Apollo Iatros A Greek God of Pontic Orig

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Beiträge zur antiken Bildersprache
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Klaus Stähler – Gabriele Gudrian

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Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

am Nordrand des Schwarzen Meeres
Beiträge
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Münster 2001
EIKON
Beiträge zur antiken Bildersprache
Herausgegeben von
Klaus Stähler
Band 9
Ugarit-Verlag, Münster
2009
Klaus Stähler – Gabriele Gudrian
(Hrsg.)
Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

am Nordrand des Schwarzen Meeres
Beiträge
des Internationalen archäologischen Kolloquiums
Münster 2001
Ugarit-Verlag, Münster
2009
Titelvignette: Schläfenscheibe aus Kammergrab I der Bolšaja
Bliznica; vgl. 412ff. 452 Taf. 2 b.
Klaus Stähler – Gabriele Gudrian (Hrsg.)

Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn am Nordrand des Schwarzen Meeres.
Beiträge des Internationalen archäologischen Kolloquiums Münster 2001
Eikon 9
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APOLLO IATROS:
A GREEK GOD OF PONTIC ORIGIN
Yulia Ustinova
Introduction
The cult of Apollo Iatros (or, in the Ionian dialect, Ietros) is attested to only in
Ionian colonies of the Western and the Northern Black Sea coasts: in Apollonia
Pontica, Histria, Tyras, Olbia, and on the Bosporus ― all of them founded by
the Milesians in the mid-seventh–early sixth century.1 In the sixth century,
Apollo Iatros was the tutelary deity at least in several cities, and played a
prominent role in the pantheons of all of them. That a cult unknown in the me-
tropolis appears in a newly founded colony as one of its main cults, is unusual:
major cults in colonies are normally regarded as imitating religious institutions
in their metropoleis.2 Thus, the case of Apollo Iatros has some bearing on the
notion of the colonial pantheons in general.
This paper starts with a brief survey of the evidence on Apollo Iatros. Current
approaches to this cult assume that it originated from Ionia. Contrary to them, I
suggest to connect the endemic epiclesis with the beliefs of indigenous peoples
of Thrace and Scythia. In the opinion of Greeks, Thracians and Scythians were
preoccupied with occult ideas of immortality and were accomplished healers. I
argue that these views, combined with the traditional Ionian cult of Apollo,
whose aspect as a healer was indeed conspicuous, gave rise to the emergence
of the cult of Apollo Iatros in the Ionian colonies of the Western and Northern
Black Sea littoral.
Synopsis of testimonies
For the sake of coherence, the evidence is arranged according to the geographi-
cal, rather than chronological principle.
1
All the dates are BC, unless indicated otherwise.
2
Bilabel 1920; Ehrhardt 1983; Avram 1996b.
246 Yu. Ustinova
Apollonia
Apollo Iatros was the divine patron of Apollonia. He had a sanctuary in the
city, but no traces of this structure have so far been identified. It is assumed
that the sanctuary was situated on the modern island of St. Cyricus, about
150m away from the coast.3 This sanctuary housed the famous fifth-century
sculpture of Apollo Iatros by Calamis, which was 30 cubits high, cost 500 tal-
ents, was plundered by Lucullus and moved to Rome in 72.4
This sanctuary is mentioned in an early second-century Apollonian decree hon-

oring a citizen of Histria, who headed the forces sent by Histria to Apollonia to
support it against an attack by Mesambria. The inscription states that the stele
is to be erected in the temple of Apollo Iatros.5
In the early first century AD Apollo Iatros received an ex-voto Øpr Øg…aj kaˆ
swthr…aj of a royal couple, Rhoimetalces II and Pythodoris II6. After some
dramatic events which caused a desolation of the city, a tripylon and a baris
were constructed and dedicated to Apollo Iatros.7 A non-datable fragment form
the vicinity of Apollonia is a part of a dedication to Apollo Iatros.8
3
Strabo indicates (7. 6. 1) that the sanctuary of Apollo is situated on an islet (™n nhs…J); cf.
Mihailov, comm. to IG Bulg. I² 388bis; J. and L. Robert, Bull. 74. 1961: No. 419; Pippidi 1984:
173; Hoddinott 1975: 34; Isaac 1986: 243. So far, no undisputable archaeological remains of this
temple have been identified. However, architectural details and considerable amounts of pottery
imported from Ionia and Attica render probability to this assumption.
4
Plin. Hist. Nat. 34. 18; Strabo 7. 6. 1; Pick 1898: 167.
5
IG Bulg. I² 388bis, cf. Pippidi 1984: 170-173.
6
IG Bulg. I² 399.
7
IG Bulg. I² 400. The document is dated from the first century BC to the early third century
AD. Mihailov (comm.) suggests the second century AD.
8
IG Bulg. I² 403.
Apollo Iatros: A Greek God of Pontic Origin 247
9
Second-century coins with the legend ’ApÒllwnoj ’Iatroà feature the god’s
head on their obverse; the reverse shows the god nude, holding a bow and ar-
rows in his left hand and supported by a long laurel branch, which he holds in
his left. Some scholars suggest that these coins reproduce Calamis’ colossus.10
Histria11
A fifth- or early fourth-century statue base with a dedication to Apollo Iatros
by Theoxenos son of Hippolochos, under the priest Hippolochos son of
Theodocos,12 attests to the existence of the god’s temple in the city. The bronze
statue, most probably portraying the god himself, did not survive, but the traces
of three cuttings on the base indicate that it depicted a man in motion, support-
ing himself on his left leg, and holding in a long object in his left hand. Lam-
brino suggests that first-century AD Istrian coins, showing Apollo with a plec-
trum or a phiale in his right hand, and holding a lyre in his left hand, which is
supported by a column, reproduce the lost cult statue, which stood on the pre-
served base.13
9
Pick 1898: 167-173. Initially ascribed to Magnesia (Lambros 1878: 509), they were identi-
fied as Apollonian by the late 19th century (Pick 1898: 168; Head 1911: 278; cf. Tolstoy 1904:
13; Levi 1965: 89; Ehrhardt 1983: 432).
As an explanation for the lack of the ethnicon, L. Robert suggests that these coins were minted
by an amphictyony of west Pontic cities centered in the sanctuary of Apollo Iatros in Apollonia
(Robert 1966: 46). This idea is supported by Vinogradov (1997: 67). Mihailov (1979: 270) how-
ever does not believe that a koinon of Pontic cities existed before the Roman period. In any case,
the assumption of Rusyayeva (1992: 40, 42) that an amphictyony of West Pontic cities issued
arrow-shaped coins as early as in the sixth-late fifth centuries, is groundless.
10
Pick 1898: 169; Lippold 1919: 1534; Levi 1965: 92; Lacroix 1949: 248-249.
11
Lambrino 1937: 352-359; Bull. 68. 1955: No.163; ISM I 1, 34, 54, 104, 144, 169, 314A. For
the family of priests of Apollo Iatros, see. Pârvan 1972: 90-91.
12
ISM 169, Lambrino 1927/28: 393, figs. 10-11; cf. Ehrhardt 1983: 434. For the controversy
concerning the date, see Pippidi 1977: 17-19 (reprinted in Pippidi 1984); Nawotka 1997: 102-
103.
13
Lambrino 1927/28: 396, accepted by Calder III (1971: 329). However, Levi (1965: 92) ar-
gues that the sculpture on Istrian coins belonged to Apollo Musagetes rather than Iatros, and that
the statue which left its traces on the base with the dedication was similar to the effigy of Apollo
Iatros on the coins of Apollonia. Bordenache (1961: 189-90) also disputes Lambrino’s recon-
struction, and supposes that this statue depicted the god as a nude youth, in accordance with the
traditions of the fifth- and fourth-century art.
248 Yu. Ustinova
A generation after Theoxenos, during the eponymous priesthood of Hippolo-

chos son of Hegesandros, belonging to the same family, his sons Xenocles and
Theoxenos dedicated to Apollo Iatros an imposing monument, presumably a
temple, of which an architrave with an inscription mentioning the god sur-
vived.14 Thus, two temples of Apollo Iatros probably co-existed in Histria.15
A sanctuary of the god is mentioned also in a third-century AD fragment:

£naqe‹[nai ›na mn ™n tîi ƒerîi toà ’ApÒllw]noj toà ’Iatroà.16 Apollo Iatros is
also referred to in a series of inscriptions dating from the fourth to the first
centuries.17
In Histria the priest of Apollo Iatros was the eponym of the city.18 In the fifth
century this magistracy was dominated by a very influential family, which has
erected several extremely expensive monuments.19 It was in the sanctuary of
Apollo Iatros that Histrian documents were preserved and exhibited.20
14
ISM 144, Lambrino 1937: 353; Ehrhardt 1983: 434.
15
Bordenache and Pippidi 1959: 163
16
ISM 34, J. and L. Robert, Bull. 68. 1955: No. 163.
17
ISM 314A (fourth century), 104 (fourth-third century), 1 (third century), 54 (first century).
18
ISM I 1; Tolstoy 1904: 3; Lambrino 1927/28: 393; J. et L. Robert, Bull. 68. 1955: No. 163;
Ehrhardt 1983: 198; Nawotka (1997: 102-105) provides a list of eponymous priests.
An inscription from Tomi, dated ™pˆ ƒšrew (ISM II. 5), demonstrates that in Tomi a priest was the
eponymous magistrate. That this priest served Apollo Iatros remains so far a plausible guess (cf.
Bilabel 1920: 129; Gočeva 1998: 233). Isaac (1986: 267) cites this conjecture as if it were a fact.
See Nawotka 1997: 119, with refs.
19
Lambrino 1937: 356; Avram 1996b: 303. Alexandrescu (1990: 73) considers this family as
one the leading forces in Histrian oligarchy.
20
The god’s epiclesis is indicated in ISM 34; in most cases the epiclesis is either not men-
tioned or not preserved (ISM 6, 18, 21, 28). Cf. Pippidi 1984: 263.
Tyras
Tyras has yielded only one dedication to Apollo Iatros: an inscription
’ApÒllw]ni ’Iat[rîi on a third-century marble vessel.21
Olbia
The most ancient lapidary inscription mentioning Apollo Iatros is on a round
altar or tripod base, dated to the second half of the fifth century. The dedication
is made by an Olbian citizen Xanthos to Apollo Iatros the Lord of Histria (”Is-
tro medšonti).22
In the second half of the fourth century a statue, sculptured by Stratonides of

Athens, was dedicated to Apollo Iatros: Lewkr£[thj…]ou ’ApÒllwni ’Iatr[îi]
Stratwn…dhj ’Aqhna‹oj ™pÒhse.23 The life-size Olbian statue was slightly higher
than the Histrian statue dedicated to Apollo Iatros, and judging by the traces on
its base, depicted the god in a similar posture, namely, standing and holding a
long attribute in his left hand.24 The exact posture of this sculpture is debatable.
A second-century AD Olbian coin features a standing Apollo, who holds a
round object in his right hand and a bow, reaching to the ground near his left
foot, in his left.25 In Levi’s opinion, the traces on the base could belong either
to such a statue, or to a figure resembling Apollo Iatros on Apollonian coins.26
In a fourth-century inscription, a dedication of a statue by a citizen of Ceos,

only a iota and a part of the following letter are preserved after the name of
Apollo, which presumably indicates the god’s epiclesis Ietros: [’Ap]Òllwni
21
Nicorescu 1927/28: 564, fig. 6, cf. Ehrhardt 1983: 139; Karyshkovskiy and Kleiman 1985:
61.
22
Vinogradov 1981: 22; 1997: 35; Rusyayeva 1986: 38; SEG 42. 712; 50. 701.
23
IO 65A , cf. Bull. 80. 1967: No. 397.
24
Levi 1965: 90-91.
25
Pick 1898: 172-173, pl.10: 31; cf. Levi 1965: 92; Rusyayeva 1986: 47-48.
26
Levi 1965: 92. Rusyayeva (1986: 49) however is reluctant to accept this opinion.
250 Yu. Ustinova
27
’Ih[trîi]. The most ancient evidence on Iatros appears on graffiti from
Berezan and Olbia.
From the island of Berezan (ancient Borysthenes) originate a number of pieces

dated to the mid-sixth century: ’ApÒll]wnoj ™mˆ ’Ih[trý, [’I]atrý e„m…,
[’Ap]Òllwni ’Ihtrîi on pottery fragments28 and BorusqšneÒj ™mi, [Borus]qšneoj
[medšwn?] ’IhtrÒj on a bone plaque, perhaps an amulet.29 Most intriguing is a
long graffito on a bone plaque, discovered on Berezan, which combines sym-
bolism of the number seven and its multiplications with epithets and symbols
of Apollo: lÚkoj, lšwn, toxofÒroj f…lioj, „htÁr, „ht»r delf…j, Diduma‹oj Mil»sioj:
Text A: Èpt£: lÚkoj ¢sqen»j, ˜bdom»konta: lšwn deinÒj, ˜pt(a)kÒsioi:

toxofÒroj f…li(o)j dwre¾ dun£m’ „htÁ(r)oj, ˜ptaki(s)c…li(oi): delfˆj frÒni-
moj e„r»nh ’Olb…h pÒli, makar…zw ™ke‹, mšmnhmai Lh[t]o[…]?
Text B: ’ApÒllwni Didum(a…wi) Milhs…wi
Text C: (beneath makar…zw) mhtrÕj ÑlbofÒroj
Text D: (beneath toxofÒroj f…li(o)j): nikhfÒroj boršw
Text E: (between the first two lines of A): D…dum(a? a‹on?)
Text F: (on the other side of the plaque): ˜bd(o)m(»konta) boà(j) Did(u-
ma…wi)
Text G: (in the bottom of this side) nikhfÒroj boršw.30
27
IOSPE I² 164. Latyshev dates this inscription to the fourth century, and Levi (1965: 88) and
Vinogradov (1997: 358) to the fifth century. Vinogradov had suggested the following restoration
of this inscription: [---]j K»ioj ’Ol[biopolitšwn Ð prÒxenoj? ’Ap]Òllwni ’Ih[trîi (¢nšqhken)] (Vi-
nogradov 1997: 359, originally published in 1978), and later amended it: [---]j K»ioj ’Ol[b…hj
medšonti ’A]pÒllwni ’Ih[trîi] (Vinogradov 1997: 226, originally published in 1981). Being a
conjecture, the phrase ’Ol[b…hj medšonti cannot serve as a basis for further argument, in the way
Rusyayeva uses it (1982: 36).
28
Yaylenko 1982: 289; Vinogradov 1997: 358-359; Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 31;
Tolstoy 1953: No 76=Yaylenko 1980b: 89, No. 16 (SEG 32. 880); Rusyayeva 1986: 40-41, figs.
3: 1, 4:1.
29
Rusyayeva 1986: 39, fig. 5 (SEG 36. 693).
30
Rusyayeva 1986: 26-27, figs. 1-2 (SEG 36. 694).
I do not share the editor’s certainty in identification of unclear lines on the plaque as sketches of
two dolphins and a bow in a bow-case (gorytos).
31
Burkert makes a convincing case, interpreting this text as a reference to the
Didymaean oracle, based on the concept of the “Great Year” and its periods:
7 (first seven years of its existence): the colony was “a wolf without strength”;
70: for the next seventy years, it became a “frightful lion”;
700: after this initial period (and beginning from the time the oracle was given)
the god, who carries a bow and yields the power of healer, stands for 700 years
by the side of Olbia, which is in fact sanctioning the cult of Apollo Iatros;
7000: in the far future, there would be a period dominated by the “wise dol-
phin.”
A sanctuary of Apollo Iatros existed in Olbia at least since the second quarter
of the sixth century.32 The site yielded a small ritual platform, traces of wooden
constructions, and fragments of pottery dated to this period.33 Several graffiti
containing the word Ietros were found there: [’A]pÒllwni ’Ihtrîi; [’I]htrý;
’Ihtr[îi].34 Fragments of architectural terracotta from this site bear graffiti
mentioning Apollo Iatros, dated to the second half of the sixth century:
[’A]pÒllwni ’Ihtrîi Borusqšne[oj (medšonti?)], ’Ihtr[îi], and [’I]htrý.35 These
architectural details belonged to a small mud brick temple of the god, erected
in the mid-sixth century and replaced by a stone temple in the late sixth-early
fifth century.36 To the new temple, which existed till the late fifth century,37
31
1994: 56-57.
Ehrhardt (1987: 116-117, non vidi, cit. after SEG 36. 694-comm.) believes that this graffito was
a product of a religious sect, probably of Orphikoi, or of a club of worshippers of Apollo.
Rusyayeva (1986) and Vinogradov (1989: 78-90) interpret this text as a symbolic account of
historical events.
32
Rusyayeva 1988: 171.
33
Rusyayeva 1986: 42; Rusyayeva 1994: 81.
34
Rusyayeva 1986: 42; figs. 3: 2-4; 4: 2, 3, 5; Yaylenko 1982: 289, 294-297 (SEG 32. 737,
769).
35
Rusyayeva 1986: 42-43, figs. 3:5, 8; 4: 4, 6, 10; 6: 2; cf. Rusyayeva 1988: 167, 170.
36
Kryzhitsky 1998; Rusyayeva 1994: 82.
37
When it was dismantled: Rusyayeva 1986: 47; cf. 1988: 172; Rusyayeva 1994: 85; Kryzhit-
sky 1998: 175; Križickiy 1999.
252 Yu. Ustinova
belonged most probably a late sixth century tile fragment with a graffito
’IhtrÒon, each letter inserted into a segment of a circle,38 as well as a round
altar, and such unique features as stone fences reproducing perhaps the shape
of a temple, and bothroi with votives in the form of tiles (calypteres) modified
by slicing and perhaps imitating the roof.39 Several tiles were inscribed with
such graffiti as HT, IH, IER, IE, probably standing for ’IhtrÒj and ƒerÒj or
ƒerÒn.40
A graffito on a mid-fifth-century scyphos from the western temenos lists the

months of the Olbian calendar, and is dedicated to Apollo Delphinios Iatros
Thargelios Lykeios, ’ApÒll(wni) Dhlfin…(wi) ’Iatrýi Qarghl…(wi) Luke…(wi).41
A contemporary red-figure cylix discovered in the area of Kiev, which was
most probably brought there from Olbia, bears the inscription Delfin…o xun¾
’Ihtrý, which emphasizes the possession of the vessel by Apollo in his two
avatars, as Delphinios and as Iatros.42 Thus, in Olbia the worship of Apollo as
Iatros coexisted with traditional Ionian aspects of the god, such as Delphinios,
Lykeios, Didymaios, etc.43 However, Apollo’s cult there showed some unique
aspects: he was ascribed unusual epicleseis, such as Thargelios and Boreas.44
38
Rusyayeva 1986: 45, figs. 3: 6; 4: 7, Rusyayeva 1988: 167; Vinogradov and Kryžickij 1995:
110. The drawing consists of three concentric circles, every letter of the word IHTROON is in-
scribed into one of the seven segments, and nine short lines surround the outer circle. Thus, the
drawing appears to connote numerical symbolism of 3-7-9, sacred to Apollo.
39
Rusyayeva 1986: 46-47; 1988: 168-169; Rusyayeva 1994: 96, 99.
40
Rusyayeva 1988: 168, fig. 1.
41
Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 25. The two authors notice, that although the festival of
Thargelia is attested to in many Ionian cities, Thargelios as an epiclesis of Apollo seems to be
unique (p. 32). Cf. SEG 47. 1185.
42
Tolstoy 1905: 53.
43
For these cults of Apollo in Miletus, see Ehrhardt 1983: 130-132.
44
Rusyayeva (1994: 87) briefly mentions two dedications to Apollo Boreas, dated to the
second half of the sixth century, and a votive inscription of a thiasos of Boreikoi on a black-
glazed cylix; further details on these important documents will hopefully be published.
The existence of these cults, and especially the cult of Apollo Iatros, which is
not attested to in Miletus, invalidate the conclusion of Vinogradov and
Rusyayeva45 that Olbian materials demonstrate “absolute imitation of Milesian
religious institutions.”
The Bosporus (Panticapaeum, Phanagoria, Hermonassa, Myrmecaeum)

In Panticapaeum, three dedications of statues commemorate ends of terms of
priests of Apollo Iatros. Two of them are dated to the fourth century.46 The
most ancient testimony of the cult in Panticapaeum is a late sixth-early fifth
century graffito with a dedication to Apollo Iatros: [’ApÒllwnoj] ’Ihtrý [--].47
The remains of the fifth-century temple of Apollo Iatros, grandiose in compari-
son to other Bosporan public buildings, have been discovered in the temenos of
Panticapaeum.48
Bosporan priests of Apollo Iatros originated from the most prominent families.
One of them was even a prince: a marble statue base attests to a dedication of a
statue to Apollo Iatros by a priest named Leucon. This Leucon is the future
king Leucon II (circa 240-220) and the son of Pairisades II (284/3-circa 245).49
45
1980: 45.
46
CIRB 6, 10.
47
Tolstikov 1992: 95.
48
Pichikyan 1984: 156-172; Tostikov 1992: 78.
Vinogradov (1997: 22) suggests that much-discussed fifth-century Panticapaean coins featuring
a lion’s scalp on their obverse and inscriptions APOL and AP on the reverse (e.g. Head 1911:
280; Zograf 1951: 164, pl. 39: 23 ff.; Shelov 1951; Frolova 1992: fig. 1: 10, 15, 24) be con-
nected with the cult of Apollo Iatros, and that Bosporan cities formed an amphiktyony around
the sanctuary of Apollo Iatros, similar to the assumed confederacy of Western Pontic cities
around the Apollonian sanctuary (1997: 68). Frolova (1992: 207) supposes that these coins were
minted by the temple of Apollo Iatros, perhaps as a commemoration of its erection. Shelov
(1951: 48) is more cautious: since the lion is a symbol of Apollo, and appears as such on Mile-
sian coins, Bosporan emissions of the sixth-early fourth centuries, featuring the lion’s scalp, are
in his opinion to be attributed to the Milesian tradition and to the cult of Apollo. In fact, lion’s
head appears on various coin types of Miletus and its colonies (Ehrhardt 1983: 132).
49
CIRB 25. For Leucon II see Gajdukevič 1971: 90.
254 Yu. Ustinova
Statues were dedicated to Apollo Iatros by his ex-priests in Phanagoria, under

Spartocos III,50 and in Hermonassa in the second half of the second century,
presumably under Pairisades IV.51 None of these statues is preserved, but they
perhaps represented the ex-priests themselves.52 Thus, Apollo Iatros also had
temples in Hermonassa and Phanagoria.53
The most ancient monument of the cult from Hermonassa is a statue base
erected under Leucon I: Demophon son of Erginos dedicated a statue to Apollo
Iatros for his wife Akis.54 If this Akis is indeed identical to Akis daughter of
Pairisades, who dedicated a statue to Aphrodite,55 Demophon’s dedication
bears witness to the devotion of the Bosporan royal family to Apollo Iatros. In
the fourth century Apollo Delphinios was also worshipped in Hermonassa, and
agones in Apollo’s honor were held in the city.56
In Myrmecaeum, the cult of Apollo Iatros is attested to by a graffito:

[--’ApÒl]λwne ’Ihtr[îi].57
Dubia et incerta
It is suggested that the name Ietrocles born by a citizen of Sinope attests to the
cult of Apollo Iatros in the city.58 This name is restored in an inscription from
50
CIRB 974, 304/3-284/3.
51
CIRB 1044, circa 150-125.
52
Tolstoy 1904: 4.
53
Schaub 1987: 73.
54
CIRB 1037.
55
CIRB 1041, fourth century, cf. CIRB 1037, Shkorpil's comm.
56
CIRB 1038, 1039.
57
J. A. Vinogradov and Tokhtas’ev 1998: 25-29; SEG 48. 1006.
58
IO 1; Vinogradov 1979: 298 (=1997: 79); Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 55; Ehrhardt
1983: 136; Ehrhardt 1989: 115-116.
59
Gorgippia. Likewise, in Histria Ietrodoros is associated with Apollo or Achil-
les Ietros.60 Onomastics however provide a shaky ground to postulate a cult,
since these names may also derivate from the hero Iatros.61
In a decree from Mesambria, Mihailov restores ’ApÒllwnoj toà [’Iatroà…].62

Calder III sites this inscription in his list of evidence for the cult of Apollo
Iatros.63 This conjecture however was justly rejected by L. Robert,64 who ar-
gues that the unique occurrence of an exclusively Ionian epiclesis in a Dorian
city must be supported by solid evidence. Since Apollo Pythios was wor-
shipped in the metropolis of Mesambria, Megara, and other Megarian colonies,
Robert suggests toà [Puq…ou… . In a new edition of the inscription Mihailov
accepts this criticism, and leaves the lacuna blank.65
Several scholars connect arrow-shaped coins (found in Apollonia, Odessos,

Tomi, Histria, Niconion, Kerkinitis, and on the Bosporus, the earliest issues
dated to the late seventh-early sixth century66) with the cult of Iatros (toxo-
59
CIRB 1148.
60
Johnston 1995/96.
61
Usener 1896: 151; Nilsson 1968: 538.
For the sanctuary of Hero Iatros in Attica, attested to both by literary and by epigraphic evi-
dence, see LSCG Nos. 41, 42; Usener 1896: 149-153; Rohde 1925: 133, 150-151; cf. Kerényi
1945. For cults of hero-physicians elsewhere, Rohde 1925: 557. In a second-century sacred law
from Cyrene, sacrifices to Iatros are mentioned separately from Apollo Apotropaios and other
gods (LSCG Suppl. No. 116).
Direct connection between the name Iatrocles occurring in some second-century inscriptions
from the Bosporus, (Gorgippia: CIRB 1148, and Panticapaeum: CIRB 77), and the cult of Apollo
Iatros, suggested by Ehrhardt (1989: 115), can hardly be established.
62
IG Bulg. I 315.
63
Calder III 1971: 329.
64
Robert 1959: 216.
65
IG Bulg. I² 315.
66
Karyshkovskiy 1988: 32.
256 Yu. Ustinova
phoros); it is further suggested that in Olbia they were superseded by dolphin--

shaped coins, symbols of Delphinios.67 This hypothesis is accepted and applied
to Histrian finds.68 Although the dolphin seems to have been a symbol or attrib-
ute of Apollo Delphinios in Olbia,69 minting of arrow-shaped coins may be
compared with the Scythian use of arrows for the purposes of census recorded
by Herodotus.70 The form of arrow-shaped coins, similar to that of Scythian
arrowheads, their finds in the Thracian Hinterland, and the simultaneous use of
‘normal’ minted coins in Ionia render the hypothesis of Greek origin of arrow--
shaped coins unconvincing. It is much more probable that these primitive
means of exchange (resembling tool-shaped ingots current in Gaul, Central
Europe, and elsewhere) was invented by Pontic barbarians, presumably by the
Thracians.71 Thus, if indeed arrow-shaped coins were associated with Apollo
Toxophoros, their minting seems to have been adopted from the indigenous
peoples.
Literary Evidence?
In a few instances, Apollo is described as iatros in literary texts. Aristophanes
calls Apollo “physician” twice: in the Birds and in the Plutus. Iatros in these
texts is an attribute rather than an epiclesis.72 A character in the Birds says: eq’
Ó g’ ’ApÒllwn „atrÒj g’ ín „£sqw: mistofore‹ dš (Apollo, since he is a physician,
may cure them: he is paid for it).73 Apollo is compared to state-employed phy-
67
Anokhin 1986: 83; 1989: 5, 8; Vinogradov 1997: 17-18; Rusyayeva 1992: 31. For the intri-
cate history of research of arrow-shaped coins, see Anokhin 1986: 68-75.
68
Alexandrescu 1990: 60.
69
Rusyayeva 1986: 57.
70
Her. 4. 81. Vinogradov acknowledges the possibility of utilization of a Scythian idea (1997:
18).
71
Balabanov 1982; Karyshkovkiy 1988: 33.
72
Nilsson 1968: 540; Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 1980: 30; Schaub 1987: 74. Calder III
(1971: 329) regards iatros in these verses as cultic epiclesis of Apollo.
73
Verse 584. This interpretation of the phrase is rendered in the translation by van Daele
(Coulon and van Daele 1923) and Dunbar (1995: 390).
74 75
sicians; his “salary” consists of sacrifices he is offered, therefore the word
iatros simply indicates the god’s function as a healer.
In the Plutus,76 a slave is disappointed by Apollo:
tù d Lox…v,
Öj qespiJde‹ tr…podoj ™k crushl£tou,
mšmyin dika…an mšmfomai taÚthn, Óti
„atrÕj ín kaˆ m£ntij, éj fasin, sofÒj
melagcolînt’ ¢pšpemyš mou tÕn despÒthn.
(and I blame Loxias, who chants his oracles from a golden tripod,
with this just reproach, that although he is a physician and is con-
sidered a skilled diviner, he sent my master home splenetic).
Here again, Apollo is described in terms fitting a common physician, who send
his patient home without much help.77 The contraposition of the tragic mode of
lines 8-9, where the god is named Loxias and portrayed in solemn words, and
the hilarity of lines 10-12, where he is referred to as a physician and a diviner,
good in his craft, is obvious.78 Both „atrÒj and m£ntij designate the spheres of
the god's activities and are far from being his cultic titles.
In pseudo-Lycophron’s Alexandra, iatros occurs twice.79 One passage refers to

Iatros' oracles: …molën crhsmo‹j ’Iatroà... (having come [by the order of] the
oracles of Iatros). In the other one, iatros is one of Apollo’s epithets: …Ópou se
74
Cf. Acharn. 1030-1032.
75
Schol. in Aves 584; cf. Sommerstein 1987: 236.
76
Vv. 8-12.
77
Schol. ad loc. This passage may make pun on Aesch. Eumen. 61-63:
... melšsqw Lox…v megasqene‹
„atrÒmantij d’ ™stˆ kaˆ teraskÒpoj
kaˆ to‹sin ¥lloij dwm£twn kaq£rsioj.
78
Cf. Schol. in Plut. 11-12. Van Daele’s translation (Coulon and van Daele 1923) renders this
understanding.
79
Ll. 1376-1377 and 1206-1207.
258 Yu. Ustinova
peisqeˆj ’WgÚgou spartÕj leëj crhsmo‹j ’Iatroà Ley…ou Terminqšwj... (...where

the sown people of Ogygos, persuaded by the oracles of Iatros Lepsios Termin-
theus…). Termintheus (Terbintheus) is indeed attested to in Myus near Miletus
as a cultic name of Apollo.80 The word apparently derives from ¹ tšrminqoj or ¹
teršbinqoj, pistachio, or rather from a place name where the god’s sanctuary
was located, in or near a pistachio grove.81 Lepsios also derives from a
toponym, the name of the Milesian isle Lepsia, where a sanctuary of Apollo
was situated.82 It is noteworthy, that the scholiast explains that “Lepsios and
Termintheus are epithets of Apollo,”83 evidently implying that iatros serves for
a different purpose.
The date of the Alexandra is debatable (either early third or early second cen-
tury).84 The language of Pseudo-Lycophron is notorious for its abstruseness:
Suda calls the Alexandra “an obscure poem.”85 Deliberate combination of irony
and strenuous style and vocabulary makes the Alexandra a very problematic
source of data on the realities of Greek cults. The obscure passage citing an
oracle is set in an incomprehensible geographical setting, stretching from Li-
guria to Caria. In the other passage, two endemic epicleseis signifying places
of worship of the god, are juxtaposed with a designation of his function as a
healer, a very insecure basis for postulating the existence of an otherwise un-
known cult.
80
Ehrhardt 1983: 133. He appears as Terbintheus ( Syll³ 633. X. 80) or as Termintheus
(Bull. 79.1966 No. 375.). The god is named Termitheus in an inscription on an archaic kouros
(Ehrhardt 1983: 426).
81
Von Holzinger 1895: comm. ad loc.; Mooney 1921: 128; Kruse 1934. However, Zeus was
also worshipped in Miletus as Termintheus (Kruse 1934).
82
Bull. 79. 1966: No 317; von Holzinger 1895: comm. ad loc.; Ehrhardt 1983: 133.
83
Scheer 1881-1908, 2: 348. Even Ehrhardt admits that (1989: 117).
84
For the discussion, see von Holzinger 1895: 61; Mooney 1921: XI; West S. 1984; Fraser
1996.
85
S.v. LukÒfrwn, cf. von Holzinger 1895: 25-31; Fraser 1996: 896. S. West, who is more opti-
mistic than other scholars in the appreciation of our chances to understand Lycophron, cautiously
suggests that notwithstanding his proverbial obscurity, it is possible “in the end, to be reasonably
confident about his meaning” (1983: 115).
The only text where Iatros appears as an epiclesis of Apollo is in the opening
phrase of the Hippocratic Oath:’OmnÚw (or Ômnumi) ’ApÒllwna „htrÕn kaˆ
’AsklhpiÕn kaˆ Ùge…an kaˆ Pan£keian kaˆ qeoÝj p£ntaj te kaˆ p£saj... (I swear
by Apollo the Physician and Asclepios and Hygeia and Panacaea and all the
gods and goddesses...). Even it is admitted that the Oath belonged to the Hip-
pocratic circle and had already existed by the fifth century,86 which is dis-
puted,87 the text is likely to have undergone modifications: it was clearly “far
from being stereotyped.”88 Among other interpolations, the epiclesis Iatros may
have been inserted, perhaps in Roman times, under the influence of the Roman
Apollo Medicus.
Edelstein convincingly argues that the Oath’s rejection of suicide and abortion,
as well as other stipulations, could only be determined by adherence to Py-
thagorean teaching. In his opinion, the document was outlined at the end of the
fourth century.89 If the Hippocratic Oath echoes Pythagorean doctrines, this
may point to some connection with religious ideas associated in the tradition
with Pythagoras and Hyperborean Apollo.90 The phrase “in purity and holiness
86
As some experts think, among them Littré (1839-1861: 4. 610), Jones (1924: 41), Levine
(1971: 57), and Jouanna (1999: 47-48).
This assumption is based on considerations of style and especially on a passage in the Thesmo-
phoriazusae (272-274), where Mnesilochus asks Euripides why he does not swear “by the family
of Hippocrates”:
Ômnumi to…nun a„qšr’ o‡khsin DiÒj.
t… m©llon À t¾n Ìppokr£touj xunoik…an;
The scholiast explains that Hippocrates in question is the Athenian Hippocrates and his sons,
notorious for their stupidity and mentioned in the Clouds (1001). This identification is rejected
by some, Jones among them, as forced. Littré (1839-1861: 2. XLVIII) and Edelstein (1967: 55)
however do not consider the passage in the Thesmophoriazusae as an allusion to Hippocrates the
Coan physician.
87
Nutton 2004: 68-69. The first certain reference to it is made in the first century AD (Littré
1839-1861: 4. 610; Jones 1924: 39). The text is indeed “assigned to every century from the sixth
century BC down to the imperial period of Rome” (Levine 1971: 56-57); for the discussion see
Jones 1924: 40-41; Edelstein 1967.
88
Jones 1924: 41; Nutton 2004: 333.
89
Edelstein 1967; cf. Zhmud 1997: 244.
90
In Croton and in Metapontum, where Apollo was among the most prominent gods of the
pantheon, Pythagoras was considered Apollo Hyperboreus, or at least the god's progeny: Ael.
260 Yu. Ustinova
(¡gnîj d kaˆ Ðs…wj) I will guard my life and my art” belongs indeed to the
realm of religious, rather than utilitarian professional thinking, and probably
refers to the Pythagorean way of life.91 In this case, the concentration of heal-
ing deities in the opening phrase of the Hippocratic Oath, which hardly reflects
any conventional form of cult, would refer to the peculiar beliefs of the Py-
thagoreans.
In summary, in the Ionian colonies of the western and northern Black Sea litto-
ral, where Apollo was also worshiped under his traditional Ionian epicleseis,92
Apollo Iatros played a most prominent role, probably from the very beginning
of the colonization in the area.93 In Olbia he was worshipped since the founda-
tion of the first apoikia on the island of Berezan. The role of Apollo Iatros was
not confined to the medical sphere, but rather included general protection of
the city.94 In fact, iatros in Greek is not only a medical practitioner, but also a
healer of various human woes:95 sickness or misfortune were caused by mi-
asma, and were to be cured by means of purifications or charms, which were
bestowed upon mortals by Apollo.96
Var. Hist. 2. 26; Diog. Laert. 8. 11; Iamb. Vita Pyth. 4, 30, 140; Porph. Vita Pyth. 28; Corssen
1912: 30-31; Lévy 1927: 7, 10, 44-45; Boyancé 1937: 233-241; Bolton 1962: 174; Burkert 1972:
141-143, 146-149; Riedweg 2005: 71-73.
91
Edelstein 1967: 15, 20. On the Pythagorean way of life see Burkert 1972: 215-217; Ried-
weg 2005: 98-104.
92
Ehrhardt 1983: 142-143.
93
Rusyayeva 1986: 49.
94
Vinogradov and Rusyayeva, 1980: 30; cf. Rusyayeva 1986: 39, 48; Ehrhardt 1989: 121.
95
pÒnwn (Pind. Nem. 4. 2), kakîn (Aesch. Fr. 255 Nauck), tÁj pÒlewj (Thuc. 6. 14), etc.
96
Nilsson 1967: 541-544.
The origin of the cult: suggested hypotheses and their criticism
Most scholars mention the devotion of Pontic Ionians to Apollo Iatros without
any commentary.97 However, the exclusive limitation of all the evidence on the
cult to the Black Sea area only is very unusual: one would expect to find in the
metropolis the cult which was so popular in the colonies. Yet Apollo Iatros
does not appear either in Miletus or elsewhere in Ionia.98 Those who notice the
anomaly suggest several explanations: whereas most researchers seek the ori-
gins of the cult in the pantheon of Miletus, J. and L. Robert, who consider the
cult of Apollo Iatros “un résultat de la colonisation milésienne,”99 put the em-
phasis on the process of colonization.
In their attempts to clarify the problem of Apollo Iatros’ mysterious prove-

nance, several scholars went as far as to invent cults, oracles and epidemics,
not attested to by any evidence. Ehrhardt had initially suggested that Iatros was
an additional epiclesis of Apollo Didymaios, and accepted Vinogradov’s idea
that the propagation of Iatros-cult in the Black sea area had been instigated by
an oracle from Didyma.100 Later, Ehrhardt labeled Apollo Iatros “ein verschol-
lener Gott Ioniens,” who has left no traces in the Aegean or elsewhere in the
Greek world outside Pontus Euxinus.101 To a certain extent, he follows Nilsson,
who regards the cult of Apollo Iatros in the colonies as “ein Relikt eines im
Mutterland selbst verkümmerten Kults.”102
97
Levi 1965; Gočeva 1998: 229; Pippidi 1984: 130; Graf 1985: 250; Isaac 1986: 247; Nawo-
tka 1997: 102; Nutton 2004: 107. Gajdukevič (1971: 177) and Hoddinott (1975: 34) consider
Apollo Iatros as a Milesian patron god.
98
For Apollo in Miletus and her colonies see Ehrhardt 1983: 130-147.
99
Bull. 85. 1972. No. 54.
100
Ehrhardt 1983: 144-145. Some sort of connections between Apollo Iatros and Didyma are
suggested by Bilabel (1920: 106)
101
Ehrhardt 1989.
102
Nilsson 1968: 540. He still considers here Apollonian coins as originating from Magnesia.
262 Yu. Ustinova
There is no doubt that Apollo was worshipped inter alia as a healing deity.103
In Miletus and elsewhere in Ionia, he was invocated in this function as
Oulios.104 The fact that a healing deity, Apollo Oulios, was revered in Miletus,
does not entail the worship of another divine healer, Apollo Iatros. Further,
Oulios is an archaic word, and even Strabo needed to explain it to his readers
(tÕ g¦r oÜlein Øgia…nein... „atikÕj g¦r Ð ’ApÒllwn) by means of common words,
one of them deriving from the same stem as „atrÒj. It is difficult to imagine
that if both Apollo Iatros and Apollo Oulios had existed in Miletus, Iatros
would precede Oulios. Thus, when Ehrhardt suggests that two healer gods had
been concomitant, and later the cult of Iatros mysteriously disappeared, he
implies that a more recent cult waned, and an older one continued. In any case,
no direct traces of Apollo Iatros survived in the Ionian cities of the Aegean,
and even what is interpreted as indirect evidence does not bear witness to his
cult.
Vinogradov, Rusyayeva and Kryzhitsky propose an explanation which links

the emergence of the Iatros-cult with the metropolis and accounts for the lack
of any evidence on Apollo Iatros from Miletus and Ionia. In their earlier pa-
pers, Vinogradov and Rusyayeva argue that the cult of Apollo Iatros in Olbia
was initiated by the Didymaean oracle.105 Yet there are no traces of such an
uttering by the oracle, and the attempt to ascribe the assumed venture to its
tendency to propagate the cult of Apollo Delphinios is rather awkward: why
should the officials of the oracle at Didyma invent a new cult of Apollo Iatros,
if their intention was to spread the cult of Delphinios? Moreover, in their later
works Vinogradov and Rusyayeva interpret the above-mentioned bone plaque
from Berezan as attesting to competition, or even a social conflict between the
pioneers and the new wave of settlers,106 the city oligarchs zealous for the
103
Ganszyniec 1923; Nilsson 1968: 540.
104
Strabo 14. 1. 6; Suida s.v. OÜlioj; Macrob. Sat. 1. 17. 21; Oppermann 1942; Benedum 1971.
The interpretation of the cults of Thermintheus and Lepsios as healing cults (Ehrhardt 1983: 133)
is based solely on the text of Lycophron, discussed above.
105
Vinogradov 1979: 298 [1997: 80]; 1997: 17; Vinogradov and Kryžickij 1995: 110; Vino-
gradov and Rusyayeva, 1980: 30; cf. Rusyayeva 1986: 39; 1988: 174; 1992: 31. This approach is
approved by Ehrhardt 1983: 145, and rejected by Schaub (1987: 74).
106
Rusyayeva 1986: 52-53; 1992: 33; Vinogradov 1989: 79.
Iatros’ cult, and the newcomers struggling for their share in the polis under the
banner of Delphinios.107 Following them, Solovyov speaks of “a religious dis-
pute between worshippers of Apollo the Healer and those of Apollo Delphin-
ios.”108 These authors are indeed very liberal in introducing hypothetic oracles,
an earlier uttering in favor of Iatros, and a later one supplanting him by Del-
phinios. Moreover, the arrival of new colonists in the late sixth century is also
hypothetical, the idea based on an a priori assumption that the vicissitudes of
the Ionian revolt and its crush caused Milesians to embark for the colonies.109
In any case, the text inscribed on the plaque even does not hint at an antago-
nism between aspects of Apollo which are mentioned.110 The graffito Delfin…o
xun¾ ’Ihtrý clearly conveys the compatibility of two epicleseis. The new temple
to Iatros was erected in Olbia, when Delphinios still lacked a temple.111 The
continuity of Iatros’ cult in Olbia is attested to by the erection of Stratonides’
sculpture.112 Finally, the picture drawn by Vinogradov, Rusyayeva and So-
lovyov is anachronistic: religious confrontation is absolutely foreign to the
Greek civilization, even new cults were introduced in addition to, and not in-
107
Rusyayeva 1986: 63; 1992: 42. Rusyayeva’s conception is criticized as “fantastic” by
Ehrhardt (1987: 16, non vidi, cited after Burkert 1994: note 31).
108
Solovyov 1999: 96.
109
Rusyayeva 1986: 63.
110
In the phrase ˜pt(a)kÒsioi: toxofÒroj f…li(o)j dwre¾ dun£m’ „htÁ(r)oj the epithet „htrÒj is
juxtaposed with f…lioj, a cult title of Apollo Philios or Philesios, a minor figure in Didyma
(Fontenrose 1933; Ehrhardt 1983: 131). Apollo Toxotes occurs in an epigram inscribed on a
dedication of Olbian strategoi to Apollo Prostates (IPE I² 175), cf. Ehrhardt 1983: 140.
111
Rusyayeva 1986: 56.
112
Replacement of arrow-shaped coins by dolphin-shaped types cannot be used as an argument
in favor of revolutionary changes. Dolphin-shaped coins appeared in the third quarter of the sixth
century (Rusyayeva 1986: 55), whereas arrow-shaped coins remained in use till the mid-fifth
century (Anokhin 1989: 8), and both types were discovered together in a pit in Olbia (Rusyayeva
1986: 56; cf. Rusyayeva 1994: 101). Gradual nature of changes is attested to by a hybrid type,
found in Olbia and Kerkinitis, which features both the dolphin and the arrow on its different
sides (Rusyayeva 1986: 57; Anokhin 1989: 21). Noteworthy is the inscription ARIC on some
Olbian coins, which Anokhin (1989: 21) interprets as a combination of two words, ¥rdij, arrow
and „cqÚj, fish.
264 Yu. Ustinova
stead of, the existing ones. It is difficult to imagine that the paternal cult of
Apollo Delphinios had to struggle its way against an opposition in a Milesian
colony, or that the newcomers would risk insulting Apollo Iatros already wor-
shipped in the city. The rise of Delphinios in Olbia to the rank of the patron of
the city was most likely a gradual process.113
Calder III alleges occurrences of Apollo Iatros outside the Pontus, combines
them with the fact that the name Iatrocles is attested to in Athens after 411, and
puts forward a hypothesis of propagation of the god’s cult. In his opinion,
Athenians instituted the worship of Apollo Iatros after the plague, and
Leocrates introduced the cult in Olbia after an ― unattested ― epidemic in the
city; later the statue was copied in Histria, and its fame “contributed to the
proliferation of Apollo Iatros in the Euxine area”.114 This explanation is unac-
ceptable, since in the mid-sixth century Apollo Iatros has already made his
appearance on the island of Berezan and in Olbia.115 Moreover, the position of
Calder III is further compromised by his interpretation of Athenian and even
Mesambrian evidence as attesting to a cult of Apollo Iatros.
In 1923, Ganszyniec briefly mentioned the possibility that the Greek cult of
Apollo Iatros was influenced by indigenous beliefs: “Liegt es da nicht nahe, an
die Apollinisierung einer einheimischen pontischen Gottheit zu denken?”116
Ehrhardt puts forward several arguments against this idea. In the first place, he
claims that the cult of Apollo Iatros was purely Greek.117 The present state of
our sources does not provide much information on the particularities of the
cult, but some parallels discussed below indicate a considerable probability of
113
Notwithstanding her conception of social and religious struggle between supporters of
Iatros and Delphinios, Rusyayeva acknowledges that the changes took some time (1986: 56-57;
1992: 33).
114
Calder III 1971: 329.
115
Cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull. 85.1972: No. 54; Vinogradov 1997: 358-359; Vinogradov and
Rusyayeva 1980: 31.
116
Ganszyniec 1923: 41. Schaub (1987: 74-75) accepts Ganszyniec’s suggestion.
117
1983: 441.
interaction with the local beliefs. Ehrhardt also observes that the cult of Apollo
Iatros did not penetrate Megarian colonies.118 However, the limitation of the
cult to the Ionian cities fits the pattern of the divergence between Ionian and
Dorian colonies in cults, calendars, and structure of civic community, which is
manifest throughout the corpus of evidence from the Greek cities of the Black
Sea coast.119 Further, Ehrhardt criticizes Ganszyniec for not taking into ac-
count the connection of the Didymaean god with medicine ─ a connection
assumed by Ehrhardt himself on a very shaky ground of Pseudo-Lycophron’s
allusion. Finally, Ehrhardt maintains: “Es wäre namlich ein Unikum, wennhin-
ter der früh bezeugten Epiklese eines olympischen Gottes im Kolonialgebiet
eine einheimische Gottheit stehen würde.”120 On the contrary, in the Black Sea
area, Olympic deities did borrow certain features and even epicleseis from
indigenous cultures. Aphrodite Ourania Apatourou medeousa of the Bosporus
revealed perceptible local connections since the late sixth century. Above all,
the cultic title of the goddess, Apatouros, derives from the local name of the
center of her worship, Apaturum.121 The tutelary goddess of Dorian Chersone-
sos, Artemis or Parthenos, appears to have been related to the savage Taurian
goddess.122 Apollo himself was worshipped in Abdera as Apollo Derainos, his
epiclesis deriving from the Thracian tribe-name.123
In fact, Thracians played a considerable role in Greek myths. In Greek colo-

nies, Thracian ethnic presence and cultural influence is perceptible from the
very moment of their foundation.124 Some members of local aristocracy were
118
Ehrhardt 1989: 116.
119
E.g. Danoff 1962: 1062-1152; Avram 1996b: 300-305; Nawotka 1997.
120
Ehrhardt 1989: 116.
121
Ustinova 1998; 1999: 29-53, esp. 42-44.
122
Ustinova 1999: 98, with refs.
123
On this cult see below.
124
Danov 1976: 348-359; Isaac 1986: 246, 256, 271; Avram 1996a: 250; Tsetskhladze 1998:
46; Lazarov 1998: 94. For the tendency of Pontic Greeks to assimilate local cults see Pippidi
1984: 129, 259; Danov 1990: 153.
266 Yu. Ustinova
incorporated into the colonial society in the very beginning of its history.125
Rural territories of several Greek cities, such as Callatis, Bizone, Dionysopolis,
and Odessos, were occupied by mig£dej “Ellhnej, presumably mixed Greco–
Thracian population.126 Only three colonies located on the Thracian coast bear
Greek names, Dionysopolis (earlier called Crounoi), Anchialos, and Apollonia;
the names of Histria, Tomi, Callatis, Odessos, Mesambria, and Bizone are
Thracian.127 In this cultural climate, an adoption of indigenous elements into a
major cult, such as that of Apollo, was only to be expected.
Greek knowledge of Thracian and Scythian beliefs on immortality

If Greek colonists had wished to institute a traditional Ionian cult of Apollo as
a healer, they would have called him Oulios, as in their metropolis: to be sure,
in the Euxine Apollo preserved his established epicleseis, such as Delphinios,
Didymaios, etc. The fact that they chose a common word, iatros, which had not
been previously used as a cultic title of Apollo, indicates that preserving the
core of the god’s divine personality, the founders of Histria and Olbia wished
to add a new facet, which would distinguish between Apollo in the new coun-
try, on the one hand, and Apollo in Miletus, on the other hand. On the back-
ground of lively contacts between the newcomers and the local population, this
new aspect is to be sought in indigenous beliefs.
Zalmoxis128
The “blameless physician,” Asclepios,129 attained the absolute height in medi-
cal art by restoring the dead to life, which provoked Zeus to punish him with
his thunderbolt. Although a hero, Asclepios was worshiped throughout the
125
See Avram 1996a: 246-247 for this phenomenon in Histria. It is also attested to in other
Milesian colonies, notably on the Bosporus (Avram 1996a: 247; Ustinova 1999: 4).
126
Avram 1996b: 295. Mixšllhnej lived in the chora of Olbia (IOSPE I² 32=Syll.³ 495)
127
Danov 1976: 355; cf. Nawotka 1997: 9-16.
128
For Zalmoxis see Ustinova 2002.
129
“The blameless physician:” Il. 4. 405; 11. 518. For Asclepios see E. J. and L. Edelstein
1945.
Greek world as a god, and remained associated with his divine father Apollo.130
Thus, for the Greeks the quintessential cure was immortality. Of all the peoples
that the Greeks met in the process of colonization, the Thracians, and the Getae
most of all, were preoccupied with beliefs in immortality and the way to attain
it. A lion’s share of Herodotus’ story on Thracian customs concerns immortal-
ity, whereas other beliefs are almost neglected, briefly mentioned at best. He-
rodotus’ account concentrates on the figure of Salmoxis (other authors name
him Zalmoxis or Zamloxis).131 Herodotus’s information, Strabo’s account of
pious Thracians and their beliefs, as well as occasional references to Zalmoxis
by other authors, constitute the basis for a most vivid discussion of the subject
by modern authors.132
Plato discusses Zalmoxis and Thracian methods of healing in the Charmides,133

where Socrates talks about approaches in medicine current in his days:
I learnt it (the charm) on campaign over there, from one of

the Thracian physicians of Zalmoxis who are said to make
one immortal134 (par£ tinoj tîn Qrvkîn tîn ZalmÒxidoj
130
Burkert 1985: 214
131
Salmoxis in Herodotus; Zalmoxis in Plato, Diodorus, Apuleius, etc.; Zamolxis in Strabo,
Lucian, Diogenes Laertius, etc. For the word and its etymology, obscure so far, see Kretschmer
1936: 43-47; Pfister 1953: 1113; Detschew 1957, s.v.; von Fritz 1967: 2303; Eliade 1970a: 44-
47; Nasta 1980: 339; Poghirc 1987: 195.
132
Tomaschek 1893: 62-67; Rohde 1925: 263-265; Pârvan 1926: 155-161, 737; Pfister 1953;
Carpenter 1956: 112-135; Dodds 1973: 144; Wiesner 1963: 84-84; Von Fritz 1967; Russu 1967;
Eliade 1970a: 21-75; Bianchi 1971; Burkert 1972: 156-159; Crişan 1978: 228-232; Coman 1980;
Nasta 1980.
Radical views of Pârvan (1924: 277; 1926: 156), who regarded the religion of Daco-Getae as
henotheistic, concentrated on the worship of Gebeleizis-Zalmoxis, are supported by very few
scholars, Coman among them (1950: 183). See Crişan 1978: 227-228.
133
156D-157B. For a discussion of the whole passage, see van der Ben 1985: 11-19. For its
place in the Platonic theory of soul, see Hazebroucq 1997: 108-123.
134
This translation is much more accurate than “pretend” or “claim to be immortal” (e.g. in the
Loeb translation of Herodotus by A. D. Goodley), see Linforth 1918; Pfister 1953: 1113; Eliade
1970a: 31; cf. van der Ben 1985: 12: “to hold oneself immortal.” The verb (¢paqanat…zein, rather
268 Yu. Ustinova
„atrîn, o‰ lšgontai kaˆ ¢paqanat…zein). This Thracian said

that the Greeks were right in advising as I told you just now:
“but Zalmoxis,” he said, “our king, who is a god (Ð ¹mšteroj
basileÚj, qeÕj ên) says that as you ought not to attempt to
cure eyes without head, or head without body, so you should
not treat body without soul… And the treatment of the soul,
so he said… is by means of certain charms, and these
charms (™pJda…)135 are words of the right sort…” (translation
by W. R. M. Lamb).
Plato obviously uses Zalmoxis for the sake his own argument, and does not
need to provide an accurate report on Thracian wisdom. However, since Socra-
tes’ interlocutors do not express surprise at the novelty of his information on
Thracians, we may consider Plato’s passage as reflecting in general terms the
common opinion of Athenian upper classes.136 Consequently, Thracians, or
perhaps priests healing in accordance with Zalmoxis’ commandments, were
known as experts in treatment of diseases and preservation of life by means of
magic cure (charms) and secret knowledge concerning the interaction between
the body and the soul.137 Zalmoxis himself was revered as a god, who appears
to have been represented on earth by the king (or king-priest).138 For the pur-
poses of the present discussion, the most important implication of this passage
than more common ¢qanat…zein) emphasizes the cultic action performed in order to make one
immortal (Linforth 1918: 22-23; Bianchi 1971: 232).
135
Julian, following Plato (cf. Or. 8. 244A) mentions oƒ t¦j ZamÒlxidoj ™pJd¦j qruloàntej (Con-
viv. 309C).
136
The approach of Hartog, adopted by Hazebroucq (1997: 126), over-complicates the situa-
tion. Whereas Plato’s Socrates could hint at Pythagoras, alluding to Herodotus’ passage (4. 93-
94), known to Athenian public, the idea that Socrates refers to what is in his own opinion dis-
cours fictif in order to stress the irreducible difference between Zalmoxism (sic!) and Pythagore-
anism, which he however does not mention, may fit Hartog’s hypercritical views on Herodotus,
but seems to distort the logic of the dialogue.
137
The literature on Greek notions on in the soul and its immortality is enormous. For diver-
gent views, see Rohde 1925; Nilsson 1960; Bremmer 1983; Bremmer 2002.
138
Cf. Eliade 1970: 56-57.
is that Zalmoxis was regarded as a divine healer, and he had his own physi-
cians -„atr0….
Herodotus states thrice that the Getae, “the bravest and the most law-abiding of
all Thracians,” ¢qanat…zousi, that is, “make themselves immortal.”139 He re-
cords at length the views of the Getae on immortality. They believe that they
do not die, but to go to a daimon Zalmoxis („šnai te tÕn ¢pollÚmenon par¦
S£lmoxin da…mona), known otherwise as Gebeleizis (Gebelš zij).140 Every four
years they send a messenger to Zalmoxis,141 by hurling him upon points. If the
man is killed, they think that he is favored by the god. The Greeks who live
near Hellespont and the Pontus say that Zalmoxis had been a slave of Pythago-
ras.142 When he returned home to Thrace, he built a hall (¢ndreèn), feasted
there with most prominent of his countrymen,143 and taught that neither he nor
they or their descendants would die, but go to a place where they live forever
having all good things.144 In the meanwhile, Zalmoxis built himself an under-
ground chamber (kat£gaion o‡khma), and descended into it for three years,
mourned by the Thracians. In the fourth year he returned to them, persuading
them of the truth of the story of his death and resurrection.145 The story of Zal-
139
Her. 4. 93, 94-96; 5. 4.
140
For the etymology of the name and the cult, see Detschew 1957, s.v. Gebelš…zij; Eliade
1970a: 51-55; Crişan 1978: 232-233.; cf. Seure 1913: 247-261.
141
For Greeks sending messages to gods, see Pfister 1953: 1114-1115.
142
Porphyrius (Vita Pythag. 14) also mentions that; Suida (s.v. PuqagÒraj) says that Pythago-
ras had a slave named Zamolxis, to whom Getae sacrifice as to Kronos.
143
This passage prompted perhaps to Plato his description of teletai consisting of feasting and
incantations, that were performed by charlatans using the writings of Musaeus (Rep. 363C-E).
For Thracian sacred feasts, especially in the funeral context, see Pfister 1953: 1120-1123.
144
Hellanicus (FGH 4. F73) calls the rites introduced by Zalmoxis initiations (telet»).
Photius, Suida and Etymologicum Magnum (s.v. Z£molxij) follow him.
145
Cf. the legend of Pythagoras’ own descent to an underground chamber for seven years,
Diog. Laert. 8. 41; Eliade 1970a: 25-27; Burkert 1972: 157. For the myths on descend to under-
ground dwellings, see Ustinova 2002.
Graf (1987: 89-91) compares this story with the story of Orpheus’ telesterion where he assem-
bled Thracian warriors (Conon, FGH 26 F 1. 45).
270 Yu. Ustinova
moxis’ return in the fourth year and the messenger’s missions are closely con-
nected: the messenger summons the god every fourth year to a ritual, which
supposedly renders the worshipers immortal.146
Other Thracian customs reported by Herodotus reflect strong beliefs in after-

life. Thus, the Trausi lament their new-born children, and rejoice when they
bury their dead, for the human destiny is suffering and sorrow, while the dead
leave all the grief and arrives at blessedness (kakîn ™xapallacqeˆj ™stˆ ™n p£sV
eÙdaimon…V).147 Other authors add that the Getae, Teretizoi, and Krobyzoi, also
“immortalize” (¢qanat…zousi): they believe that their dead will return, like Zal-
moxis.148 These beliefs were so well-known, that Lucian jokes about them: in
the Council of Gods the gods complain that the Getae do whatever they please,
choose gods, as for instance Zamolxis, and make themselves immortal.149
Strabo gives his own version of the legend of Zalmoxis,150 whom he calls
Zamolxis. After having been Pythagoras’ slave, Zamolxis arrived to Getae, and
impressed them with his mantic talents. He became the king’s co-regent, and
the priest of the most revered god of the Getae. Later, Zamolxis was declared a
god. He lived alone in a cavernous mountain, seen only by the king and his
own attendants. The cave, as well as its vicinity, became sacred, and from then
It is assumed that underground galleries discovered in the depth of Belena Hill (Ruse district), on
top of which the Borovo Treasure had been found, and the underground complex near the village
Karan Vărbovka may have served as dwellings for Thracian priests (Zdravkova and Ivanov
1990). However, the chambers (2.50-2.80m in diameter and 1.00-1.70m in height) are too small
to allow prolonged human habitation.
146
Burkert 1972: 157.
147
Her. 5. 4.
148
Diod. 1. 94. 2; Hellanic. FGH 4. F73, Photius, Suida, Etym. Magnum (s.v. Z£molxij). Tri-
balloi believed in the immortality of the soul (Iamblich. De vita Pyth. 173; Coman 1980: 248).
149
Luc. Deorum cons. 9. It seems improbable that all these authors would only project Greek
ideas on foreigners, as Burkert (1972: 158) suggests concerning Herodotus’ report.
150
Strabo 7. 3. 5. For the probable Celtic influence on the expansion of the high priest’s au-
thority, see Crişan 1978: 231.
on the Getae always have such a councilor to the king, whom they deem di-
vine. Strabo also mentions that when Byrebistas struggled against Julius Cae-
sar, the job of the divine priest and king’s councilor was performed by Decae-
neus, gÒhj ¢n»r.151
Strabo associates his tale of Zalmoxis with a description of unusual customs of

Mysians, who are in his opinion Thracian. Mysians, called pious, qeosebe‹j, and
fire-walkers, kapnob£tai (7. 3. 3) are idealized as a virtuous people of vegetari-
ans, whose piety forces them to abstain from eating meat, marriage, and mili-
tary endeavors.152 Dacian asceticism was so famous that Josephus Flavius ap-
pears to compare abstemious Dacians, in his rendering ple‹stoi, with Essens.153
Thus, “Pythagorean” vegetarian customs introduced by Zamolxis, were still
preserved in Strabo’s time.
This association of Thracian ascetic mysticism with Pythagoras is also sup-

posed by the assumed apprenticeship of Zalmoxis with Pythagoras. By the fifth
century, Zalmoxis' vegetarian injunctions, his catabasis, and above all the doc-
trine of immortality had induced the Pontic Greeks to link him with Pythago-
ras. The latter’s mantic abilities, magical healing, and other extraordinary
traits,154 facilitated the comparison between the Greek sage and the Thracian
151
For Boerebista and Decaeneus, see Eliade 1970a: 57-61; Vulpe 1976: 62-68.
152
Strabo 7. 3. 2-3.
153
Ant. Jud. 18. 22. The word kt…stai in Strabo is problematic palaeographically; Josephus’
mention of Dacian ple‹stoi is no less controversial (see the survey of contradicting opinions in
Lozovan 1968: 219-228).
For these groups, see Eliade 1970a: 61-67; Bianchi 1971: 233; Crişan 1978: 235-236; Banu
1980; Popov 1982. For Getic religious devotion, see Pfister 1953: 1119; Coman 258-262.
Burkert (1972:162) compares kapnobatai with aithrobates Abaris (Porphyr. Vita Pyth. 29), and
considers them genuine shamans. An exact parallel to kapnobatai is the ancient Indian designa-
tion of Brahmans as dhūma-gati, current already in the Mahābhārata (Poghirc 1987: 196).
Popov (1982) suggests that kapnobatai belonged to a caste separated from the rest of population
by requirements of ritual purity.
154
Diog. Laert. 8. 11-12; Ael. Var. Hist. 2. 26; 4. 17; Porphyr. Vita Pythag. 29, 33; Apollonius
Hist. mirab. 1. 6; Iamb. Vita Pyth. 28, 92, 140; Corssen 1912: 30-38; Lévy 1926: 12-14; 1927:
40-45; Detienne 1963: 69-70; Burkert 1972: 141-143, 146; Kingsley 1995: 319.
272 Yu. Ustinova
daimon. Pythagoras’ gift of treating sick souls by means of charms, magic and
mousikê155 recalls the talents of Zalmoxis’ doctors. The association of Zal-
moxis with Pythagoras may also have been inspired by the similarity between
the activities of the Pythagorean companionship, comprising meetings and
meals in the common hall (sunedrion) and elaborate initiations, and the feasts
of Getan nobles in their andreôn. Later, it was Pythagoras who was considered
indebted to Thracian wisdom. According to Iamblichus, Pythagoras himself
wrote that he became acquainted with the doctrine of the gods and the number
theology in Thrace, when he was admitted to the rites of Orpheus.156 This ap-
parently fictitious report may reflect the known proximity between Thracian
ideas of immortality and Pythagorean doctrines which had earlier inspired He-
rodotus’ story.157
We see that the Thracians in general, and among them the Getae in particular,
worshiped Zalmoxis, apparently a god, whose high priest-king was apparently
considered his substitute on earth. Zalmoxis endowed his priests with the
power of healing, and they were known as physicians-„atr0….158 In later time,
the eternal happiness after the death, promised by Zalmoxis, made the Greeks
compare him with their lord of Elysium, Kronos.159 Vegetarian commandments
of Zalmoxis, his healing magic, and above all the doctrine of immortality in-
duced the Pontic Greeks to link him with Pythagoras by the fifth century. It is
difficult to distinguish clearly between the Thracian cult proper and its Greek
interpretation. In any case, Greek accounts of the Thracian ideas on immortal-
155
Porph. Vita Pyth. 33; Iamb. Vita Pyth. 64, 163. For the use of music for magical purposes
by Pythagoreans, see Boyancé 1937: 100-131; Dodds 1973: 154; Detienne 1963: 47-48. For
Pythagoras as healer see Lévy 1927: 42; de Vogel 1966: 232-244; Kingsley 1995: 327, 342;
Thorn 1995: 213-214.
156
De vita Pythag. 145-147; Linforth 1941: 251-252; Graf 1987: 90.
157
Cf. Linforth 1918: 30.
158
Cf. Pârvan 1972: 78 on Zalmoxis as a healer.
159
Photius, Suida, and Hesychius report (following Mnaseas) that Getae worship Kronos and
call him Zalmoxis (s.v. Z£lmoxij).
ity demonstrate that the cult of Zalmoxis involved a belief in the blissful post-
existence,160 and healing by supernatural means.
Other Thracian mythical healers

When the Muse, the mother of the Thracian king Rhesus slain at Troy, learns
about his death, she predicts that although she will never see her son again, he
will live, hidden in a cavern, a spirit in human form (anthropodaimon).161 This
description is strongly reminiscent of Zalmoxis, and even of the vocabulary
used by Herodotus in his account of the Thracian worship of this deity.162 Rhe-
sos, king and priest, was worshipped as a god by the initiates in his myster-
ies.163 Like Zalmoxis, Rhesos was also considered a healer: he is said to have
removed pestilence from the mountain where he lived.164
Thracian spirituality, their fame as healers and the use of arrows in the cult of
Zalmoxis would be sufficient to prompt the Greeks a comparison with their
160
It remains unclear whether it was expected to be in flesh and blood, like that of Zalmoxis
himself, or in the form of eternal happiness of the soul. Already Pomponius Mela (De chrono-
graphia 2. 18) reports both alternatives as current among the Thracians. Cf. Bianchi 1971: 232.
Either form of “return of the dead” does not imply metempsychosis, suggested by Rhode (1925:
263); see Eliade 1970a: 32.
161
For the cults of Rhesos, Thracian and Greek, see Ustinova 2002: 282; Perdizet 1910: 18-20;
Seure 1928.
The description of Rhesos’ shining golden arms and majestic horses in the Iliad (10. 435-445;
545-550) hints at the divinity of the Thracian king (Wathelet 1989: 227, 230-231). For a discus-
sion of Rhesos’ mythology, see Borgeaud 1991.
162
Nock 1926. For the controversy on the date of Euripides’ play, see Geffcken 1936 (suggest-
ing the fourth century), Ritchie 1964 (suggesting 437 as terminus ante quem).
163
His name may mean simply “king,” deriving from the same root as rex: Tomaschek 1893:
53; Perdizet 1910: 17; Seure 1928: 106-110; Poghirc 1987: 196; Wathelet 1989: 222; Borgeaud
1991: 13, cf. Toporov 1990: 51-52.
164
Philostratus of Lemnos, Heroikos p. 680: loimoà ™rÚkein toÝj Órouj; cf. Perdizet 1910: 20, 29;
Venedikov 1976: 15; Seure 1928: 118, 121-122. For Philostratus, see Seure 1928: 114.
274 Yu. Ustinova
own divine healer, Apollo the archer.165 Music was presumably performed
during rituals connected with Zalmoxis, since he gave his name to a particular
type of singing and dancing.166 Greek myths of great ancient musicians, almost
all of them Thracian,167 such as Apollo’s son or pupil168 Orpheus, another fa-
mous rebel against death, prophet and healer,169 may have further contributed
to the association of the country with the god of healing. To cite Linforth, with
Orpheus “an òd» was an ™pJd» … To the Greeks all music was magical and
could do wonderful things to soul and body, and the Orpheus whom their fancy
created was a singer who had strange power to enthrall and charm.”170 Orpheus
was first and foremost a sorcerer, and the most prominent aspect of his power
was medical magic.171
Moreover, Thracians were ascribed magical medical skills and knowledge of

drugs. Euripides mentions “medicines on Thracian tables recorded by Orpheus,
the gift of Apollo to the mortals.”172 Plato talks about “the hubbub of books”
by Orpheus and Musaeus, which were recommended to individuals (and cities)
seeking purification from sin or cure of sickness.173 During the Roman period,
165
For Apollo as archer, see Nilsson 1967: 541; Metzler 1982: 75; Bremmer 1983: 44. For the
magico-medical role of the arrow in various cultures see Eliade 1970b: 463-465; Dodds 1973:
161.
166
Hesych., s.v. Z£lmoxij ; Dodds 1973: 166.
167
Strabo 10. 3. 17; Linforth 1941: 28; cf. Wiesner 1963: 63-64; Danov 1976: 174. Discussion
of the role of music in medicine and religion is beyond the scope of this paper.
168
Linforth 1941: 22-23.
169
For Orpheus as a shamanic figure see Burkert 1972: 163-164; M. L. West 1983: 143-150;
Freiert 1991: 43-45; Fiore 1993; cf. Hultkrantz 1957; Lanoue 1993. Graf (1987, cf. Bremmer
1991: 17-20) acknowledges certain shamanic elements in Orpheus’ mythology, emphasizing
however his role as musician/sorcerer and a leader in initiation rituals of young warriors.
170
1941: 165.
171
Graf and Johnston 2007: 169.
172
Alc. 965-972, with schol., cf. Cycl. 646, Linforth 1941: 119-138.
173
Rep. 364B-365A; Linforth 1941: 1941: 75-91; Guthrie 1966: 158-162.
treatises on such subjects as medicine, herbs, and antidotes circulated under the
name of Orpheus.174 Pausanias argues that the main reason for Orpheus’ great
influence was his knowledge of purifications and remedies against diseases.175
Musaeus, considered Thracian and Orpheus’ pupil, son, or simply Attic coun-
terpart,176 was credited with the ability to heal with his music. Aristophanes
mentions that Musaeus revealed to men the healing of diseases and the use of
oracles.177 Rhesos, said to be a cousin of Orpheus and an initiate in his myster-
ies,178 was also praised for his abilities as a healer.
Scythian healers
The importance of healing in Scythian culture is highlighted in scenes depicted
on an electrum vessel from a fourth-century Kul’-Oba tumulus, located in the
vicinity of Panticapaeum.179 Out of the three scenes representing pairs of
Scythians, two picture treatment of sick, dressing a wound in one case and
manipulating inside the patient’s mouth in another.180 The cultic significance of
this vessel, which served as a part of grave goods placed into a princely tomb,
is doubtless. Since the vessel was manufactured by a Greek artisan, working
for the Scythian market,181 it also indicates how the knowledge of Scythian
healing practices and their cultural importance could reach the Greeks.
174
Coman 1939: 159-161, with refs.
175
Paus. 9. 30. 4.
176
Strabo 10. 3. 17; Linforth 1941: 125; Guthrie 1966: 191; M. L. West 1983: 39-44.
177
Ranae 1032 and schol. ad loc.; M. L. West 1983: 41.
178
Eurip. Rhes. 895; 944; Perdizet 1910: 16, 30.
179
Reproduced in numerous publications, e.g. Artamonow 1970: figs. 226, 229, 232, 233;
Rayevskiy 1985: fig. 1.
180
For a different interpretation of the latter scenes, see Rayevskiy 1985: 17-20; for a convinc-
ing criticism of Rayevskiy’s hypothesis, see Dumézil 1978: 198-199.
181
Cf. Ustinova 1999: 22, with refs.
276 Yu. Ustinova
Shamanic experiences, identified by Meuli and Moravcsik in the legends of

Abaris and Aristeas, connected with Scythians and Hyperboreans,182 involve
first and foremost healing. Abaris, a Hyperborean priest of Apollo, known al-
ready to Pindar and Herodotus, is said to have traveled with (or on) the arrow
given to him by the Hyperborean Apollo; he performed purifications and
cleansed countries of pestilence.183 Anacharsis the Scythian carried our purifi-
cations, too.184 Another Scythian sage, Toxaris, cleansed Athens of plague.185
Herodotus records only one function specific to Enareis, androgynic Scythian
soothsayers, regarded by many as shamans:186 they were summoned to the king
whenever he fall sick, and were requested to divine, who among the king’s
subjects had forsworn and was culpable for the illness. Although Scythian
Enareis appear in the context of the cult of the cult of Aphrodite–Argimpasa,
rather than Apollo–Goitosyros, their healing practices, known to Greeks, con-
tributed to the latter’s appreciation of Scythian (mantic) medicine. Moreover,
shamanic rites presuppose the faith in the independence of the soul, which
almost inevitably brings in the faith in its immortality.187
182
Meuli 1935; Moravcsik 1936; cf. Dodds 1973: 141-144; Nilsson 1960: 45; Burkert 1972:
149-150; Kindstrand 1981: 18; Metzler 1982; West 1983: 149, 259; Bongrad- Levi and Gran-
tovskiy 1984: 94-98. For a different view on this issue, see Bremmer 1983: 47-48; Dowden
1980; Zhmud 1997: 108-116.
For a discussion of Scythian shamanism see Margreth 1993; Ustinova 1999: 75-79, with refs.
183
Harpocrat. s.v. ”Abarij; Her. 4. 36. For sources on Abaris, see Corssen 1912; Lévy 1926: 14
-18, 23-27, 79-81; 1927: 49; Boyancé 1934; Moravcsik 1936; Bolton 1962: 158-159; Baudy
1996.
184
Plut. Sept. sap. conv. 3. 148DE; Kindstrand 1981: 22. Kindstrand argues at length that
Anacharsis is a shamanic figure (1981: 21-23).
185
Luc. Scyth. 1, discussed below.
186
Her. 4. 68; Ustinova 1999: 75-79.
187
Rites connected with Zalmoxis seem not to be of shamanic nature (Eliade 1970a: 43).
Greek confusion of Scythian and Thracian healers
The Greeks perceived medical skills, as well as ideas of immortality or/and in-
dependent traveling of the soul,188 as shared by Pontic barbarians. Most
Greeks, except a few extremely inquisitive individuals, did not distinguish
between Thracians, Scythians, and other local peoples. Strabo was not only
aware of Homer’s inability to tell the difference between Thracians and Galac-
tophagoi: in Strabo’s own time, the latter tribes, Scythian and Sarmatian in
Strabo’s opinion, were also confused with the Thracians.189 Lucian regards
Zalmoxis as either a Thracian, or a Scythian.190 Photius’ and Suda’s charac-
terization of Zalmoxis as Scythian191 may result from such a confusion in their
sources.
Socrates in the Charmides juxtaposes the Thracian Zalmoxis and the Scythian
Abaris: “the charms of Zalmoxis or of Abaris the Hyperborean.”192 Much later,
Lucian in mixes together healing powers of Scythians and Thracians:193
…This Toxaris [a Scythian] never went back to Scythia, but

died in Athens, where not long after his death he came to be
considered a hero, and the Athenians sacrifice to him as
“The Foreign Physician” (kaˆ ¼rwj œdoxen kaˆ ™ntšmnousin
aÙtù XšnJ ’Iatrù oƒ ’Aqhna‹oi) – this was the name they
gave him when they made him a hero. The reason for this
designation… and his reputation as one of the sons of As-
clepios are perhaps worth telling. Then you may see that to
confer immortality on someone and to send him to Zalmoxis
188
Testified for the Thracians by their sending a dead messenger to Zalmoxis, Her. 4. 95.
189
Il. 13. 5-6; Strabo 7. 3. 2, cf. the confusion between Orpheus and Abaris in Sparta (Paus. 3.
13. 2).
190
Ver. Hist. 2. 17; Jup.Trag. 44; Deorum conc. 9; Scyth. 1, 4.
191
S.v. Z£lmoxij.
192
158B.
193
Scyth. 1.
278 Yu. Ustinova
(¢paqanat…zein kaˆ pšmpein par¦ tÕn Z£lmoxin) is a custom not

of the Scythians only – it is also possible for Athenians to
deify (qeopoie‹n) Scythians in Greece.” (Translation by K.
Kilburn).
This introduction is followed by a story of an Athenian woman who dreamt

during the great plague of 430/29 that Toxaris gave her an advice on the way
to purify Athens, and his cure indeed helped. This passage194 emphasizes
Greek appreciation of both Scythians and Thracians as great healers, this
time putting an emphasis on purifications. Deification of a Scythian, which
took place in the fifth-century Athens, would be even more appropriate in
contemporary Pontic colonies.
Thus, the Greeks assigned similar ideas of immortality and iatromantic powers
to Pontic barbarians, disregarding the differences among them. These views
seem to reflect a reality, distorted as it was by the Greek interpretation.
Apollo in Thrace195
Early evidence on the cult of Apollo
In Thrace, Apollo was a familiar deity.196 Although in his list of Thracian
gods197 Herodotus does not mention Apollo, he says that Thracian Dolonci
consulted the oracle in Delphi, and on its instruction chose Miltiades as their
leader.198 In the Odyssey, the Thracian Kikones have a priest of Apollo, Maron,
194
Which seems to attest to a real Athenian cult. Even a cult statue described by Lucian has
perhaps been discovered: it shows a Scythian holding a book, one of his hands having a hole just
enough to hold a bow (Goodwin 1900). Pfister (1953: 1117) regards Lucian’s story as reliable
Athenian Kultlegende, in which Lucian turned a Getes into a Scythian. In Rohde’s opinion
(1925: 557), the special name of the hero may be Lucian’s invention, but not what he tells of his
cult. For healer heroes in Attica, see Usener 1896: 147-153; Kerényi 1945: 34-39.
195
See Kazarow 1936: 500-504.
196
Mihailov 1991: 616.
197
Her 5. 7.
198
Her. 6. 34-36, Danov 1976: 163; cf. 351. In Danov’s (1976: 163) opinion, Herodotus may
imply the worship of this god by those Thracians who transmitted the Hyperborean gifts (4.33).
199
who dwells in a sacred wood. After the sensational Rogozen treasure had
been discovered, there can be no doubt about Thracian devotion to a god iden-
tified with the Greek Apollo: a silver-gilt jug from the treasure bears the in-
scription KOTUOS APOLLWNOS PAIS,200 while Greek inscriptions on other
vessels indicate that they belong to Cotys, who is known as a fifth-century
Thracian king.201
The earliest manifestation of the merger between a Thracian deity and the
Greek Apollo is the cult of Apollo D»rainoj in Abdera, which is attested to as
early as in the fifth century by Pindar.202 The epiclesis of the god connects him
with a toponym in the area of Abdera,203 which derives from the name of a
Thracian tribe, Zerainoi (Derainoi).204
199
Od. 9. 39-50, 196-211. Danov suggests that Apollo revered by Maron was not a “’rein’
griechischer Apollon.” (1976: 161). In fact, Maron is engaged in wine-making, and his image is
associated with Dionysos in several ways (Marazov 1976: 59). Cf. Gočeva 1992: 164.
Kikones, according to Herodotus (7. 110), lived on the Hebrus. Most commentaries imply that
Kikones were of Thracian stock (Oberhummer 1922; Heubeck and Hoekstra 1989: 15). Al-
though they lived in Thrace as early as in the second millennium, Velkov (1991; 1992) alleges
that Kikones were not of Thracian stock, but only related to Thracians (Velkov 1971: 283),
assuming a distinction between Kikones, Thracians and Paeonians in the Catalogue of Ships (Il.
2. 844-848). To be sure, this passage rather implies the proximity of the three peoples, and is in
any case insufficient to substantiate Velkov’s views.
Heubeck and Hoekstra (1989: 25) suggest that the name Maron derives from Maroneia, given
the toponyms Ismarus (the town of Kikones, Od. 9. 198) and Ismaris (a lake in their area, Her. 7.
169); cf. the commentary of Merry and Riddell (1886: 358).
200
Fol, Nikolov and Hoddinott 1986: No. 112.
201
Fol, Nikolov and Hoddinott 1986: Nos 27-31, 40-47. Cotys boasted of maintaining close
relationships with gods: he is said to believe that Athena consented to marry him, and waited for
her in a bridal chamber (Athen 531E, cf. Ustinova 1999: 65).
202
Paean 2, 1-5, fr. 52b, cf. Bilabel 1920: 200.
203
TÒpoj oÛtw kaloÚmenoj ™n ’Abd»roij (Schol. Lycophr. 440).
It is supposed that a cult statue of Apollo, depicted on some late fifth and early fourth-century
coins of Abdera (Head 1911: 255; May 1966: Nos. 349-350, 449-50), belonged to Apollo Derai-
nos; cf. Raven 1967: 295.
In Lycophron’s Alexandra (440) the word Derainos is used is a cult name of Apollo: two proph-
ets, Amphilochus and Mopsus, are called the hounds of Derainos. The scene is however set in
Cilicia. Cf. von Holzinger 1895: comm. ad loc.
280 Yu. Ustinova
One cannot be sure whether there is any connection between Apollo Derainos
and Apollo Derronaios, worshipped by Paeonians: coins of the Paeonian king
Lykkeios (ca. 359-ca. 340) feature Apollo’s head and the inscription
DERRWNAIOS.205 The latter word cannot be separated from the name of Dar-
ron, a Macedonian healing daemon.206 Thus, as early as in the mid-fourth cen-
tury in North Balkans Apollo was associated with the local healing deity.207
204
Kazarow 1929: 237; Danov 1976: 162-163, 349; 1990: 153; Gočeva 1986: 88;1992: 164.
Mihailov (1991: 616) maintains that the epithet implies “a fairly important local tradition.” For
the etymology of the word, see Detschew 1957, s.v. Zhr£nioi.
205
Head 1911: 236; Dühl 1977: 50.
206
Hesych., s.v. D£rrwn: MakedonikÕj da…mwn, ú Øpr tîn nosoÚntwn eÜcontai. This name is per-
haps related etymologically with the Greek q£rsoj, qarsšw (Usener 1896: 171; Hoffmann 1906:
95; Kern 1926: 122). Kelléris (1988: 149-150, 541) connects D£rrwn with darÒn, the designation
of a festival and of a sort of bread offered to gods for long life of sick, newborn babies, newly-
wed couples, etc. in Thessaly, Epirus, and Macedonia.
It is suggested that from Darron derives the Thracian tribe name Derrones, Derraioi, or Dersaioi
(Steph. Byz., s.v., Her. 7. 110, Thuc. 2. 102, cf. Kazarow 1936: 496). In Kelléris’ opinion (1988:
149, 539), this association is arbitrary. Svoronos (1919: 2-3) is reluctant to identify Derrones
with Dersaioi. Svoronos (1919: 3), Head (1911: 236), and Dühl (1977: 51) suggest that the epi-
clesis Derronaios links Apollo with the tribe of Derrones.
207
Asclepios was most popular in Macedonia already in the fourth century: he had an impor-
tant sanctuary at Morrylos (Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou 1989: 64-67; Ginouvès 1994: 108)
and in Dion (Ginouvès 1994: 116). In Morrylos, he was the tutelary deity of the city (Hatzopou-
los and Loukopoulou 1989: 36). In Beroia, his cult was second in importance, following that of
Heracles Kynagidas, the mythical ancestor of the kings of Macedonia (Ginouvès 1994: 108). In
Amphipolis, Kalindoia, and Mieza priests of Asclepios were eponymous (Hatzopoulos 1996, 1:
153). Hatzopoulos assumes that such was also the case in Morrylos, Beroia, Pella, and Anti-
goneia (1996, 1: 154).
A fourth-century inscription, discovered in a Thracian settlement, which king
Seuthes III turned into a town of Seuthopolis, mentions an altar of Apollo. 208 A
late fourth-early third century inscription from the sanctuary of Asclepios
Zumdrhnoj at the village of Batkun (the area of Philippopolis), mentions a sanc-
tuary of Apollo, presumably in the city of Philippopolis.209
Apollo and his identification with Thracian deities during the first centuries
AD
Since the second century BC, the country is flooded by dedications to Apollo,
bearing Thracian epicleseis,210 and accompanied by relief representations of the
Thracian horseman.211 On some reliefs, the horseman is represented with a lyre
near him, or holding it.212
Not only in the Hinterland, but also on the much more Hellenized coast Apollo
had Thracian epicleseis. He was worshipped as Karshnoj in the vicinity of An-
chialus,213 and as Eishnoj in the vicinity of Mesambria.214 Near Mesambria, a
208
IG Bulg. III. 1731, cf. Gočeva 1992: 164. The relations between Delphi and Odrysan kings
is attested to by Syll. ³ 195.
209
IG Bulg. III. 1. 1114, with comm.
210
The etymology remains in most cases impenetrable: Detschew 1957; Gočeva 1977. In some
instances, they seem to derivate from place- or tribe- names: Detschew 1957; s.v. DortazhnÒj,
Kendreisoj, Skodrhnoj. Gočeva (1977: 214-216) assumes that Apollo Aularkhnoj or Aulousadhj
was a defender and especially protector of property. See also Georgiev 1978.
Tadhnoj (IG Bulg. IV. 2110) is especially curious, since Apollo Tadenos is also attested to in
Thessaly and in Dalmatia, see Kazarow 1936: 502; Gočeva 1977: 217; Detschew 1957, s.v.
Tadhnoj.
211
An interesting example of the syncretism of Apollo and the Heros is provided by a sanctu-
ary near Lozen, in the area of Philippopolis, where Apollo Geikaitihnoj (IG Bulg. III. 2. 1807-
1810, 1813) was worshipped as a Thracian Hero (Kazarow 1929; Venedikov 1976: 21-22).
See also Pârvan 1924: 278; Gočeva 1977: 208; 1986: 89; 1992: 167-168.
212
Kazarow 1929: 237, pl. 2. 4; 1938: Nos. 175, 482, 665, pls. 43: 251; 57: 337.
213
IG Bulg. I² 378.
282 Yu. Ustinova
dedication to qeÒj Aularkhnoj was discovered,215 whereas numerous dedica-

tions to Apollo Aularkhnoj originate from the inner regions of Thrace.216 In
Odessos, Apollo Karabasmoj217 was revered along “Hrwj Karabasmoj218 as
early as in the second-first centuries.219
Apollo bears the epiclesis Iatros in two inscriptions from Thrace: in one of
them the word is fully preserved, while in the other one it is partially restored.
The former is a second- or third-century AD oracular inscription.220 The stele
was discovered in Hisar(ja), in the area of Philippopolis. The ancient town was
famous for its curative baths.221 The line with the words Fo‹boj e„ht¾r kakîn is
preserved quite well.222
In another oracular inscription from Thrace, perhaps originating from Eion, the
citizens of the town were advised … stÁsai dš nu kaˆ prÕ pula…wn toxofÒron
Fo‹bon loimoà ØposeuantÁra (to erect an effigy of Phoibos the archer, chaser of
214
IG Bulg. I² 357. In another inscription the deity is titled just qeÒj Eishnoj (IG Bulg. I² 358);
the epiclesis may derive from the Thracian for “property, domain” (Detschew 1957, s.v.).
215
IG Bulg. I² 353.
216
IG Bulg. II. 801, 802, 841; III. 2. 1859, 1860, IV. 2143.
217
IG Bulg. I² 79.
218
IG Bulg. I² 78 bis, ter., 79 bis.
219
In the modern village Galata, not far from Varna (Odessos), a sanctuary of Hero Karabas-
mos was located. It yielded a series of dedications (IG Bulg. I² 284-290). For this cult and its
penetration into the city of Odessos as early as in the Hellenistic period see Gočeva 1977: 218;
1978: 297.
220
IG Bulg. III. 1. 1475; Tsontchev 1960: 115. For a discussion of the origin of the author of
this inscription, see IG Bulg. III. 1. 1475 comm.; Gočeva (1977: 212) suggests that the dedicant
originated from Apollonia, where Apollo Iatros was the tutelar god.
221
IG Bulg. III. 1, p. 230.
222
’Iht¾r kakîn is listed along with other demiourgs (seer, carpenter, bard) in Il. 17. 383-385;
cf. Halliday 1967: 58-63.
223
pestilence, near the gate of the town). A first- or second-century AD inscrip-
tion, also from Eion, mentions an official image of Heros Propylaios, that has
prophylactic qualities.224 Thus, Phoibos, identified with Heros and depicted as
a cavalier, seems to have been worshipped in Eion as a protector from plague
and other misfortunes.225
A striking example of the identification of Apollo Iatros with the Thracian

cavalier originates from the village of Kiril-Metodievo (or Sveti-Kirilovo) in
the area of Philippopolis: an inscription ’Ap]Òllwni ITR on a marble plaque
featuring a galloping horseman226 most probably means “to Apollo Iatros.”
Several plaques with very similar reliefs were also found in the same locality,
two of them bearing dedications to Apollo.227 Apollo is perhaps the “ancestral
god” of a dedication qeù patróJ,228 and had in the vicinity of Sveti Kirilovo a
small rural sanctuary, where he was worshipped together with Artemis–Bendis,
whose statuette was discovered there.229
223
The word ØposeuantÁra is not only preserved on the stone maintains, but also makes good
sense, deriving from ØposeÚw (Weinreich 1913: 64). Seure (1912b: 385-389) nevertheless reads
Øpos[hm]antÁra, although he admits that the precise meaning of the phrase loimoà Øposhmant»r is
dubious.
224
Seure 1912b: 388. It is noteworthy that already in the sixth century Hipponax (Fr. 41 Diehl)
called Rhesos, who was able to avert pestilence, A„neiîn p£lmuj, the ruler of Eion (or Enea, see
Seure 1928: 112-114; 122). For the identification of the Hero depicted on some ex-votos with
Rhesos, see Seure 1928: 128-129. Many relief representations of the Hero were discovered in
caves (Kazarow 1938: 5), which is suggestive of Rhesos’ underground dwelling.
225
For a different opinion see Weinreich (1913).
226
IG Bulg. III. 2. 1645; Seure 1912a: 26 1923:10. The readable part of the inscription:
OLLWNIITR.
227
IG Bulg. III. 2. 1643, 1644.
228
IG Bulg. III. 2. 1649. For Apollo patrùoj and genikÒj as a national god and divine ancestor
in Thracian inscriptions, see Seure 1912b: 258-260.
229
Seure 1912a. All the monuments are dated to the Roman period.
284 Yu. Ustinova
In a sanctuary near the modern village Trud (not far from Philippopolis) doz-
ens of dedications to Apollo, often titled Zgoulamhnoj,230 were made by people
bearing Greek, Latin and Thracian names.231 Most dedications are accompa-
nied with reliefs representations of the Thracian Hero. Yet a physician („atrÒj)
named Maximos dedicated to Apollo his ex-voto decorated with an unusual
relief. It depicts Apollo nude, standing and holding a cythara in his left hand,
supported by a column, on which a snake coils, hinting perhaps at the god’s
healing powers. However, behind Apollo a horse is standing, reminding of the
Thracian affiliation of the rest of the reliefs portraying the god as a horse-
man.232
A votive plaque from the sanctuary of Asclepios Zumdrhnoj,233 situated near the
modern village of Batkun (the area of Philippopolis),234 features the god
mounted and holding a lyre, yet the dedication is addressed to Asclepios.235
Only Asclepios could compete with Apollo’s popularity in the Thracian Hin-
terland.236 Both gods share the representation as Thracian horseman, epithets,
230
Georgiev (1978: 36) interprets this epiclesis as “vergnügt, erfreut”.
231
IG Bulg. III. 1. 1457-1470. The title derivates from the Thracian place-name: Mihailov,
comm. to IG Bulg. III. 1. p. 225.
232
IG Bulg. III. 1. 1467. Another dedication from the same sanctuary, naming Apollo Zgou-
lamhnoj, shows the god nude, accompanied by a griffin (IG Bulg. III. 1. 1458). On some reliefs
from a sanctuary near the village of Paratchin, the god is portrayed nude, holding a cythara and
pouring a libation, whereas on other ex-votos he is depicted with a cythara, but on horseback
(Seure 1924: 40-43; 58-60, figs. 5-7, 18).
233
The epiclesis derives from the ancient name of the village, Zumudra (Tsontchev 1941: 74).
234
The bulk of material dated to the first-second centuries AD (Zontschew 1940; Tsontchev
1941: 75). The majority of dedications portray Asclepios standing, holding a sceptre with a
snake coiling on it; but a considerable number of plaques depict him as a mounted hero, with the
same sceptre in his hand (e.g. Tsontchev 1941: No. 1, pl. XXXI: 124).
235
Tsontchev 1941: No. 40, pl. XLVII: 177; Kazarow 1938: No. 175.
236
Cf. Seure 1912a: 26-28.
such as kÚrioj, ™p»kooj, patrùoj, and swt»r. The proximity of Apollo and As-
clepios in Thrace is no less remarkable than their popularity.237
Although the Thracian culture presumably underwent considerable changes

between the start of the Greek colonization of the region and the eve of the
Christian era, it preserved some basic traditional beliefs. Zalmoxis’ myth and
rites as described by Strabo match those reported by Herodotus. The continuity
of the most conspicuous belief of the Thracians, their faith in immortality, is
also testified by numerous tombstones dating to the Roman period. These
monuments refer to the deceased as “a new hero,” attesting to deification of the
deceased by means of his identification with the Hero.238
On this background, evolution of the cults of Apollo and Asclepios in Thrace

of the first centuries AD may be viewed as further development of tendencies
which had existed earlier. The proximity of Thracian Apollo and Asclepios
emphasizes the healing aspect of Apollo, which most probably existed long
before the first written dedications to the god were inscribed.239 However, both
appear not only as healers, but rather as beneficent tribe- or place-protectors.240
At least in one instance, Apollo Iatros was most probably identified with the
Thracian hero. Moreover, numerous local Thracian gods (or avatars of one
god) were identified with Apollo.241 The high esteem paid to Apollo in the
237
As a result of his study of the Batkun sanctuary, Tsontchev (1941: 76-77) maintains that
Asclepios, Apollo and the Thracian Horseman were equally identified with each other. Kazarow
(1938: 14) and Pettazzoni (1954: 88) arrive at a very similar conclusion. The inscription a first-
century relief of the Thracian Hero from Galini, in Western Rhodopi, says: IASON HROUS
(Pavlopoulou 1994: fig. on p. 134).
238
E.g. Kazarow 1938: Nos. 292, 521, 986; Pettazzoni 1954: 92; Bianchi 1971: 232, with refs.
239
Weinreich (1912: 40) observes, that in Thrace, Dacia, and Moesia the epithet epekoos was
especially applicable to healing deities; cf. Kazarow 1936: 477.
240
Wiesner 1963: 174-175.
241
In Bessapara, a god of Bessoi was called qeÕj Souregšqhj ™p»kooj (Tomaschek 1893: 49;
Weinreich 1912: 19); in an inscription from Durostorum Heros Suregetes idemque Praehibens is
mentioned (Pârvan 1924: 278). This god is compared with Scythian Apollo GoitÒsuroj (Her. 4.
59; cf. Tomaschek 1893: 49; Pârvan 1924: 278; Kazarow 1936: 476).
286 Yu. Ustinova
Thracian Hinterland is likely to reflect the importance of the Thracian counter-

part of Apollo in indigenous religion. The prominence of this god, regarded by
the Greeks as the Thracian Apollo, may have prompted the first Greek colo-
nists to adopt some of his aspects into their own cult of Apollo.242
Conclusions
Apollo Iatros was worshiped exclusively in the Ionian Pontic colonies. He was
the patron and the tutelary deity of the cities, possessed temple embellished
with exceptional works of art, and was held in special regard by aristocratic
families, who were proud to serve as his priests. The god’s epiclesis indicates
that the founders of the cult sought to distinguish between Apollo Iatros and
the established aspects of Apollo in their metropoleis. This new cultic title
appears to reflect the newcomers’ wish to include a reference to the local deity
or deities into the divine personality of their traditional god. Thracian and
Scythian preoccupation with immortality and their fame as healers and diviners
suggested an additional aspect in the image of Apollo. The merger was facili-
tated by the belief in mantic and healing powers of Apollo in the metropoleis
of Pontic Ionians.
The cult of Apollo Iatros may have been initiated in a certain place, and pene-
trated other cities gradually. The fact that in Olbia, where Apollo Iatros had
been revered at least since the sixth century, an Olbian citizen made a dedica-
tion to Apollo Iatros the Lord of Histria, supposes the possibility that the cult
emerged in Histria, surrounded by the Getae whose religion concentrated on
Zalmoxis. In fact Histria, alongside Borysthenes (Berezan), was one of the first
Milesian colonies in the Euxine. From Histria Apollo Iatros appears to have
proceeded southwards and eastwards. He could be adopted by other Ionians
because of several reasons, Ionian solidarity being one of them.
If this suggestion is correct, the case of Apollo Iatros demonstrates that Greek
colonists could introduce innovations into their ancestral pantheon. Moreover,
Apollo Propitius worshipped in Abritus seems to be basically a Thracian deity, a Latin counter-
part of Apollo epekoos (Gočeva 1988: 189-190).
242
Gočeva (1974: 221; 1986: 88; 1996: 122), on the contrary, connects the popularity of
Apollo in Thracian lands with the influence of the Greek cult of Apollo. Tačeva (1990) assumes
a LydoPhrygian background of Apollo’s cult in Thrace.
this cult, original as it is, is not the only instance of such innovations. Apollo
Derainos of Abdera and his Thracian connections, as well as Aphrodite Oura-
nia, the Mistress of Apatourum, and prominent indigenous elements in her cult,
have already been mentioned. Thus, from the very beginning of their coloniza-
tion of the Black Sea, Greeks seem to have incorporated some aspects of in-
digenous cults into their beliefs and religious practices. “Exceptional cases” of
major Greek cults in colonies revealing a certain degree of influence by local
religion seem to acquire the critical mass. They become a phenomenon which
requires a modification of the traditional approach to early colonial pantheons
as purely Greek replicas of the pantheons of metropoleis.
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Apollo Iatros A Greek God of Pontic Orig

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EIKON

Beiträge zur antiken Bildersprache

Klaus Stähler – Gabriele Gudrian

Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

Beiträge zur antiken Bildersprache

Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn

Klaus Stähler – Gabriele Gudrian (Hrsg.)

© 2009 Ugarit-Verlag, Münster

Printed on acid-free paper

This sanctuary is mentioned in an early second-century Apollonian decree hon-

A generation after Theoxenos, during the eponymous priesthood of Hippolo-

A sanctuary of the god is mentioned also in a third-century AD fragment:

In the second half of the fourth century a statue, sculptured by Stratonides of

In a fourth-century inscription, a dedication of a statue by a citizen of Ceos,

From the island of Berezan (ancient Borysthenes) originate a number of pieces

Text A: `Ept£: lÚkoj ¢sqen»j, ˜bdom»konta: lšwn deinÒj, ˜pt(a)kÒsioi:

A graffito on a mid-fifth-century scyphos from the western temenos lists the

The Bosporus (Panticapaeum, Phanagoria, Hermonassa, Myrmecaeum)

Statues were dedicated to Apollo Iatros by his ex-priests in Phanagoria, under

In Myrmecaeum, the cult of Apollo Iatros is attested to by a graffito:

In a decree from Mesambria, Mihailov restores ’ApÒllwnoj toà [’Iatroà…].62

Several scholars connect arrow-shaped coins (found in Apollonia, Odessos,

phoros); it is further suggested that in Olbia they were superseded by dolphin--

In the Plutus,76 a slave is disappointed by Apollo:

In pseudo-Lycophron’s Alexandra, iatros occurs twice.79 One passage refers to

peisqeˆj ’WgÚgou spartÕj leëj crhsmo‹j ’Iatroà Ley…ou Terminqšwj... (...where

In their attempts to clarify the problem of Apollo Iatros’ mysterious prove-

Vinogradov, Rusyayeva and Kryzhitsky propose an explanation which links

In fact, Thracians played a considerable role in Greek myths. In Greek colo-

Greek knowledge of Thracian and Scythian beliefs on immortality

Plato discusses Zalmoxis and Thracian methods of healing in the Charmides,133

I learnt it (the charm) on campaign over there, from one of

„atrîn, o‰ lšgontai kaˆ ¢paqanat…zein). This Thracian said

Other Thracian customs reported by Herodotus reflect strong beliefs in after-

Strabo associates his tale of Zalmoxis with a description of unusual customs of

This association of Thracian ascetic mysticism with Pythagoras is also sup-

Other Thracian mythical healers

Moreover, Thracians were ascribed magical medical skills and knowledge of

Shamanic experiences, identified by Meuli and Moravcsik in the legends of

…This Toxaris [a Scythian] never went back to Scythia, but

(¢paqanat…zein kaˆ pšmpein par¦ tÕn Z£lmoxin) is a custom not

This introduction is followed by a story of an Athenian woman who dreamt

dedication to qeÒj Aularkhnoj was discovered,215 whereas numerous dedica-

A striking example of the identification of Apollo Iatros with the Thracian

Although the Thracian culture presumably underwent considerable changes

On this background, evolution of the cults of Apollo and Asclepios in Thrace

Thracian Hinterland is likely to reflect the importance of the Thracian counter-

Alexandrescu, P. 1990. “Histria in archaischer Zeit,” Histria. Ed. P. Alexan-

Meddelelser 74). Copenhagen, pp. 288-316.

Pettazzoni, R. 1954. “The Religion of Ancient Thrace,” Essays on the History

Tomaschek, W. 1893. “Die alten Thraker II,” Sitzungsberichte der philolo-

Abbreviations of current periodicals are those used in Année philologique

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