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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo: An Architectural History

Author(s): T. J. Ferguson and Barbara J. Mills


Source: Kiva , Summer, 1987, Vol. 52, No. 4, Zuni Ethnography and Architectural
History (Summer, 1987), pp. 243-266
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Arizona Archaeological and
Historical Society
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/30247879

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THE KIVA, Vol. 52, No. 4, 1987

SETTLEMENT AND GROWTH OF ZUNI PUEBLO:


AN ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY

T. J. FERGUSON
Department of Anthropology
University of New Mexico
and

Zuni Archaeology Program


Pueblo of Zuni

BARBARA J. MILLS
Department of Anthropology
University of New Mexico

ABSTRACT

The architectural history of Zuni Pueblo is reviewed. Inferences about the


settlement and growth of the pueblo are drawn from archaeological data,
plans, and photographs of the village. Key principles and features of
nineteenth century Zuni architecture are elucidated. The dramatic architec-
tural transformation of Zuni Pueblo during the last century is described, and
the changing and enduring aspects of Zuni architecture are discussed.

INTRODUCTION

The architecture of Zuni Pueblo comprises a dynamic built environ


that serves the social and economic needs of the Zuni people, at the same
it provides shelter from the elements. Continually changing, the architec
Zuni Pueblo physically embodies many important historical events and
esses. In this paper, we use historical documentation and archaeological
summarize the architectural history of Zuni Pueblo from the time of i
settlement to the present. The changing and enduring aspects of the
environment are examined in relation to key features of the organization
society.

INITIAL SETTLEMENT OF ZUNI PUEBLO

The exact nature and extent of the first construction at Zuni Pueblo are
difficult to determine exactly, as the original settlement was gradually built
over and entirely reconstructed during the long occupation of the pueblo. The
original settlement was probably a planned, plaza-oriented pueblo similar to

The authors and The Kiva gratefully acknowledge a contribution from the Graduate Student
Association Student Research Allocation Fund, University of New Mexico, to help defray the cost
of publication of this paper.
243

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244 FERGUSON AND MILLS

those of the large thirteenth and fourteen


in a wide arc extending from the Zuni
northeastern Arizona. The rectangular a
archaeological region were built and occ
Indians directly before Zuni Pueblo was
1985:77-89; Reed 1955:181-184). Arch
trenches in the pueblo core, an area inco
of a low hill, has documented buildings c
(Ferguson and Mills 1982:113).
Kintigh's (1985:70) analysis of the ava
from Zuni Pueblo indicates that major o
1425. Earlier ceramics, including Cibo
Tularosa black-on-whites), and White M
Johns polychromes), occur in trash mou
tion of the village (Mills n.d.; Spier 191
possibility that the occupation of Zuni Pue
The relationship between the origina
north side of the Zuni River and the occu
the south side of the river (Fewkes 1891
paucity of archaeological data. Both Zuni
of the Zuni River are referred to as Hal
1917:202), and consequently, the two
anthropological and historical literature.
Kroeber's (1917:201-202) review of da
tions conducted by Spier (1917) suggeste
neous. Reanalyses of Spier's data by K
indicate that the most abundant painted c
side of the river include the late prehistor
archaeological deposits of the settlem
including Reserve and Thlarosa black-on
and Kwakina polychromes. A date of ca.
for the site on the south side of the
1980:23-30). The overlap in ceramic assem
two sites were occupied contemporaneou
general, the major occupation of the pu
appears to have been later than that on
In 1540, when the Zuni people encount
their land, Zuni Pueblo was one of six or
located in the Zuni River Valley. These si
century (Kintigh 1985:81), represent a m
occupation spans of less than a century t
By the time of the Spanish Entrada, Zuni
been occupied for about a century and

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 245

GROWTH OF ZUNI PUEBLO IN THE HISTORIC PERIOD

In 1629 the Spaniards began to establish Catholic missions in the Z


area. In 1630 or 1631, massive adobe churches were constructed at Zuni
and Hawikku, and visitas were subsequently constructed at two other
villages, Kechiba:wa and Kyaki:ma (Bandelier 1892:96,108; Smith 1
The construction of the Catholic missions at Zuni Pueblo and Hawikku
introduced a new construction technique to the Zunis, the use of adobe bricks
formed in wooden frames.
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Zuni population was
substantially reduced by epidemics of diseases introduced by the Europeans,
for which the Zunis had no immunity (Hart n.d.). There was attrition in the total
number of villages occupied, and after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 the Zuni
people coalesced into a single permanently occupied village at Zuni Pueblo
(Woodbury 1979:472). Zuni Pueblo underwent significant architectural expan-
sion at this time.
A number of technological innovations introduced during the Spanish
period had an impact on Zuni architecture, including metal tools, draft animals,
and new cultigens. Metal tools resulted in finer woodworking, including pintle
doors with mortise and tenon joints (Mindeleff 1891:182-186; Bunting
1976:38). Metal tools and draft animals made it possible to collect longer beams
for use in construction, as well as more wood for fuel. As a result, larger rooms
became easier to build and heat in the historic period. Heating and ventilation
were improved by the introduction of fireplaces with hoods and chimneys
(Mindeleff 1891:169-179). The integration of wheat into the Zuni economy
was associated with the introduction of domed masonry ovens used to bake
bread, and these became common at Zuni Pueblo (Mindeleff 1891:164-166).
A plan of Zuni Pueblo in 1881, produced by Victor Mindeleff as part of his
classic comparative study of Hopi and Zuni architecture (Mindeleff 1891),
provides the first accurate map of the pueblo. At this time Zuni Pueblo consisted
of seven large room blocks compactly arranged around a number of plazas and
streets, covering a small hill on the north side of the Zuni River. Mindeleff's
1881 plan of Zuni Pueblo is reduced to a block diagram in Figure 1.
Mindeleff's study of nineteenth century Zuni Pueblo indicated that the
pattern of historic architectural growth had been agglomerative (Mindeleff
1891:97-98). Rooms had been added piecemeal as needed onto the existing
architectural complex, either at the edges of the village, or on top of existing
rooms. Lateral expansion in the pueblo core was limited by the underlying
topography and the adjacent Zuni River, and this led to the vertical growth of
five rooftop terraces composed of two and three story houses built up the sides
of the hill. When the limits to vertical growth were reached in the pueblo core,
new room blocks were constructed to the south, running downslope toward the
Zuni River. Eventually, three linear room blocks were added on flat ground to
the east (Kroeber 1917:198-200; Mindeleff 1891:97; Spier 1917:229).

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246 FERGUSON AND MILLS

1881

1915

1972

'lliail
qE U
l niw

Figure 1. Diagram of core architecture of Zuni Pueblo in 1881


and 1972. (After Mindeleff 1891: Plate LXXVI; Kroeber 1917:
Borchers 1972.)

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 247

These three eastern room blocks were constructed almost entirely


bricks made in wooden forms (Ferguson and Mills 1982:139), eviden
they were definitely constructed in the historic period. The eastern roo
were much lower and less dense than the original room blocks,
enclosed the Catholic church. The church, with its graveyard or Cam
enclosed by a low wall, had originally been built on a trash mound outsi
pueblo (Spier 1917:228), but it gradually came to occupy a central p
the middle of the village.
When Mindeleff mapped Zuni Pueblo in 1881, the houses in eac
block were constructed one upon another in a succession of terraces, s
roof of one room formed a floor or yard for the rooms above. The larg
room blocks had five terraces and encompassed several hundred ro
massive, terraced architectural form and dense population of nineteent
Zuni Pueblo led many Anglo observers to compare it to an immense b
anthill (Whipple 1856:68; Stevenson 1881:9). In this regard, it is wor
that the Zuni name for the village, Halona:wa, is derived from the Z
for red-ant, Halo.
In the nineteenth century, Zuni Pueblo housed a population that f
between 1200 and 2000 people (Hart n.d.). It was the only perm
occupied Zuni village, and, as such, functioned as a central site in a
settlement system involving numerous seasonally occupied settlemen
surrounding countryside. These outlying settlements, developed af
consolidation of the tribe into a single pueblo, included many small t
shelters in widespread farming and herding areas and fewer more s
farming villages located in the prime areas of agricultural land within
radius of Zuni Pueblo (Ferguson and Hart 1985:34-35). Much smaller
Pueblo, the farming villages were generally used only during the ag
season from April to October. Virtually the whole tribe returned to Zu
for the winter months.
Spatially, Zuni Pueblo was located near the center of the large are
land use (Ferguson and Hart 1985). Even more importantly, it was, an
the symbolic center of the tribe. The rich ceremonial life of the Zu
takes place almost entirely at Zuni Pueblo, necessitating many trips
forth from the farming districts during the summer for rain dances a
religious observances. During the important winter ceremonies, espe
Shalako, the whole tribe takes residence at Zuni Pueblo. The Zuni pe
refer to Zuni Pueblo as Itiwana, the "Middle Place" (Tedlock 19
spiritual concept signifying the central importance of the village in Zu

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248 FERGUSON AND MILLS

KEY FEATURES OF NINETEENTH CENTURY


ZUNI ARCHITECTURE

Nineteenth century Zuni Pueblo represented an indigenous p


architectural tradition that was elaborated by the introduction of new
technologies and materials in the historic period. The built form of Zu
was constructed over the centuries to provide both shelter from the s
harsh environment and a variety of public areas and plazas where the
observances and ceremonies key to Zuni life could be performed. Th
had grown organically in accordance with an implicit set of archite
principles. As Bunting (1976:45) describes.

the old edifice possessed infinite variety tempered by a fine sense of order. The ke
this order was the way in which all walls conformed to coordinate axes. Despite t
extent of the complex, each house with its terrace was unique, and even though m
persons lived in proximity, a sense of individuality and distinctiveness was preserve

The north/south and east/west coordinate axes used in the archit


plan of Zuni Pueblo reflect the symbolic directionalism important in
conceptualization of space, with its emphasis on the cardinal points
these coordinate axes also enabled the Zunis to construct the rooftop t
take maximal advantage of the eastern and southern exposures opti
passive solar heating. The largest room block in Zuni Pueblo was at
end of the village at the crest of the hill. This room block had a high
with very few terraces or openings. The north side of this room block h
three terraces, while the south and east sides had five terraces, in keep
solar design.
The location and form of this massive room block acted to shield th
the village from the prevailing westerly winds. These winds are esp
strong in the spring during the Zuni months of Li'dekwakkya Ts'ana
Sandstorm") and Li'dekwakkya +ana ("Big Sandstorm"), resulti
significant amount of aeolian deposition at So'biyahna:wa ("where th
drops off"), at the northwestern edge of the village. This hill s
formerly used as a midden (Kroeber 1917:193). Recent archaeolog
excavations in this location revealed several low terrace walls that app
had been constructed on the midden to help retain the hill slope (Collins
An important principle of construction at Zuni Pueblo was the
facing orientation of its room blocks. Most of the rooms in the pu
opened onto terraces surrounding three of the four plazas used for r
dances. The most tightly clustered area was at the crest of the knoll und
the pueblo, facing inward on Ts:ya:a Dewidon:na ("Torn Plaza"), an i
tant area for public ceremonies. The rooms in the eastern room block
onto narrow streets that led into the core of the pueblo.
The narrow streets or alleyways that separated the room blocks

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 249

tuated the compact character of the pueblo. In the late nineteenth cent
of the streets were partially covered with second story rooms that b
main room blocks of the pueblo core and created enclosed passa
tunnels (Mindeleff 1891:98). With the room blocks constructed so
one another, exterior space at ground level for outdoor activities wa
resource. As a result, the rooftop terraces were used for a variety of
including bread baking in the domed ovens and food drying and p
(Cushing 1920: Plate XV; Mindeleff 1891: Plate CXXVIII).
The rooftop terraces were one of the most distinctive features
architecture in the nineteenth century, and their construction provid
deal of individualized and variable open space. Due to the unevenness
underlying the village, and to the varying dimensions of the componen
a great variety prevailed in the height and configuration of te
three-terrace portion of a room block may have had but two terra
mediately adjacent, and in the pueblo core the exposed heights of th
varied from one to ten feet (Mindeleff 1891:97). Low walls, many
remnants of former rooms or extensions of underlying room walls,
the rooftop terrace used by one extended family from that of another
terraces were used as public walkways for access around the pueblo
walls had breaks in them, usually towards the edges of the roo
sandstone slabs were used as "gates" (Mindeleff 1891: Plate XCV
The stone and adobe masonry used to construct Zuni Pueblo wa
universally plastered with brown adobe in the nineteenth century
plaster protected the structural stability of the masonry and provid
uniformity that aesthetically tied together the modular and individu
houses and rooms comprising the room blocks. To preserve the wall p
to provide shading on the walls during the high sun of the summer
terraces and roofs with southern exposures were often constructed wit
overhang. Thin sandstone coping stones on the parapets of the roof
and carefully placed drains and splashstones helped to futher reduce t
force of rain and snow on the adobe plaster and walls. The roofs and
constructed of dirt overlying willow thatch on two perpendicular sets
beams, generally had a slight pitch to facilitate drainage (Mindeleff
156).
Historically, the Zuni Indians were subjected to occasional raids by bands
of Navajos and Apaches (Ferguson and Hart 1985:58-61), and many defensive
features were incorporated in the architecture of Zuni Pueblo. Prior to the late
nineteenth century, the large complex of interconnected room blocks at Zuni
Pueblo had few doors or windows in the ground story rooms. Openings in
exterior walls and in walls that faced onto the narrow interior streets were
generally small and placed very high in the wall. Access to the upper terraces
and to room interiors was by ladders that could be easily removed or disman-

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250 FERGUSON AND MILLS

tied. These ladders were often quite lon


stable by a crosspiece at the top of t
removed, the two sides of the ladder sepa
1891:159). Without ladders, the high wal
and the interior rooms were protected. T
advantage over any attacking force bel
The masonry walls of Zuni Pueblo, b
small window openings, and by small do
reinforced the massive scale of the buil
tion, but also made it difficult to ligh
problem was the construction of small
interior rooms. These oblique openings f
to bring light and air into interior rooms
(Bunting 1976:41; Mindeleff 1891:207
recorded more than 150 such oblique o
Most of the interior space of the pueb
The basic domestic unit was an extende
parents, children, and other assorted re
would have a house encompassing four t
several different levels within a room b
were specialized according to function, re
of domestic rooms: living rooms, cookin
son 1904:292-293).
The living rooms were the focus of ne
large, rectangular rooms, about three tim
paved with flagstones. Living rooms
fireplaces, the latter usually constructed
Cushing 1920: Plate XXV). Smoke from
to the distinctive chimneys, constructed
bottoms broken out. These chimney pot
the terraced skyline. One wall of the livin
of at least three mealing bins, each bin
grade than the one next to it (Mindeleff
walls were frequently found low benche
by the family for sleeping and, during
items were hung on pegs in the walls or
roof beams (Stevenson 1904:292; Vroma
1973:128).
Although most cooking was done over
cook rooms were maintained and used,
prepared during ceremonial occasions.
cialized type of fireplace incorporating

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 251

used to make hewe, or paperbread. In addition to their use in cook


rooms were also used for storage (Stevenson 1904:293).
Other rooms were used exclusively for storage. Stored goods in
food and valuable possessions. Most nineteeth century Zuni families
least one year's supply of food as a hedge against possible droughts or
yields (Stevenson 1904:353). Corn was left on the ear and stacked c
the floors of the storage rooms (Cushing 1920:632). Often a separate
was used to store family valuables, particularly items used in the many
activities of the tribe.
In the nineteenth century, the private religious activities of th
Society were held in kivas, a particular type of specialized room. Th
of Zuni Pueblo were all located on the ground floor of the pueblo c
onto plazas or streets. The activities of other religious groups, such
medicine societies, were generally conducted in the large living room
leaders, which were temporarily cleared of domestic activities
medicine society met. The meeting rooms of the medicine societies,
by Kroeber in 1915, were located in both the pueblo core and the eas
blocks (Kroeber 1917:198). Many public religious ceremonies were h
plazas of the pueblo core, and the Zuni people would watch f
surrounding rooftops. These plazas were connected by pathways that
in sacred processions of dancers and by other religious figures in th
ance of their ceremonies.
An architectural transition between the massive room blocks of Zuni
Pueblo and the open landscape of the Zuni River Valley was provided by the
numerous corrals and gardens that surrounded the pueblo (Figure 2). On all
sides of the pueblo, corrals of upright wooden stakes for penning the livestock
so important in the Zuni economy abutted the edges of the room blocks
(Mindeleff 1891:214-217). On the banks of the Zuni River adjacent to the
pueblo were located waffle gardens used to grow chile, onions, and herbs.
These waffle gardens, named for the appearance of the many small cells that
comprised them, were enclosed by low walls of crude adobe. Beyond the
rectangular enclosures of the corrals and gardens were more open corn fields
interspersed with an open range that provided a sharp contrast to the densely
constructed environment of Zuni Pueblo.

ARCHITECTURAL CHANGE AT ZUNI PUEBLO SINCE 1881

In 1881 the southern transcontinental railroad was constructed through


Puerco River Valley 40 miles to the north of Zuni Pueblo, where the tow
Gallup was founded. After the coming of the railroad, Zuni Pueblo beca
increasingly involved with the American economic and political system
the first time the Zunis were able to easily purchase glass, milled lumber

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252 FERGUSON AND MILLS

Figure 2. Gardens and corrals at t


1910. (Photographer unknown, co
Indian, Heye Foundation, Fred Har

tools to use in their constant rebuildin


new materials began to alter the a
formerly isolated pueblo became easi
missionaries, and anthropologists. Th
eventually influenced the architectur
The need for defensive architectur
United States Army put a halt to raid
defensive need to live on the uppe

materials available, the Zunis began a


rooms of the pueblo with doors and w
lower levels, as fewer ladders had to
By the late nineteenth century, resid
preferred location, and occupation th
(Stevenson 1904:349). At this time, wh
one story, the upper story was used
story generally contained the more f
A photograph of the largest room
Di'widon tana ("Big Plaza") shows the
as it was beginning to undergo majo
modular character of the structure

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 253

rooms and houses composing the terraces of the room block. La


prevalent, and most of the fenestration consists of small open
windows closed with translucent selenite are visible on the ground stor
the right of the photograph. A number of recent architectural innov
also be seen, including ground story doors and the use of larger wind
closed with glass panes. In the middle of the plaza is a "sca
temporarily erected for a ceremony of the Zuni Bow Priesthood or
Society (Parsons 1924).
The trend toward ground story living resulted in the eventual redu
the upper terraces of the room blocks. Houses on the upper terrac
allowed to fall into disrepair, and eventually they were dismantled,
reusable roof beams and building stone recycled into new cons
elsewhere in the pueblo. By 1915, when the anthropologist A. L
produced a map of Zuni at the same scale as Mindeleff's 1881 map,
blocks in the core of the pueblo had been reduced to three terraces, w
single small room remaining on the fourth level. The remaining roo
fourth level was the Kyappachunna, from which the town crier mad
announcements (Kroeber 1917:190).
Kroeber's 1915 plan of Zuni Pueblo has been reduced to a block
in Figure 1 (center). One of the most distinctive changes appar
comparison of Kroeber's 1915 plan of Zuni with Mindeleff's 1881 p
creation of more open space within the pueblo. While the 1881 plan
massive, joined room blocks and restricted open space on the inter
pueblo, Kroeber's 1915 plan shows that the eastern room blocks are
joined, the alley and room blocks in the southwestern part of the vi
opened up considerably, and one of the two small plazas in the pueb
been greatly enlarged.
The creation of open space was achieved in many ways. In some
such as with the eastern room blocks constructed of adobe, it was eas
whole houses or large sections of the room blocks and build them an
desired configuration. In other areas, such as the pueblo core with
sandstone masonry construction, this was not always feasible. Her
down one room might lead to serious problems in the structural stabili
surrounding rooms. While the upper one or two stories were generall
tled, the lower story rooms were often filled instead. This was reporte
old custom in the 1880s (Bandlelier 1970:62). Roofs were cut aro
edges, allowed to fall inside the room, and the room was then filled w
construction debris, ash and charcoal, or clean sand from the
(Ferguson and Mills 1982:113).
As open ground was constructed in the room blocks, many interi
were totally buried. Other rooms were reconstructed to serve as lo
open terraces in front of still occupied houses. Since the founding of th

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254 FERGUSON AND MILLS

Figure 3. View of the largest room


northwest across Di'widon-ena ("Big
and an unknown Zuni man are pose
by I. W. Taber, courtesy Museum of

Figure 4. Zuni Pueblo, looking no


1919. (Photographer unknown, court
tive No. 43115.)

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 255

Figure 5. Zuni Pueblo, looking northwest across Di'widon fan


(Photographer unknown, courtesy of Museum of New Mexico,
No. 5019A.)

Figure 6. Zuni Pueblo, looking northwest across Di'widon lena, 1981.


(Photograph by Barbara J. Mills, from collection of authors.)

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256 FERGUSON AND MILLS

refuse, blowsand, and the wash from


accumulated in the streets, raising th
conjunction with the filling of rooms in th
lower stories of the publo in a mound o
194).
In comparing the 1915 plan of Zuni to the 1881 plan, many similarities can
be seen in the outline and general appearance of the room blocks. Regarding
this, Kroeber (1917:194) commented, "The rapidity with which a pueblo like
Zuni changes in detail, while preserving the same general outline and appear-
ance for generation after generation is really remarkable . . . This general
conservatism is however offset by the readiness with which changes of a few
feet are made in the lines of any particular house."
Kroeber estimated that the exterior walls of virtually every house in the
pueblo were rebuilt along new lines every 30 to 40 years. He attributed much of
this reconstruction to the Zuni Shalako ceremony. Each year six to eight houses
are either substantially reconstructed or built anew to host the Shalako and
attendant gods who come to bless the Zuni village. During the last century,
Shalako has thus resulted in the construction or improvement of 600 to 800
houses. Kroeber noted that when houses were improved to host the Shalako
they were invariably enlarged, and the roof was raised to admit the giant
figures, substantially increasing the size of the rooms (Kroeber 1917:195). The
increased availability of horses and wagons by the turn of the century made the
procurement and transportation of longer beams to span larger roofs much
easier. In the early twentieth century, the winter Night Dances that used to take
place within kivas were moved to the larger living rooms of clan houses to better
accommodate the growing population of the tribe.
As the rebuilding of the pueblo was occuring in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries, the Zuni people also began to construct new houses in
the outlying areas. This expansion to areas outside of the original pueblo was
accelerated in 1883, when Frank Hamilton Cushing constructed a house on the
south side of the Zuni River. Cushing constructed his house on top of the ruins
of the large fourteenth century pueblo on the south bank of the river, and
excavated part of the site when he dug his cellar (Fewkes 1891:104, 1909;
Mindeleff 1891:88). In 1888, Cushing's house was expanded to serve as the
base for the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition, and it later
became a store. A bridge across the Zuni River was constructed to facilitate
access, and Zuni people began to construct houses on the south side of the river.
Kroeber (1917:Maps 5 and 7) mapped the residential expansion of Zuni
Pueblo in 1915, which had extended to encompass over 50 room blocks of
various sizes in areas on both sides of the Zuni River. By this time, the building
of individual family dwellings, or small room blocks for the houses of two or
three closely related families, was becoming common. One of the primary

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 257

architectural principles applied during the expansion of the pueblo w


the outlying houses were oriented to face inward with their doors t
village center. Kroeber (1917:198) also noted that when a family m
residence to the suburbs, it normally settled in the part of the outly
that corresponded to the section of town it was moving from. For
people from the northeast room blocks of the old pueblo generally mov
northeast suburbs. The basic orientation of the pueblo was retained,
was greatly expanded. The lateral expansion and suburbanization of t
is closely correlated with the architectural reduction of the origin
blocks. As more open space was created in the pueblo interior,
preference for larger ground story houses increased, more and mo
moved to the suburbs.

Architectural reduction of the largest room block in the pueblo i


visible in a photograph taken in 1919 (Figure 4). There is only one r
room on the fourth terrace, and the third terrace has been sub
dismantled. The number of houses with larger windows closed with g
has greatly increased. The use of milled lumber in lintels and frame
doors and windows has become common. The ground story houses of
block have been enlarged, and their roofs raised to increase ceiling
Every visible window has been closed with glass, and painted white
accentuate the larger fenestration. The ground floor house at the le
photograph has been reconstructed with larger windows and a rais
bringing it to the same level as the adjoining house.
By 1945, the rooftop terraces had been greatly reduced, with o
house remaining on the third terrace of the largest room block (Figu
two ground story houses at the corner of the room block have bee
structed again with more windows, this time with arched stone lintels.
ladders are visible in Figure 5, an indication of the almost total repla
roof hatchways by doors.
A bold, ashlar masonry style had gained popularity, giving a new
to the appearance of the pueblo in contrast to the smoothness of t
plastered walls. The square cut, heavily dressed stones were very close
together, requiring no wall plaster to protect the structural stability of
filled joints. This provided an advantage over the earlier, tabular m
construction, which had to be continually replastered. The ashlar mas
was introduced through a number of large-scale construction project
employing Zuni masons, including the BIA construction of Black R
from 1904 to 1908 and the construction of St. Anthony's Mission in
1920s. In the 1920s and 1930s ashlar masonry became the predominan
stone masonry at Zuni Pueblo.
After the Second World War, the architecture of Zuni Pueblo con
change rapidly. A photograph of the largest room block in 1981 (F

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258 FERGUSON AND MILLS

shows the ridged and gabled roofs that


roofs, further obscuring the rooftop ter
ground story houses have ashlar mason
with a porch. Electricity was introduced
electrical wires, streetlamps, and televis
modern conveniences. Other improveme
1954, and improved in 1977, and the se
visible, but have raised the standard of
The trend toward suburban living has
growth in the population of the Zuni Tr
in the 1880s (Hart n.d.) to 7500 in 1985.
of the farming villages has been relinq
commuting on a daily basis. The major
Pueblo and its suburbs the year arou
Indians from other tribes also reside in
The old pueblo is now surrounded on
blocks, public buildings, and governme
chitectural materials and forms such as
frame and cinderblock houses with r
diversified the once-cohesive architectur
Zuni Housing Authority was established
with federal funding. Over 680 federa
been constructed, many of them in sub
within the village (Ferguson, Hart, and
into a small town several square miles
settlement following patterns set by pa
building, which houses the governmen
institutional foci in community orient
central focus of the village, the "Midd
In the old pueblo, the tendency for arc
while preserving the same general plan, h
be seen in Figure 1 (bottom), a block dia
of the core pueblo prepared by Perry B
form and number of houses and in the am
but there is still continuity to the past
orientation of the room blocks to the eas
and the clustering of the western room
plazas, which are used as they have bee
The preservation of the general outlin
maintained, but otherwise this part of
architectural transformation. Less than

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 259

Figure 7. Zuni Pueblo, room block to the north of the churc


(Photograph by Helga Teiwes, courtesy of Arizona State Museum
tive No. 46906.)

stand (Mimbres and Associates 1977:81), and the pueblo core today is
cluster of recently constructed single storied houses sitting on the
remains of the earlier multistoried village. The impact of the autom
been immense, and virtually all exterior space, except for Ts:ya:a De
the smallest plaza used for sacred dances, has been modified so that
used as a roadway. New masonry styles, roof forms, and building
have become popular, and new construction has obscured the old ter
were formerly such a prominent aspect of Zuni architecture.
Today, the historic core of Zuni Pueblo is experiencing severe st
problems. Contemporary houses sit on top of 12 m or more of sof
debris (Figure 7), and it is difficult to build a house there with solid fo
Many houses in the old pueblo have settled, necessitating their recon
As in the past, this reconstruction is often done using a blend of tradi
new materials and techniques. Many of the building materials salv
structures dismantled in the old pueblo have been reused in new constr
both the pueblo core and the suburbs. Stockpiles of building s
structural timbers are common at Zuni even today. The reuse of s

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260 FERGUSON AND MILLS

Table 1. Tree-ring dates from five

Provenience Sample No.: Function Species Date/Symbol


ZUN-

FN 8, Rml 1006 primary pp 1841vv


1008 primary pp 1855vv
1007 primary pp 1863 + vv
1005 primary pp 1873 + vv
1004 support pp 1885vv
Rm 2 1002 primary pp 1839vv
1003 primary pp 1857vv
1001 primary pp 1867vv
1000 primary pp 1910vv
Rm4 1011 primary pp 1853vv
1009 primary pp 1935vv
1010 primary pp 1935vv
FN 26 886 primary pp 1851vy
887 primary pp 1872 + vv
888 primary pp 1917vv
FN30, Rm 2 889 primary pp 1896vv
890 primary pp 1920vv
891 primary pp 1920vv
Rm 3 893 primary pp 1907 + + vv
892 primary pp 1918vv
CETA PA- 1 60 primary pp 1865vv
61 primary pp 1889v
51 secondary pp 1844v
55 secondary df 1873vv
56 secondary pp 1877vv
52 secondary df 1884 + vv
54 secondary pp 1913v
57 secondary pp 1916v
58 post pp 1889v
49 stockpile pp 1880 + vv
50 stockpile pp 1892v
CETA PA-2 74 stockpile pp 1854vv
64 stockpile pp 1865vv
68 stockpile pp 1869v
73 stockpile pp 1875vv
75 stockpile pp 1888vv
69 stockpile pp 1889vv
70 stockpile pp 1889vv
72 stockpile pp 1889v
62 stockpile pp 1890vv
66 stockpile pp 1892vv
67 stockpile pp 1892v
71 stockpile pp 1895vv
76 stockpile pp 1895vv
65 stockpile pp 1897v
78 stockpile pp 1908 + vv
63 stockpile pp 1923r

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 261

timbers can be seen in the tree-ring dates obtained from five prov
within Zuni Pueblo (Table 1).
Two proveniences are located in the pueblo core. Provenience FN
suite of rooms in a multifamily room block located to the south of th
The ashlar masonry style of the exterior elevations and two 1935 da
primary roof beams suggest the building was reconstructed in or l
1935, yet the roof contains ten other beams with dates ranging fro
1910. Provenience FN 26 is visible in Figure 6 as the house with the por
corner ofDi'widon-lana plaza. Photographic evidence indicates this h
rebuilt after 1945, yet three beams in its roof have dates ranging fro
1917.

Three proveniences are located in the suburbs on the north side o


pueblo. Provenience FN 30 is a block of four rooms combinin
sandstone masonry and adobe construction. The layout of the buildin
that Room 3 of this provenience was constructed after Room 2, yet i
roof beams with earlier dates. The roof of Room 2, constructed in or af
contains a beam dated to 1896. Provenience CETA PAl is a small, on
cook house that, according to the owner, was constructed in 1938. N
structural timbers, including primary and secondary beams and a sup
yielded dated from 1865 to 1916. Two stockpiled beams at this pro
dated to the late nineteenth century. Another stockpile of roo
Provenience CETA PA-2, was recorded in 1979, yet yielded dates rang
1854 to 1923.

Table 1 (Continued).

Explanation of Symbols:

pp ponderosa pine
df Douglas fir
v a subjective judgment that, although there is no direct
evidence of the true outside on the specimen, the date is
within a very few years of being a cutting date.
vv there is no way of estimating how far the last ring is from
the true outside. Many rings may be lost.
+ one or a few rings may be missing near the outside whose presence
or absence cannot be determined because the series does not extend
far enough to provide adequate cross-dating.
+ + a ring count is necessary beyond a certain point in the series because
cross-dating ceases.

Source: Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, Archaeological Date Reports,


5/16/79, 7/31/86, and 12/22/86.

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262 FERGUSON AND MILLS

THE ENDURING ASPECTS OF ZUNI ARCHITECTURE

Architectural change at Zuni in the twentieth century has been


seemingly complete. Many visitors to Zuni today are surprised not t
village as it was a hundred years ago. The appearance of the pueblo h
so much that visitors often have difficulty in distinguishing the co
pueblo from the rest of the village. In many ways, however,
important aspects of Zuni architecture have endured.
Traditionally, most Zuni families acted as their own architect an
and many continue to do so today. The contemporary wage labor ec
Zuni means it is now easier for many people to buy cinderblock a
lumber than it is to take the time to quarry stone and cut roof beams.
houses built in the traditional way are now constructed out of non
materials. While the gray cinderblock that has been popular since th
a different aesthetic than quarried sandstone, it is still a masonry el
can be laid up into walls by local masons. As such it is much more c
with Zuni culture than the woodframe houses constructed with federa
ance by outside contractors. Only houses constructed by the Z
themselves are used in the Shalako ceremony, and since the late 1
generally have been newly-constructed cinderblock houses buil
foundations. In the last two decades the height of stone foundations
houses has steadily decreased, from approximately one half of the heig
wall to one or two courses. In recent years most of the Shalako houses
located in the suburbs of Zuni, although remodeling of houses in
core continues.
Although the architectural forms of the pueblo have been dramatically
altered since 1881, there are still strong continuities in the spaces these forms
bound. Open space has greatly increased in the old pueblo, but the outlines of
the past room blocks are still discernible in the current layout of the village.
Much of the continuity of spatial boundaries is due to the religious element of
Zuni culture, which acts as a conservative force in architectural change.
Architectural conservatism at Zuni Pueblo primarily relates to the key impor-
tance of certain areas in the pueblo core for ceremonial activity. Kiva locations,
dance plazas, and religious pathways have maintained their locational integrity
to a much greater extent than habitation structures, and it is around these points
that the pueblo has been reconstructed. Thus, although religious areas have
been enlarged, they have rarely been encroached upon. Those areas that have
maintained the most integrity are the ones that are used by the most religious
groups. The small sacred dance plaza in the core of the pueblo, used by virtually
every group, is correspondingly the most stable architectural space. Religious
conservatism is also evident in the architectural form of the kivas, which retain
the oldest masonry styles in the village. Although all of the kivas now have

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Settlement and Growth of Zuni Pueblo 263

doors, they also retain the traditional roof entryway and ladders. Th
now the only buildings in Zuni with these features.
Another enduring aspect of Zuni architecture is the use of roo
viewing galleries for spectators during ceremonial events, including
and religious dances. The rooftops that ring the plazas have remained
level for this purpose, while almost all other roofs have marked pit
relatively flat roofs surrounding the plazas are also used for access ar
pueblo, and are still viewed as public areas.
The old Catholic church, Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, stood roo
more than a century, but was restored in the 1960s in a cooperativ
involving Zuni Pueblo, St. Anthony's Mission, and the National Par
(Caywood 1972). Zuni artist Alex Seowtewa has painted beautiful m
the walls of the restored church, lifesize Kachinas enacting the annu
nial calendar.

CONCLUSION

The history of architectural change at Zuni Pueblo demonstrates that t


Zunis have a genuine interest and capacity to incorporate new elements
traditional building styles and techniques. Occupied for more than five
turies, Zuni Pueblo began as a small prehistoric pueblo situated at the crest
low hill. In the historic period, this settlement was reconstructed into a mass
architectural complex of multistoried, terraced room blocks, several of w
were constructed entirely of adobe bricks, a construction technique introd
by the Spaniards. Historic Zuni architecture incorporated both defen
features and elements of solar design. During the last century, the mass
architectural edifice of Zuni Pueblo has been dramatically transformed as
multistoried room blocks were replaced by one-storied houses, and more o
space was created within the core pueblo. The boundaries of the village h
greatly expanded through a process of suburbanization associated with pop
tion growth.
New construction materials and architectural forms have altered the
appearance of the pueblo, but continuities in spatial form and function persist.
Religious pathways and plazas provide stable architectural spaces, and the
pueblo has been reconstructed around these reference points. The Zuni popula-
tion has more than tripled in size in the last century, and the pueblo has grown
into a small town, but the core pueblo still serves as a residential area as well as
the ceremonial center for the Zuni Tribe. For the Zuni people, their pueblo is a
place to nurture and support their current lives, not a relic of the past. As the
Zunis move into the future, they will build and rebuild Zuni Pueblo so that it
will continue to play its role in Zuni culture and society.

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264 FERGUSON AND MILLS

Acknowledgments. An earlier version of thi


Investigations at Zuni Pueblo, 1977-1980, Zun
gratefully acknowledge the asistance of the Zun
that led to this article. In particular, we thank
Troy Lucio, Faron Nastacio, Tony Sanchez, Jaso
Roger Anyon, and Robert Leonard commented
suggestions for its improvement. Richard Ahlst
The article is dedicated to the memory of the late
high standards for the study of Zuni architect

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