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Quaternary International
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/quaint

Dwelling the hill: Traces of increasing sedentism in hunter-gatherers

societies at Checua site, Colombia (9500-5052 cal BP)
Sonia Archila, PhD a, *, Ana María Groot, MA b, Juan Pablo Ospina, PhD a, Martha Mejía, MA a,
Catalina Zorro, PhD a, c
a
Department of Anthropology, University of Los Andes, Carrera 1 No 18A-12, Postal code 111711, Bogotá, Colombia
b
Department of Anthropology, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Carrera 45 No 26-85, Bogotá, Colombia
c
UMR 7209 AASPE, Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, CNRS, 55 Rue Buffon, CP 56, 75005 Paris, France

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: The archaeological site of Checua is located on an isolated hill in the Checua river valley in the Sabana de Bogotá,
Colombia Northern South America. Archaeological data obtained at the site two decades ago, suggested that it was
Hunter-gatherer occupied by groups of hunters and gatherers since Early Holocene. Good preservation of cultural materials
Sedentism
allowed researchers to study several aspects of ancient inhabitants of the site including subsistence strategies as
Landscape
well as lithic and bone technologies to manufacture artefacts. Since 2015, a research program has been carried
out at Checua in order to obtain relevant data to clarify chronology and to suggest a more detailed sociocultural
characterisation of the people dwelling the place. We obtained new and complementary information about
chronology, subsistence and mortuary practices. Radiocarbon data allowed us to assess the earliest and latest
occupation of the site, showing that while it was used since ca. 9500 years BP, mortuary practices where carried
out only between 7580 and 7475 years cal BP (2σ) and 5190-5052 years cal BP (2σ). We also discuss how these
data can be used to explore permanence of human occupation at places in the landscapes during the process of
sedentism among hunter and gatherers groups in Northern South America.

1. Introduction Southwestern Andean plateaus (Gnecco, 2000; Gnecco and Salgado,

Archaeology from Northwestern South America has recognized the
importance of Colombia for the study of several aspects of ancient
hunter-gatherers including early peopling, migration, subsistence,
technology, settlement and mobility patterns. Archaeological studies
conducted in Colombia from the second half of the twentieth century
have revealed that ancient groups of hunter and gatherers societies
occupied this territory since late Pleistocene until the third millennium
before present (Cavelier et al., 1995; Correal y van der Hammmen, 1977;
Correal, 1990). These populations were distributed in different envi­
ronments such as eastern lowlands, savannahs, intermontane Andean
valleys and high plateaus (Fig. 1). Several archaeological sites from
Early Holocene in Colombia have been located in inter-Andean tropical
lowlands including the Magdalena river valley (López, 2008), the
Amazonian tropical lowlands (Cavelier et al., 1995), the Middle Cauca
river basin (Aceituno, 2007; Aceituno and Loaiza, 2014, 2018; Aceituno
et al., 2013; Castillo and Aceituno, 2006; Dickau et al., 2014), the
1989) and high altitude plateaus such as the Sabana de Bogotá in the
Eastern Cordillera (Correal, 1981,1989; Correal and Pinto, 1983; Ardila,
1984; Groot, 1992, 2000; Rivera, 1992; Orrantia, 1996–1997; Pinto,
2003; Archila and Langebaek, 2015).
As some authors have stated, early human populations in the Neo­
tropics exhibit high variability in subsistence, settlement and techno­
logical strategies (e.g. Ranere and López, 2007; Dillehay, 2008; Kornfeld
and Politis, 2014, 420). In Colombia, the available evidence has
contributed to respond different questions related to ancient adaptation
strategies in the Neotropical ecosystems during the Early and Middle
Holocene. We now know that subsistence strategies were orientated to
the exploitation of faunal resources as well as a broad spectrum of plants
(e.g. van der Hammen et al., 1990; Cárdenas-Arroyo, 2002; Piperno and
Stothert, 2003; Perry et al., 2007; Aceituno and Loaiza, 2014, 2018;
Santos et al., 2015; Archila and Langeabek, 2015; Mejía, 2018). About
lithic technology, several studies have demonstrated that artefacts
manufacturing were mostly limited to expedited techniques, in contrast

* Corresponding author. Carrera 1 No 18A-12, Bogotá, Postal code 111711, Colombia.

E-mail address: sarchila@uniandes.edu.co (S. Archila).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2020.07.040
Received 25 September 2019; Received in revised form 21 June 2020; Accepted 23 July 2020
Available online 18 August 2020
1040-6182/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Sonia Archila, Quaternary International, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2020.07.040
S. Archila et al.
with specialized lithic technologies usually found at Late Pleistocene
and Early Holocene archaeological sites outside the tropical area (Ardila
and Politis, 1989; Niewenhuis, 1998, 2002; Dillehay, 2008; Muttillo
et al., 2017; Politis and Prates, 2019).
In relation to settlement patterns, it has been stablished that hunter-
gatherers groups, simultaneously, occupied rock shelters and open-air
sites since Early Holocene (Correal and van der Hammen, 1977;
Groot, 1992; Pinto, 2003). In Colombia, particularly in the Sabana de
Bogotá, subsistence strategies and technologies of hunter and gatherers
groups were generally used to suggest the existence of particular eco­
nomic systems in the area (Correal and van der Hammen, 1977; Correal
et al., 1976). Also, long-term stays at the sites have been suggested based
on high densities of faunal remains found at places like El Abra (Correal
et al., 1976; Ijzreef, 1978), Tequendama (Correal and van der Hammen,
1977), and Checua (Groot, 1992, 2000). Likewise, long-term stays have
also been associated with the occupation of open-air sites, as well as the
emphasis on small and medium size game hunting such as deer (Odo­
coileus virginianus) and guinea pigs (Cavia sp.), and to the presence of
lithic tools correlated with plant processing. Ritual behavior, expressed
by meaningful mortuary practices, has also been well documented
among these types of societies across millennia (Correal, 1981; Ospina,
2019). Even though mobility and the process of sedentism among hunter
and gatherers groups during the Pleistocene/Holocene transition and
the Middle Holocene have not been the main focus of archaeological
research in Colombia. However, several studies have explored these
aspects recently, and have shown that some archaeological sites in the
region might have great potential to understand how these social pro­
cesses could have occurred at around Middle Holocene (e.g. Oyuela-­
Caycedo and Bonzani, 2005; Aceituno and Castillo, 2005; Groot, 1992;
Correal, 1990). The archaeological site of Checua (Groot, 1992), located
in the Northern portion of the Sabana de Bogotá and occupied from ca.
9000 to 5000 BP, is one of those sites.
Taking into account the great potential of this site to explore how the
early people from South America drew upon new manners to inhabit and
transform places permanently, even without adopting cultural practices
Fig. 1. Map of Colombia showing the Sabana de Bogotá and the municipality of Nemocón, where the Checua river Valley is located.
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that are generally associated to sedentary societies like agriculture and
pottery manufacture, a new excavation, Ecavation III, was carried out in
2017 in the site. This paper presents the new corpus of data provided by
this excavation as well as information presented in previous studies
(Groot, 1992, 2000; Minelli et al., 2012) to attain the following objec­
tives: (1) confirm the nature of site proposed by Groot (1992); (2)
evaluate the chronology postulated for the occupation of the hill; and (3)
assess the traces of a growing sedentism based on archaeological evi­
dence recently acquired.
The results of Excavation III were used to evaluate previous sug­
gestions about the nature of the site; 25 human and animal bones with a
clear stratigraphic association were radiocarbon dated to clarify chro­
nology of the site; and, finally, different proxies including frequencies of
lithic tools, faunal remains, human burials, lithic artefacts related to
plant processing and presence of anthropic structures were used to
assess growing sedentism at the site. In addition, an archaeobotanical
analysis of micro-remains recovered from lithic tools surfaces and dental
calculus trapped in human teeth was carried out to determine the
spectrum of plants consumed by the inhabitants of Checua.
2. Regional setting
This study takes place in the Checua river valley, which is located at
the Northwestern edge of the Sabana de Bogotá, one of the biggest
Andean high plains located at the Eastern Cordillera of Colombia
(Fig. 1). This valley is considered a relatively isolated natural dry
enclave due to its geographical position, where it is protected from rains
nearly during all the year; however, it is surrounded by areas of major
precipitation (van der Hammen, 2008, p.36). In the valley, it is possible
to distinguish at least two geomorphic units: alluvial plain and gentle
slope hills from 2600 to 3000 m asl. Vegetation in the area includes
xerophitic shrubs such as Condallia thomasina, and Dodonea viscosa. In
addition, a high degree of soil erosion can be visible all around the
valley, however, stratigraphy and geomorphology suggest that this is
not a recent phenomenon; apparently, erosion processes have broadly
S. Archila et al.
spread during the last centuries due to human activities. Some studies
have revealed that during the last glacial maximum, deep concave areas
were formed when climate was very dry and cold (El Abra stadial) and
later, these areas were filled out with colluvial materials. During the
Holocene, this process continued, and more recently, human activity in
the region increased the phenomenon (van der Hammen, 2008).
On the other hand, according to pollen records in the region (Flantua
et al., 2016), human occupation in the Sabana de Bogotá plateau dates
back to Late Pleistocene and it increased after ~3 ka. Taking into ac­
count paleoclimatic reconstructions for the last 18,000 years (van der
Hammen, 1974; van der Hammen and Gonzalez, 1960; van der Hammen
and Hooghiemstra, 1995), the climatic changes that occurred in the
Andean region of Colombia affected environmental conditions accord­
ing to fluctuations in temperature, precipitation and moisture. Varia­
tions in the altitudinal position of the upper forest line have been used
for reconstructing temperature changes. In addition, palynological
studies have permitted to show biome responses to climatic change
captured in several sediment cores. Pollen taxa are arranged into
ecologically meaningful groups that reflect different biomes. Past alti­
tudinally biome changes are then inferred from changing proportions of
ecological groups of the pollen records (Flatua et al., 2014, p.99). During
El Abra Stadial (ca. 11,000–10,000/9500 BP) there was a cold and dry
climate in the Sabana de Bogotá where the forest was replaced by sub­
paramo biome. At about 10,000 BP climate was less severe and tem­
perature increased, likewise, biomes from 9500 to 8500 BP show an
expansion of cool forest (Delgado et al., 2015). It is during this period
that hunter-gatherers groups established in the Sabana de Bogotá. Ac­
cording to the current archaeological information of the region, between
ca. 6000 and 2000 years BP, the findings from Chía (Ardila, 1984),
Aguazuque (Correal, 1990), Checua (Groot, 1992, 2000) and Galindo
(Pinto, 2003), have allowed to suggest that hunter-gatherer groups
occupied open-air sites during long periods of time, even for thousands
of years.
In general, the evidence for human occupations in la Sabana de
Bogotá has been mostly interpreted in terms of resource distribution and
availability according to fluctuations in dry and cold (stadial), humid
and warm (inter-stadial) periods (Correal and van der Hammen, 1977).
Zooarchaeological analysis carried out on faunal remains recovered at
various sites (e.g. Correal and van der Hammen, 1977; Ijzereef, 1978;
Zorro, 2019), have led to the formulation of hypotheses on seasonal or
permanent occupation of sites as well as on changes in population
density through time (e.g. Correal and van der Hammen, 1977; Ijzreef,
1978; Correal, 1979, 1981; Zorro, 2019). They have also paid attention
to human-animal relationships, subsistence strategies, and use of the
territory (Zorro, 2019).
In addition, findings of plant macroremains (Correal, 1990) and
microremains (Archila and Langebaek, 2015; Archila, 2018; Mejía,
2018), as well as isotopic studies (van der Hammen et al., 1990; Archila
and Langebaek, 2015), have permitted to postulate ancient use of plant
resources, suggesting early plant cultivation among these societies.
However, direct evidences of the use of plant resources in the region are
still scarce, fragmentary or incomplete.
In the Checua river valley, several archaeological investigations
(Correal, 1979,1980; Groot, 1992, 2000, 2012; Gutiérrez, 2000) have
been carried out since the 1970′ s. According to the recovered informa­
tion in the valley, early humans inhabited rock shelters, open-air sites,
gentle slope and isolated hills since at least 9000 years BP (Correal,
1979; Groot, 1992, 2000; 2012; Gutiérrez, 2000). The landscapes that
were dwelled by hunter-gatherers groups are located in the Upper
Checua river valley, where there are rocky outcrops some of which are
rock shelters, as well as big isolated rocks, which exhibit rock painting.
Some other adjacent areas such as foothills, lower terraces and isolated
hills were also used and inhabited by hunter-gatherers.
At Nemocon IV, a rock shelter studied during the late 1970′ s (Cor­
real, 1979,1980), two radiocarbon dates were obtained, 7530 ± 100 BP
and 6825 ± 40 BP. The site was interpreted as a hunting camp where
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people were focused mainly on hunting deers (Odocoileus virginianus), as
it was suggested by the abundance of remains of this animal at the site. A
recent zooarchaeological study (Zorro, 2019), carried out on stratified
faunal remains recovered at this site allowed to obtain new radiocarbon
dates and according to the results of this study, it was stated that the rock
shelter has a very complex stratigraphy that should be evaluated in order
to understand the cultural sequence represented at the site by the
accumulation of faunal remains. The study also shows that the funda­
mental taxa identified were Odocoileus virginianus, Cavia sp. Agouti tac­
zanowskii and Didelphidae (Zorro, 2019, p.165), and diversity index
analysis showed that the faunal spectrum during the earliest period of
human occupation was the most diverse and equilibrated compared
with other hunter-gatherer sites from the region. At the same time, this
analysis suggests that faunal resources were exploited differently
through time at the site. During the earliest occupation, hunting patterns
were more opportunistic and generalized than during the latest period of
occupation of the site (Zorro, 2019, p.169). On the other hand,
hunter-gatherers from Nemocon IV exploited local forest ecosystems
from the region and resources from open and swamp areas. Some of the
taxa reported such as Ara sp. (Zorro, 2019) and Sylvanus floridanus
during the first and second occupation of the site, suggest that people
were moving to the intermontane valleys outside Checua river valley
and Sabana de Bogotá (Zorro, 2019, p.187).
The archaeological site of Checua (Fig. 2), where this study takes
place, is located on an isolated hill (2582 m asl), in a transitional zone
between the flooding alluvial plane of Checua river and gentle slope hills
to the Northeastern edge of the valley. The hill is considered one of the
most relevant sites to study long sequences of hunter-gatherers occu­
pation in Northern South America and particularly in the Sabana de
Bogotá. Previous research in the site includes stratigraphic excavations
(Groot, 1992, 2000) and geophysical surveys (Minelli et al., 2012).
According to Groot (1992, 2000), the place was sporadically visited by
hunter and gatherers groups since ca. 8200 BP. Then, after ca. 7000 BP,
the site was used to live more permanently, as it was suggested by the
abundant lithic artefacts and faunal remains; habitation floors; areas
delimited by post holes and human burials. Since 2015, a new archae­
ological program has been developed in the Checua river valley, which
included a systematic regional survey in 68 km2, intensive surveys and
excavations at Checua site (Fig. 3).
In sum, the archaeology of the Sabana de Bogotá has gathered a wide
corpus of meaningful information about hunter and gatherers through
diverse lines of evidence. However, sedentism is an aspect that has been
neglected for this type of societies in the region, especially because it is
believed that sedentism must be strictly associated to agricultural and
Fig. 2. Checua Valley, the arrow shows the hill where the archaeological site
is located.
S. Archila et al.
Fig. 3. Excavations and test pits carried out at the archaeological site of Checua.
pottery innovations. We believe that the evidence at the site of Checua
could allow us to think on sedentism in a different manner, and trace
back how this process might have begun, much earlier than the rising of
agriculture-dependent societies in the Sabana de Bogotá.
3. Hunter-gatherers and sedentism
Sedentism is a concept broadly used in archaeology to describe social
evolution of hunter-gatherers groups. It should be understood as a
process and as a complex phenomenon that has to be investigated in
itself and cannot be reduced to an effect or precondition for agriculture
or other social transformation (Marshall, 2006, p.159). Archaeology has
used several models to explain the evolution of sedentism in relation to
some economic and social aspects such as food production, population
increase and resource intensification.
Traditional approaches explain mobility patterns of hunter-gatherers
as a result of adaptive behavior derived from subsistence strategies
(Jordan and Cummings, 2014). Logistic strategies and optimal foraging
models have been considered to understand human choices in terms of
efficiency and optimization (MacArthur, 1972; Pyke, 1984). Processual
archaeology suggested that there is a continuum between levels of
mobility, increasing of sedentism and intensification of resource pro­
ductivity and/or production (Gould, 1985). Degrees of mobility has
been analyzed under the framework of Middle Range Theory, as aspects
related with structure and richness of resource patches and population
size. Binford’s predictive model on hunter and gatherer mobility
postulated during the 1970′ s is still an important framework for the
interpretation of ancient hunter-gatherer societies in relation to their
adaptive strategies (foraging and collecting), which are adopted ac­
cording to the latitude and seasonality of local resources Binford, 1980.
However, ethnography of hunter-gatherers groups from the Amazon
region, particularly Nukak people in the Colombian Eastern lowlands
has illustrated the difficulties that archaeological interpretations may
face when dealing with ancient mobility and territorial patterns of
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hunter and gatherers groups. That is because the reductionism of the
functional-ecological model does not take into account other aspects of
human behavior related with social, ideological, sociopsycological and
ritual reasons which can determine camp movements ( Politis, 2007). In
other areas of South America, particularly in the Andean highlands
(Titicaca lake) it has been suggested that environmental based models of
human mobility are incomplete to explain the archaeological record (
Haas and Kuhn, 2019).
According to Dillehay (2013), the concept of sedentism in South
America has been used to infer an increase in complexity and permanent
residential patterns for hunter-gatherers societies. For this author, sed­
entism exhibits high variation in South America and it has been often
associated with sites located in areas with abundance of natural re­
sources and evidences of cultivation; sites with big deposits of rubbish,
where many human burials were practiced; and sites with stone archi­
tecture among other characteristics. Regarding the process of sedentism
Dillehay suggests that there has been several trajectories which allow us
to differentiate sedentism components, such as funerary sedentism
(when there is a cemetery isolated from an occupational area); cere­
monial sedentism (represented in places different to habitation areas
where only rituals and ceremonies were carried out); and occupational
or domestic sedentism (it refers to domestic sites that can be associated
or not to a ceremonial center). Each of these kinds of sedentism are
functionally related, and as a whole, they constitute Inclusive sedentism.
On the other hand, Exclusive sedentism occurs when not all the types of
sedentism are present in the area of a particular community or when for
example, a ceremonial site is used at the same time to practice human
burials. In this sense, many sites can represent ceremonial or ritual
sedentism but not occupational or domestic sedentism. However, the
author also points out that at occupational sites, ceremonial and ritual
elements could be incorporated (Dillehay, 2013 p.30–46).
Until the seventies and early eighties common assumptions about
hunter-gatherers from Northern South America included direct corre­
lations between sedentism and adoption of ceramic and agriculture as
S. Archila et al.
simultaneous phenomena. However, current archaeological information
from Ecuador (Stothert, 1985; Stothert et al., 2003; Pagán-Jiménez
et al., 2016; Ugalde, 2019), Colombia (Aceituno, 2007; Aceituno and
Loaiza, 2014, 2018; Castillo and Aceituno, 2006; Dickau et al., 2014)
and Panama ( Piperno, 1994; Piperno and Pearsall, 1998; Piperno et al.,
2000) reveals the adoption of cultivation and/or agriculture by
hunter-gatherers groups that did not manufacture pottery or practice
sedentism. The process of sedentism has been documented by several
archaeological sequences from the area, like the one recorded at Las
Vegas site in Southwestern lowlands of Ecuador, which was occupied
from 10,500 to 6600 BP (Stothert, 1985). Increase in sedentism is sug­
gested at the site by changes in the economic strategy practiced by the
inhabitants of the region. First, groups practiced a residential mobility
and when Las Vegas site became a base camp they changed the economic
strategy and practiced a logistic mobility. Funerary rites at the site were
also important to the consolidation of community ties and to the crea­
tion of connections with the landscape (Raymond 2008). In Northern
lowlands of Colombia archaeological evidences of sedentary behavior
have been recorded by the Middle Holocene (Oyuela-Caycedo and
Rodriguez, 1992; Archila, 1993). For example, San Jacinto I dated at
about 6000 BP, was a special-purpose camp site seasonally occupied to
harvest and processing plants where people were using pottery (Oyue­
la-Caicedo and Bonzani, 2005; Raymond, 2008).
Here, we aim to articulate the lines of archaeological evidence
recently collected at the site of Checua with a perspective of sedentism,
which allows us to explore how hunter and gatherer societies can
privilege the idea of settling in permanent places rather than adopt high
mobile strategies. For this purpose, we approach sedentism as a social
process that goes beyond the ecological determinants, such as resources
availability, adoption of food production and technological innovations
like ceramic.
4. Materials and methods
In order to study the nature of the site a third excavation was per­
formed (Excavation III). It covered an area of 20 m2 and was carried out
by arbitrary levels of 5 cm until the sterile level was reached. However,
stratigraphic units were also recorded and considered for the interpre­
tation of the site. The second objective was to clarify the chronology of
the site. To do so, 25 human and animal bones recovered from Exca­
vation I (n = 1), II (n = 4) and III (n = 20) with a clear stratigraphic
origin were sent to Beta Analytic to be radiocarbon dated. The prepa­
ration of the collagen was performed by that laboratory according to
their established protocol. The dates obtained were calibrated by using
INTCAL 13 calibration curve. Zúñiga and González (2019), calculated
the summed probability distributions (SPDs) of these calibrated radio­
carbon ages using RCARBON package from R software.
The growing sedentism was evaluated by using different proxies: (1)
the frequencies of the lithic tools recovered in Excavations I, II and III;
(2) the frequencies of zooarchaeological remains from Excavation I, II
(Unit C-2) and III (Unit A′ 3); (3) the frequencies of human burials from
Excavations I, II and III; (4) the frequencies of lithic artefacts related to
plant processing recovered in Excavation III; (5) the spectrum of plant
micro-remains (starch grains) from Excavation III and (6) the presence
of anthropic structures (Excavation I, II and III) that suggest long periods
of human permanence at the site.
Frequencies of lithic tools and faunal remains were calculated taking
into account all the elements studied until now from Excavations I, II
and III, according to their distribution in each chronological unit defined
for the site. On the other hand, frequencies of lithic artefacts related to
plant processing from Excavation III were calculated taking into account
the elements recovered in each chronological unit and their identifica­
tion was prioritized in order to carry out the plant micro-remain anal­
ysis. The criteria used to identify these tools as plant processing artefacts
were: the shape, the resemblance to known used artefacts for plant
processing and the traces of use observed on the artefacts’ surfaces. The
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analyzed artefacts were identified as choppers, handstones for milling,
mortars and milling placks.
Plant micro-remains were obtained from both sediments adhered to
stone tools described above (41 artefacts) and human dental calculus (4
individuals). The stone tools analyzed were distributed in all strati­
graphic units, and from these artefacts, eight were used as grave goods
(Mejía, 2018, 2019). Starch extraction was carried out following
established protocols (Perry, 2001; Musaubach, 2012, 2014). Removal
of soil adhered to artefacts were made without chemicals and included
three cleaning steps: (1) dry brushing, (2) distilled water brushing and
(3) sonicate. When artefacts presented porous areas and cracks on their
surfaces, before their sonication, drops of water were placed on these
and the residue was extracted by pipette. The sediments were recovered
after centrifugation of the samples and mounted in a water and glycerin
solution on microscope slides to be analyzed. Starch grains description
considered overall morphology, size range, hilum, lamella, fissures and
the other features established by Host et al. (2007)and by the interna­
tional Code for Starch Nomenclature (ICSN, 2011). Starch grains
recovered were compared with the reference collection of cultivated
plants from the Archaeobotanical Laboratory at the University of Los
Andes as well as with published literature (Babot et al., 2007; Musau­
bach, 2012, 2014; Musaubach and Babot, 2013; Pagán-Jiménez et al.,
2016; Pagán-Jiménez, 2015).
5. Results
Physical stratigraphy in Excavation III (Fig. 4), showed eight units
(Avellaneda et al., 2018), all containing cultural remains. Unit H cor­
responds to the present day soil, Unit G corresponds to an anthropic
sandstone floor between 22 and 37 cm in depth, this stratum contained
isolated human bones and abundant animal bones. Unit F (37–50 cm)
corresponds to a franc-sandy in texture soil and it contained abundant
organic matter and cultural remains that also shows bioturbation. In
addition, this stratum includes fine to thick gravels, angular of various
lithology and colors like reddish sandstones and yellow mudstones.
Units E (50-60 cm) and D (60–67 cm), are brownish in color and they
present bioturbation, a clayish texture in the upper section and sandy in
the bottom, where angular sandstones of several sizes were recorded.
Unit C (67 cm), is discontinuous and irregular (varies in thickness), its
matrix is hard, porous, white in color, and includes hetero-lithic clastic
materials. Unit B (67–90 cm), has a light loam texture and shows bio­
turbation. In the bottom, it can be observed layers of irregular clastic
materials varied in size, ranging from small pebbles to coarse sand. Unit
A (90–140 cm), constitutes a bioturbated horizon of a sandy texture,
which includes rocks with angular and sub angular shapes and variable
sizes. Human burials were practiced in strata D, C, B and A, and they
include grave goods such as animal bones and teeth, lithic and bone
artefacts, stone beads and snail pendants. Hearth areas were recorded in
strata B and A, while post holes were recorded in strata E, D, B and A.
Twenty five human and animal bones that were radiocarbon dated
(Table 1) allowed us to evaluate the time span for human occupation of
the hill, and led us to correlate dates with cultural remains and human
burials recorded during the excavations. The graph in Fig. 5 shows that
available radiocarbon dates from Checua are distributed in three
different groups which we suggest correspond to three different chro­
nological units for the site. In this graph, we included other four
radiocarbon dates previously obtained at the site (Groot, 1992; Minelli
et al., 2012). In Fig. 6, the results are presented graphically and, as it can
be seen, according to SPDs, there are also three different groups of dates,
which correspond to the three different chronological units we suggest
for the site (see Discussion).
The stratigraphy of Excavation III is coherent with the ones described
for the other excavations made at the site (Table 2). The few differences
recorded are due to dissimilarities in the topography of the hill (Groot,
1992, 2000; Minelli et al., 2012). In the frame of this research, it was
noticed that there were no gaps in the deposit of cultural materials
S. Archila et al. Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx

Fig. 4. Stratigraphic sequence, Excavation III, archaeological site of Checua.

Table 1
Radiocarbon dates obtained at the archaeological site of Checua.
Sample Excavation Code Unit/Ind (cm) Material Radiocarbon age BP cal BP 2σ Probability 2σ (%)

27 III Beta-509234 G (25–30) Bone (O. virginianus) 4530 ± 30 5190–5052 62.8

5310–5213 32.6
26 III Beta-493,129 E (50-55) Bone (O. virginianus) 4790 ± 30 5560–5470 78.1
5594–5567 17.3
25 III Beta-493,119 Ind 2 (68) Bone (H. sapiens) 4850 ± 30 5514–5485 0.7
5527–5523 14.2
5651–5580 80.5
24 III Beta-493,128 Ind 20 (80) Bone (H. sapiens 4890 ± 30 5661–5586 95.4
23 III Beta-493,125 Ind 16 (76) Bone (H. sapiens) 4900 ± 30 5664–5587 92.3
5710–5691 3.1
22 II Beta-509235 Ind 2 (0–40) Bone (H. sapiens) 4900 ± 30 5664–5587 92.3
5710–5691 3.1
21 III Beta-493,121 Ind 4 (68) Bone (H. sapiens) 4910 ± 30 5665–5591 86.5
5712–5674 8.9
20 III Beta-493,120 Ind 3 (68) Bone (H. sapiens) 4910 ± 30 5665–5591 86.5
5712–5674 8.9
19 III Beta 503,361 Ind 7 (67) Bone (H. sapiens) 4920 ± 30 5715–5596 95.4
18 III Beta 503,362 Ind 9 (80) Bone (H. sapiens) 4930 ± 30 5719–5599 95.4
17 III Beta 503,360 Ind 6 (76) Bone (H. sapiens) 4930 ± 30 5720–5600 95.4
16 III Beta 503,359 Ind 1 (65) Bone (H. sapiens) 4960 ± 30 5742–5608 95.4
15 III Beta-493,122 Ind 5 (70) Bone (H. sapiens) 5000 ± 30 5762–5651 72.4
5888–5817 23.0
14 III Beta-493,127 Ind 18 (83) Bone (H. sapiens) 5020 ± 30 5771–5659 49.6
5792–5784 1.3
5892–5805 44.5
13 I Beta-509232 Ind 13 (90) Bone (H. sapiens) 5520 ± 30 6398–6280 95.4
12 III Beta 503,364 Ind 12 (97) Bone (H. sapiens) 5690 ± 30 6553–6405 95.4
11 Essay A CEDAD-2 US3 base Land snail 5837 ± 50 6771–6769 ?
6748–6499
10 III Beta 503,363 Ind 10 (90) Bone (H. sapiens) 5900 ± 30 6786–6662 95.4
9 III Beta 503,366 Ind 22 (83) Bone (H. sapiens) 6130 ± 30 7158–6941 95.4
8 III Beta 503,365 Ind 13 (100) Bone (H. sapiens) 6140 ± 30 7158–6951 95.4
7 III Beta-493,123 Ind 15 (120) Bone (H. sapiens) 6150 ± 31 7159–6958 95.4
6 III Beta-493,124 Ind 11 (110) Bone (H. sapiens) 6200 ± 30 7179–7000 91.4
7210–7198 1.2
7238–7216 2.8
5 Essay A CEDAD-1 US4 Charcoal 6461 ± 65 7482–7262 ?
4 III Beta-493,130 A (115–120) Bone (O. virginianus) 6650 ± 30 7580–7475 95.4
3 I Beta-53924 Base 5b (70-80 Charcoal 7800 ± 160 9032–8313 99.7
9074–9061 0.3
2 I Beta-509233 A4 (120–130) Bone (O. virginianus) 8200 ± 30 9266–9032 95.4
1 I Beta-53925 Lim. 4 y 5a (125) Charcoal 8200 ± 110 8831–8783 2.0
8889–8862 1.0
8918–8891 1.0
8962–8954 0.3
9470–8969 95.8

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S. Archila et al. Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx

Fig. 5. Distribution of radiocarbon dates at the archaeological site of Checua.

Fig. 6. Summed Probability Distributions (SPDs) of calibrated radiocarbon ages (RCARBON package from R_INTCAL13). Taken from Zúñiga and González (2019).

throughout the stratigraphic sequence of the Excavation III, however
different densities in the accumulation of cultural remains (faunal re­
mains, lithic tools and human burials) were recorded. Both of these facts
were also observed in the other excavations dug at the site (I, II, A, B).
Material densities are shown in Table 3. Frequencies of faunal remains
(Fig. 7), lithic tools (Fig. 8), lithic artefacts related to plant processing
(Fig. 9) and human burials (Fig. 10), varies along the stratigraphic
sequence and there is an increase in these frequencies throughout time.
In Excavation III, 16 human burials belong to the Chronological Unit
III and five to the Chronological Unit II, there were no human burials
recorded in the Chronological Unit I. According to the bio­
anthropological analysis carried out for the human remains recorded in
Excavation III (Corcione, 2018), and following the protocol proposed by
Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), eight individuals were female, seven

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Table 2
Correlation between chronological units, stratigraphy and arbitrary excavation levels at Checua site.
Chronological Unit Excavation III Excavation II Excavation I

Stratigraphic Unit Levels (cm) Stratigraphic Unit Levels (cm) Stratigraphic Unit Levels (cm)

III H 0–22 6 0–20 8 0–20

G 22–37
F 37–50
E 50–60
II D 60–67
C 67
B 67–90
I A 90–140
5 20–40 8a 20–25
4 40–45 7 25–45
3 45–65
6 45–55
2 65–75 5b 55–70
5a 70–100
1 75–100 4 100–130
3 130–140
2 140–145
1 145–160

Table 3
Material densities recorded in excavations I, II and III at Checua site.
Chronological Faunal Lithics Lithics associated to Human
Unit remains plant processing burials

III 90,328 12,900 126 33

II 14,444 2323 19 17
I 4740 1522 15 0
Total 109,512 16,745 160 50

Fig. 8. Frequencies of lithics recorded at Excavation I, II and III at Checua site.

Fig. 7. Frequencies of faunal remains recorded at Excavation I, II and III at

Checua site.

were male, while for six individuals sex was not possible to be deter­
mined. Age ranges (Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994), included one fetal,
two infants, two children, seven young adults, seven middle adults and
one old adult. The results are shown in Table 4. Elaborated human
burials are commonly found at the site (Fig. 14), and most of them
include a varied array of grave goods such artefacts and adornments
made from land snails.
The archaeobotanical micro-remains analysis made it possible to
recover starch grains from sediments adhered to stone tools associated
to plant processing (Fig. 11) and dental calculus. The recovered plant
spectrum includes cultigens like cubio (Tropaeolum tuberosum), ibia Fig. 9. Frequencies of lithics associated to plant processing recorded at Exca­
(Oxalis tuberosa), ulluco (Ullucus tuberosus), common bean (Phaseollus vation I, II and III at Checua site.
sp.) and mays (Zea mays). These starch grains were also recovered from
dental calculus of individuals numbered 2 (dated at 5651-5580 BP cal
2σ. 3rd chronological unit), 6 (dated at 5720-5600 BP cal 2σ. 3rd

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S. Archila et al. Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx

Table 4
Sex and age estimates for individuals buried at the Checua site. (a) all ages are in
years unless otherwise indicated, (b) age cohort according to Buikstra and
Ubelaker (1994), (*) because of poor preservation of the bones it was not
possible to determine the precise age cohort. Data of Excavation I and II were
taken from Groot (1992, 2000) and data from Excavtions A and B were taken
from (Minelli et al., 2012).
Burial/ Excavation Chronological Sex Age Age
Individual Unit estimate estimatea cohortb
ID

Individual III III Female 35–39 Middle

1 Adult

Individual III III Female 45–49 Middle

2 Adult

Individual III III Male >45 Middle

3 Adult

Individual III III Male 10-ene Child

4
Fig. 10. Frequencies of human burials recorded at Excavation I, II and III at
Individual III III Male 26–32 Young
Checua site.
5 adult

chronological unit), 9 (dated at 5719-5599 BP cal 2σ. 3rd chronological Individual III III Female – Young
unit), and 10 (dated at 6786-6626 BP cal 2σ. 2nd chronological unit). 6 adult
Tables 5 and 6 summarize this information and starch grains of these Individual III III Female 50–59 Old
7 adult
plants are illustrated in Figs. 12 and 13. Individual III III – 2 mos Infant
Anthropic floors made by the accumulation of sandstones of varied 8
size were recorded in Excavation III (strata G, F and E), and also it was Individual III III – 45–49 Middle
recorded compacted surfaces that sometimes included few sandstones 9 adult
Individual III III Late fetal Fetal
(strata E, D, B and A). –
14
Individual III III Female >45 Middle
6. Discussion 16 adult

In a previous research, Groot (1992) proposed that the site of Checua Individual III III Female 33–45 Middle
had been used by hunter and gatherer groups occasionally, and since ca. 17 adult

8200 ± 160 BP human influence at the site was more intense as it was
Individual III III Female 25–35 Young
suggested by the increase in the frequencies of cultural materials 18 adult
throughout the stratigraphic sequence. Excavation III carried out during
this study confirms this suggestion as it has been shown by the analysis Individual III III – 30–34 Young
of frequencies of faunal remains, lithic artefacts, human burials and 19 adult
lithic tools associated with plant processing (Table 3 and Figs. 7–10). Individual III III Male 26–32 Young
20 adult
This research also shows that the site was used as a place to live Individual III III Male – Adult*
permanently, where hunter and gatherers groups ardently practiced 21
several daily life tasks. In addition, an intense ritual activity was also Individual III II Female 45–50 Middle
detected, as it was shown by the presence of human burials of great 10 adult
complexity.
Individual III II Male 10yr ± Child
The chronology of most of the archaeological sites of hunter and
11 30mos
gatherers in the Sabana de Bogotá has been based on non-calibrated
radiocarbon dates of charcoals collected during excavations (for a Individual III II _- 1yr±4mos Infant
detailed discussion see Delgado et al., 2015, p.8). Radiocarbon dates on 12
human or faunal teeth and bones have been used only recently. As a Individual III II – 24–32 Young
13 adult
result, the available dates that have been correlated with human remains
Individual III II Male 30–34 Young
and activities for several sites, in Late Pleistocene and Early and Middle 15 adult
Holocene, could be problematic. For example, some of the dated char­ Burial 1 II III Male 30–35 Middle
coals could have different ages because the taphonomic phenomena adult
happening at those sites could have caused up and down displacements Burial 2 II III Male 25–30 Young
adult
between stratigraphic layers. Before this research, there were only four Burial 3 II III Male 30–35 Young
non-calibrated radiocarbon dates for Checua site: 8200 ± 110 BP; 7800 adult
± 160 BP (Groot, 1992); 6461 ± 65 BP and 5837±? BP (Minelli et al., Burial 4 II III Female 30–35 Young
2012). The two first dates were obtained from charcoal fragments adult
Burial 5 (I) II II Female 30–35 Young
recovered in Excavation I and collected in the upper section of strati­
adult
graphic Unit 4, and in the base of stratigraphic Unit 5b respectively Burial 5 (II) II II Female 25–30 Young
(Groot, 1992, p.19). The other two samples were collected during adult
Excavation A, from charcoal fragments dated at 7482-7262 BP and from Burial 6 II II Male 20–25
a fragment of a land snail dated at 6771-6499 BP (Minelli et al., 2012). (continued on next page)

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S. Archila et al. Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx

Table 4 (continued ) occupation of the hill lasted 4500 years, as it was previously suggested
Burial/ Excavation Chronological Sex Age Age by Groot (1992, 2000), but the limits of the occupation varies from her
Individual Unit estimate estimatea cohortb initial suggestion. In that sense, it was stated that the human occupation
ID of the hill started at 9470-8969 cal BP (2σ), and ended at 5190-5052 cal
Young BP (2σ). According to the available data, it was also observed that
adult human burials were practiced at the hill since 7179-7000 cal BP (2σ),
Burial 7 II II Female 25–30 Young and the latest human burial dated at the site was made at 5651-5580 cal
adult
BP (2σ). Taking into account chronology and natural stratigraphy of the
Burial 8 II II Male 25–30 Young
adult site, it was also possible to define three Chronological Units at Checua.
Burial 9 II II Female 2 mos Infant Chronological Unit I was dated between 9470 and 8969 cal BP (2σ) and
Burial 1 I III – 0–3 Infant 9032-8313 cal BP (2σ), Chronological Unit II, was dated between 7580
Burial 2 I III – 0–3 Infant and 7475 cal BP (2σ) and 6398-6280 cal BP (2σ); and Chronological Unit
Burial 3 I III 0–3 Infant
Burial 3a I III – 0–3 Infant
III between 5892 and 5659 cal BP (2σ) and 5190-5052 cal BP (2σ).
Burial 3b I III Late fetal Fetal During Chronological Unit I, that is to say a time span of ca. 927
Burial 4 I III – – NE years, hunter-gatherers groups visited the hill sporadically, established
Burial 5 I III – _- NE non-permanent residence camps, but they dod not practice human
Burial 6 I III Male 30–35 Middle
burials. In contrast, during Chronological Unit 2, 17 human burials were
adult
Burial 7 I III Female 40–50 Old made at this time span of ca. 1300 years, which suggests that the
adult occupation of the site became more intense (Fig. 14). During the Chro­
Burial 8 I II – – – nological Unit 3, that is to say a time span of ca. 719 years, radiocarbon
Burial 9 I II Female 20–24 Young dates are more concentrated (Figs. 5 and 6) 33 human burials were
adult
Burial 10 I II Male 40–45 Middle
practiced, and by then the human occupation of the hill was intense, as it
adult is also suggested by the higher concentration of animal bones and lithic
Burial 11 I II Female 30 Young artefacts (Figs. 7 and 8). Extensive areas of the hill, were used during
adult Chronological Units 2 and 3 to accumulate debris derived from animals
Burial 12 I II Male 45–50 Middle
used for food, and from lithic artefacts or nodules used to manufacture
Adult
Burial 13 I II – – – tools as well as bone artefacts (Fig. 15 and Fig. 16).
Individual A III – – – Current archaeological data and radiocarbon dates, suggest that
1 Checua was used as a permanent residence place by hunter-gatherers,
Individual A III – – – from ca. 7500 BP, who also practiced human burials and performed
2
meaningful mortuary ceremonies and rituals at the site (Ospina and
Individual A III Male 8 Child
1 Archila, this issue). Permanent living on the hill is evidenced by high
Individual B III – – – densities of animal bones and stone debris, which suggests that animals
1 were butchered in situ and that artefacts were also manufactured there.
Frequencies of faunal remains, lithic tools, human burials and lithic
tools associated to plant processing show a constant increase through
Taking into consideration radiocarbon dates and some comparisons
time, making evident an intense human occupation of the site during the
among cultural features reported in several sites from the Sabana de
span of time of the Chronological unit II and a much more intense
Bogotá, Groot (1992, p.22; 2000), had initially postulated that the site
occupation during the span of time of the Chronological unit III. This is
was occupied by hunter-gatherers between 8200 and 3000 BP. Because
also evidenced by the presence of anthropic structures forming stone
none of those dates were obtained directly from human bones, it was
floors (Excavation I, II and III) which suggest long periods of human
difficult to correlate them to human activity and other remains depos­
permanence at the site. Likewise, permanence is also suggested by
ited below the dated stratigraphic units. It was also problematic to
postholes arranged in circles recorded in Excavation I (Groot, 1992),
stablish an accurate chronology for the other human burials, and
which suggest that hunter-gatherers built some kind of domestic archi­
archaeological features at the site; including the abundant cultural
tectural structures for living. In addition, it is also important to remark
materials deposited in the upper stratigraphic layers and features such as
that many of the lithic artefacts recovered during in Excavations I, and
the sandstone living floor.
III such chopper pebbles, stone mortars and milling stones, suggest that
According to radiocarbon dates obtained during this research
plant processing was carried out at the site.
(Table 1, Figs. 5 and 6), it was possible to establish that the human

Fig. 11. Lithic tools associated to plant processing recovered in Excavation III at Checua site: (a) “donut stone”/other, CH 033; (b) Handstone CH 090; (c) Hoe, CH
030; (d) Chopper, CH 032; (e) Handstone, CH 035; (f) Plack, CH 036; (g) Hammer, CH 040; (h) Handstone, CH 021; (i) Hammer, CH 011; (j) Chopper, CH 041; (k)
Hoe, CH 108.

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S. Archila et al. Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx

Table 5
Starch grains recovered from lithic tools associated to plant processing at Checua site.
Tool ID Excavation Level Individual Chronological Zea mays Tropaeolum Oxalis Phaseolus Ullucus Total
Lab Unit (cm) Unit (Maize) tuberosum tuberosa spp. (Fríjol) tuberosus
(Cubio) (Ibia) (Ruba/Ulluco)

Handstone CH- B′ 3- B′ 2 67 5 III 0 6 0 0 0 6

001

Handstone CH- A′ 3 75 6 III 0 0 0 0 0 0

002
Handstone CH- A′ 2 35–40 III 0 1 0 0 0 1
005
Handstone CH- A′ 2 35–40 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
006
Handstone CH- A′ 2 20–25 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
007
Handstone CH- A2
′
25–30 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
008
Base CH- A′ 2 25–30 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
009
Handstone CH- -A′ 3/-A′ 4 20–25 III 0 2 0 0 0 2
010
Chopper CH- -A 3/-A 4
′ ′
20–25 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
011
Handstone CH- -A 3 ′
55–60 III 1 2 0 0 0 3
016
Handstone CH- -A′ 3 55–60 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
017
Handstone CH- -A′ 3 30–35 III 1 1 0 0 0 2
020
Handstone CH- -A 4/-A 3
′ ′
40–45 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
021
Handstone CH- -A′ 2-A′ 2 35–40 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
022
Handstone CH- A′ 4 20–25 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
025
Chopper CH- B′ 3 65 1 III 1 0 0 0 0 1
026
Plack CH- A 3-B 3
′ ′
68 2 III 1 1 0 0 0 2
027

4 III

Plack CH- A′ 3-B′ 3 68 2 III

028

0 1 0 1 0 2
4 III

Chopper CH- A′ 3-B′ 3 68 3 III 1 1 0 0 0 2

029

Hoe CH- B′ 3- B′ 2 67 5 III 5 2 0 0 0 7

030

Chopper CH- B′ 3-B′ 2 67 5 III 0 1 0 1 0 2

031

Chopper CH- A′ 3, -A′ 3, 80 9 III 0 1 0 0 1 3

032 A′ 2, -A′ 2
Handstone CH- A′ 2, -A′ 2, 83 18 III 1 1 0 1 0 3
035 -A′ 3, A′ 3

Plack CH- A′ 2, -A′ 2, 83 18 III 0 1 0 0 0 1

036 -A′ 3, A′ 3

Chopper CH- A′ 2, -A′ 2, 83 18 III 0 1 0 0 1 2

037 -A′ 3, A′ 3

Chopper CH- A′ 2, -A′ 2, 83 21 III 0 0 0 0 1 1

038 -A′ 3, A′ 3
Chopper CH- A′ 2, -A′ 2, 83 21 III 1 7 3 2 3 16
039 -A′ 3, A′ 3
Chopper CH- A′ 2, -A′ 2, 83 21 III 1 1 0 0 0 2
040 -A′ 3, A′ 3
Chopper A′ 3 20–25 III 1 2 0 0 0 3
(continued on next page)

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Table 5 (continued )
Tool ID Excavation Level Individual Chronological Zea mays Tropaeolum Oxalis Phaseolus Ullucus Total
Lab Unit (cm) Unit (Maize) tuberosum tuberosa spp. (Fríjol) tuberosus
(Cubio) (Ibia) (Ruba/Ulluco)

CH-
041
Plack CH- A′ 3 25–30 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
042
Chopper CH- A′ 3 30–35 III 0 1 1 0 0 2
043
Chopper CH- A′ 3 40–45 III 0 1 0 0 0 1
065
Handstone CH- A′ 3 75–80 II 0 1 0 0 0 1
086
Handstone CH- A3
′
95–100 I 0 0 0 0 0 0
090
Plack CH- A′ 3 110–115 I 3 2 1 0 0 8
093
Hoe CH- B′ 4 35–40 III 0 0 0 0 0 0
108
Total 17 37 5 5 6 73

Table 6
Starch grains trapped in dental calculusof individuals recovered in Excavation III at Checua site.
Individual Tooth ID Lab Excavation Chronological Zea mays Tropaeolum Oxalis Phaseolus sp. Ullucus Non- Total
Unit Unit (maize) tuberosum tuberosa (bean) tuberosus determined
(cubio) (ibia) (ulluco)

2 M28 CH102 A′ 3/B′ 3 III 2 0 0 0 0 0 2

6 IL12 CH103- A′ 3 III 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

1
6 IL32 CH103- A′ 3 3 2 1 1 0 0 7
2
6 IC11 CH103- A3
′
1 0 1 2 0 0 4
3
6 C23 CH103- A3
′
1 1 0 0 0 0 2
4
6 IC31 CH103- A′ 3 0 0 0 0 1 0 1
5
6 IC41 CH103- A′ 3 0 2 1 0 0 0 3
6
6 M26 CH103- A3
′
0 0 0 0 0 0 0
7
6 M27 CH103- A′ 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 1
8
6 PM24 CH103- A′ 3 0 2 0 0 0 0 2
9
6 PM25 CH103- A′ 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
10
9 M28 CH 104- A 3/-A 3
′ ′
III 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1
9 M36 CH 104- A′ 3/-A′ 3 0 0 0 1 0 0 1
2
9 M37 CH 104- A′ 3/-A′ 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
3
9 C43 CH 104- A 3/-A 3
′ ′
1 1 0 0 0 3 5
4
10 M27 CH105 A′ 4 II 1 0 0 1 0 0 2
10 M28 CH106- B′ 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1
10 PM45 CH106- B′ 3 0 0 1 0 0 0 2
2
Total 10 9 4 5 1 3 32

The archaeobotanical analysis carried out during this research allows
us to suggest that at Checua site hunter-gatherers were collecting and
probably cultivating plants during the time span of the three Chrono­
logical units, as it is evidenced by the presence of starch grain mor­
photypes similar to those of present day cultivated plants from the
Andean highlands like cubio, (Tropaeolum tuberosum), ibia (Oxalis
tuberosa), ulluco (Ullucus tuberosus), common bean (Phaseollus spp.) and
mays (Zea mays). However, plant micro-remains were more common in
the Chronological unit III, which also suggests a more intense human
occupation of the place at that time. Archaeobotanical data are coherent
with the results of the zooarchaeological analysis that showed a process
of incipient domestication of Cavia sp. (Zorro, 2019). This process re­
quires long periods of human permanence at the site. Both archae­
obotanical and zooarchaeological results suggest a growing process of
sedentism on the hill, taking into consideration the care and attention
that animals and plants demand.
From our perspective, a process of sedentarisation may have begun
at Checua hill between ca. 7000 and 5000 years BP, which could be

12
S. Archila et al.
Fig. 12. Starch grains identified in lithic tools associated to plant processing: (a–b) Zea mays, CH 083; (c–d) Modern maize; (e–f) Tropeaolum tuberosum, cubio, CH
001; (g–h) Modern cubio; (i–j) Oxalis tuberosa, ibia, CH 039; (k–l) Modern ibia; (m–n) Phaseolus spp., frijol, CH 035; (o–p) Modern frijol; (q–r) Ullucus tuberosus, ruba,
CH 032; (s–t) Modern ruba.
supported by several archaeological features as follows: the presence of
high density of debris derived from animals, plants and lithic tools since
the beginning of chronological unit II; the drastic transformation of the
hill by building floors made out of profuse accumulations of angular
sandstones of more than 40 cm in depth (chronological unit III); and the
presence of human burials of several types that gradually increased over
time. In chronological unit II, for instance, 17 human burials were
registered, while in chronological unit III, 33 human burials were re­
ported. The earliest human burials were primary (chronological unit II),
and they were built with funerary structures surrounded by postholes,
while the later human burials (chronological unit III), were more varied,
these included both primary and secondary deposits, graves with stone
structures, a funerary complex as well as multiple burials.
In several parts of the world, at around Late Pleistocene and Pleis­
tocene/Holocene transition, there was a tendency of increasing
13
Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx
mortuary practices concentrated in particular places (e.g. Losely et al.,
2011; Belfer-Cohen, 1995; Boyd, 1995), which seems to be related with
an increasing sedentism and intensification of hunting, leading to
over-exploitation of large game and the increase in the use of wild plants
and some pulses (Munro, 2004; Stutz et al., 2009; Weiss et al., 2004). A
discussion on the importance for the living to maintain their dead close
to their residential sites could also be related to the relevance of being in
proximity with ancestors (Larsson, 1990). Some hunter-gatherers groups
in South America inhabited domestic sites where human burials were
practiced below house floors, such as those from Chinchorro culture in
Northern Chile and Southern coast of Peru. This suggests that people
elaborated a special kind of relation between death and domestic space
(Arriaza and Standen, 2002; Marquet et al., 2012; Standen and Santoro,
2004), and also a complex ideology to explain relationships between the
dead and the living, including perhaps aspects related to continuity of
S. Archila et al. Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx

Fig. 13. Starch grains identified in dental calculus: (a–b) Zea mays, CH 103-2; (c–d) Modern maize; (e–f) Tropeaolum tuberosum, cubio, CH 103-2; (g–h) Modern
cubio; (i–j) Oxalis tuberosa, ibia, CH 103-6; Modern ibia; (m–n) Phaseolus spp., frijol, CH 105; (o–p) Modern frijol; (q–r) Ullucus tuberosus, ruba, CH103-5; (s–t)
Modern ruba.

individual identity (Dillehay, 2013, p.37). In the case of Checua, we
suggest that the hill was a permanent residence for hunter-gatherers
groups, where the living shared their domestic spaces with the dead
by means of complex and meaningful relationship, and through deep
connections and experiences of the living, as it is insinuated by the
complexity of the human burials rituals and ceremonies carried out at
the site since ca. 7500 to 500 years BP (Ospina, 2018; Ospina and
Archila, this issue).
Mobility patterns need to be studied in their historical context, which
means that it is necessary to consider technologies as well as social
connections, structure and schedules in order to understand why people
move from one place to another. People do not move only according to
environmental characteristics and constraints, but they also move ac­
cording to cultural values, not necessarily related to survival strategies.
In that sense, for example, the way people conceive their world could be
an important factor in mobility patterns, including aspects of religion,
spirituality, territoriality and the tasks that they conduct at every place
(e.g. Politis, 2007). Landscapes are located in cosmological contexts that
include conceptions of how the world operates in terms of spirit es­
sences, sacred forces, and empowered ancestral legacies (Bruno et al.,
2014, pp.1176–1178).
Taking into account the visibility of Checua hill as a notorious
topographic feature in the landscape, which is isolated from the
mountains behind, it is interesting to consider the possibility that the hill
constituted itself as a privileged site to place the residence for both the
living and the dead. In that sense, we can suggest that this site was
imbuied with cultural and social meaning in the landscape created by
hunter-gatherers during the process of dwelling the Checua Upper river

14
S. Archila et al. Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx

Fig. 14. Human burials, Excavation III, Checua site.

Fig. 15. Lithic artefacts. 1: Milling stone; 2, 3: Axe/waisted hoes; 4,5: Concave scrapers; 6,8: Scraper; 7: Perforator-engraver.

valley. That process included traveling across the mountains to the Checua Upper river valley, from where it is possible to have an
paramos behind the Checua hill, where deers and other animals dwelled, impressive view of the valley and the hill. Shorter trips may have
and where they were hunted by people. Perhaps, this process also occurred to the Checua river and the swamps of its surrounding areas,
included visits to the rock shelters and the isolated painted rocks in the which are the natural habitat for guinea pigs, and where it was also

15
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Fig. 16. Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) long bone fragments showing longitudinal fractures on green bone produced by human activities (1–7, 9,11–14); deer scapula
with anthropic modification (8); graver made out of deer ulna (10); polished gravers made out of deer long bones (15, 16, 17).
possible to fish and collect food resources.
7. Conclusions
The archaeological data collected during this research allowed us to
confirm previous suggestions about the nature of the Checua site as one
used by hunter-gatherer groups as a living place but also as a place to
practice human burials. These data have been also used to refine the
chronology of the Checua site and to propose a new interpretation of the
human occupation of the place. According to this information, human
occupation of the hill started at 9470-8969 cal BP (2σ), and ended at
5190-5052 cal BP (2σ). The hill was sporadically visited by hunter-
gatherer groups during the 1st chronological unit, that is to say, be­
tween 9470 and 8969 cal BP (2σ) and 9032-8313 cal BP (2σ). Then,
during the 2nd chronological unit, it is between 7580 and 7475 BP cal
(2σ) and 6398-6280 cal BP (2σ), hunter-gatherers started to practice
human burials at the site. Finally, during the 3rd chronological unit, it is
between 5771 and 5659 cal BP (2σ) and 5190-5052 cal BP (2σ), the
process of increasing sedentism is notorious considering the high
amount of debris deposited at the site, the radical transformation of the
hill, the increase in the use of lithic tools associated to pant processing,
as well as the increase of human burials practiced at the site.
Likewise, the bioarchaeological data support the suggestions about
the process of sedentism when we consider the particular relationships
that hunter-gatherers stablished with animals and plants during the long
period of time in which the hill was occupied (4500 years). Mortuary
16
Quaternary International xxx (xxxx) xxx
practices of hunter-gatherers also changed over time. During the 2nd
chronological unit there was a pattern in the architecture of the grave
structures that drastically changed during the 3rd chronological unit of
the hill. By then, mortuary practices were highly diverse and they
became more varied, as it is suggested by the existence of triple burials,
funerary complexes, as well as by the evidence of massive stone struc­
tures. Archaeological data collected during this research allowed us to
discuss traces of increasing sedentism among the hunter and gatherers of
Checua, as they went through the experience of dwelling the hill during
ca 4500 years.
Declaration of competing interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence
the work reported in this paper.
Acknowledgements
This work was financially supported by the Social Sciences Faculty
(University of Los Andes), the Fundación de Investigaciones Arqueológicas
Nacionales and the Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia. Luis
Fernando Lloreda (company Flores El Futuro), supported us with finan­
cial and logistic aid during the fieldwork and allowed us to work in his
land, where the archaeological site of Checua is located. A group of
students from Uniandes (Anthropology and Geosciences) and
S. Archila et al.
Universidad Nacional (Anthropology), participated in the field seasons
and at the laboratory. Posgraduate students Saúl Torres, Martha Mejía
and Juan David Gonzalez (Uniandes), developed their dissertations
within the project. Geologist Diana Montoya (National Geological Ser­
vice, Colombia); archaeologists Mayra Cuéllar, Luisa Mendoza, María
Corcione and Julián Gallego; geoscientists Aura Cuervo, José Avella­
neda, Daniel Góngora, Valentina Carmona; biologist Melissa Martínez;
and Jean Baptiste Tary (Geosciences, Uniandes); participated in the
analyses practiced. Catalina Gonzalez (Biological Sciences) and Natalia
Pardo (Geosciences) from Uniandes, coordinated paleoecological,
geological, stratigraphy and site formation analyses. Andrés Zúñiga
(Biological Sciences, Uniandes), kindly processed radiocarbon dates for
SPDs analysis. We thank the laboratory of Palinology and Tropical
Palaeoecology at Uniandes for the analyses of SPD’s. Daniel Medina
edited figures for this paper. We thank all of them for their great gen­
erosity, time, work and for their interest in this project. We also would
like to thank social anthropologist, Mónica Espinosa (Anthropology,
Uniandes) and Gustavo Politis (CONICET, Universidad Nacional Centro
Provincia BsAs, Universidad de la Plata, Argentina) for their time and
great generosity discussing with us about theory and the archaeology of
hunter-gatherers. Finally, the authors thank to the reviewers of this
paper, whose suggestions and comments have been of great value and
Miguel Delgado for inviting us to participate in the volume.
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