The Political Economy of Haryana's "Khaps"

Author(s): NEERJA AHLAWAT

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , DECEMBER 1, 2012, Vol. 47, No. 47/48
(DECEMBER 1, 2012), pp. 15-17
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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followers by supporting Indira Gandhi's the state minorities' commission and the However, the Sena-Bjp regime estab-
Emergency. His workers supported Datta Urdu academy. After Saamna received a lished Thackeray as the ultimate censor.
Samant despite their supremo's opposi- call threatening to kill Thackeray from Even after he lost power, nervous directors
tion to the textile strike led by Samant. someone claiming to be a Bangladeshi, would show him their films if they felt
The 1984 riots helped him bounce back, the Sena chief threatened that the entire anything in their content could annoy him.
but he lost control over the bmc in 1992, Muslim community would be wiped out. Only those with a hotline to the centre
only to return with the 1992-93 riots. The Sena-Bjp government passed an anti- could dare to have their films run despite
The next stage of disillusionment came bigamy bill and also a bill prohibiting his disapproval, as Shah Rukh Khan did
ironically, when he was in charge of the the slaughter of cow progeny. with his My Name Is Khan in 2010.
state. When the Bjp-Sena wrested power But Thackeray's government also ful-
from Sharad Pawar's Congress in early filled many long-standing demands of Ugly and Impoverished
1995, the reaction among most Marathi- Muslims which the Congress had never Bal Thackeray, like many other Marathi-
speaking people, cutting across classes and cared to, including increasing the floor speaking politicians, came from a back-
castes, was "our people are in power now". space index (fsi) for mosques. The com- ground rich in learning and culture. In ad-
By the end of their rule in 1999, voters had munity found Sena mlas, even those who dition to being exposed to literature, music
realised that Shiv Shahi was no different had been in the forefront of the riots, and drama, he had the advantage of being
from Congress rule. Since then, the Sena more approachable than Congress mlas the son of an anti-caste reformist. Yet, he
has been kept out, thanks to his nephew had ever been. Also, the five-year reign of chose to use his learning and wit to destroy
Raj Thackeray forming his own party. the Sena-Bjp saw just one minor riot which rather than create. He debased the Marathi
was controlled within 48 hours. Today, a language when he could have enriched
Five-Year Rule
similar situation exists as did in 1995. it. As a sophisticated Marathi-speaking
However, his five-year rule deserves
Muslims are fed up with the Congress, orator, he could have used his power over
especially because of the continuous tar- his followers to turn Mumbai, already a
attention. Coming as it did two years after
the 1992-93 riots where he played a lead-
geting of its youth on terror charges. A flourishing cosmopolitan city, into one of
ing role, the Sena-Bjp rule started off as of them want to teach the Congress the world's great metropolises. He chose
section
a lesson and give the Sena another chance. to render it ugly and impoverished.
hell for Muslims. His government scrapped

The Political Economy

building a gender-just society, the state
has the dubious distinction of growing

of Haryana's Khaps
incidence of rapes/gang rapes, eve-teas-
ing, molestation, abduction, rampant
foeticide, child marriages, honour kill-
ings, diktats by khaps , violence against
NEERJA AHLAWAT girls in natal families on the choice of
their marriage partners and property
Haryana's economic issues, etc. developm
sits uneasily with themore
As more and girls/women
regressiv
Haryana's
Haryana's lopment corresponding
corresponding lopment
story gains
has notinof the has not
gainssocial
economic translated
translated in the social deve-into
into attend school and college, and join the
social and gender attitudes of it
sphere with its people continuing to be labour force they become more visible,
all-powerful
subjected to traditional institutions and khapindependent
panchayats.
and self-confident. The
The largely agrarian
their regressive practices. This paradox society
more women participate in public do- is
against in the state is indicative of howSuccession
the develop- main, the more they seem to be subject-
Act of 1
ment can sometimes be a misnomer if it ed to violence. It has been ascertained
which gives women the right o
does not change unjust cultural thought that they are safe neither in their homes
inheritance. The recent series of
and practice. nor outside. The home ministry's National
violent crimes against
Over the last decade and particularly Crime Records Bureau (ncrb) shows
women a
in the laststatements
aggressive two years, there has been a that between 1971
onand 2011, the inci-
loweri
phenomenal increase in violence against dence of rape increased by 873%, or
the age of marriage are in line
women in Haryana as reported in the three times faster than all cognisable
with this anti-women attitude.
print and electronic media. Haryana crimes put together, and three-and-a-
seems to be in turmoil, grappling with all half times faster than murder.
sorts of issues of tradition and modernity. According to the National Family Health
Neerja Despite constitutional
Ahlawat ( provisions and
neerja_mdu@yahoo.comSurvey of 2005-06, 27% of all married )
teaches sociology
safeguards to protect the at Maharshi
rights of women Dayanand
women in Haryana have experienced
University, Rohtak.
by ensuring equality of opportunity and physical and sexual violence. Women's
Economic & Political weekly GEES December i, 2012 vol xlvii nos 47 & 48 15

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rights' activists pitch the percentage and means to strengthen their legitimacy. against women. The khap panchayats
much higher, especially after the pas- The patriarchal forces at the village levelopenly acknowledge that if women inherit
sage of the Protection of Women from started asserting themselves with theproperty, it would give women tremen-
Domestic Violence Act in 2005. During new mantra "gaon ki jameen pe khasamdous leverage. "Yeh hamare chati pe dal
the current year, incidence of rape and ka kya kaam" (what is the right of thedalegi" (they will grind dal seed on our
abduction has registered a phenomenonal son-in law on village land) and that it chest), argued a khap leader during dis-
increase of 59% and 113% respectively should not be inherited in any case by cussion over property rights of women.
as per the records of the ncrb. In order daughters or sisters. It gained momen- Chowdhry (2010) has categorically
to understand violence of this nature tum with the introduction of panchayatiasserted that one of the implications of
and specifically the social problem ofraj institutions in rural Haryana. women's legal rights to the land is seen
the increasing rate of rapes in Haryana, The khap members' acceptability and in the rampant foeticide to put an end to
it is important to delineate its context inprestige in the agrarian society gainedher claim the share forever. The new
the political economy of the state. legitimacy for their assertion against technology, readily available and exten-
potential female inheritors. The khap sively used, for determining the sex of
Property and Patriarchy members have adopted all kinds ofthe foetus leading to female foeticide has
Haryana being a strong patriarchal andmethods to get the potential female in-wreaked havoc in Haryana. The census
patrilineal society, property and land is heritors to write off their land claims in figures of Haryana 2011 show 830 females
assumed to belong to the male descend-favour of their brothers in anticipation to 1,000 males in the category of 0-6 years
ants of ancestors, who originally settledof the Act's enforcement. The khap pan-of age. Districts such as Jhajjar, Mahen-
and earned their livelihood by working onchayat members with their patriarchal dergarh and Rewari which earlier had
the land. The male agnatic descendants, as mindset often give sermons to the villag-good sex ratio are now worst districts on
members of the localised clan, alone are ers stating that, "pakshi khaya khet orthe juvenile sex-ratio scenario with child
considered to have reversionary rightschori khaya ghar ; ujadega" (birds eating sex ratios of 774, 778 and 784 respectively.
in the estate. Land is ordinarily not to becrops and daughters claiming land are One major consequence of gender im-
alienated outside this group. This means bound to destroy home). This has createdbalance is the excess of males in the soci-
basically that daughters and sisters who an environment of terror and anguish byety leading to what demographers call
are potential introducers of fresh blood targeting the potential women inheritors, the "male marriage squeeze". In Haryana,
and new descent lines through their be it daughter, sister or widow. In manycurrently, at least one in every four men
husband are to be kept away from exer-cases, the potential women inheritors have stands to remain unmarried. As smaller
cising their inheritance rights. This isbeen killed by their male family members.cohorts of girls are born (due to smaller
clearly evidenced in the emphasis placed In rural Haryana, during 2010, in nearly family size and prenatal elimination),
and even violence inflicted upon the 64% cases land inheritance or its posse-fewer of them grow up and become part
compulsory observance of village and ssion was the main cause of violence of adult marriageable cohorts. To address
territorial exogamy and caste endogamy
in marriage alliances.
The Act of Succession, 1956 evoked Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
great tension in the rural society, and
the landowners of Haryana were unani- REVIEW OF RURAL AFFAIRS
mous in seeking its urgent abolishment.
January 28, 2012
For this two ways were to be followed;
one was to abolish it through legislative Agrarian Transition and Emerging Challenges -PK Viswanathan, Gopal B Thapa,
procedures and the other was to be by in Asian Agriculture: A Critical Assessment Jayant K Routray, Mokbul M Ahmad
the state through khap panchayats who Institutional and Policy Aspects of Punjab Agriculture:
were supposed to control its fallout. A Smallholder Perspective - Sukhpal Singh
Cutting across political ideology, all poli- Khap Panchayats: A Socio-Historical Overview - Ajay Kumar
tical parties were unanimous in denying Rural Water Access: Governance and Contestation

women their property rights by passing
resolutions in 1967, 1979 and 1989 in the
legislative assembly. "This was done in
1967, 1979 and 1989. All these moves
in a Semi-Arid Watershed in Udaipur, Rajasthan -NC Narayanan, Lalitha Kamath
Panchayat Finances and the Need for Devolutions
from the State Government - Anand Sahasranaman
Temporary and Seasonal Migration:

failed, but not the spirit behind it", Regional Pattern, Characteristics and Associated Factors - Kunal

opined Prem Chowdhry, a leading scholar For copies write to:

of Gender studies (Chowdhry 2012). Circulation Manager,

The state's thwarted attempts of depri- Economic and Political Weekly,

320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mum
ving women of their rights gave rise to the email: circulation@epw.in
rural patriarchal forces to devise ways
l6 December l, 2012 vol XLVii nos 47 fit 48 033 Economic & Political weekly

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these bride shortages, Haryanvi men have goes against their patriarchal structure.
authority of the rural elites continues to
been bringing brides from distant states At Bibipur village in Jind district
be on
upheld. The patronisation of khaps by
like Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Himachal 14 July 2012 a women's khap wasthe
invi-
political parties seems to be the result
Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, ted to shed crocodile tears for the
ofgirl
the hegemonisation of caste relations
Kerala or even Nepal and Bangladesh. In child. It was observed that these women over the polity, whereby the political actors
many cases, underage girls have been were used as a shield. Though it was themselves firmly believe and support
married off to much older men. propagated that the event was initiated institutions like khaps and their actions.
On one hand, there is a shortage of by women against female foeticide, the All major political parties lend them
marriageable girls due to skewed sex stage was dominated by male khap clandestine support. Not only has the
ratio and on the other the khaps in Hary- members. In the 11-member committee ruling party favoured them by declaring
ana over the years have become the cus- constituted to prepare a future course of that these are social institutions in which
todian of marriage practices by issuing action, there was not a single woman the administration should not interfere
diktats such as prohibition of marriage included. Every khap gathering claims to but Navin Jindal, the Congress mp from
within the same or other prohibited gotrs/ be sarv jatiya (all caste representation) Kurukshetra, and supposedly "modern"
villages within the caste group called but it remains the caste panchayat of the has supported and forwarded to the gov-
biradari. The marriage rules are observed Jats. To counter these accusations, three ernment the khap panchayats demand
to keep village fraternising or bhaichara sarv jatiya khap meetings were called; to initate changes in the Hindu marriage
intact. Intercaste marriages are completely the Kurukshetra all khap conclave on law. Recently, the Indian National Lok
ruled out with few exceptions where 13 April 2010; the Bibipur women's khap Dal supremo and Leader of Opposition
either the girl from a lower caste marries meeting and the Sonepat all khap pan- Omparkash Chautala supported the sug-
an upper caste boy or the families are so chayat on 13 October 2012. Despite these gestion of certain khap leaders that boys
strong economically that no one in the conclaves, there was not a single repre- and girls should be married off by the age
village can dare raise any questions. Any sentation from other castes and it of 15 to 16 years. Chautala later claimed
breach in observing such norms are taken remained a Jat khap mahapanchayat.that he was misquoted by the media on
as serious violations resulting in nega- The strange and contradictory standards
lowering the marriageable age to prevent
tive sanctions in the form of punishment cases of sexual harassment and rape.
of the khaps are reflected in the way they
such as torture, social boycott and in organise their meetings against female
extreme cases elimination of the couple Way Forward
foeticide and also legitimise child mar-
in the name of honour killing inflicted riages to curb the increasing incidents
Inof
order to solve this issue, it is neccessary
either by the khap panchayat or their own crimes against women. The khaps have for the state to curb the extra judicial
families. The "honour killing" pheno- not only issued diktats about lowering powers
the of the khaps. There is a need to
menon is directly related to the breaches girls' age for marriage and demandedcreate
an an environment for dialogue, free-
in these customary norms. amendment to the Hindu Marriage dom
Act and gender equality, to make some
but are also now demanding judicial dent in a highly orthodox society with
Sources of Power
powers at par with the lok adalats. deeply
The entrenched patriarchal values. It
However, a close understanding ofstate's
con- patronisation of khaps has further
requires the efforts of all women's organi-
temporary Haryanvi society revealsstrengthened
that sations, civil society members, human
their position. They assert
powerful families that violate themselves
these like extra-constitutional bodies
rights groups, academia and concerned
norms get away but poor families byare
issuing diktats to the state to make
individuals to hold the government an-
hauled up by the khap panchayats. Less
constitutional provisions for reservation
swerable for its inability to provide secu-
powerful khaps are unable to defend
forthe
Jats in government jobs and educa-
rity to women in the state. Unless checked
"errant" groom or the parents of the institutions by 15 December 2012
tional with strong political will, the days are
brides. The sanctions imposed by theor face the consequences of an agitation.
khap not far off when the khap panchayats
The Congress Party delegation led would
panchayats against individuals, families by issue diktats to the state to make
and often caste groups or sections of its Minister Bhupender Singh Hooda
Chief it legal for the rural Haryanvis to restart
and Leader of the Opposition in Punjab
own community show that caste dynamics, the practice of polyandry and bride pur-
Sunil
even in the 21st century, is taking anJakhar met the union home minister
chasing, which were common during the
with the demands of this dominant caste
ugly turn. The khap panchayats' inter- colonial era in this region.
ventions in the form of social diktats are
desperate to be included in the Other
Backward Classes (obc) category. REFERENCES
the logical outcome of the interlinkage The
of caste and gender relations which are crutch has become an important
quota Chowdhry, Prem (2010): Contentious Marriages ,
interwoven to deprive women of tooltheir Eloping Couples: Gender , Caste and Patriarchy
in the vote bank politics of almost
in Northern India (New York: Oxford University
rights in the parental property
all and
the leading political parties in Haryana.Press).
choosing marriage partner as well. The khaps enjoy not merely political
- (2012): "Infliction, Acceptance and Resistance;
Containing Violence on Women in Rural
The recent positioning of the khap
support but also play a dominant role in
Haryana", Economic & Political Weekly, Vol XLVII,
panchayats as saviours of the girl local
childpolitics so as to ensure that theNo 37.

Economic & Political weekly EEE9 December i, 2012 vol xlvii nos 47 & 48 1 7

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