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Research and Technology Department

Comparison of Coping Mechanism between


Various Socioeconomic Status of Typhoon Victims in Marilao, Bulacan

Members:

Bolanos, Jade
Caspe, Francine
Cristobal, Aliyah
Santos, Alex
Tusi, Charmaigne
Urbano, Trixie
Marteja, Karl
Policarpio, Jean Clarence
Salvador, Red
Sarmiento, Migs
Sinacsi, Reggie
Sta. Cruz, Jeremy

11 STEM - E

Jesus Is Lord Colleges Foundation, Inc.

January 2023

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Table of Contents

Title Page.…………………………………………………………………………… 1

Chapter I

Introduction.…………………………………………………………………………. 3
Significant of the Study……………………………………………………………… 6
Theoretical Framework……………………………………………………………… 8
Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………………… 14
Statement of the Problem……………………………………………………………. 15
Definitions of Terms………………………………………………………………… 16
Hypothesis…………………………………………………………………………… 18
Scope and Delimitation of the Study………………………………………………… 18

Chapter II
Review of Related Literature
Respondent’s Profile…………………………………………………………. 21
Wellness………………………………………………………………………
Other Theories………………………………………………………………..

Chapter III

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Chapter 1

Problem and It’s Background

Introduction

A paradisiacal tropical destination, the Philippines is not without its share of

natural disasters particularly typhoons, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions. Over the

years, the country endured disaster after disaster that affected thousands of lives through

loss of shelter, job, or loved ones. Ricky (2021)

In all kinds of natural disasters including typhoon, a type of large storm system

having a circular or spiral system of violent winds, typically hundreds of kilometers or

miles in diameter and the winds spiral around a region of low atmospheric pressure

NOAA (2016).

The Philippines is prone to tropical cyclones due to its geographical location

which generally produce heavy rains and flooding of large areas and also strong winds

which result in heavy casualties to human life and destructions to crops and properties

PAGASA (2018).

Typhoon disasters usually result in irreversible losses and need effective coping

measures. Yet inadequate attention has been paid to the risk perception and risk behaviors

of middle school students for typhoon disasters, thereby resulting in lack of effective

typhoon disaster education in Ningbo City and even in Zhejiang Province. Such

deficiency is not conducive to the implementation of effective measures by society when

coping with typhoon disasters. In order to alleviate this deficiency, this study uses

Ningbo City as an example to investigate middle school students’ risk perception of

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typhoon disaster and their positive coping behavior (PCB). This research adopted

regression analysis methods to study the impact of economic, liability, personal, and

environmental risk perceptions on the active responses of the middle school students to

typhoon disasters. Results show that economic, liability, and personal risk perceptions

have significant positive effects. The perception of liability and environmental risks is not

related to the PCB of the middle school students. Based on the results, policy

recommendations are proposed for improving disaster prevention and mitigation

education for middle school students in Ningbo City. The research can also provide

references for the typhoon disaster prevention and mitigation education in Zhejiang

Province and even China. Peng & Zhang (2021)

The broad facts of Income inequality over the past seven decades are easily

summarized:

The years from the end of World War II into the 1970s were ones of substantial

economic growth and broadly shared prosperity. Incomes grew rapidly and at roughly the

same rate up and down the income ladder, roughly doubling in inflation-adjusted terms

between the late 1940s and early 1970s. The gap between those high up the income

ladder and those on the middle and lower rungs while substantial did not change much

during this period. Beginning in the 1970s, economic growth slowed and the income gap

widened. Income growth for households in the middle and lower parts of the distribution

slowed sharply, while incomes at the top continued to grow strongly. The concentration

of income at the very top of the distribution rose to levels last seen nearly a century ago,

during the “Roaring Twenties.”

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Wealth — the value of a household’s property and financial assets, minus the

value of its debts is much more highly concentrated than income. The best survey data

show that the share of wealth held by the top 1 percent rose from 30 percent in 1989 to 39

percent in 2016, while the share held by the bottom 90 percent fell from 33 percent to 23

percent. Stone et al. (2020)

ISSUE

This research shows the issues of social status especially in experiencing the

effects of typhoon. The researchers considered how people of low economic status are

more likely to experience the impact of typhoons. Some of the main affected are the poor

residents mostly in urban places in particular areas of Marilao Bulacan. Research

suggests that disasters cause impoverishment, which can lead to a cycle of losses, poverty

traps and a slowing of efforts to reduce poverty.

Marilao, Bulacan, is one of the Philippines’ municipalities experiencing

worsening flood levels. This study tackles an environmental approach to making the

municipality adaptive and resilient to flooding by finding the most appropriate use of the

land areas of Marilao – to benefit both the environment and its users. Two situations

result in flooding in Marilao, Bulacan: first is when the Marilao River overflows due to

excess rainwater, and the second is when high tide surges. Typically, during typhoons or

when the monsoons bring about large amounts of precipitation, water in the Marilao

River's corridor swells until it inundates surrounding areas and then rushes to the lower

southwest side of the municipality. Ideally, water drains to Manila Bay. Still, what

happens in Marilao, the water gets trapped in the lower-lying areas because of poor

drainage, siltation in bodies of water, and overflowing of Manila Bay. Flooding caused

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by tidal surges happens during high tide, wherein the lowest points of the

municipality get flooded even without precipitation. To effectively plan for flooding

adaptability and resiliency of Marilao, it is not enough to look at the landscape's current

conditions G L Aquino and H Palarca (2021)

OBJECTIVES

This research aims to identify, compare, and find a solution to the disparities

between the two social economic statuses when coping with typhoons.

CONTRIBUTIONS

This study seeks to provide and help the ff.

 Low and high community

 Researchers

 Families

 Students

 Urban areas in Marilao Bulacan

Significant of the Study

This study was conducted not just for academic purposes but also to help the

following persons involved in this situation. The researchers find it beneficial for the

following:

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Community: This study will help the Local Government Unit (LGU) as well as

the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction Management Office (MDRRMO) to work out a

well-designed plan in dealing with the natural disasters to achieve a more resilient

community with regards to socioeconomic disparities by identifying the relationship

among different preventive indicators.

Students: Regardless of the socioeconomic status of the students, this study aims

to increase their understanding of the importance of adopting preparations in the event of

a natural disaster. Having an awareness is a must, all of the students should know what to

do when this kind of disaster occurs.

Teachers: Despite of the socioeconomic status of their students, as a mentor, they

will offer guidance regarding how to cope with natural disasters. Being a model to their

students, by teaching them and showing them what to do. Giving them knowledge, not

just in these kinds of situations, but also by teaching them good character, and how to

prevent this circumstance.

Researchers’: Future researchers will benefit from this study's increased

understanding of how communities at various socioeconomic levels respond to natural

disasters. On what to do and how to solve, to help the communities. They’ll be able to

know more other different ways. This study will show them some important things they

don’t see in the past research.

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Theoretical Framework

This research is crafted on the basis of The Boots Theory, 1993 saw the release of

Terry Pratchett's Men at Arms. In the book, Captain Samuel Vimes argues that, contrary

to what you might anticipate, the distinction between those of extremely high rank and

those of very low status is their spending habits. Due to a lack of finances, people who

live in poverty usually are unable to purchase these high-quality items (Blocker et al.,

2013), and they also experience additional pressures and stigma in the marketplace

(Hutton, 2015; Olsen et al., 2020; Pearson et al., 2018; Randles, 2021).

Also, because line between luxuries and requirements is permeable, higher-grade

goods or even basic pleasantries are seen as less acceptable for those with lesser incomes

(Pew Report). Because of this, those who live in poverty are not allowed full access to the

consumption spectrum and are instead assumed to just have the most basic needs

(Hagerty and Baratz, 2020).

The implication is that, despite the benefits, spending money on durable products

and solutions to lessen their burden may be viewed as less wise. For example,

governments should promote poverty relief by reducing the frequent purchase of

damaged or throwaway goods, as suggested by Terry Pratchett's boot theory. In addition,

backed up by the research regarding Disaster Technical Assistance Center Supplemental

Research Bulletin Greater Impact: How Disasters Affect People of Low Socioeconomic

Status, which sheds light into how disasters affect people in poverty, with low incomes,

and with low socioeconomic status (SES).

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The matter clears up how individuals of low socioeconomic status could pose

heightened disadvantage than other groups in disasters, because of roadblocks to

preparedness and other deleterious occurrences or perspectives they may confront during

the disaster like typhoons, implications, rebuttal, and recovery phases. Fothergill and

Peek (2004) report mixed findings on disaster risk perception in a review of research on

disasters as experienced by people living in poverty.

They cite studies (Flynn, Slovic, & Mertz, 1994; Pilisuk, Parks, & Hawkes, 1987;

Palm & Carroll, 1998) that found that people with lower incomes perceived more risk

and were more concerned about natural and technological disasters. However, they point

out that other studies (Vaughan, 1995; Greene, Perry, & Lindell, 1981) have discovered

that people of lower SES and working-class people, who are exposed to risk through their

jobs—those with fewer resources than those of higher SES and people of middle or other

classes, who have greater access to resources—are less aware of the risks associated with

their work.

Yet another study they cite found no connection between money and risk

perception and education (White, 1974). Given the variety of findings in this field,

Fothergill and Peek draw the following conclusion: "A characteristic such as

socioeconomic status should be considered as a possible contributor to, and predictor of,

how risks are perceived and interpreted (Vaughan, 1995)"; however, they do not make

any predictions regarding the relationship between SES and risk perception.

Given the variety of findings in this field, Fothergill and Peek draw the following

conclusion: "A characteristic such as socioeconomic status should be considered as a

possible contributor to, and predictor of, how risks are perceived and interpreted

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(Vaughan, 1995)" However, they do not foresee how SES will typically relate to risk

perception (Fothergill & Peek, 2004).

According to study, those who are poor, have low incomes, and have less

education are less prepared for disasters, according to Fothergill and Peek (Turner, Nigg,

& Paz, 1986; Vaughan, 1995; as cited in Fothergill and Peek, 2004). They note out that

this finding might be related to the fact that some preparedness measures are expensive

and might be out of reach for those who are poor, such as buying earthquake or flood

insurance or making home improvements for increased earthquake resilience (Palm &

Carroll, 1998; Fothergill, 2004; as cited in Fothergill and Peek, 2004).

According to studies cited by Fothergill and Peek, homeless, unemployed, and

low-income women, people with lower incomes, people living in public housing, and

people with lower incomes lacked the funds and resources necessary to evacuate, making

them less able to react to warnings than people with higher socioeconomic status

(Morrow & Enarson, 1996; Gladwin & Peacock, 1997; Morrow, 1997; Enarson, 1999b;

as cited in Fothergill & Peek, 2004). Contrarily, Fothergill and Peek present studies that

revealed no connection between socioeconomic level and how people react to warnings

(Bourque, Russell, & Goltz, 1993; Perry & Lindell, 1991; as cited in Fothergill & Peek,

2004).

The results of the research show that those with low SES are more sensitive to

catastrophes and are more likely to experience more severe repercussions when they

occur, such as property destruction, homelessness, and physical and financial damages.

Those with low SES may experience greater hardship from disasters than persons with

higher SES, and, as noted in the World Bank and GFDRR research, natural catastrophes

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increase the likelihood that people in poverty would stay there in part because of their

financial effects (Hallegatte et al., 2017).

According to research by Austin & Schill, Bolin, 1986, Greene, 1992, Phillips,

1993, and Phillips & Ephraim, as well as older homes by Comerio, Landis, and Rofe, as

well as mobile homes, persons of low SES are more likely to experience dangers and

have their dwellings damaged or destroyed (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1995). Poor

people live in dwellings that are vulnerable to disasters all across the world, according to

the authors of the World Bank and GFDRR analysis. The analysis contains data for more

than 200 countries, and it shows that the consumption-wise poorest 20 percent of the

population is 1.8 times more likely to reside in unstable housing (Hallegatte et al., 2017).

Disasters have periodically increased the chance of homelessness among persons

with lower earnings, according to Fothergill and Peek. They cite research on the Loma

Prieta earthquake in California, which occurred in October 1989 and was more likely to

leave certain groups—including low-income Latinos—homeless, as well as Hurricane

Hugo, which struck the United States in September 1989 and left an estimated 60,000

people—many of whom had low incomes—homeless (Phillips, 1998; FEMA, 1990).

The authors of the World Bank and GFDRR report note a global trend of people

living in areas at high risk of disasters, regardless of their wealth or poverty: "From 1970

to 2010, the world population grew by 87 percent, while the population in flood plains

increased by 114 percent and in cyclone-prone coastlines by 192 percent" (Hallegatte et

al., 2017).

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The authors then cite a study that examined the costs of natural disaster damages

over a comparable time period. It revealed that these costs had increased

commensurately. The examination looked at the average yearly damages across two time

periods of ten years, 1976 to 1985 and 2005 to 2014, and discovered that the averages

grew by more than ten times from the earlier to the latter. The authors then mention a

study that looked at the expenses associated with natural disaster damages over a

comparable time frame. It was discovered that these expenses had risen proportionately.

According to the study, average yearly damages increased more than tenfold from

the earlier to the later time, from $14 billion to more than $140 billion, over the course of

two 10-year periods, from 1976 to 1985 and from 2005 to 2014. (GFDRR, 2016, as cited

in Hallegatte et al., 2017). As per the studies on the effects of a tornado in Texas, the poor

and other groups with less clout in their communities were more likely to sustain injuries

and even perish as a result of the storm (Aguirre, 1988, as cited in Fothergill & Peek,

2004).

Also, they quote a study (Rossi, Wright, Weber-Burdin, & Pereira, 1983) that

discovered increased injury rates in natural disasters in households with lower incomes

(Fothergill & Peek, 2004).

Fothergill and Peek also write about heatwaves that occurred in the Midwest,

where the bulk of individuals who perished were elderly people and those from low

socioeconomic backgrounds. The researchers draw attention to the fact that poor people

are more inclined to invest their money in their homes and cattle, both of which are

susceptible to damage, injury, or loss during disasters (Moser & Felton, 2007; Nkedianye

et al., 2011; as cited in Hallegatte et al., 2017).

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Contrarily, those who are not destitute are more likely to have their money spread

out among many locations, such as banking institutions, making their wealth more

resilient to natural calamities. This could be a contributing factor in the 26 million

additional individuals that fall into poverty each year alone as a result of natural disasters

(World Bank, 2016). For those with low SES, there are differences in how people feel

over the course of the post-disaster period, as would be expected.

Inequalities in access to resources, disaster relief, stress and depression,

posttraumatic stress disorder and recovery, and physical health are covered in this

section. Poverty when attempting to obtain housing and other types of assistance through

formal processes. Research has shown that barriers include not understanding how

disaster survivors can receive aid, feeling uneasy around these systems, and finding it

difficult to get to and from disaster support centers because of transportation, child care,

and work schedules (Rovai, 1994; Fothergill, 2004; Dash, Peacock, & Morrow, 1997; as

cited in Fothergill & Peek, 2004).

Conceptual Framework

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Figure 1. Conceptual Framework of the Study (IPO)

The conceptual framework contains the major problem that the study wanted to

answer. The researcher adopted the Input Process Output (IPO) model. It includes all of

the materials and the information that are required in the process, the specific details of

the process itself, and the guide on assessing how various socioeconomic status can cope

up in typhoon.

For input, it consists of the respondent's profile as well as aspects related to the

educational research's dependent and independent variables. Usually, all the details

specified in the statement of the problems is stated here.

For process, it includes the questionnaires that were utilized, the observations that

were made, the data collection method, and the statistical analysis of the data. It includes

everything from the initial gathering of information or data to the final results and

recommendations of the educational research.

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In developing the questionnaire, the researcher conducted a survey to the urban

places in particular areas of Marilao, Bulacan in terms of their income, socioeconomic

status, occupation. Also, how each of the families can cope up in this tragedy.

For output this includes the action taken after interpreting the results of the study.

Action plan, intervention program, recommendation and other related things taken for

considerations. From this, the researcher conceptualized recommendation that will help

the families by coping up in every typhoon disaster.

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Statement of the Problem

1. What is the demographic profile of the respondents in terms of;


1.1. Family Members:
1.2. Occupation: and
1.3. Monthly Income?

2. How does typhoons affects the homes’ vulnerability of the respondents?

3. What benefits do people with high economic status have over those with lower status
in experiencing typhoon.

4. Is social economic status a factor in the coping mechanism of the typhoon victims in
Marilao, Bulacan?

5. How do typhoon may affect the respondents in terms of;


5.1. Physical:
5.2. Emotional: and
5.3. Social Well-being?

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Definition of Terms
Vulnerability - the quality or state of being exposed to the possibility of being

attacked or harmed, either physically or emotionally.

Regression - a return to a former or less developed state.

Paradisiacal - a place or state ideal or idyllic heavenly.

Socioeconomic - relating to or concerned with the interaction of social and

economic factors.

Disparity - a difference in level or treatment, especially one that is seen as unfair.

Disaster - a sudden event, such as an accident or a natural catastrophe, that causes

great damage or loss of life.

Inadequate - lacking the quality or quantity required; insufficient for a purpose.

Mitigation - the action of reducing the severity, seriousness, or painfulness of

something.

Deficiency - the quality or state of being defective or of lacking some necessary

quality or element.

Liability - the state of being responsible for something, especially by law.

Implement - put (a decision, plan, agreement, etc.) into effect.

Lack - to be deficient or missing.

Reference - the act of referring or consulting.

Typhoon - A Typhoon is an intense area of low atmospheric pressure.

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Perception - awareness of the elements of environment through physical

sensation.

Tropical cyclones - a localized, very intense low-pressure wind system, forming

over tropical oceans and with winds of hurricane force.

Hazard - a source of danger atmospheric.

Pressure - a force per unit is exerted by an atmospheric column that is, the entire

body of air above the specified area.

Monsoons - is a seasonal change in the direction of the prevailing, or strongest,

winds of a region.

Risk reduction - is a risk management technique that involves reducing the

financial consequences of a loss.

Overflowing - flooding or flowing over a surface or area.

Repercussion - an unintended consequence occurring sometime after an event or

action, especially an unwelcome one.

Precipitation - all liquid and solid water particles that fall from clouds and reach

the ground.

Impoverishment -the process of losing or being deprived of strength or vitality;

deterioration.

Resilience - the capacity to recover quickly from difficulties toughness.

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Hypothesis
The hypothesis for this research study entitled “Comparison of coping mechanism

between various socioeconomic status of typhoon victims in Marilao, Bulacan “is:

1. People with lower socio-economic status are more susceptible to the effects of

typhoons.

2. There is a significance between the typhoon victim's socio-economic status and

their coping mechanisms.

3. People with high economic status has the higher likelihood to fast recovery

from the effects of typhoon.

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Scope and Delimitation of the Study


This research titled “Comparison of coping mechanism between various

socioeconomic status of typhoon victims in Marilao, Bulacan” will cover the differences

between the rich and poor when it comes to experiencing typhoon. Specifically, this

research aims to find a way to solve the inequality between the two social economic

status when it comes to experiencing typhoons. We will conduct the research within 6

months and will be conducted through a house-to-house interview. Through this study,

we aim to contribute a better understanding of how people of low economic status are

more likely to experience the impact of typhoons. 

          This study is delimited only to families both wealthy and poor and it does not

specify any provinces outside of Marilao, Bulacan. The respondents of this study will be

only limited to the families within the population of Marilao, Bulacan who have

experienced the impacts of the typhoons. The data gathered will be analyzed using

qualitative research methods which is case study method wherein interviews and

observations have been developed.  

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Chapter 2

Review of Related Literature

This chapter attempts to review the relevant literature and research related to the

coping mechanism between various socioeconomic status. This chapter may contain

theories and models relevant to the problem. The chapter will be divided into sections

that includes (a) respondent’s profile, (b) wellness, and (c) other theories.

Respondent’s Profile

Family

In the realm of disaster risk reduction (DRR) efforts and disaster resilience

discipline globally, the impacts of disasters at the family level – especially in terms of

interpersonal relationships – remain largely understudied. Impacts of post disaster

relocation on the internal dynamics of families in Southville 7 in Calauan, Laguna,

Philippines during the aftermath of the 2009 typhoon Ketsana, and endeavors to inform

institutional policies to strengthen families’ disaster resilience. (Samonte & Djalante,

2022) 

It shows that the role of the family as a social unit is often overlooked in disaster

research. Elevate the place of the family and its internal dynamics as a vital determinant

of family resilience in a post-disaster relocation setting. (Salmonte, 2021) 

The individuals directly affected by the typhoon had family, friends, and relatives

who were in unaffected areas. Many of them lived, worked, studied, or were in Manila

and other nearby areas at the time the Typhoon made landfall. The gravity of the pain and

loss experienced by the participants was relative to the amount of pain, loss, or damage

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sustained by the subject of their attachment. Vicarious trauma was experienced as a void-

filling phenomenon occupying the emotional space created by the physical distance of the

participants from their families experiencing the disaster. (Tan, Jardeleza, Sta Maria &

Teng-Calleja, 2015) 

Pregnant and postpartum women are especially vulnerable to natural disasters.

These women suffer from increased risk of physical and mental issues including pregnant

related problems. Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda), which hit the Philippines affected a large

number of people and caused devastating damages. During and after the typhoon,

pregnant women were forced to live in particularly difficult circumstances. It determines

concerns and problems regarding public health needs and coping mechanisms among

pregnant women during and shortly after the typhoon. (Sato et al., 2016) 

Occupation

Damage to a worker’s residence or workplace accentuated short-term

earnings losses. Effects varied by prestorm industry, with larger gains for workers in

sectors related to rebuilding. (Groen,Kutzbach & Polivka, 2020).

Tropical cyclones cause widespread damage in specific regions as a result of high

winds and flooding. Direct impacts on commercial property and infrastructure can lead to

production shortfalls. Further losses can occur if business continuity is lost through

disrupted supply of intermediate inputs from, or distribution to, other businesses.

(Lenzen, Malik, Daniels, Lam & Geschke, 2019).

Tropical cyclones create an impact on the intensity of changes in employment

remuneration in the primary industry, and the impact in the secondary industry is greater

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than that in the tertiary industry,In the short term, the impact of tropical cyclones on

employment is negative and the impact intensity is strong, whereas in the medium and

long terms, the impact is positive and the intensity of impact decreases. (Wu, Xu, Liu,

Guo & Zhou, 2019).

Hurricanes were found to have a negative impact on employment outcomes, with

a larger effect in low-income countries and for short-term studies. The type and intensity

of the hurricane affected the impact on employment, with the greatest effects seen for

storms with winds above 130 km/h. Employment outcomes were also more strongly

affected in regions with higher rates of informal employment.

Income

(Nguyen & Tra Pham, 2020) studied that the typhoon victim’s source of

income reveals the negative and long-lasting impact from agriculture, fishery, and forest.

The most affected income sources include income from agricultural workers such as

farmers, fisher men and under graduates. The study provides several key contributions.

First, it contributes to limited evidence of the long-term impact of natural disasters on

income with an application of the SCM. It also extends the analysis of the impact of

natural disasters on disaggregated sources of income rather than aggregate income per

capita.

This study (Noy & DuPont, 2018) shows that disasters destroy productive capital

or durable consumption goods and households do not have enough resources to recover

from this negative impact. The recovery is even harder for poor/developing countries that

are endowed with limited resources and underdeveloped infrastructure systems

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In fact, disaster preparedness actions are costly, and possibly too costly for people

that has low income to afford flood insurance or strengthening a home for greater disaster

resilience. (Palm & Carroll, 1998)

(Gladwin & Peacock, 1997) studied that income levels and timing preparedness

activities, such as having non-electric source of lighting on hand (for example, candles,

flashlights, a gas-powered lantern), buying or preparing water reserves, buying canned or

nonperishable food vary significantly by income.

(Kate zitelli & Jesse anttila-hugnes, 2014) Most low socioeconomic homes

experience this effect, indicating that the channels via which these allocation decisions

are made include income loss and the adaptive actions of wealthy households. no

apparent gender differences were observed.

In Southern Leyte's worst-hit towns like Bontoc, Padre Burgos, Tomas Oppus,

and Malitbog, our staff discovered people begging for scraps of food as the rest of the

world rang in the new year with optimism. However, nearly 7 million people — more

than Denmark's entire population — are still trying to adjust to the loss of their homes

and primary sources of income. (Director Lot Felizco, 2022)

Wellness

Physical

The major findings of this study reveal that socioeconomic and physical

factors of human vulnerability have significant role to determine the household's level of

vulnerability to the disaster induced by cyclones and storm surges. The study found that

the level of vulnerability of household’s changes with the change of its physical and

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socioeconomic conditions. The households having susceptible physical condition and

lower level of education or income have less access to weather forecast, disaster training

and resilience to cope with future hazards and mostly these groups are vulnerable to

further hazards. Similarly, the households have quick access to cyclone shelter, find

cyclone forecast regularly and undertaken disaster preparedness measures are

comparatively less vulnerable to cyclone impacts. The study concludes that household's

intrinsic vulnerable conditions are responsible for its susceptibility to hazards. Therefore,

the study advocates that reduction of vulnerability is the first measure for effective and

fruitful disaster management. (Md. Nazir Hossain,2015)

This study examines the coping mechanisms of typhoon victims in the Philippines

and how these mechanisms relate to their physical health outcomes. The study found that

coping mechanisms such as social support, emotional regulation, and religious coping

had a positive effect on physical health outcomes. However, coping mechanisms such as

avoidance and substance use had a negative effect on physical health outcomes. The

study highlights the importance of promoting positive coping mechanisms among

typhoon victims to improve their physical health outcomes. (Rocha, et al., 2021)

Beyond their immediate effects on mortality, disasters have widespread, indirect

impacts on mental and physical well-being by exposing survivors to stress and potential

trauma. Identifying the disaster-related stressors that predict health adversity will help

officials prepare for the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Using data

from a prospective study of young, low-income mothers who survived Hurricane Katrina,

we find that bereavement, fearing for loved ones’ well-being, and lacking access to

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medical care and medications predict adverse mental and physical health 1 y post

disaster, and some effects persist 12 y later. (Racker, Zacker and Lowe,2020)

Climate change is acknowledged as being a crucial determinant of public health.

The United States is experiencing an increase in the frequency and intensity of natural

disasters as a result of climate change activity, influencing the ways federal, state, and

local governments are addressing the growing issue. Individuals who are vulnerable to

the effects of extreme weather, namely the poor, the elderly/disabled, children, prisoners,

and substance abusers have experienced heightened levels of mental, emotional, and

bodily stress due to natural disaster exposure. Researchers from a variety of disciplines,

public health, social science, and environmental studies, in particular, are examining how

natural disasters are impacting mental and physical health functioning while noting the

demographic factors leaving certain groups more susceptible to harm.

A systematic literature review was conducted on the past 12 years of research that

examined natural disaster-related experiences and psychological and physiological health

outcomes on populations who are more vulnerable to adverse weather impacts. It was

found that the mental and physical health of marginalized populations during and after a

natural disaster were elevated and/or exacerbated by circumstances pertaining to the

weather event and the lack of disaster-response actions. It was also found that fostering

social capital is a way to combat stressors in disadvantaged communities. It is imperative

that clinicians and policy makers confront the issue of climate change and natural

disasters, developing relief efforts and preventative measures to secure the well-being of

underserved groups who may not have many resources at their disposal. (Benevolenza

and DeRigne, 2018)

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Emotional

Depression is one of the most prevalent mental health issues that people

who have suffered a natural disaster experience. A variety of illnesses and bad health can

be brought on by depression. Few studies have verified that occasionally there is a delay

in the beginning of depression in both children and adults. Depression can be present for

a few weeks or months after a natural disaster, but in some instances, depression

continues for years (Fichter, Kohlboeck, Quadflieg, & Rhebergen, 2011)

Mental health following a disaster is now recognized as a significant public health

concern. In the case of natural disasters, the public mainly expresses anger, anxiety, and

sadness (Jin, 2009; Jin et al., 2012). It has been shown that exposure to natural disasters

raises the likelihood of developing both physical and emotional issues, such as an

increase in the manifestation of psychiatric illnesses, health and lifestyle issues, and

interpersonal and psychosocial challenges.

Social media is widely used to share ideas and express emotions following disasters

(Chung & Zeng, 2018; Ghafarian & Yazdi, 2020; Wei, Bu & Liang, 2012). Low arousal

and certainty emotion of sadness lead to shallow information processing, but people may

express increasing sadness through posting and reposting supportive information after

natural disasters, especially after a predictable crisis (Cameron & Kim, 2011; Jin et al.,

2012; Li et al., 2017; Jonah Berger & Milkman, 2012).

Disasters with no warning can cause feelings of vulnerability and lack of security;

fears of future, unpredictable tragedies; and a sense of loss of control or the loss of the

ability to protect yourself and your family. On the other hand, disasters with warning can

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cause guilt or self-blame for failure to heed the warnings. Natural disasters can have

devastating and long-lasting effects on a community’s emotional well-being. These

effects may be distributed unequally, affecting some communities more profoundly and

possibly over longer time periods than others (Bathina K, ten Thij M, Bollen J, 2022).

Slow, low-threat disasters have psychological effects that are different from those

of rapid, dangerous disasters. As a result, these reactions can range from shock to overt

panic. Initial confusion and disbelief typically are followed by a focus on self-

preservation and family protection. Most people affected by emergencies will experience

distress (e.g., feelings of anxiety and sadness, hopelessness, difficulty sleeping, fatigue,

irritability or anger and/or aches and pains). This is normal and will for most people

improve over time. However, the prevalence of common mental disorders such as

depression and anxiety are expected to more than double in a humanitarian crisis.

(“Mental health in emergencies”, 2019).

Natural disasters put the victims in a state of despair and shock. This traumatic

experience disrupts the fully-functioning life of the victims and brings loss for

individuals, families and communities. (Hackbarth et al., 2019). There is stage of

disillusionment people’s experience, survivors question governmental and organization

aid, promises, intentions, service delivery, and achievements. The grim reality of just

how long and difficult a road it will be back to “normal” presents itself. And survivors

begin to experience a strong sense of anger, resentment, bitterness, and deep

disappointment if they now begin to experience delays, failures, and/or unfulfilled hopes

or promises of aid. If things have been mishandled all along, and/or there are few

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resources available for re-construction, behaviors will tend to be more dysfunctional: the

apathy of depression may be seen instead of focused movement towards re-establishment

of “normal”. Uninhabitable or habitable housing, utilities, and household size can impact

the mental health of an individual who has survived a natural disaster. The individual can

experience symptoms such as depression, losses of sleep and others mental disorders as a

result of the natural disaster.

Social well-being

Typhoons are one of the most devastating natural disasters in the

Philippines, causing significant loss of life, property damage, and disruption to daily life.

The social well-being of those affected by typhoons is an important aspect that must be

considered when planning relief efforts. Marilao, Bulacan, is a town that has been

affected by multiple typhoons, making it an important area to study social well-being in

typhoon victims.

In a study by Cutter et al. (2013), social well-being was identified as a crucial

component of disaster resilience. Social well-being refers to the ability of individuals to

maintain social connections, have access to basic needs, and engage in meaningful

activities. Typhoon victims who have a high level of social well-being are more likely to

cope with the disaster's impact and recover faster.

Natural disasters can significantly impact social well-being. In a study by Rathore

et al. (2019), the effects of natural disasters on social well-being were investigated. The

study found that natural disasters can lead to a decrease in social support, social isolation,

and a sense of loss of control, all of which negatively impact social well-being.

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Community resilience is a vital component of disaster recovery. In a study by

Norris et al. (2008), community resilience was defined as the ability of a community to

adapt, withstand, and recover from disaster. Social well-being was identified as a key

component of community resilience. Communities with high social well-being are better

equipped to deal with disasters and recover faster.

In a study by Reyes et al. (2019), the resilience of typhoon victims in the

Philippines was investigated. The study found that social support, including emotional,

informational, and tangible support, played a critical role in enhancing the resilience of

typhoon victims. The study concluded that efforts to improve social support can help

increase the resilience of typhoon victims.

The social well-being of typhoon victims in Marilao, Bulacan, is crucial in

ensuring their resilience and recovery from natural disasters. Studies have shown that

social well-being plays a critical role in disaster resilience and recovery, highlighting the

need for efforts to improve social support in affected communities. By understanding the

importance of social well-being and taking steps to enhance it, relief efforts can be more

effective in supporting the recovery of typhoon victims in Marilao, Bulacan.

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Other Theories

Cannon-Bard Theory

The Cannon-Bard theory of emotion, also known as the Thalamic theory

of emotion, is a physiological explanation of emotion developed by Walter Cannon and

Philip Bard. Cannon-Bard theory states that we feel emotions and experience

physiological reactions such as sweating, trembling, and muscle tension simultaneously

(“verywellmind”, 2020)

More specifically, it is suggested that emotions result when the thalamus sends a

message to the brain in response to a stimulus, resulting in a physiological reaction.

According to the Cannon-Bard theory of emotion, we react to a stimulus and experience

the associated emotion at the same time.

The physical reactions are not dependent upon the emotional reaction, or vice

versa. As an example: Heavy rainfall won’t stop - I am afraid, and I begin to tremble, and

your heart beating wildly caused by typhoon would lead you to realize that you are

afraid. These experiences could lead to trauma, according to (Vicente, 2020) adding that

it could take months or years to recover for some. Victims of natural disasters are also

vulnerable to other mental problems such as stress disorders, depression and general

anxiety, he added.

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Theory of Coping Mechanism

(Laurus & Folkman, 1984) used the term coping to describe the “cognitive

and behavioral efforts” a person employs to manage stress, generally categorized as

emotion focused or problem focused coping. Not an individual trait, coping is instead

conceptualized by Lazarus and Folkman as a process.

These theorists have built upon the original work of (Selye, 1978) who proposed

the term stress to explain responses being observed in the general adaptation syndrome, a

syndrome identified as an “initial alarm reaction followed by a state of adaptation”. If a

community has been hit by a disaster or violent event, victims may probably try to make

sense of what happened and deal with the stress of the situation. These events create a

tremendous amount of stress and anxiety for those directly and indirectly affected. In the

days and weeks following the disaster, victims may begin to have some of coping

reactions.

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Chapter 3

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