CHAPTER-I

SOCIO-CULTURAL AWAKENING

One of the most outstanding achievements of the British

was the spread of modern education. The limited progress of
modern education led to the spread of modern ideas among
the people of Odisha, and paved the way for the growth of
modern Odisha. It played a very important role in generating
social and cultural consciousness among the people Odisha.
The socio-cultural life of Odisha was revitalized under the
impact of western education. Significantly socio-cultural
changes took place in the wake of the spread of modern
education.

Progress of Education:
Although Odisha had been under British Administration
since 1803, the education in Odisha was more backward than
any other province in India of equal importance by 1866.
There were in 1866 in all 77 schools of all grades and the
number of pupils was 3,536.

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 The extremely backward state of education was mainly
due to the indifference of Company’s Government. There was
total absence of any attempt on the part of the Government to
provide the people with the means of education, even though
vast sums were annually expended in other parts of Bengal.
On the negligence of the Government to develop education,
Dr. E. Roer, the Inspector of Schools, South-West Division,
said: “It is to be regretted that no new educational operations
can be carried out, for Odisha is at a disadvantage, compared
with other districts. For the whole of Odisha, with an area of
52,995 square miles and a population of 4,534,813 souls, less
is expended than for the small district of Howrah, with an area
of 800 square miles, and a population of 7,50,000 souls…….
”1

In the terrible famine of 1866 it was well-known how the

want of educated persons aggravated the sufferings of the
people of Odisha, T.E. Ravenshaw wrote: “No other province
in the presidency was so deficient of intelligent and public-
spirited residents who would appreciate the facts bearing on
the prospects and means of the people, and who could give
practical information to authorities as would have been the

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case in any district of Bengal proper, and in carrying out
remedial measures.” Government was well aware of the risk
of a general want of enlightenment of the people. After the
famine, a policy of progress was adopted for the material and
moral improvement of the people of Odisha. Measures were
adopted for the spread of modern education in Odisha.

These existed numerous pathshalas or elementary village

schools in the length and breadth of Odisha. Most of them did
not confirm to the standard prescribed by the education
department. They were never inspected by the departmental
authorities. The mode of teaching of village school masters
was primitive and in some respects clumsy.

After 1866, efforts were made to develop village pathshalas,

to bring them under a prescribed standard and to maintain
them. Thus primary education Bengal to spread in Odisha.

Several important steps were taken for the development

of primary education. The village pathshalas were subsidized
by monthly grants in accordance with the Campbell’s scheme
of Primary Education. In due course it was realized that

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system aimed at quantity, not quality. With a view to
improving elementary schools, it was decided to adopt the so
called Midnapur system in place of system of monthly grant.
It was also called the system of payment by result. When the
aid was given, not in the form of monthly stipends, but as a
distinct reward of success, coming once a year, the teachers
would have much more desire to take interest in the affairs of
the schools and pupils.

The scarcity of well-trained teachers was actively felt in

the task of improving and consolidating primary education. In
1869 the Cuttack Training School was thoroughly reorganized
in accordance with the Scheme of Bhudev Mukherjee.
Henceforth, this was called First Grade Training School. Two
Third Grade Training Schools were established in Balasore
and Puri according to Cambewll’s Scheme. In order to meet
the want of trained teachers, the Government of Bengal
sanctioned n1886 the opening of Small Guru classes in
connection with middle schools. Consequently, 13 training
classes were opened in middle schools of Odisha for training
abadhans. In 1891, four full-fledged guru training schools
were established in Odisha.

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 In November 1895, the third grade training schools at
Puri and Balasore were abolished. The Guru Training Classes
attached to middle schools were closed in 1897. Henceforth,
the first grade training school at Cuttack served the needs of
the upper classes of primary schools and lower classes of
secondary schools. The four Guru Training Schools including
once attached to the First Grade Training School at Cuttack
were mainly the institutions to supply trained teachers to the
primary schools of Odisha”.

The question of remodeling curriculum of the Primary

Schools had long engaged the attention of the Government.
The scheme of Vernacular Education of 1901 was brought
into gradual operation from the year 1902. The principal
feature of this was that the training of boys of tender age
should be conducted under the Kindergarten System. This was
generally believed to be the best and trusted method of
training and developing the intelligence of children.

In spite of all these steps, the primary education had not

made substantial progress by 1905. The mass literacy was

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hardly better in 1905 than in 1866. As many as 97% of the
Odias were illiterate.

The progress of secondary education by 1905 was very

deplorable. There were only 12 High Schools with 2,598
pupils and 84 Middle Schools with 4,728 pupils.
The Government depended on the grant-in-aid system for
the extension of secondary education. But in Odisha the
operation of grant-in-aid system failed to elicit adequate
private effort in the spread of education. Here it had to
contend against poverty and conservatism of the people. In
spite of these obstacles, a few secondary schools were opened
by this system. The two incentives of English Education
imparted in secondary schools were the increased prospects of
lucrative employment and the chances of obtaining a
university career by means of scholarships given at the
entrance examination.

The foundation of Ravenshaw College in 1868, saw the

beginning of higher western education in the whole of Odisha.
From 1876, it became a degree college. The progress of
English education rescued Odias from a number of

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disadvantages. They had no place in the lower services of
British bureaucratic machinery. People from outside Odisha
monopolized all kinds of services. Without English education,
the people of Odisha had little contact with outside provinces.
In view of many such drawbacks, the introduction of higher
western education resulted in a gradual transformation of the
mental horizon of people. In course of time, as everywhere in
India, there developed a political consciousness based on
western ideas. The leading minds of Odisha Bengal to think of
social changes in the wake of western education. The
influence of English literature on modern Odia literature
became clearly perceptible towards the later years of 19 th
century. Three eminent writers, namely, Fakir Mohan
Senapati (1843-1918), Radhanath Ray (1848-1908) and
Madhu Sudan Roy (1858-1912), who are considered pioneers
of modern consciousness in Odisha, revealed in their literature
the profound influence of western ideas on their thought. The
rise of modern journalism towards the later part of the 19 th
century, the publication of a number of periodicals and
newspapers, and the new literate trends were the indirect
outcome of the spread of English education. In brief, the

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foundation of modern Odisha is to be traced back to the first
half of the Crown’s rule.

For the first time in 1876, the British Government took

an important step for the promotion of technical education in
Odisha when a medical school and survey school were
established at Cuttack. Some industrial schools were
established to impart industrial training to the intending
students of Odisha. The Balasore technical school, managed
by the Revered Griffin, a Baptist Missionary, was the most
important them.

The female education made a beginning in Odisha under

the initiative of missionaries. The special girl’ schools were
established both by the missionaries and the Government to
encourage the spread of education among the girls. The
expansion of female education was, however, mainly due to
the fact that the girls were encouraged to attend the primary
schools for boys.

By 1905, the progress of female education was seen to be

not satisfactory. The highest standard reached by the girls in

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Odisha was the middle vernacular scholarship standard. The
slow progress of female education was mainly due to the lack
of required Government aid, and conservatism of the people.

The Muslims did not constitute any considerable portion

of the population in Odisha. But they did not care less for
education than the people of other creeds. In Odisha the
percentage of Muslims at School had always been greater than
the population percentage. In respect of educational facilities,
the Muslims of Odisha were better off than other sections of
the population. The education of the backward classes was
almost completely neglected by the year 1905.

The Tols were the indigenous institutions of the country

for the prosecution of Sanskrit studies. The recognition and
encouragement of Sanskrit education became an essential part
of the educational system of Odisha after 1882. The Sanskrit
Tools numbered 68 in 1893. Of the Tols, the most advanced
were Puri Sanskrit Tol established by the Maharaj of
Balarampur, the Sriram Chandra Tol in balsore and the Ganja
Tool in Cuttack.

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 On the whole, it can be said that, the state of education in
Odisha in 1905 was not satisfactory both from the quantitative
and qualitative points of view. This was mainly because of the
fact that, Government tried, half-heartedly and hesitatingly to
educate the people of Odisha after 1866.2

After 1905 Odisha entered into the mainstream of India’s

national life. Two main features which became conspicuous
after 1905 were, first, the Utkal Union Movement of the
unification of all Odia-speaking areas and secondly, the
2. J.K. Samal,
National History of
Movement forModern Odisha,
freedom. TheCalcutta,
British pp 77-85
Socio-economic
innovations after 1905 were influences by those two
movements.

At the beginning of the period, the Odia-speaking people

had no political existence a united compact linguistic group.
But slowly there emerged the movement for an Odisha for all
the Odias. It culminated in the formation of the separate
province of Odisha in 1936. This movement no doubt
influenced the socio-cultural conditions of the people and in
the background of socio-cultural progress one funds slow and

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gradual unfolding of an educational system covering different
sections of people.

Another factor which profoundly stimulated the progress

of education was the progress of national struggle. The
attention of the nationalists was concentrated on the grave
problem of illiteracy. In their opinion, unless steps were taken
to eradicate illiteracy, the abysmal ignorance of the country
was destined to continue as a disgraceful feature. In the
changing circumstances, the British authorities had to be more
alert to the cause of popular grievance and pay more attention
to the demands of the people.

Constitutional concessions were to follow in course of

time. The Acts of 1909, 1919 and 1935 became the landmarks
in constitutional developments. Power was being
decentralized as far as practicable. Some of the basic
administrative matters were transferred from the Central to the
Provincial Governments and from the latter to the local
bodies. With these developments, the education of the people
became a matter of considerable public interest. Every stage
of the educational system came under close review.

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Consequent developments were affected by different phases.
Though the desired objective remained far from attainment,
experiments were carried on to improve matters.

The Government of India’s educational policy of 1905

laid maximum emphasis on primary education. As a move in
that direction, the grants for primary education were increased
greatly. But such grants did not prove enough to carry
education to the masses of the people. In 1913, the
Government of India adopted another Resolution saying: “The
proposition that illiteracy must be broken down and that
primary education has, in the present circumstances of India, a
predominant claim upon the public funds, represent accepted
policy no longer open to discussion. For financial and
administrative reasons of decisive weight the Government of
India refused to recognize the principle of compulsory
education, but they desire the widest possible extension of
primary education on a voluntary basis.”

Striking changes were introduced in the field of primary

education during the period under review. Attention was
directed not only to the establishment of new schools but also

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to the improvement of those already established. The greatest
drawback of the primary system of this period was the
wastage and stagnation. This was attributed to different causes
such as poor teaching, irregular attendance of the pupils, the
admission of very young children and lack of interest on the
part of parents.

Several measures were adopted to overcome it with a

view to reduce illiteracy of type masses. Serious efforts were
made to provide properly trained teachers. Higher
remuneration was offered to primary teachers. Supervision
over primary schools was strengthened. Changes were
introduced in the curriculum of primary schools with a view
to make it more understandable to the pupils.

Yet the net outcome of three decades of experiments in

the field of primary education was not praise-worthy. In 1936
where as the percentage of literacy in British India was 12 and
in Bengal 20, Odisha had a literacy percentage of only 7.

For the expansion of secondary education, the

Government continued to rely mainly on private enterprise

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assisted by grants-in-aid and subject to certain control.
Because of Odisha’s comparative economic backwardness, it
did not give required response here as it did in Bengal or
Bihar. Hence, the state of secondary education was hopelessly
bad from quantitative point of view by 1936. Bit in the other
hand, as a result of the reorganization of First Grade Training
School at Cuttack, the opening of training college at Cuttack
the provision of vocational subjects in the curriculum,
emphasis on teaching of science and physical education, and
strengthening of inspecting staff, the improvement in quality
of secondary education was perceptible.

Ravenshaw College at Cuttack was the solitary

Governmental institution in Odisha to impart purely collegiate
education to me and women till 1936. The most commendable
features of the collegiate education imparted in the
Ravenshaw College during the period, 1905-1936 were
opening of Honors in several Science and Arts subjects,
provision of Post-Graduate teaching in English, increase of
extracurricular activities, erection of new college buildings,
accommodation of 34 boarders in the college hostels,

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beginning of co-education and high sense of discipline of the
students.

The collegiate education in Odisha suffered some serious

drawbacks. Firstly, only one college was painfully inadequate
to meet the needs of entire Odisha. Secondly, the costly nature
of higher education tended to make it a monopoly of the
richer classes and the urban people. Thirdly, Supreme
attention was concentrated on the study of English. But there
was no required standard of English teaching. Fourthly,
Honors courses were poorly organized. Library was neither
adequate nor up-to-date. Above all, the products of the college
did not find suitable employment.

The British administration neglected scientific and

technical education. By 1936 there were only one Medical
School and one Engineering School in Odisha and a few
industrial schools to impart industrial training. But there were
no Engineering College and Medical College in the entire
province of Odisha to impart higher technical education.

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 For the promotion of female education, co-education was
encouraged as far as practicable. The girls’ schools ere
established in case of necessity. The special inspecting agency
for the female education was created. Attention was paid to
provide the girls schools with trained teachers. Even then
female education presented a disappointing picture. As late as
1936, the percentage of literacy among the Odia women was
only 2.4. Of course, the opening of Intermediate classes in the
Ravenshaw Girls’ School was a concrete step towards the
promotion of higher education among the women of Odisha.

During the period under review, several measures were

adopted for the spread of education among the Muslims. All
possible efforts were made to improve the Muslim educational
institutions like Maktabs and Madrasas. Various examinations
in Islamic subjects were reorganized to suit the needs of the
Muslim pupils. The training schools at Cuttack and Bhadrak
played a very important role in the training of the Muslim
teachers. Besides, a separate inspecting staff for Muslim
education was maintained.

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 The Muslims formed about 16.6 percent of the total
population of Odisha. But the percentage of Muslim pupils to
the Muslim population was roughly 7.6. 713 Muslim pupils
were under instruction in different stages in 1936. But no
Muslim girl passed the Matriculation Examination by 1936.
However, the Muslims of Odisha did not lag behind others in
race for progress.

Although the education of the Scheduled Tribes and

Scheduled Castes received special attention from
Government, the spread of education among them was very
slow. The methods adopted for the spread of education among
these classes chiefly consisted of the award of special
scholarships, reduction and remission of fees, the free supply
of books and slates, special arrangements in hostels, and
capitation grants to schools teaching pupils of these classes.
The Tols and the Primary Sanskrit Schools were the
indigenous institutions of Odisha to impart instruction in
Sanskrit studies. Several steps were taken to reorganize and
improve Sanskrit education in Odisha. The establishment of
Sanskrit College at Puri in 1917 was a land-mark in the
history of Sanskrit education in Odisha.

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 One of the most notable events in the history of
education in Odisha from 1905 to 1936 was the establishment
of Satyabadi Vihar commonly known as Satyabadi Bidyalaya.
It was the outcome of a serious experiment to educate the
people of Odisha on indigenous lines. As a new experiment in
sound national education, the Satyabadi Vihar had certain
peculiar features, entirely distinct from the educational
institutions in Odisha. They were the open-air system of
educations, the seat arrangements for students, the residential
character of the institution and the sacrificing spirit of the
workers. The highly educated and selfless workers of
Satyabadi Vihar made educational advancement of the people
a mission of their life. Their contributions to the building up
and strengthening of the national life and character of Odisha
were remarkable3.

Educational development which resulted from the British

3. Jadunath Mahapatra, Odisha in 1936-37 to 1938-39, pp 60-69.
administration from 1905 to 1936 deserves merits in the
context of specific policies, measures and their outcome. But
in the widen context of general history, this period did not
provide Odisha with satisfactory education progress. Much

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remained still to be done in expanding and improving the
education of Odisha. The number of schools and the
percentage of school going children did not show any great
change between 1905 and 1936. In 1936, the percentage of
children at School to the total population was 9.1.

Some formidable factors hindered the progress of

education. Firstly, the Government has never willing to spend
more than a scanty sum on education. Another important
factor was the neglect of education of the girls for which very
little funds were allotted. This was partly due to the
Government’s anxiety not to hurt the susceptibilities of
orthodox Odias. Even more it was because female education
lacked immediate usefulness in the eyes of the foreign
officials since women could not be employed as clerks in the
Government offices. Thirdly, the emphasis on English as the
medium of instruction in place of vernacular language at the
high school level prevented the spread of education of the
masses. Fourthly, the Local Bodies which could have carried
the system to its natural size themselves became factional in
approach, political in motive and slow by nature. To the
Government, such weakness of the Local Bodies proved an

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opportunity to avoid the required attention. Fifthly, because of
the remoteness of rural areas and lack of communication,
proper supervision and inspection of schools by the
educational agencies could not be possible. Many schools
remained out of sight and many came under scanty attention.
Sixthly, the growing poverty of the people continued to be a
stumbling block in the path of education progress. Seventhly,
the case prejudices continued to be strong in every part of
Odisha and the children of the so-called lower class did not
find it easy to enter the schools. The growth of education in a
complex and caste ridden society was no smooth matter. It
was one thing for an enlightened mind to appreciate the value
of education, it was altogether a different thing to carry the
same value to the minds of extreme conservatives or primitive
dwellers in the hills. Eighthly, in the matters of female
education the genuine conservatism of the people in general
stood in the way of progress. The education of girls could
mean differently to different persons of the same caste or even
to different members of the same family. Lastly, the main
difficulties in the way of the spread of education among the
tribes were that the literary medium was not their mother-
tongue, that qualified teachers were difficult to obtain, and

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supervision was hampered by the scattered nature of the
population.

Because of all these barriers, the improvement was poor

and general backwardness continued as before. The
educational developments failed to keep pace with other
aspects of social and political progress.

Yet it may be said that the foundations of modern

educational needs were clearly laid during the period under
consideration. It is for those foundations that the educational
system assumed its real significance. Various experiments
obviously led to definite conclusions. The most notable
conclusions were the introduction of trained personnel to take
charge of primary and secondary schools, revision of
curriculum on modern basis, composition of text books on
each subject, appointment of necessary inspecting staff at
every stage and proper attention towards buildings and
equipments. Side by side, backward class education, female
education and Muslim education were brought within the orbit
of the education system.4

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 Even though quantitative growth was yet a far cry by
1936, the qualitative growth had received standard shape. On
the basis of those qualitative achievements, the quantitative
growth became almost phenomenal in the post-independence
era. In that sense the period under review can be described as
the formative period for the education system of Odisha.

Cultural Trends:
The parameters of Odisha’s cultural development in the
second half of the nineteenth century were determined by her
territorial and administrative position under the colonial rule.
While Odisha division, called Odisha proper, remained a part
of the Bengal Presidency from 1803 to 1912, South Odisha
remained a part of the Madras Presidency till 1936,
Sambalpur district remained in Central Provinces till 1905,
and there were a number of feudatory States, Intermingled
with the British-rules territories. Being a minority in Bengal,
Madras, and central Provinces, the Odias found it difficult to
maintain their linguistic and cultural identity. Although the
maintenance and development of regional cultural identity
was
4. an important
Review concern
of the Education in of the conscious
Bengal, intelligential
1892-93, pp 88-102 class,
yet there was a simultaneous perception of the cultural

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wakening a part of the general nineteenth century
phenomenon of awakening because of operation of such
factors as growth of English and Vernacular education,
growth of Print media and formation of public associations.
As Pyarimohan Acharya (1852-81), the young social activist
observed in 1878: “Now Odisha is taking strides towards
progress. Progress is the hall mark of this age, i.e. nineteenth
century. Today everywhere we see signs of progress”.

In the earlier phase of the British rule, the Christian

missionaries had made some continuation to the introduction
of English education and publication of books and journals in
Odia language. In post-1866 period an emerging indigenous
intelligential class played important roles in the development
of press, and journalism and publication of books in Odia with
the patronage of the Rajas and Zamindars. The predominance
of Bengalis in administration and public life had significant
bearing on the cultural development of Odisha. The attitude of
some English officials such as T.E. Ravenshaw, the
Commissioner of the Odisha division and John beams the
Collector of Balasore and Cuttack districts respectively
towards the growth of Odia press and literature was

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sympathetic. The British authorities considered the Odias to
be politically safe. Analysing the public opinion of Odisha in
1893-94, the Commissioner of the Odia division and John
beams the Collector of Balasore and Cuttack districts
respectively towards the growth of Odia press and literature
was sympathetic. The British authorities considered the Odias
to be politically safe. Analyzing the public opinion of Odisha
in 1893-94, the Commissioner of the Odia division observed
that in Odisha the people kept aloof from the politics of the
country as a whole, were only interested in solving the local
problems and had firm belief in the Government, and that the
education people in Odisha, unlike their counterparts in
Bengal were not politically dangerous5.

English education and westernization ahd considerable

impact on the Odia society. In 1868 B.A. Classes were started
in the Cuttack Zilla School. In 1876 B.A classes were started
in the same School. Subsequently the college classes were
separated from the School. This college which is known as the
Ravenshaw College is the oldest college of Odisha. The
introduction of English education, recruitment of English
educated natives in the lower grades of bureaucracy and the
5. Utkal Dipika, 18th March 1876.

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apparent glamour of western civilization created an urge for
English Education among the certain sections of the
population. A Brahmin Sanskrit Scholar of Puri, named Pandit
Harihar Das (1842-74_ learnt English, Greek and latin, made
arrangement for teaching English, Greek and Latin, made
arrangement for teaching English to the Bramhin boys in his
Sanskrit tol at Puri, and in defiance of caste rules were
western dresses and himself planned to visit England. The
Pandit’s plan to visit England could not materialize because of
his sudden illness which caused his physical and mental ruin
as well as premature death. In a public meeting, held on 24 th
June, 1870 at Cuttack, this was attended by five Englishmen
including the Commissioner T.E. Ravenshaw, appeals were
made to the Government to spend more money on the spread
of English education, as English education was supposed to
have produced tangible good results on mental make-up,
social life, politics and religion, and development of
Vernacular literature would be possible through the efforts of
English-educated native people. (3) by the early seventies
English journals, such as Cuttack Argus and Cuttack
Chronicles were published at Cuttack and associations such s
Cuttack Debating Club and Cuttack young Men’s Literary

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Association were formed to foster interest in English language
and literature and speech.

Progress of Education in general and English education

in particular took place at a very slow pace in the nineteenth
century Odisha. Between 1876 and 1901 the Ravenshaw
College produced 94 B.As. and 4 M.As. Poverty, want of
educational Institutions, administrative negligence and social
conservatism posed hindrances to the spread of education. Till
1892-93, the Odisha division, instead of being under the
Independent charge of an Inspector, was included within the
jurisdiction of the Inspector of south-west division of Bengal.
The headquarters of the Inspector was located in Calcutta: he
hardly visited Odisha because of distance and transport
difficulties. Regarding the administrative negligence the
Inspector of Schools, south-west division of Bengal made the
following observations:

“For the whole of Odisha, with an area of 52,995 square

miles and population of 4,534,813 souls, less is expended than
for the small district of Howrah, with an area of 800 square
miles and population of 7,50,000 souls”.

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 Many guardians could not afford to pay school fees and
buy books for their children. The conservative people not only
hesitated to send their children to the missionary schools for
fear of losing religion but also to the schools, established by a
Christin Government. Slow progress of education delayed the
emergence of indigenous intelligentia class. In the late sixties
when Odisha was in the grip of a severe famine the
Commissioner, T.E. Ravenshaw observed:

“No other province in the presidency was so deficient of

intelligent and public spirited residents who would appreciate
the facts bearing on the prospects and means of the people and
who could give practical information to the authorities as
would have been the case in any district of Bengal proper and
in carrying out remedial measures”.

English education did not actually produce the good

results as were expected of it. In most cases it produced a
class of white elephants, parasitical in outlook, and indifferent
towards mother-tongue. A perceptive local gentleman
observed in 1876-

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 “English education has weakened us in all possible ways.
It has made Hindus a race of Babus (gentlemen). Babus are
reluctant to do any physical work. The Hindu youths are
pleased with this Babu title. Anybody who owns a zamindari
is a Babu; one who carried on money-lending business on
even a small scale is a Babu. Finer the clothes one wears,
greater one becomes as a Babu. It is regrettable that these
Babus are being liked, even though they are the symptoms of
the weakness of Hindi Society and country”.

About the English-educated people’s indifference

towards Vernacular language, Pyarimohan Acharya observed-

“With a little knowledge of English the youngmen of

today are showing dislike and even contempt towards mother-
tongue. They are not at all proficient in the foreign language
and cannot even write two correct sentences in English. Yet
they consider it beneath their dignity to have discussion
regarding Vernacular language. Here we have a journal in the
Vernacular language, titled Utkal Dipika, which is being
published since last fourteen years, but so far the number of

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its subscribers is limited to 140, because the English-educated
youths look down upon it as a Vernacular journal and others
have not realized the utility of news papers. In such a state of
affairs Vernacular language cannot make progress6.

As pointed out by Natabar Samantary, during the period

1868-80, the products of the Ravenshaw College did not make
any contribution to the development of Odia language. (8)
After 1880, only a handful of the products of the Ravenshaw
College Contributed to the development of Odia language in
varying degrees.7

There were two streams- Sanskrit and Odia in the

indigenous educational system which was prevalent in Odisha
at the time of establishment of British rule. Sanskrit was the
field of traditional elite classes, the priestly class who had a
traditional contempt for the Vernacular literature. It was
taught in the tols. Odia was taught in small village schools,
called Pathsalas by teachers who were called abadhans. In
1872, Sir George Campbell, the Lieutenant Governor of
Bengal introduced a scheme of providing grants-in-aid to the
village Pathasalas with a view to “encouraging and

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6. Utkal Dipika, 8th September, 1894.
7. Natabar Samantaray, Odia Sahitya Itihas (1803-1920)
developing in rural villages proper indigenous education, that
is, regarding, writing and arithmetic in the real indigenous
language and character of each province”. On the whole, in
spite of opposition the Campbell scheme proved to be a break-
through in the growth of primary education. Sanskrit system
of education enjoyed the patronage of the Rajas, Zamindars
and Mohants of Puri. After the visit of Mahesh Chandra
Nyayaratna, the Principal of the Sanskrit College of Calcutta
in spring of 1893 some belated steps were taken to streamline
Sanskrit system of education. Although there was a traditional
contempt for the vernacular language among the Sanskrit
scholars, the Sanskrit scholars could not afford to ignore the
Vernacular, the living language of the people and some
Sanskrit scholars contributed to Odia language. As a result of
the growth of indigenous press in the late half of the
nineteenth century efforts were made to bring out the palm
leaf manuscripts in Sanskrit and rick Odia Kavya literature of
the medieval period in printed form. We may mention here
the work of Samanta Chandra Sekhar (1835-1904) an
astrologer and a typical product of the indigenous system of
Vernacular and Sanskrit education. A scion of the ruling
family of the princely state of Khgandapada, and conservative

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in social outlook, he proved himself to be scientific in his
astronomical investigations. By 1869 he had scribed his
astronomical work, titled Siddhanta Darpan in Sanskrit
language and in palm leaf “in way of our ancient Siddhanta”.
In this work, on the basis of direct observation Chandra
Sekhar pointed out some errors of the ancient astrologers.
About his scientific approach and acumen Jogesh Chandra
Roy, Professor of Physics in Ravenshaw College, with whose
editorial help (and financial help of Raja of Athmallik) the
Siddhanta Darpan was published at Calcutta in 1899 observed
in his introduction to the book:

“He is an adherent of truth obtained by direct observation

and with all his respect for the ancients would not hesitate to
denounce a satiric authority if a proof to the contrary were
obtained. Were he placed in a well equipped observatory of
modern days, I doubt not he would enrich science with his
assiduous labour and valuable observations”.

“Far removed from all educational activity and the

influence of imported western civilization (he did not know
any language other than Sanskrit and Odia), he silently

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worked his way in such a difficult science as mathematics. It
is a unique experience in the department of national
development to find a man really striving after knowledge for
its own sake under difficulties whose magnitude is no less
starting than the boldness of his attempt”.

In recognition of Chandra Sekhar’s scholarship, in a

special durbar, held at Cuttack on 3rd September 1894, the
Commissioner gave him the Viceroy’s sanad, conferring on
his the title of Mahamahopadhyay. The same day in the
evening, in the crowded hall of Cuttack Printing Company’s
building he was felicitated. In reply to the ovation Chandra
Sekhar quoted a sloka from the Siddhanta Darpan which holds
that earth was stationary and not revolving around sun. The
honour of an indigenous scholar by the Colonial authorities
boosted the ego of Oriyas, striving for the development of
their cultural identity.

The growth of Vernacular literature was the most

dominant strand in the cultural life of Odisha in spite of all
obstacles and limitations. This was made possible through the
growth of indigenous press, and formation of associations,

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aiming at the development of Odia language and literature.
The Baptist missionaries had established their press at Cuttack
as early as 1837. Gaurishankar Ray was the first Oriya to
establish a press at Cuttack. With capital shares, collected
from some Rajas and Zamindars he organized Cuttack
printing Company on 1st July 1866. Since inception, for fifty
years it was edited by Gauri Shankar Ray, and it continued to
reflect the Public life of Odisha till its closing in 1936. Fakir
Mohan Senapati, the Father of Modern Odia prose literature
started press at Balsore in 1868. He has narrated in his
autobiography how he organized public meetings at Balasore
to raise capital shares for the establishment of press. During
the last thirty years of the nineteenth century thirteen more
presses were established and fifty-eight journals were
published most of which proved to be short-lived.

Till about the mid-eighties, two trends in the

development of Odia literature are noticed-publication of text
books and publication of Old Kavya literature, preserved in
the palmleaf manuscripts. The publication of text books in
Odia language was indirectly stimulated by the efforts of
some Bengalis in the late sixties of the nineteenth century to

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abolish Odia medium of instruction from the schools of
Odisha. The Bengalis who held many Government posts in
Odisha wanted their children to be taught in Bengali medium.
Their main argument for the abolition of Odia medium from
the schools of Odisha was want of text books in Odia
language. Rajendra Lal Mitra, the famous antiquarian scholar
of Bengal argued that a small population of twenty lacs of
Oriyas could not afford to have a separate language as the
medium of instruction in 1869. In a meeting addressed by him
at Cuttack he put forth his views for the abolition of Odia
medium of instruction from the schools of Odisha. The efforts
of Bengalis which did not fructify because of the sympathy of
colonial authorities for the Odias stimulated the writing of text
books in Odia. The father figures of Modern Odia Literature,
such as a Radhanath Rai, Fakir Mohan Senapati, and
Madhusudan Rao began their literary career a text books in
Odia. The father figures of Modern Odia Literature, such as
Radhanath Rai, Fakir Mohan Senapati, and Madhusudan Rao
began their literary career as text book writers and afterwards
switched over to writing poems, novels and short stories for
the general public. While modern literature took time to grow,
earnest efforts were made to transform old literary and

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religious texts from palm leaf manuscripts into printed books.
In this Endeavour Gauri Shankar Roy’s Cuttack Printing
Company played an important role. In a meeting of Utkal
Bhasoddipani Sabha (Association for the Development of
Odia Language) held on the 5 th July 1875, the speakers laid
stress on the collection, publication and study of old Odia
Kavyas. In 1877 Utkal Sabha was formed for reviewing old
Odia Kavyas. In 1878 Utkal Sabha brought out a monthly
journal, titled Utkal Madhupa for the review of the Kavyas
written by the most noted classical poet Upendra Bhanja. It
was observed in Utkal Dipika, dated the 12th April 1884:

“It will be no, exaggeration to say that except the

unintellible but well-known books of ancient poets there is not
a single readable book in Odia language.”

Some persons of the intelligential class became critical of

the overemphasis on the past cultural heritage-literary or
artistic because of its eroticism. The old Kavya literature
which did not reflect the social reality was seen to have been
written in incomprehensible language. Because of western
impact there emerged a tendency to assimilate western ideas

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and legends into the Odia literature. Fakir Mohan Senapati,
the pioneering novelist proved remarkably successful in
depicting the new social situation in the colloquial language.
He depicted the evil influence of English education upon the
youth and exploitation of the simple rural folk by the
zamindars and money-lenders under the British rule.
Radhanath Rai successfully assimilated western influence into
the Odia poetic literature.

The last decade of the nineteenth century saw the

emergence of modern Odia literature in a vigorous form. In
1889 Sambalpur Hitaishini was published from Deogarh, the
headquarters of the princely state of Bamanda whose ruler
Basudev Sudhaldev was a scholar in Sanskrit and Odia and a
patron of Odia literature. In 1891 Utkal Prabha was published
by Shri Ramachandra Bhanjadeo, the Maharaja of
Mayurbhanj who was also a patron of Odia literature. In 1897
the Alochana Sabha (Association for Discussion) of Cuttack
Normal School of which poet Madhudusan Rao was the
principal brought out a literary journal, called Utkal Sahitya.
Though these journals which published writings of poets-
Radhanath Rai, Madhusudan Rao and Gangadhar Meer and

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prose-writers-Fakir Mohan Senapati, Biswanath Kar and
Chandra Mohan Maharana modern Odia literature could find
its roots. In May 1903, in a public meeting called at Cuttack
by Madhusudan Rao the Alochana Sabha was transformed
into a wider organization, called Utkal Sahitya Samaj for
holding discussion on old and new forms of Odia literature
and for rousing people’s interest in Odia language and
literature.

Early in December 1903 Lord Curzon’s Government

drew up a plan for the unification of Odia-speaking area in
Bengal, Madras and Central Provinces. Towards the end of
December, Utkal Sammilani was held at Cuttack, while
accepting Curzon’s plan, formed itself into a permanent
organization, for achiving of unification of Odia-speaking
areas. For this meeting, poet Radhanath Rai, the first President
of Utkal Sahitya Samaj composed the opening song in
Sanskrit, emphasizing Odisha’s commitment to Indian nation.
Utkal Sammilani, though mainly aiming at unification of
Odia-speaking areas also adopted the development of Odia
language and literature as one of its important objectives.

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Utkal Sahitya Samaj hereafter got associated with Utkal
Sammilani, holding its annual meeting along with the latter.

There were serious hindrances to the growth of

Vernacular press and literature. The want of subscribers and
readers which was the most serious obstacle was due to
general poverty and illiteracy and small urban populations.
Patronage of some chiefs and zamindars could make
publication of some books and journals possible. Nevertheless
press played a very important role in the growth of social,
cultural and political consciousness, which was of course
confined to a small circle of intelligentia and semi-educated
classes. From literary point of view revival and re-evaluation
of old classical Kavya literature and emergence of modern
prose and poetry could be possible due to the press, and
learned bodies formed for literary appreciation. Press helped
the growth of identity and unity among the Odias, scattered in
different provinces. Press also played a limited role in rousing
in the awareness about the need for social reforms like
women’s education and emancipation.

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 Theatre movement, through it started later than the
literary movement, became a more popular movement
towards the closing years of the nineteenth century. For
sometime due to lack of Odia dramas Bengali dramas were
being staged at Cuttack. A Bengali drama titled Ramabhiseka
(Coronation of Rama) written by Manmohan Basu was staged
at Cuttack in February 1878. This drama was again enacted in
the Lieutenant Governor’s Durbar at Cuttack on 4 th March
1878. In 1877 Jaganmohan Lala formed the first theatre
company in his native village Mahanga in the Cuttack district.
He also wrote the first Odia drama, titled Babaji. Lala
Jaganmohan and Ramashankar Roy were the pioneering
dramatists of Odisha. Ramshankar wrote his first Odia drama
on the Kanchi-Kaberi legend of Lord Jagannath of Puri, which
was staged in the house of Gopal Prasad Mitra at Cuttack on
7th February 1881. Dramas were staged in the premises of
prominent citizens of Cuttack town. Ameteur theatre groups
were formed in towns and villages. About the popularity of
theatre movement, an anonymous letter-writer wrote in Utkal
Dipika in 1888:

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 “On seeing the waves of theatres in the towns and
villages today one cannot but believe that this unfortunate
province will one day be the peer of other provinces of
Bengal”

At this stage, it seems necessary to analyse the elite

structure of the society to highlight the role of elites in the
socio-cultural life. Under the aegis of colonial rule there were
Rajas (chiefs of feudatory states) and zamindars, and an
indigenous intelligentia class (Many of whom were Bengalis),
considering of deputy collectors, clerks, dewans, managers,
education officials, teachers and lawyers. In the traditional
ritual-based hierarchy the Brahmins enjoyed ascendancy. The
Brahmins were very conservative in their social outlook and
behaviour. Below the Brahmins in social hierarchy there were
Karanas (the traditional writer caste) and Khandayats (the
traditional peasant-militia caste). The Karanas and
Khandayats were less conservative. While Brahmins enjoyed
performance in social life because of their ritualistic status,
the Karanas, because of their comparative freedom from
inhibitions entered Government service and had an edge over
the Brahmins in the bureaucracy for many years.

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 The Rajas and Zamindars, the elite class in the colonial
power-structure had nexus with the new intelligentia class as
well as the conservative Brahmins. They collaborated to a
certain extent with the new intelligentia class in establishment
of press, publication of books and journals and spread of
education. They also extended patronage to the Brahmins.
Some Rajas were printing Sanskrit religious texts for
distributing them mainly among the Brahmins8.

The new inteligentia class were influenced by Brahmo

movement of Bengal and sought to bring about social reforms
like abolition of child marriage and introduction of widow
8. Odisha State Archives, our documentary herigate, Vol III, pp 70-78
marriage. By the middle of nineteenth century the Brahmo
preachers from Bengal came to Balasore. In 1869 Haranath
Bhattacharya, a professor of Philosophy in the Cuttack
college, a follower of Keshab Chandra Sen formed Utkal
Brahmo Samaja at Cuttack. In 1875 Pratap Chandra
Mazumdar, a prominent follower of Keshab came to Cuttack
and addressed a meeting in the Cuttack High School premise
on 6th July 1875. The Brahmo built a Brahmo Mandir at
Cuttack and brought out a number of periodicals. The Brahmo

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movement not only failed to make any successful inroad into
stronghold of Brahmanical orthodoxy but also failed to have
significant impact on the general public. Its influence was
confined to certain persons of intelligentia class many of
whom happened to be Bengalis. The leading Odia elites who
were influenced by Brahmo faith included Fakir Mohan
Senapati (novelist). Madhusudan Rao (a poet and secretary of
Utkal Brahmo Samaj), Prayi Mohan Acharya, Chatrubhuj
Pattnaik (who wrote a number of books on Brahmanism),
Bishwanath Kar and Nandakishore Bal. Among the rulers of
princely states, Maharaja Bhagirathi Mahendra Bhadur of
Dhenjanal extended patronage to Brahmoism by giving
donation for the construction of Brahmo Mandir at Cuttack.
Maharaja ShriramaChandra Bhanjadeo of Mayurbhanja
accepted Brahmo faith, Sudhaldev Basudev, the ruler of
Bamanda was a staunch critic of Brahmo faith. The Brahmos
were able to draw students to their meetings and sankirtans,
which was liked by their guardians. As Utkal Dipika observe,
There is no wide proposition of Brahmonism in Odisha, and
as most of its adherents are school students: their guardians
have expressed resentment against it and some people have
complained to us”. According to a report in Utkal Dipika,

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dated the 12th May 1883 Sunday congregational prayers of
Cuttack Brahmo Mandir were being attended by 13 or 14
persons and Brahmo preachers from Bengal were going back
as their influence was waning.

There was a strong conservative group, mostly consisting

of Brahmin scholars, patronize by the Rajas and zamindars
and supported by the colonial authorities. The conservatives
adopted modern methods, such as publication of journals, and
formation of associations to uphold their stand on religion and
social life. Besides proposition of Hindu religion, special
emphasis was laid on the worship of Jagannatha. Almost
every feudatory Chief had a Jagannatha temple in his
headquarters. The central policy of British Government was to
win “the confidence of the Brahmin and officers of the temple
of Jagannatha in the liberality and protection of the British
Government. In February, 1877 Divyasingha Deva, the Raja
of Puri, who was the hereditary Superintendent of the
Jagannatha temple was convicted of a murder of a Sadhu and
sentenced to life long transportation in the Andaman Islands.
The Government thereafter proposed to take over the
administration of the temple and appointed a Receiver for the

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temple. Against this move there were protests from the public.
Jagannath Sanatan Dharma Rakshini Sabha was organized to
carry on movement to foil Government’s plan to take over the
management of the temple. Madhudusan Das, the leading
Odia Lawyer and Public leader acted as the attorney on behalf
of the Rani Suryaman Patamahadei in the law-suit, filed
against the Government’s plan. Even though a Christian by
faith, Madhudusan Das took up the case, as he felt that
Jagannatha had become the symbol of Odia identity was
further enhanced by the literary works of Ram Shanar Roy
and Radhanath Rai. The Raja of Puri was elevated to the
topmost position in the traditional hierarchy being respected
as the Chalanti Vishnu (Living Vishnu) and Adya Sevaka
(Forest Servant) of Lord Jagannatha. Educated Odias, being
mostly Hindus and striving for Odia identity, sought to derive
inspiration from Lord Jagannatha as the symbol of past glory
of Odisha.

In the mid-eighties Jogindra Nath Mishra, a Sanskrit

scholar of Puri, through his association Arya Niti Pradip,
strenuously opposed movements for introduction of widow
marriage and abolition of child marriage. In August, 1887

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there was a public uproar against Brahmo Samaj in general
and Madhusudan Rao, the Deputy Inspector of Schools in
particular (as he was the Acharya of the Brahmo Samaj) over
the conversion of some students of Cuttack Academy School
and Medical School to Brahmo faith. In a meeting held in
Gopalji Mandir of Cuttac, Bhagbat Bhakti pradayuini Sabha
passed a resolution criticizing the conversion and holding
Madhusudan Rao responsible for it. This meeting resolved
that this matter be brought to the notice of the Commissioner.
Finally the Collector, with concurrence of the Lieutenant
Governor ordered that Madhusudan Rao could not act as the
Acharya or Minister of Bramho Samaj while holding the post
of Deputy Inspector of Schools. On the whole the reformist
trends among the intelligentia were not strong enough to
offset the Brahmanical orthodoxy.
It is interesting to note however that in last quarter of the
nineteenth century an indigenous religious cult, prevalent
among the lower castes and tribals of the hilly regions of
central and western Odisha, called Mahima Dharma gave an
unqualified challenge to Brahmanical orthodoxy. About this
cult Annchariott Eschmann observed:

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 “Mahima Dharma is a Hindu reform movement that
turned against Jagannath worship in particular. Unlike the so-
called neo-Hindu reform movement, as for instance the
Brahmo Samaj which came into being as a sequel to the
encounter with Christianity and the philosophies of the west
and obtained form there, i.e. from outside, the criteria of their
criticism of its own tradition, no intrinsic direct western
influence in the emergence of Mahima Dharma can be traced.
In the Contrary, this movement derives its criticism of the
Hindu tradition directly from the tradition itself, thus standing
in an almost paradoxical two-fold relation to the tradition
which it accepts on the one hand and rejects on the other.

The religion, preached by one Mahima Goswami as early

1826 was popularized later by Bhima Bhoi, a lay tribal
disciple of the former through his lyrical poetry. According to
Eschman, as a religious doctrine Mahima Dharma takes up the
Buddhist concept of emptiness (Sunya) and identifies it with
the Hindu conception of Parama Brahma and Isvara Purusa
“Sunya Parama Brahma is characterized more precisely with
the concepts alekha (indescribable), nirguna (without
attribute), nirakar (formless), anadi (eternal) niranjana Pure or

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without Support (Mahima) (radiance, glory), all of which
already appear in the medieval Odia literature for describing
Sunya Brahma or as synomyms for Him”. This religion
opposed idolatry, poly-theism, priest craft, Brahmanical
dominance, and caste system. It preaches philanthropy and the
uplift of the down-trodden. Bhima Bhoi wrote in the twenty-
seventh Boli of his Stuti Chintamani.

“How can I stand the immeasurable sufferings of

mankind ? For the redemption of the world it necessary, I can
go to hell.

According to a report in Utkal Dipika in 1881 some

followers of Bhima Bhoi raided the Jagannatha temple. They
declared that under the command of Alekha Swami they had
come to burn the images of Jagannatha, Balbhadra and
Subhadra. The intruders came up to Bhoga Mandapa. There
followed a scuffle between the temple guards and the
intruders in which one of the letter died. The intruders were
tried and sentenced to two months ‘rigorous imprisonment”
for “rioting” and for “committing trespass into a place of
worship”, in which as the judgment reads, “Low caste people

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and barborous people who have no distinction of caste such as
the defendants are not allowed to enter the temple of
Jagannatha. No priest was taken into account for this incident.
After this incident the Commissioner of Odisha called for
reports from Banki, Angul and Dhenkanal State where
Mahima Swami spent a number of years reported that “The
followers of this religion are almost all ignorant and illiterate
people of the lower class of the Hindu Community”. He
further reported, “The disciples and followers who had left
their homes and had been outcasted could not go back to their
families and were obliged to continue in the new life they had
adopted. The Tahasildar of Angul reported: The followers of
Mahima appear to have been scattered in almost all the
Gurjats of Odisha, in the Chhatisagar Division of Central
Province, in the regulation districts of Odisha, and Ganjam.
Among the Gurjats their members are more numerous in the
estate of Dhenkanal, Banki. Hindol, Angul than elsewhere. He
noted that the Pans of Angul, a caste notorious for stealing
seemed to have given up their hereditary profession of
burglary under the influence of Mahima religion, but the
followers of this new religion were “seen to have been
outcasted or ex-communicated by their Hindu brethren and to

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have formed a community of themselves. The Mahima faith
failed to make inroads into the Brahmanical orthodoxy. The
followers of this faith were reported to have been tortured by
the Brahmins and some Zamindars. This faith however came
to limelight in the eighties and became popular through the
lyrical bhajans, composed by Bhima Bhoi. It established itself
as a radical socio-religious doctrine of the sub-alter classes.

In 1881 a book, written in Santali language but Odia

script, was printed in the press of the Maharaja of Mayurbhanj
many of whose subjects belonged to Santal tribe. The book
was written by Gobinda Chandra Mohapatra professed with a
view to benefiting the Santal boys9.

9. Utkal
The Dipika, 13thawakening
cultural March 1881.of the late nineteenth century

Odisha was mainly literary, elitist and marked by pen-Odia

feelings. By Carving out a cultural identity for the Odias this
awakening prepared the ground for the political movement,
aiming at the unification of Odia tracts which also remained
elitist in Character. Although the emerging Odia intelligentia
had to face certain opposition from Bengalis in Odisha, yet
the former’s attitude towards the letter was ambivalent, The

Page | 54
Odia Intelligentia (of which domiciled Bengalis constituted an
important part) was also considerably influenced by Bengali
literature and culture. While attempts were made to revive the
old Kavya literature, western ideas and influence was
assimilated into modern literature. Attempts were begun to
portray the new social situation in the colloquial language,
Reformist trends on the whole remained incipient and failed
to transform the orthodox society.

*********

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