Professional Documents
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©American Psychological Association, 2022. This paper is not the copy of record
and may not exactly replicate the authoritative document published in the APA
journal.
Author Note
Kyra K. Hamerling-Potts is now at the Mental Illness Research, Education and Clinical
Centers (MIRECC), James J. Peters VA Medical Center. Isidro Landa is now at the Department
interest to disclose. Preliminary results were presented at The Society for Affective Science’s
2021 Annual Conference and Washington University in St. Louis’ Spring 2021 Undergraduate
Research Symposium. The study presented in this manuscript was designed for K. K. H.-P.’s
honor’s thesis. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Tammy English, 1
Brookings Drive, St. Louis, MO 63130, United States of America. Email: tenglish@wustl.edu
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
Abstract
Interpersonal goals and adult attachment have implications for how people interact with others as
well as for emotion experience and regulation. Literature on intrapersonal emotional processes
has typically not examined motivations underlying people's engagement with others’ emotions
and its connections to individual differences related to close relationships such as attachment.
This study analyzed the relationships between interpersonal emotion regulation motives,
perceived social interaction outcomes, and attachment. Undergraduates (N = 211) reported their
trait attachment. Experience sampling was used to examine the reasons why they wanted to
regulate others’ emotions during daily interactions and perceived changes in their own well-
being and relationship quality with the target of regulation. Attachment anxiety was associated
with more self-focused prohedonic motives and impression management motives, while
attachment avoidance predicted less perceived increases in emotional and relational well-being
after interactions. People who tended to report more (self- and other-focused) prohedonic and
less impression management motives in daily life perceived more positive changes in their
emotional well-being and people who tended to report higher emotional similarity motives
perceived more positive changes in their relational well-being after interactions People also
perceived more positive emotional and relational interaction outcomes at times when they held
motives and less self-focused performance and relationship distancing motives. Overall, these
findings suggest that attachment anxiety may guide why people engage with other people’s
emotions and these extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation motives may play a role in
In our daily interactions, especially with those close to us, we often attempt to regulate
the emotions of others (Tamminen et al., 2019). Emotion regulation broadly refers to the process
of managing the expression and experience of emotion. Regulating another person’s emotions
could be as simple as cheering them up or attempting to minimize the intensity of their feelings.
These attempts are fueled by the motivation to set and achieve contextually relevant goals. We
might want to minimize the intensity of a person’s emotions because we would like to avoid
feeling stressed ourselves, or we might try to regulate their emotions in order to increase
closeness in the relationship. That is, interpersonal emotion regulation has underlying motives,
emotions with the help of others (i.e., intrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation) and attempts to
regulate others’ emotions (i.e., extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation; Zaki & Williams,
better sense of why one regulates the emotions of another person. Theses motivations can vary
between and within individuals. Between individuals, one possible individual difference that
could explain motivations behind regulatory behaviors is attachment. Attachment first emerges
through interactions with close others during infancy (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991). Attachment
has bearing on our habits when interacting with others and on what we wish to achieve from our
social relationships, so attachment likely guides the motives that adults use to influence another
person’s emotions and subsequent interpersonal emotion regulation outcomes (e.g., relational,
emotional well-being). Although people may generally report relying more on certain motives,
their motives can also vary across contexts (i.e., certain situations may activate a given motive
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
more than others, such as wanting to make a good impression when meeting someone new).
The present study aims to examine the role of adult attachment in preferences for
interpersonal emotion regulation motives and in perceived social interaction outcomes with
romantic and non-romantic partners during daily life. Perceived changes in relationship closeness
and emotional well-being of the regulator were used as indicators of interpersonal emotion
regulation outcomes because they are often superordinate goals of interpersonal emotion
regulation and influence long-term well-being (Saphire-Bernstein & Taylor, 2013; Tamir, 2016).
pursuing hedonic or instrumental motives (Gross, 2015; Tamir, 2009). Emotion regulation
motives are defined as the superordinate motives behind the emotions people would like to feel
when they regulate their emotions (e.g., more excited, less sad; Tamir, 2016). People regulate
their emotions to reach certain emotional states because of how these emotions make them feel
(i.e., hedonic motives), like wanting to feel happier, or because of what emotions can do for them
(i.e., instrumental motives), such as wanting to maintain anger to perform well in a competition
(Mauss & Tamir, 2014). While instrumental motives often reflect goals related to performance
(Kalokerinos et al., 2017), they are also commonly socially-oriented, such as trying to change a
relationship or someone’s opinion of you (English et al., 2017). Individuals differ in the extent to
which they want to influence their own emotions for social reasons, including for the sake of
While individuals generally prefer support that makes them feel validated over support
that helps them problem-solve (Liu, et al., 2021), the motives of interpersonal emotion regulation
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
that are preferred by targets of regulation depends on the emotional and situational context
(Pauw et al., 2019). In addition, how and why people regulate the emotions of others (e.g., to
improve or worsen another person’s affect) varies across different relationships (Niven et al.,
2012). As with intrapersonal emotion regulation, there are several types of interpersonal emotion
regulation motives that underlie the strategies that might be used depending on the relationship
or context. We focus on hedonic motives (prohedonic, contrahedonic) and the most common
instrumental motives, social and performance. Given that social motives are theoretically most
relevant for interpersonal emotion regulation, we examined four subtypes in this area: impression
The hedonic motives underlying interpersonal emotion regulation could be about the
regulator’s own emotions (self-focused; i.e., making themselves feel better or worse) or someone
else’s emotions (other-focused; i.e., making someone else feel better or worse; Niven et al.,
2012). Individuals are often motivated to engage in supporting others based on a desire to
influence their own emotions. For example, people may try to alleviate their personal distress by
assisting a friend going through a difficult event (Eisenberg et al., 1989). Although less common,
people can also be motivated to increase negative (e.g., anger) or decrease positive emotion (e.g.,
happiness) in an interaction partner (contrahedonic; Netzer et al., 2015). Therefore, both self-
and other-related prohedonic and contrahedonic motives were included in the present study.
As individuals are broadly motivated to preserve close relationships with others (Walton
et al., 2012), the desire to maintain positive social bonds should also drive interpersonal emotion
regulation. Existing research on interpersonal support suggests that motives regarding the
relationship with the target of regulation could be particularly relevant as instrumental motives
for interpersonal emotion regulation. Couples that receive more help from their partners report
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higher relationship quality (Overall et al., 2010) and provision of daily interpersonal support has
been associated with increases in relationship closeness (Gleason et al., 2008). The social reasons
underlying intrapersonal emotion regulation have often been delineated into those focused on
(relationship maintenance; Eldesouky & English, 2019). Using certain types of interpersonal
emotion regulation strategies is associated with the formation of new social ties (Niven et al.,
2015), suggesting that interpersonal emotion regulation can increase desire to affiliate with the
regulator and that providing support can make positive impressions on others.
However, other social motives may need to be considered to gain a deeper understanding
manage others’ emotions in order to create distance from them (relationship distancing) or
facilitate closeness through shared experience (emotion similarity; e.g., wanting your friend to
feel happy when you are feeling happy). When individuals feel threatened, they may engage in
self-protective behaviors to actively reduce closeness to other people (Ainsworth & Bowlby,
1991). While relationship distancing may be harmful to social connections, promoting similarity
may be beneficial. Romantic partners and friends experience more cohesion and less conflict
when sharing similar emotional states and these dyads frequently engage in coregulation, or the
necessary to consider performance motives. Previous work has shown that the most frequently
related concerns (Kalokerinos et al., 2017). Much like hedonic motives, performance motives
can be held regarding oneself (e.g., how emotions will impact one’s own ability to complete a
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task) or the target of regulation (e.g., how someone else’s emotions will impact their own
performance (Netzer et al., 2015; Niven, 2016). Thus, the present study assessed self- and other-
focused performance motives in addition to the previously noted hedonic and social motives.
Prior research shows that people endorse various motives when regulating the emotions
of others. However, it is unclear why people endorse these interpersonal emotion regulation
motives or how they might be associated with immediate outcomes for the regulator, such as
emotional and relational functioning. Attachment is one promising candidate for helping to
illuminate patterns of interpersonal emotion regulation motives and perceived changes in social
interactions during infancy with a caregiver (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991; Bartholomew, 1990).
Attachment insecurity, in the form of high attachment avoidance and attachment anxiety,
develops in response to emotional or physical needs of an infant not being met. Attachment
avoidance forms when the caregiver is dismissing, leading to tendencies to suppress one’s needs
and being overly independent. Attachment anxiety, results from inconsistent, unpredictable
Attachment develops beyond infancy and remains relatively stable across adulthood
(Bowlby, 1978). In adulthood, attachment avoidance and attachment anxiety are associated with
the quality of romantic relationships, with attachment security prospectively predicting the
quality of romantic relationships even after controlling for baseline levels of interpersonal
functioning in the relationship (Holland & Roisman, 2010). In addition, adult attachment is
associated with the quality of friendships in young adults (Saferstein et al., 2005). Specific
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behaviors that individuals engage in in their close relationships, like how they resolve conflicts
with close others, are also associated with their attachment style (Domingue & Mollen, 2009).
Shaver, 2007). Attachment dimensions are linked to the motivations that drive intrapersonal
emotion regulation, namely the deactivation and hyperactivation of one’s emotional state.
Attachment avoidance has been associated with deactivation, which includes wanting to inhibit
closeness, negative affect, and vulnerable emotional states. Attachment anxiety, on the other
hand, is associated with hyperactivation, which includes desiring closeness, reassurance, and
emotions that may elicit care from their attachment figures (Girme et al., 2021; Özen et al.,
2011). This work on attachment and intrapersonal emotion regulation begins to suggest that
Attachment has been linked to interpersonal emotion regulation in ways that indirectly
suggest links with both hedonic and instrumental motives. Higher levels of attachment avoidance
or anxiety may motivate one to regulate others for one’s own sake. For example, one may
influence another person’s emotions with the primary aim of protecting themselves from threats
associated with other’s negative emotions (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2009). Additionally,
individuals higher in attachment anxiety have been shown to vary in the use of affect-worsening
strategies across relationships, while people higher in attachment avoidance showed higher
they involve behaviors or engagement with the target that are “intended to” worsen or improve
the target’s emotional state (Niven et al., 2012). interpersonal emotion regulation motives may be
self-focused and include desires to maintain one’s own positive emotional states and negative
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emotional states (i.e., prohedonic and contrahedonic motives). Avoidant individuals tend to
avoid experiences of negative emotion and seek to enhance positive affect (Fraley & Shaver,
1997; Atlan-Atalay, 2019). Individuals higher on attachment anxiety, on the other hand, are more
likely to have learned to exaggerate threats and negative emotions to receive attention from their
attachment figure, and therefore may endorse higher self-focused contrahedonic motives.
Attachment is also associated with broader social-oriented motives in terms of how much
closeness individuals desire and how much closeness versus distance individuals would like in
close relationships. In addition to wanting more intimacy in their relationships, individuals high
in attachment anxiety are also less likely to perceive intimacy, as compared with their less
anxious peers. Conversely, people high in attachment avoidance not only want less intimacy, but
they are also more likely to perceive a relationship as close, as compared with their less avoidant
peers (Hudson & Fraley, 2017). Based on these perceptual differences, more avoidant and more
anxious people also differ from securely attached people in the goals they pursue in close
associated with motives to avoid and not to approach closeness and submission. Anxious
attachment is associated with focusing more on avoiding distance in relationships (Locke, 2008).
regulation between partners (Butner et al., 2007). Covariance in emotion may result from
emotional similarity motives, that is, wanting to make emotions be similar between two people.
Simply wanting to be on the same page as another person, regardless of whether those emotions
are positive or negative, is a novel interpersonal emotion regulation motive that has not been
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explored in prior literature. Emotional similarity motives may relate negatively to the
emotionally distant nature of attachment avoidance and relate positively to the bonding and
closeness seeking of attachment anxiety. Relationship type will be examined to test whether the
associations between attachment and interpersonal emotion regulation motives are stronger for
romantic than non-romantic targets. In adulthood, romantic partners tend to be the primary
attachment figures for individuals (Doherty & Feeney, 2004), so we expected that attachment
individuals attaining their emotion goals (e.g., feeling less negative emotions; Gross, 2015).
When individuals hold instrumental emotion regulation motives, they do not regulate in order to
feel more pleasurable immediately but in order to achieve a goal that has long-term benefits
(Tamir, 2016). For example, regulating your emotions so you can focus on studying for a test
may not immediately result in feeling good, but it can lead to positive feelings later as you are
progressing towards your goal of studying. It has been suggested that affect serves as
information to the individual about progress towards meaningful goals. If progress toward a goal
is too slow then negative affect is output, whereas if progress toward the goal is fast then positive
affect is the output (Carver & Scheier, 1990). When applied to emotion regulation, this suggests
that feeling more positive and less negative emotions could indicate progress towards a motive.
regulation could be through observing changes in momentary emotional and relational well-
being. It is unclear however whether the specific underlying motivations guiding interpersonal
emotion regulation may be differentially associated with better perceived social interaction
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outcomes. On one hand, given that helping others can be intrinsically rewarding (Inagaki &
Orehek, 2017) and promote social bonding (Aknin et al., 2013), regulators may report
improvements in their own emotional well-being and their relationship with the target of their
regulatory efforts regardless of their interpersonal emotion regulation motives. It has also been
shown that positive relationship interactions can lead to more positive affect (Ramsey &
Gentzler, 2015) so it is possible that a person regulating someone’s emotions for instrumental
motives might ultimately reap hedonic benefits even if their emotion regulation in the moment
does not maximize hedonic benefits. However, on the other hand, holding certain interpersonal
emotion regulation motives may be associated with better outcomes. For example, regulators
may feel better after interactions in which they strive to help their partner feel more positively or
to promote a closer relationship with them, whereas they might feel worse after interactions
where they strive to make their partner feel worse or create distance from them. One study found
that individuals who assisted others in regulating their emotions generally showed increases in
their own well-being (Doré et al., 2017), but the role of interpersonal emotion regulation motives
has not yet been explored. Associations between interpersonal emotion regulation motives and
interaction outcomes could appear both on the level of differences between people (e.g., some
people might be more likely to hold prohedonic motives and to also experience more positive
changes in their interactions) and at the level of situations (e.g., regardless of how much people
generally hold prohedonic motives, at times when they hold more prohedonic motives than usual
they are more likely to experience positive changes in their interactions). Study designs that
incorporate multiple assessments per person enable us to distinguish between these two types of
effects while exploring the role of interpersonal emotion regulation in daily interactions.
impacted their emotional and relational well-being. Attachment avoidance and attachment
anxiety are associated with lower emotional well-being and relationship satisfaction (Niven et
al., 2012; Özen et al., 2011). In addition, attachment anxiety and avoidance have been linked to
poorer emotion regulation skills (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2019) and therefore individuals higher
on these dimensions of attachment may also be worse at managing the emotions of others.
Accordingly, people higher in attachment avoidance or attachment anxiety might be less likely to
perceive positive outcomes from social interactions because these individuals are not as good at
implementing interpersonal emotion regulation in a way that will help satisfy their motives. We
also test if there is a stronger association between attachment and interaction outcomes when the
target of interpersonal emotion regulation is a romantic partner, who may more strongly
Present Study
This project aims to understand the role of attachment in predicting why people manage
the emotions of others and the impact interpersonal emotion regulation has on well-being. We
well-being and relationship closeness). Exploratory aims of this study are to examine the
interaction outcomes as well as examine whether attachment impacts the relationship between
regulation motives and social interaction outcomes (osf.io/2nxv9)1. Attachment anxiety, predicts
rumination, fear of rejection, and seeking continuous reassurance and closeness in relationships
(Girme et al., 2021; Özen et al., 2011). Therefore, we predict that attachment anxiety will be
maintenance motives, and conversely less relationship distancing motives (H1). Attachment
avoidance is associated with tendencies to avoid negative affect and minimize one’s emotional
and attachment needs (Girme et al., 2021; Özen et al., 2011). Avoidant individuals may further
hypothesize that attachment avoidance will be associated with greater self-focused prohedonic,
maintenance and emotional similarity motives (H2). We expect attachment anxiety (H3) and
avoidance (H4) to be associated with lower emotional and relational interaction outcomes. The
and social outcomes) are expected to be more pronounced in romantic relationships (H5).
We also explore two non-preregistered research questions. First, we assess the links
between interpersonal emotion regulation motives and social interaction outcomes to gather
initial evidence about whether how one is motivated to regulate others’ emotions relates to the
perceived outcomes (Exploratory RQ1). Second, we assess whether attachment moderates the
association between motives and interaction outcomes to get insight into potential attachment-
1
In the preregistration the social interaction outcomes were labeled as efficacy indicators – we have changed this
framing based on helpful comments received during the peer review process.
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Experience sampling is used in the present study to assess interpersonal emotion
regulation in daily social interactions. This approach increases reliability of the participants’
ratings of interpersonal emotion regulation and momentary well-being, as reporting close to the
time of the event should limit memory biases (Riediger, 2010). It also allows for the assessment
of multiple contexts within-person, such as interactions with different partners. Previous work
has shown that individuals vary in how they regulate the emotions of different relationship
partners (Niven et al., 2012) and that interpersonal emotion regulation is situationally dependent
(Liu et al., 2021; Pauw et al., 2019). Therefore, assessing interpersonal emotion regulation
motives and perceived changes in social interaction outcomes repeatedly can provide more
ecologically valid insight into interpersonal emotion regulation processes in daily life.
Methods
We report justification for our sample size, all data exclusions (none), all manipulations,
and all measures in the study. Data and analysis code for our multilevel models are available at
https://osf.io/2ms9w/. Data was analyzed using R (R Core Team, 2021). The study’s design and
Participants
States (Mean age in years = 19.77, SD = 1.25) were recruited via SONA, from an online
Psychology subject pool of undergraduates. Students who did not have a smartphone or were
traveling through different time zones for the duration of the study were ineligible to participate
because a change in time zones would prevent participants from gaining access to their daily
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surveys. On average, participants completed 77% of surveys (SD = 0.22). No missing data was
imputed as estimation in multilevel models account for differing amounts of data per person.
Most participants were female (73%; male: 26%, non-binary: 0.5%, other: 0.5%). The
sample was diverse in terms of class year (23% first-years, 30% second-years, 27% third-years,
20% fourth-years. Most participants identified as White (54%), followed by Asian (33%),
African American (11%), Latinx (11%), Middle Eastern (3%), and Native American (1%).
Participants were compensated with 1 course credit for an hour of participation in the
study. The present study was approved by the Institutional Review Board at Washington
Sensitivity analyses for our main hypotheses can be found in Table S1.
Procedure
application Expiwell onto their smartphone (Expiwell, 2021). Participants were then asked to
complete a 5-minute Background Survey while on the phone, which contained demographic
questions, an attachment measure, and a personality trait measure. Participants then received an
EMA tutorial. The following day, participants began receiving randomized 2-minute surveys
within 4-hour intervals, three times a day, for seven days (within a 12-hour daily window of their
choice). Each survey asked about the participant’s last interaction, their motives behind engaging
in interpersonal emotion regulation during the interaction (if any), and the perceived emotional
and relational outcomes of this interaction. Social interactions were defined as being able to
occur both in-person or virtually, if communication was reciprocated (e.g., texts were sent back
and forth), and there was no minimum length to be considered social interactions. There was a
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reminder sent five minutes after the initial notification, and the survey expired 15 minutes after
the reminder. Participants were asked to try to complete as many of the surveys as possible.
Materials
Background Measures
Attachment. Adult attachment was assessed with the Experiences in Close Relationships
apply to general (platonic and/or romantic) relationship tendencies, with 18 anxiety-related items
(e.g., “I'm afraid that I will lose my partner's love”, α = 0.91) and 18 avoidance-related items
(e.g., “I prefer not to show a partner how I feel deep down”, α = 0.93). For each attachment item,
Daily Measures
engaging in interpersonal emotion regulation, participants reported on various motives they had
for regulating their partners’ emotions during their most recent interaction (To what extent did
you have any of following goals to manage your partner’s emotions during your most recent
interaction, whether you acted on them or not?). We focused on assessing hedonic motives,
performance, and social motives because they are the most commonly studied and reported
reasons for managing emotion (English et al., 2017; Kalokerinos et al., 2017). Hedonic and
performance items2 were assess both in terms of the regulator’s outcomes (self-focused) and the
target’s outcomes (other-focused), whereas social motives were asked about in the context of the
relationship between regulator and target and therefore not separated into self and other related
2
Other-focused performance motives were not initially examined due to our focus on socioemotional components in
this study, but they were added during the review process for a more comprehensive assessment of interpersonal
emotion regulation motives.
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focused/other-focused), performance (self-focused/other-focused), impression management,
their agreement with each motive item on a Likert scale from 1 (not at all) to 7 (extremely).
relationship maintenance, and relationship distancing motives were each assessed with two
items3. For example, the prohedonic interpersonal emotion regulation motives were assessed
with the items, “I wanted to feel better or maintain my own positive feelings” (self-focused) and
“I wanted to make them feel better or maintain their good feelings” (other-focused). These items
were adapted from the Emotion Regulation Goal Scale (ERGS; Eldesouky & English, 2019). As
preregistered, for motives that had more than one item, scores were averaged when the between
and within-person omega were 0.6 or higher. See Table S2 for all items.
social interaction outcomes, participants were asked about the perceived change in their
emotional well-being (positive emotion and negative emotion) and relationship well-being
(relationship closeness and relationship satisfaction) in their most recent interaction. Participants
indicated the extent to which there was change in well-being on a seven-point Likert scale for
each of these four items (e.g., from 1 “Much less positive emotion than before” to 7 “Much more
positive emotion than before”). As preregistered, because the between- and within-person
omegas for emotional well-being (0.85; 0.80) and relationship well-being (0.84; 0.73) suggested
strong correlations between the perceived changes in social interaction outcomes subscale items,
scores were combined into emotional well-being and relationship well-being composites.
3
Due to time constraints and participant burden, not all motives could be assessed with two items. The decision
about how many items to include per construct was made based on breadth of the construct (with more
straightforward, narrow motives, like the hedonic ones, being assessed with a single item).
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Relationship Type. When asked about their most recent interaction, participants labeled
the primary category of their relationship with the interaction partner, choosing either ‘romantic
‘stranger,’ or ‘other’. Participants were asked to label the primary person they interacted with.
Analysis Plan
Given the data are nested (i.e., multiple daily measures for each person), this study
utilized multi-level models using the lme4 package (Bates et al., 2015) in R. As preregistered,
the hypotheses (H1-H4) were tested by constructing a series of models where interpersonal
emotion regulation motives and perceived changes in social interaction outcomes (level 1
variables) were simultaneously predicted by attachment anxiety and attachment avoidance (level
2 variables), with participant gender included as a level 2 covariate (coded as 1 = female and 0 =
male). Given the presence of time trends in the data (see Table S3), we also included time
To test H5, separate models were run in which relationship type (coded as 1 = romantic
partner and 0 = non-romantic interaction partner) and interaction terms between relationship type
and each dimension of attachment (i.e., type x anxiety and type x avoidance) were included as
addition predictors of each interpersonal emotion regulation motive and social interaction
outcome. The frequency of interacting with romantic partners was relatively low (11% of
prompts), so relationship type moderation analyses are reported in the Supplemental Materials.
For exploratory RQ1, which focuses on the link between interpersonal emotion
regulation motives and social interaction outcomes, we constructed separate multilevel models
with within-person and between-person scores of all motives simultaneously predicting the two
types of outcomes. Within- and between-person level variables were separated by person-mean
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centering motive variables as recommended by Bolger & Laurenceau (2013). Between person
variables were grand-mean centered. Random slopes for within-person effects were included
unless convergence issues occurred. For exploratory RQ2, which focuses on attachment as a
additional predictors along with consecutively testing interactions between these dimensions of
attachment and the within- person components of motives (controlling for other motives).
As preregistered, we performed two types of analyses building on the initial models. The
first models added the interaction between attachment anxiety and attachment avoidance. The
second models tested robustness of the hypothesized effects by adding as covariates the Big Five
neuroticism, and contentiousness; Noftle & Shaver, 2006). Results can be found in Tables S4-S6.
Results
Preanalyses
About 77% of the reported social interactions were within one hour of the prompt (42%
occurred at the time of the prompt), minimizing memory biases. The largest proportion of social
interactions occurred between friends (53% college friends and 6% home friends), followed by
family members (17%) and romantic partners (11%). On average, interactions were with others
whom participants considered close (Mcloseness = 5.26 on a seven-point Likert scale). Attachment
avoidance was associated with less interaction with college friends and more interaction with
family, romantic partners, and professors. Attachment anxiety was associated with less
interaction with college friends and romantic partners, and more interaction with family and
(e.g., attachment) we assessed between- and within-person variance in motives. Slightly more of
the variance was at the within-person level for all motives (intraclass correlations: .38 - .48),
except for impression management (.53) and other-focused performance (.51). However, there
was much more within-person variance than between-person variance for perceived changes in
social interaction outcomes (emotional well-being: 0.14; relationship well-being: 0.16). This
suggests that why people regulate someone’s emotions and how they perceive the interaction
depends more on effects of the situation than on ways in which individuals differ or what people
are like on average. In terms of frequency of endorsing interpersonal emotion regulation motives,
individuals most strongly endorsed regulating others’ emotions to maintain the relationship with
them (M=4.61), followed by prohedonic motives related to the target’s emotions (M=4.09) and to
one’s own emotions (M=3.82). See Table 1 for ICCs (intraclass correlations) and descriptives.
See Table 1 for bivariate correlations between attachment and predicted interpersonal
emotion regulation outcomes. See Table 2 for unstandardized estimates of fixed effects of
management goals, or relationship distancing goals emerged. Attachment avoidance did not
significantly predict any of the hypothesized interpersonal emotion regulation motives (H2).
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
Attachment anxiety did not predict perceived change in emotional well-being (
2 2
γ=−0.02, p=.519, R❑=.00) or relationship well-being ( γ=−0.00 , p=.914 , R❑=.00 ), contrary
to our predictions (H3). In contrast, attachment avoidance predicted both aspects of perceived
social interaction outcomes (H4). Attachment avoidance predicted worse social interaction
γ=−0.12, p<.000 , R2❑=.01) and in relationship well-being ( γ=−0.05 , p=.025 , R❑2 =.01¿ .
relationship partner on associations between attachment and motives) did not reveal any
significant associations. That is, there was no evidence that attachment was more predictive of
partners compared to other types of social interactions. Detailed results can be found in Table S8.
Avoidance interaction for emotional similarity (see Table S4), such that avoidance was only
related to lower emotion similarity motives when attachment anxiety was high. The hypothesized
results were largely robust to controlling for Big Five personality traits (see Table S6).
regulation motives predicting perceived social interaction outcomes (Exploratory RQ1). Within-
person outcomes here show how holding more or less of a motive (compared to how much one
endorses the respective motive on average) relates to perceived social interaction outcomes.
Between-person effects here show how individuals differ in their perceived social interaction
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outcomes based on how much they endorse certain interpersonal emotion regulation motives on
when people held prohedonic motives, they also reported more positive changes in well-being
due to the interaction. Similarly, when people held impression management and relationship
maintenance motives, they also reported more positive changes in their emotional and
relationship well-being. On the other hand, people reported lower emotional well-being when
they more strongly held contrahedonic and relationship distancing motives, as well as lower
relationship well-being when they held relationship distancing motives. As a reminder, these
effects were shown controlling for other relevant interpersonal emotion regulation motives and
time, and they were present above and beyond the between-person effects of motives, or the
In terms of between-person effects, people that held more self- and other-focused
prohedonic motives on average perceived more positive changes in emotional well-being. People
that held more impression management motives on average perceived less positive changes in
motives and perceived social interaction outcomes was dependent on attachment (Exploratory
Discussion
The present study aimed to examine whether attachment predicts why people regulate the
emotions of others and how effective they perceive this regulation to be for their relationship
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with the regulation target and for their own emotional well-being. A secondary, exploratory aim
of the study was to examine the associations between interpersonal emotion regulation motives
and perceived social interaction outcomes. Emotion regulation is closely tied to attachment, as
attachment can manifest through emotion regulation habits that develop as a result of a
relationship (or lack thereof) with a caregiver (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991; Bartholomew, 1990).
However, prior work on attachment primarily has focused on intrapersonal emotion regulation or
coregulation (Butler & Randall, 2013; Butner et al., 2007; Cassidy, 1994; Girme et al., 2021).
The current work extends these findings by examining the role of attachment in the context of
interpersonal, motivated processes of ER, where one aims to regulate another person’s emotions.
motives in the context of social interactions, with effect sizes generally indicating small
associations, but attachment avoidance was not. Consistent with our preregistered hypotheses,
avoidance was not associated with differences in interpersonal emotion regulation motives in
general, there was an interaction between attachment avoidance and attachment anxiety in
predicting emotion similarity. For individuals high in attachment anxiety, attachment avoidance
was associated with less motivation to regulate their partners emotions in order to feel similar
emotional states. Further, attachment avoidance predicted worse social interaction outcomes, as
expected, both in terms of perceived change in emotional well-being and relationship well-being.
There was some initial evidence that interpersonal emotion regulation motives are
differentially related to perceived social interaction outcomes. Evidence emerged both on the
level of individual differences (e.g., if someone reports prohedonic motives more frequently, are
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
they also more likely to report more positive changes in their interaction outcomes?) and at the
situational level (e.g., regardless of the motives a person typically holds, do they report more
positive changes in their interactions when they endorse more prohedonic motives?). People who
and less contrahedonic and relationship distancing motives in daily life also perceived more
positive changes in their emotional and relational well-being after social interactions. People also
perceived more positive emotional and relational interaction outcomes at times when they held
more prohedonic, impression management or relationship maintenance motives and less self-
attachment anxiety to predict more contrahedonic motives, attachment anxiety was actually
associated with more prohedonic motives while attachment avoidance was unrelated to either
type of hedonic motive. That is, increased attachment anxiety was associated with the tendency
Rather than consciously engaging in ruminative tendencies, perhaps those high in attachment
anxiety focus on self-comfort and soothing through interactions with others. Because anxiously
attached individuals fear abandonment in relationships (Brennan et al., 1998), it is plausible that
they would try to regulate close others with the goal of relieving some of their own relationship-
focused apprehension. In addition, more anxiously attached individuals have been shown to react
to pain in others with greater personal distress (Britton & Fuendeling, 2005; Monin et al., 2010).
This suggests that when dealing with others’ emotions more anxiously attached individuals are
more emotionally reactive and experience a greater need to regulate their own emotions.
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
In terms of instrumental motives, our finding that attachment anxiety is related to
prior literature showing anxiously attached individuals desire approval from others to reduce the
threat of abandonment (Brennan et al., 1998). Hypervigilance to threat means that anxious
individuals are self-focused in processing issues and will seek soothing and reassurance,
particularly about the relationship (Girme et al., 2021; Özen et al., 2011). Preoccupation, fear of
abandonment, and fear of rejection associated with hyperactivation of the attachment system are
characteristic of attachment anxiety and lead individuals to seek validation and avoid rejection.
anxiety interacted to predict emotional similarity motives, a largely unexplored reason people
decreased emotional similarity motives, but avoidance was only linked to lower similarity
motives among those who were also high in attachment anxiety (also known as fearful
vulnerability. Avoidant tendencies, when coupled with the intense fear of rejection characteristic
of anxiety, produces a deep distrust of social relationships that may lead to avoiding emotional
linkage with another person (Bartholomew, 1990). Future research should examine whether
intrapersonal emotional similarity motives (i.e., wanting to regulate your own emotion so you
will feel the way your partner feels) also are linked to attachment.
Our findings were mixed regarding perceived social interaction outcomes. Both forms of
insecure attachment were expected to predict worse perceived social interaction outcomes, as
attachment avoidance and attachment anxiety have been previously linked to lower emotional
26
ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
well-being and relationship satisfaction (Niven et al., 2012; Özen et al., 2011) as well as worse
emotion regulation skills (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2019). However, only attachment avoidance
was significantly associated with perceived social interaction outcomes in this context. The fact
that attachment anxiety was linked to interpersonal emotion regulation motives but not perceived
interaction outcomes, whereas attachment avoidance was linked to perceived outcomes but not
motives, suggests that maladaptive motives may not be the cause of attachment-related
interpersonal emotion regulation difficulties. More broadly, these findings highlight the value of
examining multiples aspects of the emotion regulation process, such as when, why, and how
individuals try to manage partners’ emotions, as well as whether they monitor the regulation
process for indications of success or failure and switch strategies when needed (Gross, 2015).
Apart from the findings discussed above, attachment did not predict interpersonal
emotion regulation motives and outcomes to the extent that we predicted. Although null effects
should be interpreted cautiously, there are two potential reasons for the lack of support for our
hypotheses. Firstly, interpersonal emotion regulation motives showed more within- than
between-person variance, as has been found for intrapersonal emotion regulation motives
(Kalokerinos et al., 2017), suggesting motives may depend on contextual factors more so than on
emotion regulation and attachment based on the literature on intrapersonal emotion regulation
and intrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation due to the sparsity of research on attachment as it
relates to regulating the emotions of others. However, it is possible that attachment related
processes that concern one’s own emotions do not operate in a similar way with regard to others’
emotions. For example, individuals higher in attachment avoidance might deactivate their
attachment system with regard to their own emotions (e.g., be less motivated to reach out for
27
ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
intrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation in order to increase closeness with someone else) but
not apply this approach to how they engage with others’ emotions. They may be equally
motivated to regulate someone else’s emotions in order to increase closeness as they do not have
to be concerned about their own support needs not being met when they are the regulator.
Most interpersonal emotion regulation motives in the present study predicted perceived
social interaction outcomes. The pattern of findings in the present study might suggest that, on
average, people report achieving the goals of their interpersonal emotion regulation. Specifically,
people reported more improvements in emotional and relational well-being following social
interactions where they held more self- or other-focused prohedonic, relationship maintenance,
or impression management motives, (and less self-focused performance motives and relationship
distancing motives), above and beyond the general tendency to set these interpersonal emotion
regulation motives. Each of these motives were uniquely associated with well-being given that
their effects were simultaneously assessed. While previous work has shown that individuals that
support others (Inagaki & Orehek, 2017) and help others regulate their emotions (Doré et al.,
2017) generally showed increases in their own well-being, our findings show that these effects
depend on the motives that people hold for engaging in interpersonal emotion regulation.
that how much people held motives in the moment was more relevant to their well-being than
why they typically regulate the emotions of others. The effects that did emerge suggest people
who are more motivated to regulate the emotions of others for prohedonic reasons (related to
oneself or other person) and less motivated motived by the desire to make a good impression
showed higher perceived changes in their emotional well-being. In addition, people who were
28
ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
generally more motivated to regulate others’ emotions to feel more similar showed more positive
changes in relational well-being after interactions, aligning with research documenting the
benefits of shared emotional states for relationship satisfaction (Anderson et al., 2003).
Attachment did not influence associations between motives and social interaction
outcomes, suggesting the adaptiveness of interpersonal emotion regulation motives might hold
regardless of one’s attachment. Together, the findings regarding motive-outcome links illustrate
the importance of utilizing methods that measure interpersonal emotion regulation motives in the
moment (i.e., ESM, experiments) and disentangling within- versus between-person effects.
One limitation of the present study is that it relied on self-reports from the regulator.
While emotion regulation strategies can involve observable behaviors, motivations behind
emotion regulation involve internal mental processes that may be more difficult to articulate.
Moreover, perceived social interaction outcomes were assessed from only one party and it is
possible that although one may perceive their relationship to be improved, their partner could
have a different experience. For example, although individuals higher in attachment anxiety who
engaged in interpersonal emotion regulation did not report lower relationship well-being, their
interaction partner might have reported more displeasure in the relationship. Future research
should collect data from dyads to test if well-being consequences converge between both parties.
This type of design could provide insight into how one’s interpersonal emotion regulation efforts
may influence the well-being of another person and allow an examination of both the target’s
Second, the measures of interpersonal emotion regulation motives and social interaction
outcomes used in this study are somewhat limited. To reduce participant burden and fatigue,
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
some motives were assessed using only one item which might have increased measurement error.
Future research is needed with multiple, validated items for each interpersonal emotion
regulation motive. Further, although we captured a wide range of motives that theoretically
should be most relevant to interpersonal emotion regulation, there may be other motives worth
exploring (Tamir, 2016). In addition, individuals were able to endorse multiple motives and
while hedonic and instrumental motives are theoretically distinct (i.e., individuals are thought to
at times regulate emotions based purely on their hedonic pleasure or purely based on their
instrumental function), our hedonic and instrumental items covaried in a way that indicates these
motives often co-occurred. Future work should try to assess regulation in a way that can clearly
Further, our outcome measures were relatively broad in focus and did not differentiate
between specific aspects of emotional and relational well-being. We did not include items that
could capture proximal interpersonal emotion regulation outcomes for certain motives, such as
performance (e.g., perceived ability to focus on a task). In addition, our measures showed that
participants often did not perceive large amounts of changes in well-being related to the
interactions they reported on, which might have limited our ability to find effects. Event
perceived social and emotional functioning in order to not require individuals to possess meta-
knowledge or insight into how their emotional and relational well-being changed over time.
Mikulincer, 2019), future research focusing on emotionally evocative events might be able to
paint a clearer picture of the role of attachment in interpersonal emotion regulation motivation.
While the attachment system is most likely activated in close, romantic relationships, our sample
30
ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
included only a minority of participants (N = 67) that were currently in a relationship and
frequency of interacting with a romantic partner was generally low, which may have interfered
with our ability to detect effects pertaining to romantic relationships. Future studies focusing on
specific close relationships or employing dyadic designs could overcome this limitation.
Also, as in previous research (e.g., English et al., 2017) contrahedonic regulation was
reported infrequently. Conflict interactions with a close other (e.g., in laboratory settings or
assessed through event-contingent experience sampling) that pose a threat to the relationship
might provide a promising context for examining contrahedonic regulation of one’s own and
someone else’s emotions, particularly with regard to more anxiously attached individuals who
are more likely to perceive the upregulation of negative emotions as congruent with their goals to
maintain closeness with their partner in a threatening situation (Shaver & Mikulincer, 2019).
As posited in the emotion regulation process model (Gross, 2015), the activation of an
emotion regulation motive or goal (e.g., wanting to regulate someone’s emotions so the
relationship becomes closer) does not mean that individuals necessarily select a regulation
strategy or successfully implement this strategy. Our research focused on the question to which
extent people held certain motives and participants were explicitly instructed to report on their
motives whether they acted on them or not. Thus far there has not been much research attention
directed towards whether people act on their motives, which is an important aspect of intra- and
why and how failure to act on one’s motives occurs and whether this is due to characteristics of
the regulator (e.g., lack of knowledge about strategies or inhibition) or the regulation context
Conclusion
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
This study demonstrated that attachment predicts individual differences in certain
interpersonal emotion regulation motives as well as the perceived emotional and relational
between interpersonal emotion regulation motives and perceived social interaction outcomes in
daily social interactions. Individuals higher in attachment anxiety may be more motived to
regulate others’ emotions in order minimize their own negative affect. Consistent with prior
literature on the thought patterns of anxious attachment, those higher in attachment anxiety also
engaged in interpersonal emotion regulation with the goal of improving others’ opinions of them
(Brennan et al., 1998). Attachment avoidance, on the other hand, was linked to social interaction
outcomes with individuals higher in attachment avoidance reported lower perceived emotional
and relationship well-being after interpersonal interactions. Future work can build on these initial
findings about implications of attachment for interpersonal emotion regulation and the role of
motive setting in interpersonal regulation. Doing so can shed light on the nature of psychological
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Table 1.
Between and Within-Person Correlations for Attachment, Interaction Outcomes, and Interpersonal Emotion Regulation Motives
Unstandardized Estimates and Semi-Partial Effect Sizes for Attachment Predicting Interpersonal Emotion Regulation Motives and
Interaction Outcomes
Motives
Prohedonic - Self 3.84 .22(.09)* .02 [.04, .40] -.17(.09) .01 [-.34, .00]
Contrahedonic - Self 1.89 .04(.06) .00 [-.08, .16] -.03(.06) .00 [-.14, .08]
Performance - Self 2.91 .08(.09) .00 [-.09, .05] .06(.08) .00 [-.10, .22]
Impression Management 3.62 .32(.10)** .05 [.13, .52] -.04(.09) .00 [-.23, .14]
Relationship Distancing 2.11 .08(.07) .01 [-.05, .22] .05(.06) .00 [-.08, .17]
Relationship Maintenance 4.80 .12(.09) .01 [-.05, .29] -.07(.08) .00 [-.24, .08]
Emotional Similarity 3.03 .17(.09) .01 [-.01, .35] -.14(.09) .01 [-.31, .03]
Prohedonic - Other 4.13 11(.09) .01 [-.06, .29] -.11(.09) .01 [-.28, .06]
Contrahedonic - Other 1.85 .03(.06) .00 [-.10, .15] .00(.06) .00 [-.12 .11]
Performance – Other 2.43 .10(.07) .00 [-.04 .24] -.01(.07) .00 [-.14 .12]
Interaction Outcomes
Change in Emotional Well-being 4.68 -.02(.03) .00 [-.09, .05] -.12(.03)** .01 [-.18, -.05]
Change in Relationship Well-being 4.44 -.00(.02) .00 [-.05, .04] -.05(.02)* .01 [-.10, -.01]
Note. Values in square brackets indicate the 95% confidence interval for each estimate. Gender and time were included as covariates
in each model. Both attachment dimensions were grand-mean centered and included together as predictors of each motive and
perceived change in interaction outcome. Random intercepts were included. *p < .05. **p < .01.
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ATTACHMENT AND INTERPERSONAL REGULATION
Table 3.
Unstandardized Within- and Between-person Effects of Interpersonal Emotion Regulation Motives on Perceived Change in
Interaction Outcomes
Emotional Well-being Relationship Well-being
Predictor Variables γ(SE) R
2 95% CI RE (SD) γ(SE) R
2 95% CI RE (SD)
❑ ❑
Intercept 4.69(.06) 4.43(.04)
Within-Person
Prohedonic - Self .10(.01)** .01 [.07, .12] .01(09) .04(.01)** .01 [.03, .07] .00(.07)
Contrahedonic - Self -.06(.02)** .00 [-.11, -.02] .02(.14) -.00(.01) .00 [-.03, .01] /
Performance - Self -.07(.01)** .01 [-.10, -.05] .00(.06) -.03(.01)** .01 /
Impression Management .04(.01)** .01 [.01, .07] / .07(.01)** .01 [.06, .09] /
Relationship Distancing -.22(.02)** .04 [-.26, -.18] / -.12(.02)** .03 [-.18, -.13] .03 (.17)
Relationship Maintenance .09(.02)** .01 [.07, .13] / .06(.01)** .01 [.07, .11] /
Emotional Similarity .01(.01) .00 [-.01, .04] / .01(.01)* .00 [.00, .04] /
Prohedonic - Other .11(.01)** .02 [-.01, .04] / .05(.01)* .01 [.03, .07] /
Contrahedonic - Other -.02(.02) .00 [-.01, .04] / .02(.02) .00 [-.01, .06] .01(.11)
Performance - Other -.02(.02) .00 [-.01, .04] / -.01(.01) .00 [-.03, .02] /
Between-Person
Prohedonic - Self .10(.04)* .01 [.02, .19] .02(.03) .00 [-.03, .09]
Contrahedonic - Self -.01(.10) .00 [-.20, .19] .02(.07) .00 [-.10, .15]
Performance - Self -.09(.05) .00 [-.18, .01] .02(.03) .00 [-.10, .15]
Impression Management -.08(.04)* .00 [-.16, .00] .00(.03) .00 [-.01, .09]
Relationship Distancing -.10(.07) .00 [-.23, .03] -.08(.05) .00 [-.16, -.01]
Relationship Maintenance .05(.04) .00 [-.03, .14] .01(.03) .00 [-.01, .10]
Emotional Similarity -.02(.03) .00 [-.09, .04] .06(.02)* .01 [.01, .11]
Prohedonic - Other .15(.06)** .01 [.05, .26] .07(.04) .00 [-.00, .13]
Contrahedonic - Other -.13(.11) .00 [-.34, .08] -.01(.07) .00 [-.15, .13]
Performance - Other 13(.07) .00 [-.01, .26] .01(.05) .00 [-.08, .10]
Note. Values in brackets indicate the 95% confidence interval for each estimate. Random slopes were included unless models showed
convergence issues. RE= Random effect. Gender and time were added as covariates in each model. Between-person effects were