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Counter-Terrorism Cooperation Between China and Central Asian States in The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
Counter-Terrorism Cooperation Between China and Central Asian States in The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
Cooperation Between
China and Central
by 203.255.63.211 on 04/28/23. Re-use and distribution is strictly not permitted, except for Open Access articles.
Organization
Wang Jin is Research Fellow at the Syria Research Center of Northwest University in
China. His mailing address is: 39th building, Dianjian Community, Jiaozuo City, Henan
454000, China. He can also be reached at warmjohn@live.com. Kong Dehang is Director of
Central China Economic Region Research Institute. His mailing address is: Room 1308,
Qianxi Square, Zhengdong District, Zhengzhou City, Henan 450000, China. He can also
be reached at ccerri@ccerri.org.
This article is funded by the National Social Sciences Fund of China under Grant number
16ZDA096.
c 2019 World Century Publishing Corporation and Shanghai Institutes for International Studies
°
China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1, 65–79
DOI: 10.1142/S2377740019500027
This is an Open Access article, copyright owned by the SIIS and WCPC. The article is distributed
under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC BY-NC) Licence. Further distribution of this work is
permitted, provided the original work is properly cited and for non-commercial purposes.
65
66 China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies Vol. 5, No. 1
and Central Asian states under the framework of the SCO, with a focus on
how to tackle the weaknesses of such cooperation. It is concluded that SCO
member states must be prudent in taking further steps in counter-terror-
China Q of Int' l Strategic Stud 2019.05:65-79. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com
1 The “Shanghai Five” mechanism can be traced back to the late 1980s when China and
the Soviet Union started negotiation over their border disputes. After the Soviet Union
collapsed in 1991, the border negotiation mechanism was retained and transformed into the
China-Russia-Central Asian states negotiation mechanism, which was later called the
“Shanghai Five.”
2 Today, the SCO consists of 8 formal members, including China, Russia, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, India and Pakistan. Afghanistan, Belarus, Iran and
Mongolia are accepted as “observer states,” while Armenia, Azerbajian, Cambodia, Nepal,
Sri Lanka and Turkey are treated as “dialogue states.” In addition, Turkmenistan and three
international organizations including the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United Nations (UN) are wel-
comed as “guest attendances” for the SCO.
Counter-Terrorism Cooperation 67
Asian states. It first reviews the Islamic extremist and terrorist threats in
China and Central Asia; it then examines the major achievements of the
China Q of Int' l Strategic Stud 2019.05:65-79. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com
3 Zeyno Baran, Hizb ut-Tahrir: Islam’s Political Insurgency (Washington D.C.: The Nixon
Center, December 2004), p. 71.
4 Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New
York: Touchstone, 1997), p. 247.
68 China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies Vol. 5, No. 1
5 TheState Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, “The Fight
Against Terrorism and Extremism and Human Rights Protection in Xinjiang,” March 2019,
http://www.scio.gov.cn/zfbps/32832/Document/1649931/1649931.htm.
6 “` ’ , [`Eastern Turkistan Groups’ Commit
Crimes in Xinjiang After Training in Afghanistan],” Global Times, February 1, 2002, p. 2.
7 Brynjar
Lia, Architect of Global Jihad: The Life of Al-Qaeda Strategist Abu Mus’ab al-Suri
(London: Hurst Publisher, 2007), pp. 247–248.
8 DavidWitter, “Uzbek Militancy in Pakistan’s Tribal Region,” Institute for the
Study of War, January 27, 2011, http://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Back-
grounderIMU 28Jan.pdf.
Counter-Terrorism Cooperation 69
extremists, including some from Central Asia and China, went to Syria and
Iraq to join the “Islamic State (IS)” and other Islamic extremist groups.9
Meanwhile, some Islamic extremists and terrorists pledged allegiance to the
IS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and set up their own branches in Afgha-
nistan and Pakistan.10
A network connecting the Islamic extremists from Central Asia and
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tential fighters further put Beijing on alert as more Uygurs joined the IS
ranks. In July 2013, Chinese leading media Global Times accused Uygur
Islamic terrorists of receiving training and support from rebel groups in
Syria and Turkey.11 The threat of Uygur extremists became obvious in
August 2015 when several Uygur Islamic terrorists killed almost two dozen
people at the Hindu Erawan Shrine in Bangkok, Thailand.
As warned by Vice Minister of Chinese Public Security Meng Hong-
wei, the biggest concern for China is a possible mass return of Uygur
Islamic militants.12 Although a mass return of trained militants to Central
Asian states is less likely, for they may be relocated to new terrorist attacks
elsewhere, yet in the long term, the influx of such militants will still pose
serious threats to Central Asia. One reason is that Islamic extremism is used
by many extremists to provoke dissatisfaction and hatred among the gen-
eral public; another reason is that Islamic extremists try to brainwash
people with the narrowly defined notion of “Jihad,” abetting them to
participate in violent and terrorist activities against innocent civilians. Since
9 Most Uygur Islamic extremists are concentrated in Idlib province of Syria. See
“Turkey’s De-escalation Efforts around Idlib Come with Risks,” Al-Monitor, May 21, 2018,
https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/05/turkey-syria-de-escalation-efforts-
around-idlib-risky-1.html.
10 Caleb Weiss, “Uzbek Groups Part of New Offensive in Southern Aleppo,” Long War
Journal, June 7, 2016, http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2016/06/uz-bek-groups-part-
of-new-offensive-in-southern-aleppo.%20php.
11 “Syria Ambassador to China: At Least 30 ETIM Members Went to Syria,” Global
Times, July 2, 2018, http://world.huanqiu.com/exclusive/2013-07/4081528.html.
12 “ChineseIslamic Extremists Might Return to China,” Zaobao News, May 8, 2011,
http://www.zaobao.com/special/report/politic/cnpol/story20110508-140335.
70 China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies Vol. 5, No. 1
13 TheState Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, “The Fight
Against Terrorism and Extremism and Human Rights Protection in Xinjiang.”
14 “`ShanghaiSpirit,” Secret of SCO’s Success, Xinhua News, June 6, 2017, http://www.
chinadaily.com.cn/world/2017xivisitskazakhstan/2017-06/06/content 29640474.htm.
Counter-Terrorism Cooperation 71
2007–2009
June 2007 Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan Agreement over Military Exercise
August 2008 Dushanbe, Tajikistan Agreement over Counter-Terrorism Exercise;
Agreement over Cracking Down Smuggling
Weapons, Explosives and Ammunition
March 2009 Toshkent, Uzbekistan Agreement Between Afghanistan and SCO mem-
ber states over Cracking Down Drugs Smug-
gling, Terrorism and Organized Crimes;
Agreement over Counter-Terrorism Training;
Agreement over the Procedures of Counter-
Terrorism Exercise;
Cooperation Guideline of Counter-Terrorism,
Counter-Extremism and Counter-Secessionism,
2010–2012;
Convention of the Shanghai Cooperation Organi-
zation against Terrorism
August 2010 Toshkent, Uzbekistan Declaration of Toshkent
June 2011 Astana, Kazakhstan Declaration of Astana
June 2012 Beijing, China Cooperation Guideline of Counter-Terrorism,
Counter-Extremism and Counter-Secessionism,
2013–2015
June 2017 Astana, Kazakhstan Statement by the Heads of the SCO on Joint
Counteraction to International Terrorism
the SCO.15 Most importantly, China and other SCO members have agreed on
the definition of such key concepts as “terrorism”, “terrorist groups,” “se-
cessionism” and “extremism.” According to the Shanghai Convention of
Counter-Terrorism, Counter-Extremism and Counter-Secessionism signed in 2001
and the Convention of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization against Terrorism
signed in 2009, all the SCO member states were “[a]ware that terrorism,
separatism and extremism constitute a threat to international peace and
Great Powers: An Introduction,” Asian Survey, Vol. 53, No, 3 (2013), p. 424.
72 China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies Vol. 5, No. 1
and Kazakhstan
August 2005 “Peace-Mission China and Russia China and Russia
2005”
China Q of Int' l Strategic Stud 2019.05:65-79. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com
August 2006 “Tianshan Mountain China and Kazakh- China and Kazakhstan
No. 1” stan
September 2006 “Coordination 2006” Tajikistan China and Tajikistan
September 2007 “Peace Mission 2007” China and Russia China, Russia, Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan
and Kazakhstan
July 2009 “Peace Mission 2009” China and Russia China and Russia
September 2010 “Peace Mission 2010” Kazakhstan China, Russia, Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan
and Kazakhstan
May 2011 “Tianshan Mountain China China, Tajikistan and
No. 2” Kyrgyzstan
June 2012 “Peace Mission 2012” Tajikistan China, Russia, Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan
and Kazakhstan
August 2014 “Peace Mission China China, Russia, Uzbekistan,
2014”18 Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan
and Kazakhstan
These mechanisms cover various fields ranging from defense and di-
plomacy to law enforcement, culture communication and economic rela-
tions. All levels of meetings and panels have been held regularly, including
the SCO Summits, Prime Ministers’ Meetings, Parliament Speakers’ Meet-
ings, Defense and Foreign Ministers’ Meetings, Chief Procurators’ Meeting,
and Interior Ministers/Public Security Ministers’ Meetings, among others.
Over the past two decades, different SCO member states have co-
operated on various multilateral counter-terrorism exercises (Table 2) and
China has participated in all the exercises. In fact, the SCO military exercises
have become an important platform for both Chinese military forces and
armed police, for it was in those SCO exercises that the Chinese military and
police personnel had the first regular encounter with their foreign coun-
terparts. The “Exercise-01” in 2002 was the first military drill by Chinese
74 China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies Vol. 5, No. 1
military forces with foreign states, while the “Union-2003” was the first
joint exercise conducted on the soil of a foreign country.18
With the ever closer cooperation among
SCO members, the drug-trafficking network China has initiated
between Afghanistan and other Central Asian many counter-
19
states has been significantly restricted. At the terrorism exercises
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In June 2010, the SCO approved the procedure of admitting new members
and several states participated as observers. In June 2017, India and
Pakistan became full members of the SCO, while Turkey, Iran22 and some
18 Unlike most other exercises, “Peace Mission 2014” received many observers including
Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Mongolia, India, Sri Lanka, Belarus, Turkey and more than 60
military attaches in China.
19 Ruslan Maksutov, “The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Central Asian Per-
spective,” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (August 2006), p. 11.
20 GregoryLogvinov, “The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A New Qualitative
Step Forward,” Far Eastern Affairs, Vol. 30, No. 3 (2002), p. 22.
Yu-shek Cheng, “The Afghanistan Situation and China’s New Approach to the
21 Joseph
has witnessed more disagreement and disputes on its action agenda due to
the enmity between the two states, which might lead to possible division
China Q of Int' l Strategic Stud 2019.05:65-79. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com
between China and Russia as well. For although China fully supports
Pakistan’s participation in the SCO, Russia tends to have some reservations
because Islamabad supported mujahidin during the Soviet Union’s invasion
of Afghanistan in the 1980s. Meanwhile, India is widely regarded as a
strategic partner of Russia, yet to many observers, China and India are
regional competitors apart from their unresolved territorial disputes.
Similarly, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan
Mistrust and conflicts have been bogged down in enduring terri-
among SCO torial disputes the former even sus-
members seriously pended gas supply to the latter in 2013 for
that reason. Uzbekistan also strongly oppo-
hinder their joint ses Kyrgyzstan’s plan to construct dams over
counter-terrorism the Naryn River; and military skirmishes
efforts. between the two countries are not unusual.
As many empirical studies have demon-
strated that territorial disputes are central
to the breakout of interstate wars and conflicts,24 they seriously hinder
the cooperation among SCO members on their common cause of counter-
terrorism.
Second, the definitions of “terrorists” and “terrorist groups” have
become more blurry and sensitive with the SCO enlargement, for dif-
ferent SCO members have varied definitions and standards concerning
counter-terrorism, despite the many documents signed in the past in this
23 In 2012, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka applied for observer
status within the SCO.
24 See, for example, John Vasquez, The War Puzzle (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1993), Chapter 4.
76 China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies Vol. 5, No. 1
regard. For example, although China, India and Russia agreed to treat the
Jaish-e-Mohammed, an Islamic extremist group based in Pakistan, as a
“terrorist group” in 2017,25 Pakistan opposes the definition and is re-
luctant to take actions against the group. Likewise, China’s counter-ter-
rorism measures taken by local security agencies in Xinjiang are often
criticized by Central Asian states as “persecution against Muslims.”26
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Game’ Expectation,” in Richard J. Ellings et al., eds., Strategic Asia 2003-04: Fragility and Crisis
(Washington, D.C.: The National Bureau of Asian Research, 2003).
Counter-Terrorism Cooperation 77
28 Ouyang Xiangying, “ : ` ’
[Russia and China: Misplacement and Connection over the Belt and Road Initiative],”
International Economic Review, 2017(2), p. 50.
Flikke, “Balancing Acts: Russian-Chinese Relations and Developments in the
29 Geir
SCO and CSTO,” Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (No. 1, 2009), p. 23.
78 China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies Vol. 5, No. 1
ever closer cooperation within the SCO and potential concerns of other
member states.
Conclusion
During the past decades, Islamic extremist and terrorist groups have gradu-
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ally connected with each other across the world, and a country’ local terrorist
and extremist threats might be provoked or planned from a distant region. It
China Q of Int' l Strategic Stud 2019.05:65-79. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com
is thus important for international society to tackle and constrain these threats
through closer cooperation in regional or global arenas, where the SCO serves
as a good example. For decades, it has not only helped its member states
effectively manage the threats of the “three evil forces,” but its cooperation in
other fields like finance, education, culture and counter-crime has also con-
tributed to the economic well-being and social stability of the whole region.
With the enlargement of the SCO, an important question to ask is: in
what direction will the organization develop in the future? Will the SCO
become a quasi-political and military alliance against the West? Or will it
evolve into a supranational organization like the European Union? Some
states may perceive the organization as a bargaining chip or a strategic
counterbalance against the United States or the European Union. For in-
stance, with the Turkey-U.S. relationship deteriorating after the failed
military coup against the Justice and Development (AKP) government in
mid-2016, Turkish leaders have many a time reiterated the necessity for
Turkey to join the SCO for more political support from international society,
in particular Russia and China. In another instance, after President Trump
decided to withdraw from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
(JCPOA) signed in 2015, the Iranian government expressed a strong will-
ingness to further enhance its relationship with Russia and China by joining
the SCO, in order to safeguard Iran’s security and development.30
For China, however, the SCO should be kept as an international
platform that aims to tackle those non-traditional security threats and up-
hold its “new security concept” featuring “mutual trust, mutual benefit,
equality and cooperation,” rather than as a vehicle to bring all countries into
30 “Advisor
to Iran’s Supreme Leader Outlines Steps to Boost Nuclear Program,” Al-
Monitor, May 31, 2018, https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/05/iran-nuclear-
program-jcpoa-deal-velayati-uf6-ir8-centrifuges.html.
Counter-Terrorism Cooperation 79
a new Cold War.31 Thus, it is of great importance that China and other SCO
members be prudent in accepting new members while accommodating the
security needs of each other.
In the meantime, the enlargement of the SCO reflects the growing need of
its members and other regional countries for closer cooperation on the most
salient security and development issues, as well as for enhanced communi-
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cation between the SCO and other regional or international organizations and
groups. For sure, effectiveness and efficiency of the SCO largely depend on the
China Q of Int' l Strategic Stud 2019.05:65-79. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com
common needs and joint efforts of its member states; and the many collective
initiatives such as the “Greater Eurasian Partnership” proposed by Russia
and the BRI proposed by China make it possible for SCO members to be
more deeply engaged in cooperation in areas beyond security and counter-
terrorism. Nevertheless, SCO cooperation on economy, trade, education,
culture as well as science and technology remains limited regardless of the
many agreements signed among its members, such as the Inter-governmental
Agreement on Facilitation of International Road Transport signed in 2014 and the
Agreement on Customs Cooperation and Mutual Assistance signed in 2017.
On the one hand, SCO member states still lack a clear common vision for
economic cooperation under the SCO. For example, although many SCO
members call for closer trade and economic exchange within the organization
and the idea of establishing an “SCO Free Trade Zone” has been under dis-
cussion for quite a few years, trade promotion was largely left out from the
Development Strategy of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization until 2025, an
important guideline for SCO members approved in 2015.32 On the other hand,
due to many reasons, bilateral rather than multilateral cooperation seems
to remain a major trend among SCO members, which in turn hinders the
institutionalization of the SCO and expansion of cooperation areas
among SCO member states. Therefore, in the foreseeable future, constraining
the expansion of terrorism and Islamic extremism will remain a priority task
for the SCO.