Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Contents
1. Introduction 2
2. The Prevalence of Khat Use 7
3. Phytochemistry of Catha edulis Forsk 7
4. The Pharmacokinetics of Khat 10
5. The Neurochemistry of Khat 11
6. Effects on Neonatal Development 12
7. Effect on Cognitive and Executive Function in Humans After Khat Exposure 14
8. Khat Use and Psychosis 15
9. Dependence 15
10. Cultural Tradition or Drug of Abuse? 16
Acknowledgment 17
References 17
Abstract
Khat, Catha edulis Forsk, is among the most widely used plant-based psychoactive sub-
stance in the world. Grown in Eastern Africa, Horn of Africa, and southwestern part of the
Arabian Peninsula, its fresh young leaves and twigs are used daily by over 20 million
people for the psychostimulatory effects it produces in the user, a practice deeply
rooted in the history, tradition, and culture of the indigenous population. Once hardly
known outside the regions where it is grown and used, khat use has now spread to
other countries. This review will cover the, phytochemistry, pharmacokinetics of the
active ingredients—cathinone, cathine, norephedrine, neurochemistry, effects on cog-
nitive and executive functions as well as its ability to produce dependency in the user.
Whether it is an innocuous cultural practice or a drug of abuse is debatable as the pre-
clinical and clinical data needed to arrive at an authoritative conclusion is lacking.
2 Nilesh B. Patel
On 24 June 2014, the United Kingdom (UK) joined the list of countries that
have banned the use, possession, and trade in khat (Catha edulis Forsk). In the
preceding years, the UK government had tasked the Advisory Council on
the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) to give its recommendation on whether khat
should be banned. The ACMD (2013) reported that, it “. . . considers that
the evidence of harm associated with the use of khat is insufficient to justify
control and it would be inappropriate and disproportionate to classify khat
under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971. In summary, the ACMD considers that
the harms of khat do not reach the level required for classification.” The UK
government ignored these recommendations and justified its decision to ban
khat use on the basis that it did not wish Great Britain to become a hub for
the smuggling of khat into those European countries and North America
where khat use had been prohibited.
1. INTRODUCTION
“Khat” refers to the fresh young leaves and twigs of the shrub, C. edulis
Forsk, (Fig. 1) which is consumed for its psychostimulant effects by over
20 million people worldwide on a daily basis (Al-Motarreb, Al-Kebsi,
Al-Adhi, & Broadley, 2002; Magdum, 2011; Saha & Dollery, 2006).
In recent years, khat use has spread well beyond its traditional strong-
holds in Africa as a consequence of its use among Yemeni, Somali, and Ethi-
opian emigrant communities in Europe and America.
The shrub of the moonseed family Celatraceae that is the source of khat
was given its scientific name, C. edulis, by Peter Forsskål, and later renamed
C. edulis Forsk, by Carsten Niebuhr, in memory of his friend, Peter Forsskål,
who died during the 1761 Arabian Peninsula expedition. They, as other
travelers to the Arabian Peninsula, could not help but notice and comment
on the widespread habit of the people there to chew on green leaves and
twigs that carried different local names: qat and gat in Yemen, qaat or jaad
in Somalia, chat and jimma in Ethiopia, and miraa and veve in Kenya. Other
popular names still in use are kaht, tchat, qaad, Kus es, Salahin, Tchaad,
Tochat, and Tohai. Regular khat users classify the leaves based on type, taste,
and potency, and the particular variety of khat used by a person can reflect
their social and financial status: for example, white leaves are rarer and more
expensive than red leaves; Harai in Ethiopia is considered the best and, in
Kenya, Giza is the preferred type.
The distribution of C. edulis Forsk stretches from Yemen to Madagascar
growing wild at high altitudes, 1500–2000 m above sea level. Production is
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Figure 1 Bundles of khat (A) and the fresh leaves and twigs (B). Three to four bundles or
more are consumed during a khat session. Muguka (C and D) another plant becoming
popular for its psychostimulatory effect and cheaper than khat.
4 Nilesh B. Patel
value of the global khat trade, but from khat seizures, it is possible to get a feel
for the size of the operation. United Nations Office on Drug and Crime
(UNODC, 2013) reported khat to be the most frequent plant-based sub-
stance seized. The highest seizures in 2010 were made in Saudi Arabia with
374 metric-tons (mt), followed by the United States with 90 mt and
Germany with 30.4 mt with khat seizures also reported by Denmark
(2010: 5 mt), Sweden (2010: 14 mt), and the United Republic of Tanzania
(2010: 10 mt). Several countries experienced significant increases in seizures
of khat between 2009 and 2010 such as Saudi Arabia (182 kg–374 mt), Ireland
(50–218 kg), and Norway (3–7 mt). Figure 2 (UNODC, 2008–2012) shows
the main sources of khat and its flow to Europe and North America.
Figure 2 Global trade in khat. Main regions of commercial khat production are Harar
province of Ethiopia, Nyambene area of Meru County of Kenya, and Jebel Sabr Moun-
tains of Yemen. Note: The origin of the flow arrows does not necessarily indicate the
source/manufacture of khat. These arrows represent the flows as perceived by recipient
countries. The boundaries shown on this map do not imply official endorsement or
acceptance by the United Nations. Dashed lines represent undetermined boundaries.
Dotted lines represent approximately the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir agreed
by India and Pakistan. The final status of Jammu and Kashmir has not yet been agreed
upon by the parties. The final boundary between the Sudan and South Sudan has not
yet been determined. UNODC (2008–2012).
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Khat is consumed by chewing the fresh young leaves and bark of twigs
which are stored as a bundle in the cheek of the mouth, called a quid. The
exudate is swallowed and the residue spit out. Chewing gum is often used to
bind the material and sweet drinks taken to reduce the quid’s astringent taste.
In a typical session, 100–300 g may be consumed over a 3–4-h period. In
Scotland, khat was blended, filtered, and served as a drink—“Herbal
Ecstasy” (Brown, Jarvie, & Simpson, 1995).
The pattern and amount of khat consumption varies from those who use
it as a pick me up in the morning similar to a cup of coffee, to students, shift
workers, and long haul lorry drivers who use it more often during the day to
ward off sleep and fatigue. Some consumers take large amounts in a single
sitting and others partake in binge sessions lasting 24 h or more (Klein &
Beckerleg, 2007; Nabuzoka & Badhadhe, 2000; Odenwald et al., 2007a,
2007b; Patel, Wright, & Gammampila, 2005; Widmann et al., 2014).
The reasons given for khat use are similar to those for coca leaves use by the
Andean people of South America. Khat leads to euphoria, alertness, and
improved vigilance. Adverse events with high doses and abrupt withdrawal
in chronic users are also well recognized (Table 1).
6 Nilesh B. Patel
Until relatively recently, khat use was hardly known outside Eastern
Africa, the Horn of Africa, and the southwestern parts of the Arabian Pen-
insula where it has been used for centuries and has deep historical roots in the
culture and tradition of the people as well as entheogenic connotations.
There is a poetic reference to its use in ancient Egypt: “The ancient Egyp-
tians considered C. edulis to be a most sacred plant, a “divine food” like royal
jelly to bees, capable of releasing humanity’s nascent divinity. The Egyptians
did not ingest khat merely to “get high”, they used it to “trigger and impel
the metamorphic process leading to a theurgic transmutation of human
nature into apotheosis”. Allowing the lowly mortal being to be made
God-like.” (The Lycaeum, 2015).
Khat came to the attention of law enforcement and regulatory authorities
following the increasing enforced emigration of Yemenis, Ethiopians, and
Somalis to other parts of the world and, as a result of improved transportation
allowing khat to be shifted rapidly after harvest to consumers all over the
world. Some of these refugees brought with them the practice of khat
chewing, eventually leading to publicity, commentary, and debate both
in national newspapers and international journals (Butters, 2009). It was
questioned whether the khat use was an innocuous cultural habit and left
at that or a more insidious practice that warranted government regulation
on its use to protect society. For some countries, the matter was straightfor-
ward, the main active ingredient in khat, cathinone, had been shown to be
an addictive substance and its natural source should therefore be put under
some category of control. For other nations, the question was to distinguish
between khat use and the use of cathinone and its derivatives, such as
methcathinone, 3,4-methylenedioxypyrovalerone, and mephedrone,
which arrived on the “legal high” drug scene around 2007 and are now
widely used as “rave drugs” competing with ecstasy, cocaine, and other
psychostimulants (Watterson & Olive, 2014).
This use of synthetic cathinones also raised the profile of khat as a poten-
tial natural source of cathinone and the question remained, as with coca
leaves, whether its consumption is detrimental to mental and physical health
as are synthetic cathinones and cocaine.
The sharp rise in use of synthetic cathinones and their adverse effects are
covered in the chapters “Home-made methcathinone and permanent neuro-
logical damage” by Sikk and Taba and “‘Legal highs’ – an emerging epidemic
of novel psychoactive substances” by Zawilska. This chapter will focus on the
use of khat and its effects on brain function and health. How khat use
remained for so long low on the global drug of abuse radar, the isolation,
and structural elucidation of its main active ingredient, cathinone, and
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research done to provide evidence that cathinone has addictive potential has
been previously discussed by the author in an earlier article (Patel, 2014).
8 Nilesh B. Patel
10 Nilesh B. Patel
ancient modes of transport could not deliver fresh khat with a sufficiently
high cathinone content to geographical regions far afield. However,
assessing cathinone content in seized khat for judicial process, Chappell
and Lee (2010) reported that, drying the plant material preserved some
cathinone and found khat alkaloids to be relatively stable over 3 years, with
some cathinone still detectable in 10-year-old khat samples. The preference
for fresh khat usually attributed largely to its higher cathinone content may
therefore also stem from the fact that dried khat due to its lack of taste and
unpalatability is less agreeable to chew. Khat traditionally was also trans-
ported wrapped in banana leaves to keep it moist, which might have
allowed, the enzyme, cathinone reductase, to reduce cathinone to the lesser
stimulant cathine.
12 Nilesh B. Patel
A
Plasma concentration (µg/l) 100
80
60
40
20
0
0 10 20 30 40 50
Time (h)
B
100
Plasma concentration (µg/l)
80
60
40
20
0
0 10 20 30 40 50
Time (h)
C
100
Plasma concentration (µg/l)
80
60
40
20
0
0 10 20 30 40 50
Time (h)
Figure 3 Time profile of plasma cathinone (A), cathine (B), and norephedrine (C) levels
in four healthy naïve drugs users following chewing of khat leaves for 1 h (0.6 g/kg body
weight) (Toennes, Harder, Schramm, Niess, & Kauert, 2003). Permission obtained from
Blackwell Publishing © 2003 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
14 Nilesh B. Patel
found khat users who had abstained for 24 h performed significantly slower
and were more strongly affected by stimulus-induced response conflict on
the Simon task then non-khat users. When the same task was done by sub-
jects allowed to chew khat during the task (Colzato, Sellaro, Ruiz, Sikora, &
Hommel, 2013), chronic users were better than controls in resolving
stimulus-induced response. These results indicate that short- and long-term
abstinence in chronic khat users could be confounding variables. However,
the study does provide support for increase in concentration or alertness
reported by khat users. Irritability, irascibility, and disrupted sleep can occur
in khat users after the effects of khat had worn off.
Khat parties can number up to 20 participants or so and during traditional
or ceremonial occasions, the number can be much larger, yet there are no
reports of frequent unpleasant verbal or physical altercations during these
séances.
9. DEPENDENCE
That long-term khat use can result in deterioration of general health is
well known but it remains uncertain whether it can lead to true addiction
and physical dependence. Psychological evaluation using the Addiction
Research Center Inventory (ARCI) and visual analogue scale by Widler
et al. found in drug–naı̈ve volunteers given khat to chew, a significant effect
in the abuse potential, motor stimulation, amphetamine-like effects,
and stimulation euphoria categories as well as in excitation–calm and
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16 Nilesh B. Patel
using of khat but then relapsed; and (3) use of khat in inappropriate situations
(Widmann et al., 2014).
Khat use raises a challenging issue: can daily exposures of psy-
chostimulant to the brain tissue starting at a young age lead to changes that
will have subsequently negative effects on mental function? The amount and
rate of khat consumption is self-regulated by the method of consumption of
low doses over hours. There is no data on the plasma cathinone or cathine
levels achieved during a regular or extended khat sessions. Thus, simulating
the effect of khat doses in animals similarly to those used by humans by mon-
itoring plasma cathinone levels is not possible, and it may be khat extract
dosing causing toxic khat effects maybe cited in published work on animals.
While the question “is khat a drug of abuse?” remains to be clearly
answered, given the currently available reports on its adverse effect on the
individual, family, and society, it might be advisable to have some regulatory
control of its use such as is in place for alcohol and tobacco use. To para-
phrase Nutt (2011), banning a substance does not prevent the harm the drug
causes and may even lead to a widening of its sphere of damage.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The author thanks Diana Patel and Brian Maiyo for valuable comments on this chapter.
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