at the national, provincial, or village level, will make decisions that are
for the good of everyone, including lower levels of government. To break from
this hierarchical tradition is a sign of rebellion and would be insulting to social
and political superiors (Anderson, 1972). Some of this sentiment can probably be
attributed to the fact that those in positions of control are reluctant to share their
power. As Reed (1997: 589) suggests, stakeholders in tourism planning ‘who
traditionally hold power may resist its redistribution, thereby hindering attempts
for collaboration’. This attitude has been demonstrated strongly in recent years
in Indonesia with the suppression of political rivals, captious journalists, and
other outspoken critics on the part of leading national politicians (Liddle &
Mallarangeng, 1997).
According to several private and academic planners, local tourism planning
authorities are simply unaware of the need for, and do not understand the
possible benefits of, cooperative tourism planning. In terms of cooperation
between same-level polities, several informants observed that local leaders are
sometimes unaware of their jurisdictional rights, in other words, whether or not
they are permitted to establish cross-border ties with other jurisdictions. Dupuy
(1982: 58) suggested that, in some political systems, it is believed that only
national governments are competent to enter into international agreements, even
informal, local ones. Local authorities and public establishments in these systems
have no right to contract with their trans-boundary partners, no matter how
equal, unless they have received prior authorisation from a higher government.
The hierarchical nature of the Indonesian state likely contributes to this as a
significant reason for a lack of cooperation in Indonesia as well.
According to one informant, the physical development of attractions is the
most popular planning approach because of its quick and conspicuous nature.
This type of planning can be carried out expeditiously and thus can show
outwardly that government agencies are busy developing tourism, which will
likely help reduce critical appraisals of their efforts. Cooperative efforts may
require significant amounts of time, so that they are not a high priority for
bureaucrats. Furthermore, goals of other agencies, polities, and levels of
66 Journal of Sustainable Tourism
Conclusions
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Acknowledgement
The author is grateful for financial support from the Canadian International
Cooperative Tourism Planning in a Developing Destination 67
Development Agency, and administrative support from the Centre for Environ-
mental Studies at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
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