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A Syncretic Culture
Paul A. Rodell

This chapter must begin with the key question: What is “culture”? A useful definition is that
culture encompasses the full range of human creativity and daily life. Under this expansive
notion obvious cultural productions such as music, dance, painting, sculpture, film, literature,
and so forth all fit comfortably. However, this broad definition also encompasses less obvious
aspects of culture in daily life such as architecture, food, clothing, gender relations, religion,
games, and lifestyles including social forms of interaction.
Before examining any aspect of culture, it must be recognized that culture is not static. All
of human culture is in constant motion as new styles replace old, so “change” as an influence on
culture must be accounted for. For this reason, it is often necessary to look at the historical roots
of cultural practices to gain an understanding of their social role. Central to our discussion of
Philippine culture is the concept of syncretic adoption where aspects of foreign cultures are
integrated into the local culture. In a sense, all cultures do this, but this process is especially
important because Filipinos have had to adapt themselves to other cultures, but do so within the
boundaries of their own values and traditions.
If change is constant and an historical perspective is critical to understand culture, what addi-
tional influences operate on culture over time? In the Philippine case, a good starting point is
the composition of the archipelago’s people. Although the population is overwhelmingly Malay,
there are differences within the majority’s ethno-­linguistic composition ranging from the Ilocano
speakers of the north to the various indigenous and Muslim peoples of Mindanao. Each group-
ing contributes to the whole of the nation’s culture. Additionally, the country has integrated
other peoples such as Spaniards, Chinese, Americans, and other Asians and Europeans. These
additional groups have also contributed to Philippine culture, sometimes in significant ways.
A discussion of Philippine culture should include the archipelago’s geography and climate
that has influenced various aspects of the country’s culture including architecture where Philip-
pine dwellings have been adapted to various temperatures and climatic conditions. Examples
range from the stone houses on the far north’s typhoon plagued Batanes Islands, to the warm,
enclosed dwellings of Luzon Island’s central Cordillera mountains where temperatures drop at
night, to the light airy bamboo homes in the hot and humid coastal regions and broad flood-
plains of the country’s rich agricultural areas all the way to the Sulu Archipelago where the Sama
Bajau people live most of their lives on their fishing boats (Rodell 2002a, 77–96 and Lico 2010
et passim).

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Geography is also central to the Philippine’s history of adopting external cultural influences.
Although at the far eastern edge of Southeast Asia, the Philippines still received cultural influ-
ences, especially religious and philosophical, from distant India and the Middle East, however,
physical distance and the mediating effect of the Philippine’s Southeast Asian neighbors both
acted as buffers to temper the original teachings of strict South Asian and Middle Eastern reli-
gions. Meanwhile, the influence of the Philippine’s Chinese neighbor to the near north for a
long time remained limited to a relatively few merchants whose impact was overshadowed by
numerous Arab and Indian traders. Large scale Chinese migration accelerated when European
colonizers arrived and Chinese merchants began a mutually beneficial symbiotic relationship
with the newly arrived Westerners.
Foreigners initially sought ports that offered contact with the local population and shelter for
their ships. The Spaniards first landed on the southern island of Cebu and then transferred to the
better situated Manila Bay to the north. Islamic influence entered the archipelago in the far
southern Sulu Sea and spread to Mindanao and was headed northward through the Visayan
Islands until the arrival of Spanish priests halted and reversed the most recent conversions.
Meanwhile, merchants from near and far traveled up and down the islands seeking customers
living in numerous river inlets and bays. The extensive waterways also served as liquid highways
for the introduction and spread of external cultural influences.
Even the European presence was conditioned by the Philippines’ geographic position. The
distance from Madrid made the Philippines a far outlier in the Hispanic global empire. This
distance limited the value of the archipelago to the profitable Galleon Trade (1571 to the 1820s)
and Spain’s cultural influence was long focused on the religious work of missionary religious
orders. Civilian Spaniards usually did not venture far from their residences safely inside the walls
of Manila’s Intramuros district and protected by the guns of Fort Santiago.
While largely urban based, the colonial domination of Spain and later the United States facil-
itated Western cultural influences over time. The cultures of these colonizers became the
markers of status for the indigenous population to emulate as local workers produced the cul-
tural goods demanded by foreign patrons. The colonizers also linked the islands more firmly
into the increasingly complex web of international linkages as sailing ships gave way to steam
powered vessels and the Suez Canal shortened travel times making distance less of an obstacle to
cultural exchanges and cross fertilization. Especially from the United States’ colonial period to
the present, the rise of public education further disseminated foreign cultural influences. And in
today’s global culture of instant communication and information exchange the flow of cultural
productions has reached a level undreamt of only a few short decades ago. The Philippines is a
participant in all of these twentieth and twenty-­first century developments.

So what is the Philippine’s syncretic culture?

With so many external cultural influences on Philippine culture the question can legitimately be
asked, “So what remains after syncretic adoption that is truly Filipino?” All of the factors already
introduced, both domestic and foreign, natural and man-­made, have shaped and continue to
reshape Philippine culture. But the important point is that Filipinos are the ones who do the
shaping and they do so based on their own sensibilities. It is the nuances of this process of com-
bining influences and factors that make Philippine culture its own. To the first-­time observer
the Philippines and its culture may not seem unique but there is a difference between initial
appearances and underlying reality. The use of English by many clothing styles, media outlets,
brand names, and so forth all evoke a distinctly Western and international culture. However, the
perceptive observer soon realizes that there are a number of distinct local variations.

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Even the food in international fast food outlets has a local flavor because Filipinos prefer their
own tastes and look on meals at Western fast food chains as “snacks” and not real meals. Social
interactions are also very different and business is not conducted until a personal rapport is well
established. A few years ago, I took a group of faculty on a trip to the Philippines. A number of
Filipino friends of mine were puzzled by how I could do business with a travel agent who
helped me set up the trip when I had never met her, didn’t even know just where her office
was, and had only talked with her over the phone. In local Philippine markets you go to your
“suki” with whom you always do your business and that personal relationship will assure that
you are getting good service and fair deal. Going to anyone else should be avoided. This same
business culture in the local village marketplace is also found in some of the country’s largest
corporations (Roces and Roces 1994, pp. 121–132).
Our search for an answer must look to the pre-­Hispanic past when Filipino core values were
first developed in small villages comprised of close knit families held together by mutually bene-
ficial personal alliances. Because the family is the repository of basic social values our discussion
will begin with the family and gender. This examination will go beyond the core nuclear family
to the extended family and the importance of fictive kin. Next, the chapter will examine Philip-
pine cuisine which is an excellent example illustrating the combining of indigenous resources
and external influences to create a Filipino cuisine. Moving beyond the family and food, the
final section will look at music and the role that syncretic adaption has played and continues to
play in the cultural life of the country. This discussion will reference not just music but its rela-
tionship to cultural values, gender relations, and dance even while illustrating the incorporation
of external influences. Clearly, this discussion will leave many aspects of culture unexamined,
many of them important. Unfortunately, in a brief survey chapter extremely difficult decisions
have to be made since space does not allow for a full discussion of a number of topics.

Traditional family and gender relations in change

Like most of its Southeast Asian neighbors, Philippine families were based on bilateral kinship
where neither the male nor the female side was privileged over the other in terms of descent or
superiority. As a consequence of bilateral kinship pattern, in traditional Philippine society
women held prominent social roles in the community and were partners in marriage rather than
subservient to husbands as were women in patrilineal societies such as traditional China. But
what does this mean in a practical sense? Beyond the relatively prominent role of women,
youngsters as they reach marriageable age have relatively significant latitude in making dating
and marriage choices. Similarly, newlyweds are also free to choose where they will live as they
establish their independent household. All of this sounds very familiar to Westerners, but there
are additional aspects of Filipinos family life that are different and more in keeping with the
Philippines’ traditional past that are still very much alive; this is especially true of the extended
family and gender power relationships within the marriage.
The extended Philippine family includes two distinct components. The first component is
composed of all relatives connected by biological and marriage relationships. This familial core
is critical because it sets the parameters for an individual’s identity and status in society. A Fili-
pino’s relatives and their social, economic, and political status defines an individual much more
so than does a family’s social-­economic position in the West. Elite families will be in a position
to ensure that their children will go to the best schools and will have access to the connections
they need for success. Conversely, someone who comes from a less well-­off family will have
fewer advantages. There may still be room for an individual with talent to improve, but it is
more difficult to do so – far more so than in the West. So, when Filipinos first meet, it is not

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unusual for stock to be taken of a person’s family as an important marker of place in the social
hierarchy.
The second component of a Filipino extended family are “fictive kin” who enhance the
family’s strength which is especially true of ritual relatives who act as sponsors at a baptism or
marriage. While ritual sponsors are common in the West, the importance of acting as a sponsor
in the Philippines is much greater and involves a set of mutual obligations that unite families.
While many sponsors are friends, it is also common to seek alliances with social-­economic
superiors such as a landlord or local political leader. Sponsors have strong obligations to the child
or newlyweds while the recipients can be called upon to support their landlord or politician
sponsor. This practice is different from the West where being a sponsor is seen as a one-­time
thing denoting mutual friendship but not as a set of long-­term mutual obligations between fam-
ilies and for the long-­term material benefit of the child or married couple.
An additional type of “fictive kin” is the barkada, a friendship group that can often trace its
roots back to childhood associations such as childhood play groups, a graduating class, or, later,
workplace friends. While the barkada is not inherently gender specific, since boys and men are
expected to spend most of their time outside of the home, most barkadas are male even though
female groups are not unknown. The importance of the barkada should not be underestimated
because it is long-­lasting and can even rival loyalty to one’s family (Rodell 2002a, p. 136 fn. 9).
Especially important classmate barkadas are often formed in extra-­curricular associations such as
fraternities or are graduating classes of elite institutions. As well, the barkada’s importance in the
modern urban context should also not be neglected. For example, President Marcos staffed top
government offices with his fraternity “brods.” More dramatic were the many post-­Marcos
coup attempts that exposed fault lines between different graduating classes of the Philippine
Military Academy who squared off against each other attempting either to topple the govern-
ment or support it (McCoy 1999 et passim).
Despite the importance of fictive kinship networks, the basic Filipino family closely resembles
that of the West. However, in the area of gender relationships significant differences can be
found because the traditional “double standard” is still the norm despite recent gains in women’s
equality. Under this standard, the woman rules the household, including managing the family
budget and all expenditures, while the men spend much of their lives outside the home. Girls
stay with their mothers to learn the basic skills needed of a future wife and mother and young
women are watched closely to ensure that they will not shame themselves which could ruin
their chances for a suitable marriage and dishonor the family. Meanwhile, the men spend their
time working outside the home and later escape to their barkadas for recreation. Young men are
also give a great deal of latitude sexually which continues later during marriage. While not uni-
versal, it is not unusual for men to have extra-­marital relations and even second families. Tradi-
tionally this behavior was tolerated and even admired as a sign of masculinity.
When a couple begin to date they will often be supervised by having roommates or friends
accompany them. Later, when the relationship is advanced, couples will go out on their own,
but open sexuality is still not displayed. Pre-­marital co-­habitation common in the West is only
practiced by a small number of Manila’s young people. Though young people have the freedom
to choose their partners, it is not uncommon for the parents to encourage matches they feel
especially appropriate for their child and actively attempt to discourage less desirable prospects.
Since familial pressure can exert a strong influence, there is still the tendency for couples to be
from the same town and social-­economic class and “mixed” marriages of different religions are
also rare. Once a marriage has been agreed to, the family mobilizes to ensure the best affordable
wedding ceremony that must take place in a church since God’s sanction is essential for a union
to be real and truly blessed (Rodell 2002a, pp. 126–129).

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Once a child is born, the new family truly comes into being. Although bilateral, the new
family suddenly becomes matrifocal and the father is increasingly distant. If the father carries on
an active sex life outside the family, the child’s focus will be all the more centered on the
mother. Since the mother is ever present and the source of all good, the child can never repay
her and their relationship is forever unequal and requires complete loyalty. Meanwhile, the
distant father is respected, but his relative absence makes him difficult to approach and some-
what forbidding. The consequences of the matrifocal family are unclear because while the child
may have a secure base from which to launch into the world, the child may also become sub-
ordinate to the family and sacrifice themself to it (Mulder 1997, pp. 42–44).
Despite the hold of tradition, new forms of gender relations are making inroads that promise
to reshape the future Filipino family to some degree. Men are spending more time with their
children and are more openly affectionate. As more women pursue careers after birthing, duties
are increasingly shared and societal attitudes are shifting to accept the professional working
mom. A dramatic illustration of this shifting attitude toward women can be seen in the career
of former president Joseph Estrada. His cavalier attitude towards women and his many mistresses
backfired on him and was one of the motivating factors for the second People Power Revolu-
tion that led to his ouster. Especially powerful was the tearful testimony of the immensely
popular actress and singer Nora Aunor who was one of his mistresses and described how he used
her “like a punching bag” (Rodell 2002b, p.  218). Meanwhile, the increasing availability of
birth control is clearly reflected in the smaller number of children born to middle class families,
this despite best the efforts of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. While these changes are signi-
ficant and should not be discounted, ultimately the family will remain strong in Philippine life
and culture.

Food and syncretic Philippine culture

After the family, nothing is more fundamental and reflective of a society than food, its prepa-
ration and social role. The Philippine table displays the wealth of the archipelago’s land and
surrounding waters and food is prepared in a way that reflects the culture’s syncretic nature
by combining influences from Asian and world food cultures and the country’s historical
development (Fernandez 1998, pp.  7–9 and 15–17). There are some variations based on
regional tastes including the Bicol peninsula’s preference for spicy food and the sour taste of
the Ilocano region’s pinakbet that makes heavy use of ampalaya, a bitter melon. Meanwhile,
the country’s Muslims follow the religious stricture against eating pork. Additionally, some
differences are concessions to local agriculture variations such as the use of corn as an
inexpensive supplement to rice in some parts of the Visayan Islands and Mindanao (Alvina
1998, pp. 10–13).
One constant in the Philippine diet is rice, the basic building block that appears at every meal
and as between meal snacks. Even the word for cooked rice, kanin, is the root of the whole
nomenclature of eating: kain is to eat; pagkain is food; kumain is to take a meal; pang-­kain is
money set aside for food, and so forth. In contrast, the word ulam, the generic term for victuals
of meat, fish, or vegetables, has only that one application. Second to rice is fish whether from
the surrounding oceans, shallow coral reefs, freshwater rivers, or rice paddies. Fish and shrimp
are even used for flavoring as sauce (patis) or paste (bagoong) and used in many recipes and as a
condiment on Filipino tables. Rounding out the diet are a number of root crops, vegetables
such as kangkong which is grown in swampy conditions, and fruits. While chicken is readily
available, red meat is usually limited to the tables of middle class and wealthy Filipinos because
of its relative expense (Rodell 2002a, pp. 99–101).

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A near universal Philippine dish is adobo, a simple stew of either chicken or pork flavored
with vinegar and spices such as garlic and peppercorns and often with the addition of soy sauce
(Gapultos 2013, pp. 68–81). Another common dish is sinigang, another stew with wide vari-
ations combining vegetables and any available fish or meat and flavored with acidic fruits such
as tamarind, green mango, guava, or tomato. The broth cools the body and is welcome in the
country’s tropical climate. In addition to these stews, Filipinos dry and salt fish and meat to
preserve the flesh while other ulam such as chicken or fish is often roasted. Whole roasted pork,
or lechon, slow cooked over a pit is especially prized and is often consumed at festive occasions
such as during the town or barrio fiesta or special occasions such as a wedding. Fish and meats,
including goat, are also marinated in vinegar and lime juice, the acids of which “cook” the raw
foods without the use of fire. This method is called kinilaw (Alejandro 1998, pp. 33–101). The
country has an abundance of fruits for natural desserts, but this part of the meal is largely a
foreign addition to the Philippine table. While natural fruit drinks are consumed, soft drinks,
especially Coca-­Cola, are often a staple, despite, or perhaps because of, their high sugar content.
Also enjoyed are San Miguel beer and fermented drinks such as palm “wine” and lambanog, a
powerful alcohol made from fermented coconut juice. Meanwhile, sugar cane juice is fer-
mented to make the alcohol drink basi. While beer is relatively common and may accompany a
meal the other forms of alcoholic drinks are usually reserved for social consumption along with
“finger food” that encompasses a range of foods from peanuts to various meats such as goat to
more exotic foods such as frogs, squid, and even dog in some parts of the country (Alegre 1992,
pp. 29–77).
Because China’s southern coast is so close, Filipino and Chinese merchants regularly traded
with each other in the pre-­Hispanic era; this two-­way traffic’s impact on the islands’ cuisine was
great. Adoptions from China include a variety of rice noodles especially the ubiquitous noodle
dish pancit. As well, it is probable that lumpia (vegetables wrapped in thin rice crepes), siopao
(meat encased in cooked balls of rice dough), and dumplings (soimai) had Chinese origins.
Spain’s impact was not to the same degree since many ingredients like olives cannot be grown
locally and the cuisine of the Iberian Peninsula uses far more meat than the average Filipino
family budget can afford. Dishes such as relleno (stuffed capons), cocido (sausage stews), and rich
desserts like Brazo de Mercedes (the Arm of Mercedes) were reserved for very special occasions as
a display of wealth. Still, some affordable dishes were incorporated into the Filipino diet includ-
ing the Spanish paella that became bringhe. Spanish sausage has become the popular breakfast
meat longaniza served alongside pan de sol (bread of salt). Meanwhile, some egg yolk desserts such
as leche flan and yemas became incorporated without being changed. And finally, Spanish gal-
leons brought a number of fruits and vegetables from the Americas such as corn, tomatoes,
peanuts, the humble sweet potato (camote), pineapples, avocados, and others that fundamentally
changed local recipes (Rodell 2002a, pp. 104–106 and Newman 2014, pp. 83–86).
The contribution of the United States has pretty much been limited to some snack foods
such as pizza and hamburgers and the fast food industry. This, too, has been syncretically adopted
and the Jollibee chain of restaurants is giving McDonalds and other American franchises a run
for the Peso even as these foreign chains attempt to syncretically transform their menus to match
Jollibee. The growth of fast food also reflects the increased urbanization of the entire country
and not just Manila. As more and more people are jamming into the country’s urban centers,
the number of restaurants has grown exponentially and has spawned the ancillary growth of
takeout businesses that serve the needs of busy working professional parents. Increasingly, the
Philippines resembles any other developing country in the twenty-­first century even if the taste
palate and ingredients are unique and locally based.

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Music and syncretic Philippine culture

Whether for courting or other purposes such as storytelling, celebrating a birth, burying the
dead, and work activities including planting or harvesting, anyone could, and would, be called
on to participate in group music. Gender relations were reflected in oral traditions that formed
the basis of the earliest Filipino music. For example, in courting songs couples were called on to
create impromptu lyrics. This tradition lived on in the traditional kundiman and even resonate
in contemporary Filipino love songs that stress everlasting love and are presented in heart
wrenching lyrics and performances. Even today, the impromptu nature of shared music at Fili-
pino gatherings catches foreign visitors by surprise when they are called on to sing. The for-
eigner will attempt to render a song perfectly and will not realize that what is really important
is not the quality of their singing, but their enthusiastic participation in the group activity.
European musical influence began with liturgical music which fit neatly into indigenous
worship practices. This is especially prominent in the traditional pre-­Hispanic pabasa, a group
recitation of religious texts done in the punto musical fashion. Today, this form of musicality is
used in the public readings of the Passion of the life and death of Christ recounted during Holy
Week. Meanwhile, secular forms of Spanish music were introduced, often accompanied by
social dancing, but were also modified to fit Philippine culture (Hila 1989, pp. 13–15). So, the
enthusiastic habanera became the more subdued Filipino dansa that was eventually transformed
to include the music of the harana, a serenade of courtship. A traditional dance featured at many
a public celebration has a woman balancing a lamp on her head and two more on the backs of
her hands while executing complicated cross-­over steps. This dance had its origin in the Spanish
fandango (Urtula and Arandez 1992, pp. 34–35).
Traditional Philippine musical instruments included brass gongs, bamboo versions of the
“Jew’s harp,” hollowed out logs that could be beaten, bells, and so forth. These were then sup-
plemented by a wide array of Spanish instruments such as the guitar, mandolin, piccolo, and
others to form rondalla orchestras that were later supplemented by the piano. Meanwhile, Amer-
ican influence saw the introduction of brass bands and dance bands with a new and expanded
array of instruments and the introduction of new musical genres like ragtime, blues, and jazz.
Under this later colonial assault, Filipino music culture faced a greater challenge than ever but
was able to rebound thanks to yet another foreign innovation. It was the Filipino vernacular film
industry catering to the broad population that kept traditional music alive. Filipino films gave
local composers an audience and a livelihood and produced some of what remains today as
iconic Philippine songs. Examples include Miguel Velarde, Jr.’s “Dahil Sa Iyo” (Because of
You) that the late president Ferdinand Marcos always sang at campaign rallies in a duet with his
wife Imelda. That a thoroughly modern politician like Marcos would choose such a sentimental
kundiman as his signature song shows the residual strength of traditional culture.
Before World War II, national pride also kept earlier music forms alive thanks to composers
such as Juan S. Hernandez and Hilarion Rubio and the prodigious body of work by Nicanor
Abelardo. In all cases, these and many other composers sought to incorporate traditional musi-
cality, themes. and instruments into modern works. Nationalist musical production continued
thanks to Lucrecia Kasilag whose compositions in the 1950s and 1960s won numerous awards
and the strong influence of the Cultural Center of the Philippines as well as the Bayanihan Phil-
ippine Dance Company that showcases highly stylized traditional music and dance to the world
(Castro 2010, pp. 61–104).
However, the international music scene’s influence continues unabated and has even acceler-
ated and only a few local record labels such as Villar Records could hold their own against the
foreign influx. What began a turnaround was the protest music of the Martial Law period with

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nationalist groups such as the APO Hiking Society whose song “Hindi Ka Nag-­iis” (You Are
Not Alone) was composed in protest of the 1983 assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr. They
were joined by a generation of “folk” style protesters such as Freddie Aguilar whose signing of
“Bayan Ko” (My Country) to the crowds in 1986 played a part in toppling the Ferdinand
Marcos regime (Rodell 2002a, pp.  179–180). Others such as Florante de Leon, Heber Bar-
tolome, and Joey Ayala, after he left APO, fell into this same category of nationalist composer/
performers of popular music (Castro 2010, pp. 167–190 and Rodell 2002a, pp. 184–186). Their
efforts were mirrored by Ruben Cayabyab in Manila’s jazz scene, classic Filipino songbook
singers Celeste Legaspi and Kuh Ledesma, and even “Pinoy” rockers Mike Hanopol and his
Juan de la Cruz band featuring the wild Joey Smith whose very name references a popular folk-
tale character. In fact, Pinoy Rock became quite popular by the 1980s and was, in part, respons-
ible for a requirement that radio stations include Filipino compositions in their playlist (Caruncho
1996, pp. 115–133 et passim).
Today, contemporary Western music remains popular as Taylor Swift, Adele, and others
can be heard over the airwaves and are popular downloads. Still, Filipino musicians are now
known for their own music and not just for their ability to mimic popular Westerners and
their music is also selling. Prominent among a new generation of such artists are the Eraser-
heads (Caruncho 1996, pp.  103–109) and for a time Pinoy rapper Francis Magalong who
interpreted contemporary Philippine life. While Filipino films are no longer as strong as they
were, they continue to feature local musicians. Meanwhile, in the provinces, local dialects
continue to be sung while brass bands and rondalla ensembles still make their music and even
by the late 1990s Kasilag produced new compositions for orchestra that featured indigenous
instruments as vital components of the orchestra. Philippine music and musical sensibilities
remain vital as syncretic adoption adds new and exciting new dimensions to the evolutionary
process.
At many different levels syncretic Philippine culture remains alive and well.

References
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