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Sea Routes and Navigation in the Third Millennium Aegean

Article  in  Oxford Journal of Archaeology · December 2002

DOI: 10.1111/1468-0092.00022

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CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM

AEGEAN

Summary This article discusses evidence for interregional contact by sea in

the Early Bronze Age Aegean. It outlines the relevant environmental
background and changes since that period, and discusses the relationship
between important settlements and preferred routes of movements between
coasts and islands. After discussing some aspects of pilotage and navigational
techniques used in the third millennium, it considers the role of different areas
in reconstructed patterns of contact.

relevant to the study of submerged or risen

ENVIRONMENT
In order to reconstruct sea trade routes in
the prehistoric Aegean, it is necessary to
understand first the important parameters that
influenced the maritime environment. The
most important parameters are climate
(weather patterns) and geology (distribution
of land masses, volcanic and earthquake
zones, land forms and sea-level changes,
and minerals and rocks). If these parameters
could be related to archaeological data such
as distribution of sites and artefacts, and
representations of boats, then it would be
possible to trace certain sea routes which
affected the flow of products and ideas. The
human factor should always be taken into
serious consideration without being
underestimated or overestimated.
The historically wealthy Aegean has
provided an ideal field for recent efforts to
bring together the geomorphological and
archaeological disciplines, to exchange and
combine methods and sources of evidence
sites. Several of the coastal EBA sites
mentioned in this text have been directly
affected by land movements or sea
regressions and transgressions. Sea-level
changes are a result of tectonic or isostatic
movements of land masses against a
generally stable sea-level, or of sea
regressions and transgressions. The last two
processes are closely linked to the effects of
glaciation and deglaciation (eustatism).
Despite differences of opinion regarding
rates and timing of sea-level changes, there
is a widely acknowledged consensus that the
global sea-level must have been 150 m lower
than its present level at the last glacial
maximum phase around 20,000 BP (Bird
and Fabri 1987, 107). Climatic warming
related to deglaciation during the Holocene
led to worldwide marine transgression with
the establishment of present sea-levels
attained over the last few thousand years.
Such a rapid rise slowed down around 7000
BC, while over the last 3,000 years the

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN
increase has generally been gradual in the
order of several metres at the most. The
archaeo-geological research in the south
Aegean shows that in the last 4,000 years
the sea-level must have been between +3.0 m
and ÿ5.0 m (Flemming et al. 1973, 1–66).
The qualities of obsidian and its quarries
on Melos might have been known as early as
the end of the glacial maximum at the
beginning of the Holocene, when the
crossings of straits between the islands would
have been shorter (20–35 km), by which time
boat-building techniques and navigation
skills would have been developed (Cherry
1985, 15). Such skills seem quite feasible
since people must have made longer overseas
trips to enter Australasia 40,000 years ago
(Johnstone 1988, 56). However, I believe that
deliberate and frequent crossings to Melos
for the procurement of obsidian would not
have been possible for the Mesolithic and
Neolithic people of Franchthi and their small
reed-bundle crafts or dug-out canoes.
Personal experience in the rough Myrtoon
Sea and the ‘papyrella’ experiment (Tzalas
1989, 11–20)1 led me to seek the traces of the
trade route of Melian obsidian elsewhere.
Furthermore, despite the survey on the small
islands between the Ermioni peninsula and
Melos, which would have served as stepping-
stones offering shelter and water as they did
since the EBA, no Palaeolithic or Neolithic
evidence has been found to date (Kyrou
1990, 54–70).
Although the rise of the sea-level of c.25 m
since the Mesolithic era and 10–12 m since
the Neolithic era must have submerged all
low-lying coastal sites from these periods, we
would expect some evidence on the higher
spots of these rocky islands. As it would be
easier for them to reach Melos via the
Cyclades, it seems likely that the first
seafarers of the Aegean should be traced
along the coasts of Attica where we have
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clear evidence of large Neolithic settlements
such as at Marathon (Panos cave with the
remarkable matt-painted pottery) and Nea
Makri (Theocharis 1973, 109).2 The
inhabitants of Attica must have been the
suppliers of obsidian at Franchthi and the
Argolid via the islands of the Saronic Gulf or
even by land. Later in the EBA with
advances in boat-building techniques and
the attested activity on the islets of the
Myrtoon Sea, longer open-sea crossings such
as those between Ermioni and Melos would
have been possible, always taking into
consideration the local weather patterns.
Another effect of sea-level changes on
navigation has been the submergence of
small islets, which are now reefs 1–3 m
below the present sea surface. These reefs
were the major cause of shipwrecks in the
Roman and Byzantine periods, for they were
invisible only a few inches below the surface.
During the EBA, these islets, like the rest of
the rocky islets in the Aegean, would have
served more as important landmarks for the
long overseas crossings, though not as
shelters since they are mostly too small. A
typical example is the reef of Keros or
‘Charos’ (Death) between Lemnos and the
Troad.
The most important factor in seafaring,
however, is weather. Ancient weather
patterns are difficult to define except in the
most general terms. Lamb (1977, 372–4 and
384–5) has outlined some of the variations in
the postglacial European climate. The best
we can do in any investigation into weather
effects in former times is to assume that back
to 1000 BC weather was generally as it is
now, and it is widely assumed that the same
is valid for the Bronze Age. Further work by
the palaeometeorologists may enable more
specific and quantitative assessments to be
made.
In the Aegean, as in the rest of the
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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS
Mediterranean Sea, meteorological
conditions are the result of the combination
of four great continental systems (the
Atlantic high, the North Atlantic low, the
Mongolian high and the Indo-Persian low).
These systems generate successive waves of
pressure, cells and fronts, interacting with the
effects of warm water of the sea and the cold
highlands of the mountains, producing
complex and variable localised weather
systems. There is a predominant north/
north-west wind blowing throughout the year
in the Aegean which, in combination with
other weather conditions (clear sky on
summer nights, virtually assured land
visibility, temperature), offers favourable
conditions for navigation. However, because
of the general shape of the coastline, high
mountains, many narrows, currents and high
but also high-frequency waves (WWA,
B101-5), navigation can be very dangerous.
The peculiarity of the waves is one of the
factors which have dramatically affected the
boat-building techniques in the Aegean
throughout the centuries.3
In the Mediterranean basin a general
current runs anti-clockwise as a result of
differences in temperature, evaporation and
the input of river water (Fig. 1). The rivers of
the main Mediterranean basin (Nile, Po,
Rhône) compensate for only about 25% of
the loss through evaporation. On the contrary,
the Don, Dneiper, Dneister and Danube
provide the Black Sea with more water than
is lost through evaporation, which compen-
sates for a further 4% of the loss through the
Dardanelles. The remaining 71% of the loss
has to be compensated from the Atlantic
through the strait of Gibraltar where the
inflow of water causes a current which
averages about 6 knots. In the Dardanelles,
current averages about 4 knots and has certain
effects on the north Aegean area. On the south
coast of Crete, current averages about 2 knots.
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However, the picture is complicated by the
general shape of the islands’ coasts, the
narrows where the currents are stronger (due
to the Bernuli effect) and the combination of
surface currents caused by the predominant
winds. The result is that all these currents and
winds sometimes run contrary to each other;
it requires great experience and knowledge of
the specialised conditions in each specific
area to navigate between the islands of the
Aegean. Wind and sea currents4 are indicated
in Fig. 2 (summer) and Fig. 3 (winter). Data
for winds, waves and currents in the Aegean
are derived from the Wind and Wave Atlas
(WWA 1992), and the Pilots published by the
Hydrographic Service of the Greek Navy
(NGGC 1971 and 1976). The effects of wind
and sea currents would have dramatically
affected the pre-sail boats of the Aegean (Fig.
4a, b, c, d).5 Better exploitation of the wind’s
directional pull would have been gained by
the use of the sail. Although there is no direct
evidence for sail in the Aegean EBA before
representations on seals in the EM III period
(c.2100 BC and Fig. 4f), the possibility of
using some kind of sail for propulsion cannot
be excluded. Although under different
conditions, its use was already introduced in
Egypt one thousand years earlier (Casson
1971, 12; and Bass 1972, 26). As is shown by
the Egyptian stone vases found in prepalatial
Crete, contacts between Crete and Egypt may
have been established as early as the FN;
however, there are doubts as to the
stratigraphic context of these finds (see
Manning 1995 for discussion). An early sail
would have more affected the directional
abilities of a boat, but it would not offer
much speed. It would also offer the rowers or
paddlers time to rest.
Special mention must be made of the
meltemia (Etesian winds), blowing from a
north/north-east direction during July and
August, which create storms in the central
3
 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

Currents in the Mediterranean basin (after Dalongeville)

Figure 1

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

Figure 2
Currents in the Aegean (winter) (NGGC 1976).

areas of the Aegean. Their effects reach the
northern coast of Crete and, blowing through
the gorges of Crete’s high mountains, they
strike the south coast of Crete with
considerable force as well. They are a
localised phenomenon due to the unequal
warming of land and sea, combined with the
high barometric pressure of the Atlantic
which affects the Mediterranean during
summer and the cold highlands of the Balkan
peninsula. I believe that the exploitation of
the meltemia would have been decisive for
the early coastal or open-sea journeys in the
Aegean as they blow on a daily circle. During
the afternoon they always abate and then it is
possible to travel fast, riding the waves, with
the wind astern facilitating the efforts of the
crew who work the oars or the sail. The clear
sky of summer nights provides the means for
celestial navigation.
In the Ionian Sea weather conditions are
generally more stable. During summer, winds
abate and the current runs northwards
towards the Adriatic.
During winter, northern winds
predominate in the Aegean and in the Ionian.
When they are interacting with southern
winds, they create cyclones of significant

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

Figure 3
Currents in the Aegean (summer) (NGCC 1976).

However, under certain circumstances like

intensity. However, during the seasons of
November and March, southern winds
predominate, bringing a considerable rise of
temperature but often inadequate
navigational conditions because of huge
squalls and low visibility. It has been
observed that during January, for about three
weeks, the northern winds abate, the sea is
very calm and visibility perfect. This period
is known as the ‘Halcyon days’ and offers
excellent conditions for navigation. It is
generally known from classical literary
sources that sailing was avoided during the
season between November and April.
those during the Halcyon days, ships could
sail even in winter. With improvements in
ship design and navigational techniques,
sailing season was gradually extended.
SETTLEMENTS AND SEA ROUTES
A comparison of the maps in Figs 2 and 3,
and the distribution map in Fig. 5 of the EBA
sites discussed in the text, can give useful
insights about the sea routes that have been
most frequented during the third millennium.
However, these maps can give us only a

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

Figure 4b
Figure 4a Longboat on a pot sherd from Orchomenos (after
Longboat on a Keros-Syros frying pan (after Tsountas). Kunze).

Figure 4c
Rock carving from Korfi t’ Aroniou in Naxos (after Doumas).

Figure 4d
Lead boat model from Naxos (after Renfrew).

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN
Figure 4e
Clay boat models from Mochlos and Palaikastro (after
Johnstone).
general picture about seafaring because the
local diversities cannot be included. Further
details about each region can be obtained
from local sailing guides or from local
fishermen.
In the north Aegean the south-west current
originating from the Bosphorus would have
facilitated direct contacts between Troy and
Poliochni. Imvros and Tenedos would have
had a role, although no archaeological
investigations have been conducted so far
on these islands. Sites like Thermi (Lamb
1936) on Lesbos and Emporio on Chios
(Hood 1982) would have been easily
approachable from the Anatolian coast.
Seafaring from Chios and Lesbos to Troy
and Poliochni would also have been
facilitated by the current running northwards.
Although trans-Aegean crossings directly
from Troy or Poliochni are difficult because
of the conflicting currents and the lack of
small islands as shelters in the area, such
contacts are now archaeologically confirmed.
The sites of Pefkakia (Christmann 1994)
near Volos and Palamari on Skyros (Parlama
1987) demonstrate direct contacts with the
Troad, especially during the EB III period
with Anatolianising elements in metalwork,
pottery and architectural style. The islands of
the northern Sporades have not revealed any
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Figure 4f
Masted ship on EM III seals (after Basch).
EBA sites so far, but they must have served
as stepping-stones for the way to Pagasitikos
Bay and to the entrance to the north Euboean
Gulf. The return journey from Skyros to
Lemnos seems to be problematic for winds
and currents are not favourable at any time of
year. The site of Palamari, however, shows
close relations with the island of Kea (the
technology of talc ware pottery).
Furthermore, the excavators believe that the
site must have played an important role in the
diffusion of the Anatolian-style pottery in
sites like Lefkandi (Theochari et al. 1993,
195). The open-sea crossing from Skyros to
south Euboea and the northern Cyclades
should have been possible if the notorious
strait of Andros and Cape Kaphireas (Cavo
Doro) could be crossed successfully. Here
winds and currents lead directly to the north
coast of Kea. Andros, Tenos, Syros and
Mykonos are easily approachable from the
north and would have been used as a passage
to the Anatolian coast via Ikaria and Samos
(25 n.m.). Then the northward current would
facilitate the journey to Troy.
Some old fishermen in Skyros whom I
personally interviewed informed me that 40
years ago when they did not have diesel
engines on their kaikia, taking advantage of
good weather conditions usually during June
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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS
or September, they used to go out fishing
with oars and a small triangular sail to Piperi
(23 n.m.), Gioura (+7 n.m.) and Psathoura
(+4 n.m.). These rocky islands in the northern
Sporades are sometimes visible from the
north-east coast of Skyros where lies the site
of Palamari. They also used to sail as far as
the Mount Athos peninsula, and would use
the harbour of Porto Koufo in Sithonia as
shelter while waiting for favourable weather
condition to return to Skyros. (On the other
hand, I know of someone who during one his
fishing expeditions was drifted south and
washed ashore after a storm on the east coast
of Andros.)
We know from literary sources (Iliad) and
Tim Severin’s account of his experience with
the Argo (1985, 77)6 that later, by the end of
the Bronze Age, the journey from the north
Euboean Gulf to Troy was carried across the
north Aegean, showing that such voyages are
possible for boats propelled by oars in case of
unfavourable winds. Because of the
inhospitable east coast of Euboea, the most
preferable route from the north to Attica,
Cyclades and back would likely have been
via the Euboean Gulf. Here tides generate a
current which changes every six hours and
always facilitates navigation northwards and
southwards. The key EBA sites of Manika
north of Chalkis (Sampson 1988) and
Lefkandi south of Chalkis (Popham and
Sackett 1968) confirm the importance of the
passage of the Evripus Strait on the sea route
of the Euboean Gulf.7
Further south the site of Styra, which
yielded Cycladic marble figurines, confirms
the contacts with the Cyclades (Sakellaraki
1990, 9). On the opposite coast of Attica are
the major EH II sites of Askitario and Rafina,
where Cycladic contacts are represented by
Cycladic ‘frying pans’ and the Korakou
culture of the mainland by the sauce-boats
(Theocharis 1953–4). Thorikos in south-
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eastern Attica has provided the earliest
definite evidence for EH mining (Spitaels
1984). On the west coast of Attica stands the
site of Agios Kosmas. Its material culture
shows clear affinities with the Cycladic
Keros-Syros culture. The excavator con-
sidered the site to be a Cycladic colony; on
the other hand, he stressed the Helladic
character of the EC finds as well as the
mixture of Cycladic and Helladic customs
(Mylonas 1959, 155 and 163). Furthermore,
Doumas noted that although the site is not
even in the Cyclades, it provides some of the
best examples of Cycladic material culture
(1976, 77).
Although access to the Cyclades from
south Euboea and Attica during summer
can be facilitated by the meltemia, landfall
can be very difficult due to drift and leeway
caused by strong winds and currents. On the
contrary, during winter the crossing would
have been facilitated by the currents
sweeping into the northern Cyclades and
via these islands into the southern Cyclades.
In the Cyclades the patterns of winds and
currents are very complicated and sea routes
can only be reconstructed in general terms.
Contacts between the islands are confirmed
as early as the fifth millennium BC. These
contacts would have been much facilitated by
the introduction of the sail. However, it
seems likely that the islanders knew very
well the seasonal changes and local
diversities, and could make the crossings
even with oared or paddled vessels. They
could always wait for favourable conditions
which they could probably predict after long-
term observation and experience.
The Cycladic islands were very important
mid-way stopping places for both north-south
and east-west Aegean navigation. The long
open-sea crossing from the southern Cyclades
to Crete (c.60 n.m.) would not have been
difficult as winds blow predominantly south-
9
 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

Distribution map of EBA sites mentioned in the text and sea routes proposed.
Figure 5

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

1 = Troy wards and sailing is facilitated by south-

2 = Poliochni
3 = Palamari easterly-bound currents. During the meltemia,
4 = Thermi however, landing would have been problem-
5 = Pefkakia atic on the north Cretan coast. The prosperous
6 = Manika
7 = Lefkandi EM II settlement on the small island of Pseira,
8 = Emporio a couple of miles off the north Cretan coast
9 = Agio Gala and close to Mochlos, with the bay well
10 = Tigani
11 = Marathon protected from north winds, and its continu-
12 = Rafina ous record of habitation during the BA, shows
13 = Askitario exactly how BA mariners tackled the problem
14 = Thorikos
15 = Agios Kosmas of meltemia (Betancourt et al. 1991).
16 = Thebes The EM I–II cemetery at Agia Fotia in
17 = Eutresis Siteia yielded material culture with very
18 = Perachora
19 = Korakou strong Cycladic influences proving direct
20 = Kolona contacts between the Cyclades and Crete
21 = Dokos early in the third millennium (Davaras 1976,
22 = Agia Marina
23 = Franchthi 128–9). The rich EM II–III settlement and
24 = Tiryns cemetery on the island of Mochlos yielded
25 = Lerna evidence (pottery, stone vases, bronzework
26 = Tyros
27 = Epidavros Limera and jewellery) of purely Cretan character, but
28 = Agios Phokas the raw materials used point to an inflow of
29 = Pavlopetri materials from the Cyclades (silver, lead and
30 = Kastri (Kythera)
31 = Agios Stefanos copper/bronze), Euboea or Macedonia (gold)
32 = Akovitika or even the Near East and Egypt (tin, ivory,
33 = Schiza stone vases, carnelian, faience and perhaps
34 = Phinikous
35 = Voidokilkia chalcedony). The wealth of Mochlos led
36 = Agios Demetrios Branigan to speak of it as a ‘gateway
37 = Klidhi community’ (1991, 103). On the eastern
38 = Strefi
39 = Olympia coast of Crete stands the site of Palaikastro
40 = Pheia investigated by the British School since the
41 = Teichos Dymaion beginning of the century. All these sites are
42 = Aigion
43 = Kirrha clearly oriented to the east and point to the
44 = Platigiali very important crossroads of the south-east
45 = Pelikata Aegean, where the sea routes of the Near
46 = Steno
47 = Knossos East meet those of western Anatolia and the
48 = Mochlos Aegean.
49 = Agia Photia The return journey from Crete to the
50 = Palaikastro
51 = Agia Irini Cyclades would have been made through
52 = Kastri (Syros) the islands of Kasos, Karpathos, Rhodes,
53 = Panormos Chalki, Nisyros, Cos, Kalymnos and the
54 = Phylakopi
55 = Styra islands of Levitha, Kinaros and Liadhi. Here
56 = Daskalio-Kavos (Keros) must be stressed the importance of Amorgos
as an articulating point of the Cyclades,
SITE KEY FOR FIGURE 5. western Anatolia and Crete. The crossing

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN
from Amorgos to Kalymnos and the
Anatolian coast involves sea voyages of only
10, 5 and 20 n.m. (total c.35 n.m.) facilitated
by the winter currents.
One of the most frequented sea routes was
that between the Saronic Gulf and the
Argolid. The flourishing EH II centres of
Lerna, Tiryns (which was a coastal site
during the BA) and Asine used this sea route
for their contacts with the centres of Attica
and the northern Cyclades. To facilitate these
contacts they created a dense network of sites
on the islands situated along that sea route.
Hydra, Dhokos, Trikeri, Spetses, Stestopoula
and Velopoula were settled during that period
(Kyrou 1990, 73). The settlements on these
islands share certain common features. They
are located on the low promontories in
sheltered bays for beaching small boats, with
water supplies and a few fertile valleys for
farming and keeping animals. Most of them
face north-north-east, on the north-east-
bound winds and currents which predominate
in the region.
In the EB II the major site on Spetses was
at the bay of Agia Marina. Theocharis, in his
report discussing the character of the site,
argued that Ag. Marina seems more likely to
have been a harbour involved in the trade
with the Cyclades (obsidian in abundance
and imported Cycladic vases) than a major
centre like those of the opposite Argolid
coast (Theocharis 1971, 92).
Special mention must be made of the island
of Velopoula (or Parapola) between Spetses
and Melos, right in the middle of the rough
Myrtoon Sea. In addition to the important role
this island should have played as a landing
place on the crossing to Melos, it was possibly
a source of metals. The recent survey of the
island and its settlement revealed slags of lead
spread everywhere, products of extraction by
cupellation (Kyrou 1990, 75–6). Four
thousand years later during the German
12
occupation the island was used as a
meeting-point for smugglers. The mariners
from Spetses with their small boats, a single
small sail for propulsion and in case of dead
calm their oars, would set out early in the
morning with the prevailing maistros (north-
west wind) and would meet at Velopoula
other larger kaikia from Attica or the
Cyclades which were on their way to Kythera
and Crete. After the delivery of goods they
would wait for the afternoon boukadoura
(south-east wind) to take them back to
Spetses. From Spetses they would distribute
the smuggled goods to the small harbour of
Myloi, close to the prehistoric site of Lerna
and to Leonidion on the east coast of the
Peloponnese, close to the EH site of Tyros.
Further south and just before the notorious
Cape Maleas stands the village of Velanidi
where people have traditionally made their
living out of smuggling. Therefore, they are
inhospitable and unfriendly to tourists (Greek
visitors included). The village stands on the
cliffs of the rocky shore, a few hundred
metres from the sea where another EH site
(Agios Phokas) has been located with a
considerable quantity of obsidian cores and
blades, EH II pottery and a defensive wall
(Kyrou 1990, 61). Unfortunately, the site has
been badly damaged from erosion by the sea
and by human activity. However, the
character of the site is curious as there is no
hinterland for agricultural activities that
would support life at the settlement. It seems
likely that Ag. Phokas, like other sites on the
east Laconian coast between Lerna and Cape
Maleas (Tyros, Ag. Georgios, Kremidi and
Epidavros Limera), were small anchorages
involved in marine communication between
the Argolid and southern Peloponnese, also
supplying the mountainous hinterland with
the necessary goods. Nowadays the wealthy
inhabitants of Velanidi have constructed a
road on the mountain connecting their village
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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS
with Neapolis, a very well-protected harbour
in the gulf of Laconia (close to the EB II site
of Pavlopetri) where they shelter their large
fishing boats. For their smaller kaikia for
their everyday activities (fishing and
smuggling), they use slipways on the rocky
shore (near Ag. Phokas) to pull them out
when meltemi strikes the western coast of the
Peloponnese.
Access from the Argolid to the southern
Peloponnese is facilitated in all seasons by
the northbound currents. The only difficulty
is encountered at the turning point of the
notorious Cape Maleas. After the Cape lies
the submerged site of Pavlopetri between
Elafonisos and the Laconian coast. The
excavators stressed its maritime character,
the possible connections between the
cemetery on the shore and Manika, and the
links with the pottery of the Keros-Syros
culture. They suggested that the first settlers
came by sea, perhaps from the Cyclades
(Harding et al. 1969, 139–42).
The sea route from Crete to the southern
Peloponnese and to the Ionian opened during
the EB II with the colonisation of the site of
Kastri on Kythera (Coldstream et al. 1972).
From there, later in the MBA, the Minoans
had probably landed in the Laconian Gulf for
the acquisition of lapis lacedœmonius where
Agios Stefanos stands, a site of Helladic
character but with strong Minoan influences
in its pottery (Taylour 1972, 262; Rutter and
Rutter 1976, 3).
The site of Akovitika of purely Helladic
character, with remains of EH tiles and
corridor houses, is in the Messinian Gulf
(Karagiorga 1971, 126–9). The site should
have been a centre of organisation for the
south Peloponnese taking into account the
rich hinterland of the Messinian plain.
After the most southerly point of Messinia
(Cape Akritas) there are three islands
controlling the passage to the Ionian Sea:
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Venetiko with a Venetian fortress, Schiza
and Sapienza, known from the Roman wreck
with Greek marble sarcophagoi. A coastal
EH site on the island of Schiza was
discovered last year during a survey of the
Department of Underwater Antiquities
(Spondylis pers. comm. and forthcoming).
The very striking discovery that, although the
rock of the island is limestone, the
foundations of the buildings were built of
large blocks of sandstone shipped from the
Messinian coast shows how important this
site would have been as a stop-over before
the exit to the Ionian Sea. Its importance is
further stressed by the fact that on the
opposite Messinian coast several other EH
sites have been located: Phoinikous
(Gazetteer, 151), Karasoumani and Barkaraki
(Spondylis pers. comm. and forthcoming).
Furthermore, on the south coast of the island
a cave with fresh water and numerous EH
sherds has been located (Papakonstantinou
1981, 148), showing that EH mariners used
the island for shelter and water supplies
before venturing from the Aegean in the
Ionian Sea or vice versa.
The cemetery of circular tumuli at Steno
on the island of Levkas provided rich and
intriguing evidence in terms of cultural
contacts between the Ionian and the Aegean
Seas. The material culture of the burials was
found to have influences from the mainland
(sauce-boats), Troy IIg (silver and gold
jewellery), the Cyclades (spearheads and
daggers) and to a lesser extent EM II–III
Crete (daggers, other weapons and tools)
(Branigan 1975, 37–8). Clear Minoan
influences are also detected in the finds from
Pelikata on Ithaka (ibid., 41). These
influences, the lack of metal sources in
western Greece, and some controversial
similarities between the cemeteries of Steno
in Lefkas and Li Muri in Sardinia, led
Branigan to suggest that Minoan contacts
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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN
were established in the period c.2500–2000
BC and that the Ionian islands were used as
stepping-stones on the route across the
Adriatic. Although this theory is not
supported by direct archaeological evidence,
the picture seems to be clear, at least with
regard to links between the Aegean and
Ionian Seas. Contacts were established in the
EH II period; they were made by sea and on
two main axes: one north-south from the west
coast of the Peloponnese and mainland
Greece, and a second west-east through the
Corinthian Gulf.
On the sea route from Messinia to the
mouth of the Corinthian Gulf there are
several key sites which verify the former
axis. The first is Voidokoilia (Prophetis
Elias) near Pylos, on a promontory
dominating a sheltered bay, with remains of
an EH settlement and cemetery (Korres 1990,
2–5 and 1993, 232). Similarities of EH
‘Urfirnis’ sauce-boat sherds with others from
Elafonisos were noted by the first surveyors
of the area (McDonald and Hope Simpson
1961, 243). Further north are the sites of
Agios Demetrios (Zachos 1981 and 1987)
and Klidhi (Kato Samiko or Derveni) with
material culture comparable to that of Skala
Plain in Laconia (McDonald and Hope
Simpson 1961, 230–2).
At the cape of Katakolon lies the important
and strategic harbour of ancient Pheia
(contemporary Agios Andreas), now
submerged. The site mentioned by the
ancient authors (Odyssey XV 297–8, Iliad
VII 135 and Thucydides II 25, 3) was
surveyed by N. Yalouris in 1957. Among
the classical architectural remains raised
from the sea-bed, two marble folded-arm
figurines found in the area were published by
the excavator, showing direct contacts with
the Cyclades (Yalouris 1957, 43 and pl. 12).
Their provenance and context, however, is
rather obscure.
14
A couple of years later, near the ancient
site of Elis and 22 km from the coast,
Yalouris excavated a cist grave dated to the
end of the EH II or to the transitional EH III
period which provided interesting evidence
concerning interregional contacts between
the Aegean, the west coast of the Greek
mainland and south-east Europe. Its
architectural type was purely Cycladic, like
those found in many Cycladic islands or
Manika. On the other hand, the pottery was
found to share elements from the Cyclades,
the Greek mainland and the Baden culture in
Serbia (Koumouzelis 1981, 271).
On the west coast of Akarnania, in the
protected bay of Astakos is the site of
Platigiali, now submerged. Its material
culture and evidence for the burial habits
(intra muros and pithos burials) find their
closest parallels at Strefi and Olympia in Elis,
and at Kirrha in Phokis (Delaporta and
Spondylis 1990, 44–6).
The sea route of the Corinthian Gulf can be
traced from the sites so far excavated either
on the coasts of Aitolia and Phokis or on the
north coast of the Peloponnese. Teichos
Dymaion (Hope Simpson and Dickinson,
195), Aigion (ibid., 258), Galaxidi (ibid.,
102) and Kirrha (ibid., 258) were settlements
founded in EH II with continuous habitation
until the LH II period.
Two sites of great significance would have
been Korakou (Blegen 1921) which provided
the first reliable guide for the sub-division of
the EH period of the mainland and Perachora
(Vouliagmeni Lake) with material culture
closely related to the Keros-Syros culture of
the Cyclades (Fossey 1969, 53–69;
Chatzipouliou-Kaliri 1983, 369–75). Both
sites would have served as landing places
for the mariners of Boeotia and Corinthia,
and were subject to influences from all the
great centres of the period. They would have
been important articulating points of the
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Aegean and the Ionian networks, through the
centres of Manika, Thebes, Eutresis and the
centres of Attica and the Argolid Agios
Kosmas, Lerna, Tiryns and Zygouries.
To sum up, as we can see in Fig. 5, there is
a dense network of sites on the islands and
the mainland which are directly or indirectly
connected to each other through sea routes,
often facilitated by winds and currents. If we
compare the sea routes proposed above with
the pattern of currents, we see that in most of
the cases they coincide. It seems that the
most difficult crossings, hampered by
unfavourable winds and currents, were —
as they are nowadays — those between
Lemnos and the northern Sporades (Skyros
and Psathoura), the southern Cyclades and
Crete, and between Crete and Kythera. In
other cases, such as in the straits of
Mykonos–Ikaria and Amorgos–Kalymnos,
currents seem to be more favourable in
winter than in summer.
Although we do not have enough evidence
to reconstruct in any detail the boats of the
EBA Aegean (Fig. 4), it seems likely that
they must have been structures durable
enough to cope with difficult and
unpredictable weather conditions, often
involved in open-sea crossings of more than
60 n.m. (e.g. Thera–Crete) — the latter
implying night voyages.
PILOTAGE AND NAVIGATION
Navigation is the process of directing the
movement of a craft from one point to
another. Nowadays it is commonly thought
that to do this safely one must have a chart to
determine the course and distance, a compass
to steer one’s course and a means to determine
the position of one’s ship. This shows how
dependent the modern navigator has become
upon the achievements of science. Navigation
today is nearly a science. However, many of
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the great voyages in history were
accomplished without compass, sextants,
chronometers or electronic devices. Pytheas
of Massalia, for instance, in his account of his
legendary voyage during the fourth century
BC from the Mediterranean to Scotland and
Thule, the land of the midnight sun, left no
information about the use of navigational
equipment. Norsemen and Polynesians, great
seafaring people, left nothing more than
conflicting traditions of their navigational
methods. However, the impressive results of
their voyages suggest that maritime people
had developed their powers of perception to
such an extent that navigation to them was a
highly advanced art. As an art based on their
personal experience and inherited knowledge,
it became a part of their culture.
The earliest evidence for the use of
instruments of navigation is the sounding
lead and line known from the Middle
Kingdom Egypt (c.2000 BC), depicted in
use on a boat from the tomb of Meket-re
(Bass 1974, 29, fig. 18) and described later in
the sixth century BC by Herodotus, 2.5.2.
Prior to these periods, people would have
developed other techniques to find their way
across the sea, always adapted to the maritime
environment. In the Aegean, which is an
archipelago, navigational techniques of the
third millennium would not differ from those
practically used nowadays. The numerous
scattered islands and high mountains of the
mainland would have provided ideal
navigational aids, as it is possible to navigate
with land almost always in sight. In such
conditions, pilotage techniques are used and
the seaman progresses according to seamarks
and landmarks. Tim Severin, in his account of
Ulysses’ Voyage with the Argo,8 identifies
key landmarks such as bold headlands, tall
mountain peaks and distinctively shaped
islands which served as valuable signs to BA
sailors (1987, 62).
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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

TABLE 1 TABLE 2
THEORETICAL VISIBILITY DISTANCES FROM SEA-LEVEL ISLANDS DISCUSSED IN THE TEXT AND MAJOR HEIGHT OF
THEIR LAND MASSES
Height of land Height of land Distance in
in metres in feet nautical miles Islands Height of land
in metres
15 50 8.1
30.3 100 11.4 Lesvos 968
60.6 200 16.2 Lemnos 319
91 300 19.8 Ag. Efstratios 243
121.2 400 22.9 Gioura 570
151.5 500 25.6 Skyros 793
181.8 600 28 970 (N)
212 700 30.3 Euboea 1,417 (C)
242.4 800 32.4 886 (S)
227.7 900 34.3 Andros 672
303 1,000 36.2 Kea 547
606 2,000 51.2 Thera 564
909 3,000 62.7 Kythera 489
1,000 3,300 65.7 Velopoula 227
1,212 4,000 72.4 Melos 748
1,515 5,000 80.9 2,117 (W)
3,030 10,000 114.4 Crete 2,209 (C)
1,238 (E)
Source: APN 1958, table 8, p. 1254. Naxos 999

Source: Maps of the Hydrographic Service of the Greek

In Homer’s Odyssey, the use of such
landmarks as a means of navigation is very
well illustrated; Odysseus identifies his
hometown Ithaka when approaching from
the sea:
I live in sunny Ithaka. There is a mountain
on it, Neriton, covered with shaking
leaves, that stands out. Around are many
islands situated quite close to one another:
Doulichion and Same, and wooded
Zakynthos. Ithaka itself is low-lying and
is placed in the sea furthest out towards
the darkness, while the others are away
from it, towards the Dawn and Sun
(Odyssey IX, 21–35; Dawe 1993).
In the same epic poem we also find
examples of man-made landmarks in sites
where probably the configuration of the coast
could not provide sufficient signs for
identification: the bones of Achilles,
Patroclos and Antilochos were buried
together at the Troad.
Then around them we, the holy army of
Navy.
the Achaian warriors, heaped a great and
handsome tomb on the jutting promontory
over the flat Hellespont, to be visible from
far out at sea by those men who are now
alive and those that will be hereafter (ibid.
XXIV, 80–85).
Thus, it seems likely that the range of
visibility was very important for early
Aegean navigation. Visibility depends on
meteorological conditions (weather, winds,
refraction, evaporation, spray, dust, etc.). The
coastline, especially where there are
prominent headlands or high ground, can be
seen at considerable distances. Theoretically,
as we see in Tables 1 and 2, a seaman in the
Aegean is able to travel always with land in
sight. In practice this is not the norm: Crete’s
high mountains are not always visible from
the Cyclades or Kythera; the coast of Euboea
cannot always be seen from Skyros; the small
rocky islands of Piperi, Gioura9 and
Psathoura appear quite often in the horizon

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS
from the north coast of Skyros. On the other
hand, in meteorological conditions of
refraction, high ground may be seen at more
than the theoretical distance: from Skyros the
islands of Ag. Efstratios and Lemnos in the
north and Lesvos in the east, although
theoretically out of range of visibility, may
be seen occasionally. Local old fishermen
remember exactly when, under which
conditions and how many times this
phenomenon happened in their lives; they
are very few indeed (personally, I have seen
it only once).
However, when the night falls or there is
poor visibility, pilotage techniques are
inappropriate and navigational techniques
become essential. At night when the sky is
clear, direction can be related to
constellations, especially the celestial pole
about which the heavens appear to rotate.
Once the position of the Pole star or Polaris
had been established, it would have been
possible to divide the horizon into sectors and
estimate approximately changes in latitude.
In Homer again, we find examples of
navigation by the stars:
Happily the divine Odysseus spread his
sails out before the wind. He steered the
ship with the rudder expertly, sitting down;
sleep did not fall on his eyes as he looked at
the Pleiads and Bootes (Arcturus), late to
set, and the Bear, which people also call by
the name ‘Wain’, which circles where it is
and keeps watching for Orion, and alone
has no part in the streams of Ocean
(Odyssey V, 270–5).
The intensive involvement of the Aegean
people with the sea during the EBA would
have stimulated observations and discoveries
concerning the position and movement of
heavenly bodies. The mariners who ventured
far away from their islands would have often
spent the night on the open sea and been
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forced to steer their course in the dark using
the stars as navigational aids.
Some representations on rocks and pebbles
found in Naxos are interpreted by Bardanis, a
local mathematician, as symbols of
constellations (Doumas 1990, 84 and 158–
9), implying progress in astronomical
observations during the third millennium.
Ethnographic parallels from the Pacific and
the Caribbean show that celestial navigation
was a common skill among the islanders
involved in open-sea crossings with their
canoes.
In daylight, although with less precision,
direction can be related to the position of the
sun. Other physical phenomena that would
have aided navigation in conditions of
reduced visibility include winds (steady or
‘trade’ winds), sky, swell (undulation of the
sea surface), tides, currents, temperature,
colour of the water, reefs, orographic clouds,
smoke from coastal fires, the sound of surf or
other sounds, odours and birds.
By establishing on their ‘mental chart’
(McGrail 1991, 87) the position of the coast
which occasionally breaks the horizon,
seamen would not have hesitated to venture
towards islands or coasts that could not be
seen. They could use other ‘signs’ on their
way, like those mentioned above, until they
made a landfall or sighted land. It seems
likely that Aegean seamen had a perfect
knowledge of their space (sea and land),
although conceived from a different
perspective. Our concept of the Aegean is a
plan-view as we know it from charts or air
photographs. Prehistoric seamen would have
perceived their space as a lateral view.
Therefore, the shape of the coastline of their
intended destination would have been of
major importance.
A practical method to recognise coasts
when approaching from the open sea is to
give them names of animals or other figures
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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN
that might resemble them and easily be
remembered. A couple of miles north of the
small fishing harbour of Skyros, for instance,
there are two rocks known as Camels, as they
have the distinctive shape of the animal’s
back. Furthermore, by naming the space it
becomes more familiar and friendly. In
Homer again:
There is a harbour, of Phorkys, the old
man of the sea, in the settled part of
Ithaka, and two projecting headlands of
broken cliff over it, low-lying, out from
the harbour, which provide shelter from
the great waves, while on the inside well-
constructed ships rest without cables when
they come to their mooring-point. At the
head of the harbour is an olive with long
leaves, and close by it a lovely misty cave,
a holy place of the Nymphs which are
called Naiads (Odyssey XIII, 95–110).
However, the shape of the coastline differs
as the position of the observer changes.
Therefore, even in such visual conditions, it
needs great experience to navigate in the
Aegean archipelago as sightings have to be
combined with every other ‘sign’ possible.
Drift and leeway due to wind and sea should
also be estimated and allowed for.
Speed and time are very difficult to
estimate without aids. However, experienced
seamen would have been able to establish
certain standards by using practical methods
and then speeds or distances could be
estimated as deviations from the norm
(McGrail 1991, 87).
Despite the lack of evidence concerning
the use of navigational instruments during the
BA, mention should be made of some
practical methods used in later times which
could be applicable at any time: the cross-
staff for estimating the altitude of a celestial
body and distance (APN, 41, 661); the
Dutchman’s log for estimating speed (ibid.,
18
24–5); rules of thumb, fist or arm and the
Arabic Kamal for measuring the altitude of a
star (McGrail 1987, 278–9).
The performance of EBA Aegean boats is
very difficult to assess as evidence is limited
and schematic, and it is wrong to take
representations as working drawings.
However, experimental archaeology,
calculations from remains of similar types
of boats excavated elsewhere and
ethnographic parallels can provide useful
insights. Concerning the performance of the
Cycladic many-paddled longboat, Broodbank
suggested on the basis of ethnographic data
from the Pacific and the Caribbean that its
daily range could be in the order of 30 miles
(c.45 km). It thus seems likely that the greater
part of the Aegean could be well within the
range of a longboat voyage of two weeks
(Broodbank 1989, 333). But as discussed
above, the evidence suggests clearly that
there was a variety of boat types used in the
third millennium Aegean and everyday
trading expeditions were probably carried
out with the less impressive ones. The
depiction of the longboat on the frying pans
(most found in burials) in association with
sea, sun, stars and vulva gives a symbolic and
ideological dimension to the scene, and
stresses the special role that it should have
played in certain maritime communities of
the Aegean.
PATTERNS OF CONTACT
From architecture (settlement location and
planning, cemeteries, graves and
fortifications), material culture, technology
and social habits, we can recognise an EB
Aegean ‘koine’, especially in the second part
of the period. However, in all expressions of
the Aegean cultures there is a strong element
of localism which survives until nowadays
and distinguishes one area from the other.
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Environment in this case plays a vital role in
the sense that culture is very often inversely
proportional to proximity. Two islands
separated by a few miles of rough sea look
close to each other only on the map. Besides
cultural developments introduced
independently in each area, there is at the
same time an infiltration of new ideas from
cultures beyond the Aegean (Anatolia, south-
east Europe). The process is slow and
uniform, although fragmentary information
creates gaps which are usually filled with
progress of archaeological research.
Geographically and culturally, six main
areas can be distinguished in the EBA
Aegean. However, it should be noted that
this distinction is not sharp and has no sense
of frontiers. Each area is characterised by the
‘radiation’ or sphere of influence of an
outstanding centre or centres of organisation.
1. In the north-east Aegean there are two
important key sites with attributes of
early urbanisation: Troy on the strategic
passage of the Dardanelles and Poliochni
on Lemnos, both receiving materials and
ideas from north and east, funnelled to
the south through the north Aegean
(Skyros and Manika) or the islands of
the east Aegean which are more closely
related to the Anatolian coast.
2. In central Greece the key sites of Euboea
(Manika) and Attica (Askitrio, Ag.
Kosmas) stand out as being in close
contact with the Cyclades, the Argolid
and the Ionian Sea through the
Corinthian Gulf.
3. In the Peloponnese the centres of the
Argolid (Lerna and Tiryns) are
dominant, and Akovitika at the coast of
the Messinian plain. Contacts with the
Cyclades are made through the islands of
the Argosaronic region, and with Crete
through the Minoan colony of Kastri on
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Kythera.
4. The Cyclades as an area is the most
important crossroads and melting-pot of
Aegean cultures. Ag. Irini on Kea, Kastri
on Syros, Daskalio-Kavos on Keros and
Phylakopi on Melos stand out as key
sites. However, because of the landscape
and the special relation with the sea, each
site has its independence and its
particularities. Furthermore, patterns of
contact within the Cyclades and beyond
are very difficult to reconstruct, as they
are determined both by geographical and
social factors.
5. In Crete, Knossos stands out as an
important centre of organisation.
Contacts are made on the one hand with
the Cyclades, Anatolia, Near East and
ultimately Egypt, through the ‘gate’ of
Mochlos and the coastal sites on the
eastern part of Crete; on the other hand
the ‘gate’ of Kastri opened the way to the
Peloponnese and the West.
6. In the West there are several sites on the
Ionian coast (Platygiali in the bay of
Astakos stands out) and the Ionian
islands (Ithaka and Lefkas) receiving
influences from East, North and South
through contacts made on two main axes:
east-west through the Corinthian Gulf
and north-south along the Ionian coast
(see in the sea routes section).
Between these key sites discussed briefly
above, there was created a dense network of
other less important sites (mainly coastal)
serving as links to the larger ones. This was
facilitated by the configuration of the coast
and it was imposed by the constraints of boat
technology. Although the main aim would
have been the cooperation of all the areas
involved, because of the conspicuous benefit
from contact, relations were both necessary
at the same time also competitive. The
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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN
fortifications around most of the key sites
mentioned above express the certainty of a
forthcoming danger. The threat comes most
probably from the well-known neighbour and
not from an uncertain and distant enemy.
However, hostility does not always have the
character of systematic warfare. Occasional
raids imposed by everyday needs were a
more common practice. In this complicated
network of relations, trading and raiding are
often the two sides of the same coin.
Short-distance contacts within this network
were the norm in everyday activities and
were undertaken by all communities. On the
other hand, long-distance contacts were more
rare and in the hands of specialised seafarers,
probably the islanders, as they had special
skills in shipbuilding and navigation from
their intensive involvement with the sea.
Future research will define more precisely
the nature and extent of this network.
NOTES
1. In 1988, H. Tzalas and members of the Hellenic
Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition built
a 5.25 m long, double-prow, reed-boat, propelled by six
pairs of oars and undertook trials between Lavrion and
Melos. The experiment was based on the parallel
example of the Egyptian papyrus boats and mainly on
the existence, until 1987, of a small papyrus vessel, the
‘papyrella’ in Corfu. The aim was to show that the
crossing of the straits between the Cycladic islands
10,000 years ago, for the procurement of the valuable
obsidian, could have been made with such wash-
through craft. Papyrella covered the distance in seven
days. However, because of bad weather conditions the
whole experiment lasted 15 days, including the days in
harbour. Although the structure has proved to be
durable enough to cope with rough sea and wind
intensity up to 6 Beaufort, the experiment faced serious
problems: paddlers’ exhaustion, leeway up to 1.5 n.m.
every 10 n.m., speed only 1–2 knots with the wind
astern, no progress against the wind (it was a one-way
voyage).
2. For the corpus of the Neolithic sites in Attica, see
M. Theochari, in D. Theocharis (ed.), 1973, Neolithic
20
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to Andrew and
Susan Sherratt for the support, encouragement and help
they offered during my studies at Oxford. Special
thanks are due to Prof. Sean McGrail for his valuable
help in maritime matters. I am grateful to my good
friends Cyprian Broodbank, Lucy Blue, Yiannis Vichos
and Elias Spondylis for supplying valuable comments
and fruitful discussions. I am sincerely indebted to Mr
Adonis Kyrou for the chance he offered me to sail with
him on board ‘Kalokyra’ and share with me his
historical knowledge and maritime experience. Finally,
I must also thank Claire Calcagno for correcting an
early draft of this paper.
Dept of Palaeoanthropology – Speleology
Ardettou 34B
GR-11636 Athens
Greece
Greece, pp. 347–50.
3. Boat builders in the Aegean insisted for at least
twenty-five centuries on using the complicated and
heavy technique of mortise and tenon joinery held in
place with wooden pegs, as they knew that the forces
exercised on the hull by the Aegean swell have the
tendency to loosen the joins of the planks.
4. The first attempt to correlate the patterns of wind
and sea currents with the patterns of cultural contacts in
the Aegean was made by V. McGeehan Liritzis (1988).
5. The corpus of representations of Aegean boats
comprises two- and three-dimensional examples:
thirteen illustrations of the so-called longboats incised
on the Keros-Syros frying pans (Coleman 1986, ill. 5), a
similar boat incised on a sherd from Orchomenos
(Kunze 1934, pl. 29.3), a boat with a long steering oar at
its high stern incised on a sherd from Philakopi I
(Renfrew 1972, pl. 28), two rock carvings from Korphi
t’Aroniou on Naxos (Doumas 1965, fig. 4), four lead
boat models from Naxos (Renfrew 1967, 5, pls 1, 3) and
two clay models from Crete, one from the site of
Mochlos (Johnston 1985, 18–23) and one from the site
of Palaikastro (Marinatos 1933, 173, 19). From the
above examples it is clear that a variety of types of
boats were built and used for different purposes
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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS
(warfare, transportation, fishing).
6. Tim Severin undertook two experimental voyages
in the Aegean with the Argo, an oared galley built in
Iolkos near the BA site of Pefkakia. With the first (The
Jason Voyage) he tried to trace the sea route that Jason
and the Argonauts followed across the north Aegean,
the Dardanelles, Bosporus and the Black Sea; with the
second (Ulysses’ Voyage) he tried to identify ‘reality’ in
the legendary voyage of Odysseus described by Homer.
Both projects seem to have a quite strong theoretical
background: purposes and aims of the experiments were
clarified from the beginning, authentic methods and
materials were used, tests of raw materials used have
been undertaken and a naval architect (Colin Mudie)
was involved by designing rigging and hull, plotting
hydrostatic curves and building a small-scale model.
The contribution of Vassilis Delimitros, a traditional
shipwright from Spetses was very decisive. It seems
also that in some cases cost/benefit factors were taken
into consideration. The vulnerable point of these
projects seems to be the application of the relevant
evidence to the theoretical reconstruction: e.g. using
later iconographical evidence to reconstruct a BA ship.
7. Recent geoarchaeological research (Kambouroglou
et al. 1988 and 1989) supports the theory that the
Evripus strait opened around 5–6000 years BP. The
authors, however, leave a possibility of the strait being
closed during the EB I–II period and the current not
being active (Kambouroglou pers. comm.). In this case
the entrance to the south Euboean Gulf would have been
very difficult because of the predominant north wind.
Safest access from the north Aegean to the south (Attica
and Cyclades) would have been possible through the
north Euboean Gulf and the important role of the site of
Manika would appear further reinforced (Corinth of the
EBA). However, more geological research should be
carried out in the area before any conclusions might be
drawn.
8. Supra n. 6.
9. This small, rocky, uninhabited island with no safe
anchorage would have served as a very important
landmark for navigation in the north Aegean because of
its height (see Table 2) and distinctive shape. In this
respect, I think, human presence on the island since the
Mesolithic period can be understood. Recent excavation
in ‘Cyclops’ cave on the island yielded evidence of
human presence and activity from 7800–7000 BC until
the Roman times (Sampson 1996 and pers. comm.). On
the contrary, the neighbouring island of Psathoura,
although located first on the line from north-east to
south-west in the cluster of the northern Sporades,
would not have been of such importance as it is low and
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flat. Nowadays, the tallest lighthouse in the Aegean
stands on the island.
ABBREVIATIONS
AAA Athens Annals of Archaeology
AD Archaiologikon Deltion
AE Archaiologiki Ephimeris
AEM Archeion Evoikon Meleton
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
APN American Practical Navigator. US Navy
Hydrographic Office, Washington 1958
BAR British Archaeological Reports
BSA Annual of the British School at Athens
Gazetteer R. Hope Simpson and O.T.P.K. Dickinson
1979: A Gazetteer of Aegean Civilisation in the Bronze
Age I: The Mainland and the Islands. SIMA 52,
Göteborg
IJNA International Journal of Nautical Archaeology
JMA Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology
NGGC Nautical Guide to Greek Coasts — Pilot.
Hydrographic Service of the Greek Navy. Volume I,
Eastern Coasts 1971 and Volume II, Western Coasts
1976
OJA Oxford Journal of Archaeology
PAE Praktika tis en Athinais Archaiologikis Etairias
SIMA Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
WWA G.A. Athanassoulis and E.K. Skarsoulis 1992
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