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Jesus L e a l
Professor of Sociology at the Complutense University of
Madrid.

Aitana A l g u a c i l
Master's Degree in Sociology of Population, Territory and
Migration, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.

HOUSING
AND
IMMIGRATION:
THE RESIDENTIAL
CONDITIONS AND
BEHAVIOR OF
IMMIGRANTS
IN SPAIN
1. Introduction.

2. Access to housing: renting as a generalized form

of access.

3. The territorial distribution of tenure forms.

4. The cost of access to housing.

5. Overcrowding as a residential strategy.

6. Kinship relationships and their relationship

to overcrowding.

7. Overcrowding in relation to forms of tenure.

8. Overcrowding as a factor in the

residential exclusion of immigrants.

9. The use of public space in the

residential environment.

10. Residential mobility.

11. Conclusions.
 SUMMARY

Access to housing, or decent accommodation, is one of the main concerns of

the immigrant population. However, as in the
case of working conditions, the characteristics of
housing are often im- pregnated with problems
that lead to situations of marginalization and
residential exclusion, especially in the first periods
of stay in the host country. These pages deal with a
series of elements that characterize the housing
conditions and residential behavior of migrants.
Within the residential behavior, the main focus is
on the forms of access to housing, the costs of
such access, problems of overcrowding, the use of
public space and residential mobility.

127
 THE TIME FOR INTEGRATION THE INTEGRATION OF IMMIGRATION

1. INTRODUCTION

Finding a decent place to live is one of the main concerns of the immigrant population. But as
with working conditions, the characteristics of housing are often permeated by problems in
which marginalization and exclusion are commonplace, especially in the first periods of stay in
the host country.

In these pages we will attempt to address a series of elements that characterize the housing
conditions and residential behavior of immigrants. To this end, we begin by distinguishing between
economic immigrants, considered to be those who come from developing countries, and
immigrants from other countries or from developed countries, whose condition and behavior are
different. In the analysis we differentiate the three major groups formed by Moroccans,
Ecuadorians and Romanians, who in some way also represent the three continents from which they
come, in an attempt to express the existence of notable differences in the residential situations and
behaviors that exist and which an aggregate treatment would not allow us to see.

Within residential behavior, the main focus is on analyzing the forms of access to housing, the costs
of such access, problems of overcrowding, the use of public space and residential mobility.

2. ACCESS TO HOUSING: RENTING AS A GENERALIZED FORM OF ACCESS TO HOUSING

The tenancy regime of foreigners in Spain is predominantly that of renting, although its distribution
varies in relation to the country of origin. This situation contrasts with the situation of the Spanish
population, for whose households renting is quite a minority. Spain is one of the European
countries with the lowest proportion of households living in this regime.

In principle, among Spaniards, renting is typical of those who have not yet defined their home
project, those who do not have the resources to acquire a home or those who are in a
transient or temporary residence situation, mainly due to work-related reasons. For this
reason, rental housing has been concentrated in the central districts of large cities and in the
high-income areas of the urban peripheries where professionals who have been displaced for
work reasons go. For immigrant households, this regime is more frequent among those who
have not yet fixed their migratory project, either in relation to the work they are going to carry
out or to the conditions of their family project.

128 HOUSING AND

IMMIGRATION
The importance of this residential behavior goes beyond the form of payment for housing. The
place of settlement, especially in large cities, will be closely marked by the location of the supply of
rental housing; thus, in the first large waves of immigrant population, settlement was concentrated
especially in the central areas of most cities, where the supply of rental housing was more
abundant, due to their centrality causing greater demand and the more deteriorated condition of
their housing, although this may change depending on the degree of rehabilitation of urban
centers. The location in the central areas of the immigrants, initially caused by the existence of an
existing housing stock in the city centers, has led to a greater demand for rental housing, although
this may change depending on the degree of rehabilitation of the urban centers.
The low-cost rentals, capable of accommodating IN THE FIRST PHASE OF THE
them, have continued, with the result that these IN THE HOST COUNTRY, RENTING
areas still tend to have a fairly high proportion of
A ROOM IS THE MOST
foreign residents.
APPROPRIATE OPTION TO BE
As housing in these downtown areas becomes ABLE TO
saturated and rents rise, or as they continue to
SURVIVE ON THE LOW INCOME
deteriorate or lack essential elements, the
demand for housing moves to the periphery, OBTAINED FROM A
following what Sonia Arbaci has called the "do- PRECARIOUS WORK
do" effect.
The intermediate neighborhoods between the center and the periphery would generally have
lower proportions of immigrant households, especially those working class neighborhoods of the
1970s with low residential mobility.

The first occupation by immigrants of rental housing in the periphery comes from Spanish owners
who give up the housing they have acquired and for some reason have not occupied under this
regime. This can be an opportunity for them to pay off the mortgage on the acquired housing while
at the same time providing access to larger housing or better economic conditions for the tenants
who occupy them.

But this situation is soon surpassed by another in which the owner is also an ex-traveler, who has
finished his stay in a house in the central areas of the city and, with the savings collected at the
entrance, pays the necessary part to be able to access a mortgage with which to acquire a house in
the peripheral areas of the big cities. In this case it is very frequent that he resorts to subletting,
generally to compatriots, one or more rooms of the newly acquired dwelling, but when these are
not found, he will

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is open to any type of population in need of cheap and permanent shelter. The fundamental reason
for this subletting is to contribute to the payment of the mortgage that has been contracted when
acquiring such housing. But once this practice has begun, it can become a profitable business so
that the mortgage is paid only with the rents received from the other inhabitants of the dwelling.
Although there is no data on the proportion of housing rented by foreigners, it can be said that, in
the periphery, the majority of sublet housing tends to have another foreigner as a legal tenant or
owner.

Among other reasons that lead to renting, and more specifically to renting rooms, is the
administrative situation, since being in an irregular situation makes it even more difficult to
access the ownership of a dwelling, whether owned or rented. This situation, in turn, leads to
abuses on the part of agencies and owners of rental apartments, which often occur in poor
conditions, which must be remedied by the tenants and whose cost is not assumed by the
owner, as we see in some of the testimonies collected.

My partner laid the tiles, we all did it together (Ioana, Romanian, 34 years old).

They made pirate contracts, through an agency and they rented it to me for 1,050 euros and we were
left without a deposit of 500 euros. I had to pay for everything, the heater broke down two weeks later,
and he told me: no, you have to fix it yourself. Then the apartment was destroyed, and with humidities.
I had to do a little renovation myself and nothing, he didn't deduct anything (Vasile, Romanian, 31 years
old).

The precarious condition leads to some abuses by tenants, including the non-declaration of rent,
depriving tenants of tax exemptions.

It belonged to the same owner, the whole building, and he had not declared it, we have now deducted
about 700 euros from the tax authorities for paying for the apartment, imagine what we would have
lost, maybe not that much but a little, but since he had not declared it (Ioana, Romanian, 34 years old).

As the time of stay in the host country passes, some of the tenants become owners, depending on
their economic capacity to meet the payments required by the mortgages, and also on their
migratory project, which includes job stability and the formation of a new family or the arrival of
family members who stayed in the country of origin. In this sense, they tend to follow the Spanish
pattern, simple and simple.

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IMMIGRATION
Housing tenure status according to country of birth. 2007. Percentage

100

90
84,7
80
71 72,5
70
64,5
60 58,2

50
41,8
40
35,5
30 29 27,5

20
15,3
10

0
Economic Romania Moroccans Ecuadorians Foreigners
immigrants ns from developed
countries

RENTAL OR PROPERTY Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the 2007 National Immigrant Survey (ENI).
ASSIGNMENT

The reason for this is that in popular culture, renting a home is seen as an expense, while
property ownership is a way of channeling savings to less compromising situations.

Access to property was not excessively difficult in times of great expansion of the real estate
market, beyond its high cost. But since 2008 it has become increasingly difficult due to the
reluctance of banks to lend to immigrants, based on the insecurity of loan repayment. Only in
very advantageous situations, with an initial contribution of over 20% and with a guarantee of
job stability, is it possible to continue accessing property.

The current situation is that more than two thirds of immigrants from developing countries are
still in a rental or leasing situation, in contrast to the scant 17.4% of Spanish households (Figure
1). Although the dynamics of this situation have changed over the last few years, so that for
the country as a whole the proportion of households in a rental situation has stabilized or
grown slightly, for the first time in more than half a century. However, in the case of
immigrants, the continuous proportional decline of renters has only been interrupted by the
economic crisis (graphs 2 and 3).

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CHART 2. Evolution (2004-2010) of the tenure regime of all resident households in Spain. Percentage

100

90
83,8 85 84,2 84,8 84,6 84,7 84,8
80

70

60

50

40

30

20 16,2 15 15,8 15,3 15,4 15,3 15,3

10

0
2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

PROPERTY RENTED OR LEASED Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the Living Conditions Survey (LCS).

Looking at Figure 3, we see how the trend has been towards a decrease in renting or transfer
during the period 2004-2008, when the flow of immigrants was most intense, only to rectify itself
later, as a clear effect of the tightening of the conditions for access to property ownership.
Everything suggests that the move to property ownership by immigrants has been frozen and that
the most recent households resort almost exclusively to renting. A s for the evolution of property
ownership, we see that it has been increasing notably in this period of time until 2009, when the
shrinking of bank credit affected them in the contracting of mortgages.

Residential mobility thus becomes visible, as the immigrants' living conditions improve, so does
their residential condition. As they advance in their definition of their migratory project and the
extension of their stay in Spain. Often this change is also linked to the family project, the formation
of a family and above all the arrival of children, key factors that will guide the criteria for mobility,
with the search for more residential space and a residential environment more conducive to the
new situation (Martínez and Leal, 2007).

132 HOUSING AND

IMMIGRATION
CHART 3. Evolution (2004-2010) of the tenure regime of foreign households from the rest of the world* residing
in Spain. Percentage

100

90
83,6
80 78,4
73,6 71,2 71,4 73,3
70,5
70

60

50

40

30 28,8 28,7 29,5

26,4 26,8
21,6
20
16,4
10

0
2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

RENTAL OR PROPERTY * Does not include households whose reference person is a national of the EU or the rest of Europe.
ASSIGNMENT Source: Prepared by the authors based on LCS data.

The distribution of the tenure regime varies according to the country of origin. In 20071 ,
home
ownership accounted for 58.2% among foreigners from developed countries (North America, EU-
25). However, after them, it was the Moroccans who had the highest proportion of home
ownership (35.5%), followed by Ecuadorians (27.5%). The population of Romanian origin was far
behind, with only 15.3% owning their own home (Figure 1). This is a process that has to do with the
length of stay and with the residential behaviors that occur in each of the cultures of origin. The
greater frequency of homeownership among Moroccans is clearly derived from their longer stay in
Spain, while Romanians, with a shorter average stay, have less access to homeownership.

But this lower proportion of home ownership among Romanians also has another explanation that
comes from the migration project. Moroccans are more frequently contemplating the

1 Data obtained from the National Immigrant Survey (ENI) 2007.

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In the case of the Romanians, the residential project is more unstable, with more easily reversible
situations in which the return to the country of origin is more present in their life plans.

At first I came to save money and buy a house there, a house or whatever, because I had a partner for
many years (Ioana, Romanian, 34 years old).

I know colleagues who make ends meet, a family, with 400 euros. They live 8, 9 or 10 people in the
apartment, they live like I don't know, like cockroaches, in a 70 m apartment and I can't imagine
how. That family saves 20,000 euros every year, because the guy earns 1,300 or 1,400 euros and
the wife almost 1,000 euros, and they live with nothing (...) after three, four or five years they have
their house or their apartment, their I don't know what in Romania, in fact I think he has come
back, I don't know yet. That's why this guy came. He comes, he holds out as long as it takes to save
up and go back (Vasile, Romanian, 31 years old).

In turn, Ecuadorian households that gain access to property show us how improved economic and
labor conditions, as well as their legal situation, drive them to
The fact that they have been able to consolidate
HOUSING CONDITIONS ARE their migratory project and remain in Spain
indefinitely, similar to the Moroccans, would
IMPROVING AS THE COUNTRY'S
explain the increase in their home ownership
ECONOMY BECOMES MORE status.
STABLE.
In any case, it is important to consider that
AND A PROCESS OF LABOR AND
many of the immigrants who have come to
LEGAL INTEGRATION IS TAKING Spain, especially those from the Americas and
PLACE IN THE COUNTRY. Romania, have the objective of saving for the
acquisition of a house.
AND ECONOMIC
In this sense, access to property in Spain can be considered in two ways, the first being that of a
form of investment of the money saved, without this modifying the expectations of return; the
second can be considered as a form of investment of the money saved, without this modifying the
expectations of return. In this sense, access to property in Spain can be considered in two ways: the
first would be a way of investing the money saved, without this modifying the expectations of
return; the second could be a formalization of a level of rootedness whereby the possibility of
return becomes part of their migratory project.

With respect to Ecuador, it is my country and I would love to go back and live there with my family,
but the economic situation is the same, you work long hours and they pay you 250 euros per
month (...) but

134 HOUSING AND

IMMIGRATION
 right now I would like to because my father and my sisters are suffering, the situation in my country is
very complicated and I think it is not the place for me because after the time I have been here (María,
Ecuadorian, 36 years old).

Not to return. But quite a few people I know are already thinking about staying. None of them had
those thoughts when they came, not even dreaming, never, but look how things change, and it's
not that you change your mind from one day to the next, it's about the people, the life here, I don't
know. The corruption there, (...) the doctor, the health care... and the health care here is a very
favorable point (...) I wouldn't go back even if I won the lottery, I wouldn't go back to Romania
(Ioana, Romanian, 34 years old).

It is better to wait until we return to have something else, at least for them [the children] to s t u d y
and get an education so that they have some possibilities. That is my only goal, that they study (María,
Ecuadorian, 36 years old).

3. TERRITORIAL DISTRIBUTION OF TENURE FORMS

The tenure regime of immigrants in their distribution by communities does not correlate with that
of Spaniards. While for Spain as a whole, the highest proportion of ownership resides in Cantabria,
the Basque Country and Castilla-La Mancha (Figure 4), for immigrants, ownership is more frequent
in the Canary Islands, the Valencian Community and Melilla (Figure 5). The reason for this
difference can be found in the disparities in residential strategies between natives and immigrants,
which tend to reduce over time, but also in the difficulties of access in each community in relation
to the prices of housing in that community. The highest proportion of renting and transfer is found
in communities with a strong agricultural production such as Aragon, Extremadura, Murcia and La
Rioja. We will probably find that seasonal work requires greater flexibility in the location of the
permanent residence and, therefore, the use of renting as a form of access that facilitates this
flexibility.

But the condition of homeownership of the dwelling one inhabits contains different situations.
Among economic migrants who own their homes, the majority have outstanding payments (Table
1), which contrasts with the situation observed in the 2001 census where 50.58% of the total
population residing in Spain had their homes fully paid for. Only 24.14% of residents in Spain had
outstanding mortgage payments. This situation has changed over the course of the present
century, with an increase in the number of mortgages and the number of purchasers, but it
continues to be the same as in the previous century.

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GRAPH 4. Territorial distribution of the tenure regime in the entire population residing in Spain in 2007.
As a percentage

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
Catalonia

Murcia

Navarra
Valencia

Melilla
Madrid
Aragon

Ceuta
Extremadura
Andalucía

La Rioja
Asturias

Galicia
Cantabria

Castilla-La Mancha

Castilla y León
Canary
Islands

Country
Basque
Balearic
Islands

RENT PROPERTY CEDIDA

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the 2007 LCS.

The fact that monthly mortgage payments account for a very high proportion of income leads to
extreme economic situations, so that for many of them, access to property becomes a trap in which
they are trapped. The fact that monthly mortgage payments account for a very high proportion of
income leads to extreme economic situations, so that for many of them access to property
becomes a trap from which it is difficult to escape. When the difficulties become more acute, it is
not enough to simply abandon it, giving rise to tragic situations in which one leaves with debts in
addition to the loss of the savings generated. The scale of the problem has become such that it has
become one of the main targets of social movements' demands, and is the subject of intense
political debate.

If we observe this situation by nationality, Ecuadorians are the ones with the highest proportion of
homeownership that are still being paid for, while Moroccans are by far the ones with the highest
proportion of fully paid homeownership, as a result of having bought earlier, at lower prices and
having had more time to repay the total amount of the mortgage.

136 HOUSING AND

IMMIGRATION
GRAPH 5. Territorial distribution of the tenure status of economic migrants in 2007. In percentages

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
Catalonia

Murcia

Navarra
Valencia

Melilla
Madrid
Aragon

Ceuta
Extremadura
Andalucía

La Rioja
Asturias

Galicia
Cantabria

Castilla-La Mancha

Castilla y León
Canary
Islands

Country
Basque
Balearic
Islands

PROPERTY RENT OR SUBLEASE CEDIDA Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

4. THE COST OF ACCESS TO HOUSING

Being a foreigner is not a good condition for access to housing, whatever the form of tenure, since
the cost of access to housing, whether owned or rented, generally represents an excessive part of
the expenses of a population with a high proportion of precarious jobs, to which must be added the
suffering represented by the difficult access to bank loans and the frequent subjection to situations
of exploitation by tenants.

For all residents in Spain, the monthly mortgage payment amounts (Figure 2) are in the range of
between 250 and 549 euros, while among economic immigrants they have a wider range of prices,
oscillating between 250 and 849 euros. Among the different groups, Ecuadorians pay the highest
mortgage amounts, while 18.3% of Moroccans in 18.3% of their households pay less than 250 euros
per month, at a great distance from the other groups and even surpassing all households residing in
Spain (16.2%).

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Tenure status according to the country of origin of the reference person in the household. 2007. In percent

FOREIGNERS
IMMIGRANTS PROCEEDINGS
ROMANIANS MOROCCANS ECUADORIANS
ECONOMIC FROM
DEVELOPED
COUNTRIES
(Owned by you)
8,6 0,6 14,1 1,6 31
Paid in full With
(Owned by you)
19,9 14,5 20,7 25,8 25,9
outstanding payments
(Owned by you)
0,5 0,2 0,7 0,1 1,4
By inheritance or gift

(Rented or re-rented)
To the owner who is a private individual
44,8 62,5 41 47 21,3
non-resident, company, institution
public, employer or other
(Rented or re-rented)
To the owner who is a private individual
2,4 2,5 1,5 3,6 0,4
resident in the dwelling
(sublease)
(Rented or re-rented)
To another inhabitant of the dwelling 1,3 2,5 1,3 1,4 0,1
who
is not its owner (sublease)
(Ceded)
By a family member or friend with 11,5 8,4 11,8 10,8 10,7
whom
coexist
(Ceded)
For another household, institution or 8,4 6,7 6,7 7,3 7,7
company or others

Other situations 2,5 2 2,2 2,4 1,6

Total 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

The average duration of home mortgages (Table 3) for all residents in Spain in 2010 is around 25
years, according to the data provided by the 2010 Yearbook of Real Estate Registry Statistics. When
we look at this data for economic immigrants in 2007, we find that the average time may be
somewhat lower, since the average would be below 25 years. It is worth noting the important
proportion of households whose total loan duration is between 11 and 20 years, which among
Moroccans is 33.1% and for foreigners from developed countries 42%.

138 HOUSING AND

IMMIGRATION
Monthly housing (mortgage) payment amounts according to the country of origin of the reference person in the
household. 2007. In percent

TOTAL
FOREIGNERS
IMMIGRANTS POPULATION
EUROS ROMANIANS MOROCCANS ECUADORIANS OF COUNTRIES
RESIDENT IN
ECONOMIC
DEVELOPED
SPAIN*
SPAIN*
SPAIN

Less than 249 12,2 7,9 18,3 4,8 20,0 16,2

From 250 to 399 14,5 11,4 21,1 13,5 19,4 25,5

From 400 to 549 23,1 20,3 23,4 18,2 20,8 23,0

From 550 to 699 16,7 23,6 18,7 9,9 13,9 14,3

From 700 to 849 15,3 19,0 10,7 24,0 11,2 8,7

From 850 to 999 7,7 7,3 3,1 15,1 4,9 4,9

From 1,000 to 1,149 4,8 6,4 2,0 8,5 5,2 3,3

More than 1,550 5,7 4,1 2,8 5,9 4,4 4,1

Total 100 100 100 100 100 100

* Data obtained from the LCS 2007 Source: Prepared

by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

TABLE 3. Total duration of the loan (mortgage) in years according to the country of origin of the reference person
in the household. 2007. In percent
FOREIGNERS
IMMIGRANTS FROM
ROMANIANS MOROCCANS ECUADORIANS COUNTRIES
ECONOMIC
DEVELOPED

Less than 10 years 6,6 1,0 5,9 2,5 11,6

From 11 to 20 years 26,2 12,5 33,1 5,9 42,0

old
From 21 to 30 years 56,7 75,8 52,2 75,9 42,8
old
From 31 to 40 years 10,3 10,8 8,8 15,0 3,7
old
From 41 to 50 years 0,2 0 0 0,7 0
old
Total 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

In the case of rents, the monthly amounts paid range for the most part from less than 250 euros to
549 euros, although the distribution by groups varies considerably, with Moroccans having the
lowest rents, close to those of the total Spanish population.

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Table 4. Monthly rental payment amounts according to the country of origin of the reference person in the
household. 2007. In percent

FOREIGNERS TOTAL
IMMIGRANTS PROCEEDINGS POPULATION
EUROS ROMANIANS MOROCCANS ECUADORIANS RESIDENT IN
ECONOMIC FROM
DEVELOPED SPAIN*
COUNTRIES SPAIN*
SPAIN
Less than 249 23,0 27,1 34,5 21,4 12,3 39,0

From 250 to 399 27,5 32,2 32,7 23,6 20,2 22,8

From 400 to 549 25,2 23,9 24,8 22,3 27,8 21,5

From 550 to 699 13,2 8,6 6,6 17,0 17,0 9,3

From 700 to 849 7,5 6,9 1,3 11,9 10,7 4,0

From 850 to 999 2,4 0,9 --- 3,8 3,2 1,6

From 1,000 to 1,149 0,7 0,3 0,0 --- 2,5 0,7

More than 1,550 0,6 0,1 --- --- 6,2 1,1

Total 100 100 100 100 100 100

* Data obtained from the LCS 2007. Source: Prepared

by the authors based on the use of data from the ENI 2007.

5. OVERCROWDING AS A RESIDENTIAL STRATEGY

In the first phase of the stay in the host country, renting rooms is the most appropriate option to be
able to survive on the low income obtained from a precarious job, while allowing them to save. In
addition, this type of renting does not require paperwork. Therefore, this form of housing becomes
a strategy to save money, either to return to their countries of origin, to pay for family
reunification, or to improve, in the medium term, their residential situation.

This strategy is put into practice both with the family (sharing housing with different family
nuclei, but with a kinship relationship) and with strangers (contacted through advertisements
in telephone booths or bus shelters). Here, relational capital is also important, as shared
housing is sometimes accessed through known compatriots or co-workers.

The very fact of sharing housing does not necessarily imply that it takes place in poor
conditions. However, if we look at the discourse of the people interviewed and the statistical
information, we can see that the residential exclusion of the immigrant population is not
determined by the fact that they live in the same housing.

140 HOUSING AND

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CHART 6. Distribution of change in household overcrowding, by number of bedrooms by household size, between
the first home and the current home. 2007.1 In percent

100

90

80

70

60
53,06
50

40 38,58 37,55
33,63
30 29,38 30,43
26,2
22,21
20 16,67
10
4,87 2,17
0
Economic Rumanos Marroquíes Ecuatorianos Extranjeros Total resident
immigrants from developed population in
Spain2
countries
FIRST HOME CURRENT 1 Developed by nationality in graphs 6.1, 6.2 and 6.3.
HOUSING 2 Data obtained from the LCS 2007. Source:
Prepared by the authors based on the use of data from the ENI 2007.

This is not only due to difficult access to decent housing, or to residential segregation, but also
to overcrowding in these shared dwellings, as well as to the poor living conditions and
problems of coexistence that arise in these circumstances.

During the first years of the migratory project, this group of population is economically, labor and
legally vulnerable, which contributes to the need to seek strategies to cope with this situation and,
in the medium term, to improve their living conditions.

Therefore, it is in the first years of the migratory project when the residential strategy of sharing
housing is most present, and where the situation of overcrowding is most intense. If we look at
Figure 6, we can see how the rate of overcrowding2
in the first dwelling is very high among economic
immigrants. At the same time, we find that the rate of overcrowding2 in the first dwelling is very
high among economic immigrants.

2 Calculated according to the ratio of number of bedrooms per number of household members.

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We find that this situation is also suffered by a significant percentage of foreigners from the EU-25.
This fact may be related to the fact that these households do not yet belong to the European Union
in the year of their arrival in Spain, which would imply conditions of vulnerability similar to those of
the so-called economic immigrants.

Housing conditions are improving as the migratory project takes hold and a process of labor, legal
and economic integration takes place. This change can be seen when observing the situation of
these households in their current housing,3 where the overcrowding index drops eleven points
among economic immigrants, reaching 22.21%. Although still at a great distance from the
autochthonous population, among whom the overcrowding index4
has gone from 4.58% in 2001 to
2.17% in 2007, according to the Living Conditions Survey.

The difference between nationalities in the first home detailed in Figure 6 can be explained by the
fact that the population of Ecuadorian origin already contemplates the strategy of sharing housing
in their initial migratory project, because it is a situation that already arises in their own country,
but also because of the motivations that lead them to emigrate (related to economic crises in their
countries of origin). However, this occurs to a lesser extent among the other nationalities, who
consider the strategy of sharing when they find that their situation in the host country does not
allow them access to better housing conditions.

I didn't have much time in Spain at that time, I didn't even know how to speak Spanish, so I stayed
in a room for a year because I had to stay there, because I didn't have another door. Well they
showed me the room and told me the price and I agreed, and that's it and so on. It didn't matter to
me at that time, because as I said I was willing to accept anything, then we started to know how
things are, how they go, what you have to do to apply for housing and everything (Youssef,
Moroccan, 30 years old).

I played smart, I looked for an apartment and rented it myself, and it has been a total failure. Because,
of course, after seven months in Spain you can't afford to rent an apartment (Vasile, Romanian, 31
years old).

3 Year 2007 when the ENI was prepared.

4 Data calculated according to the 2001 population and housing census.

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 TABLE 5. Overcrowding in first and current housing. Usable floor area. 2007. In percent

FIRST HOME CURRENT

HOUSING

OVERCROWDIN OVERCROWDIN OVERCROWDIN OVERCROWDIN

OVERCROWDIN OVERCROWDIN
G G G G
G G
MODERATE BY MODERATE BY
SEVERO SEVERO
(10 TO SURFACE (10 TO SURFACE
(<10M )2 ) (<10M )2 )
15M2
(TOTAL) 15M2
(TOTAL)

Economic immigrants 8,00 12,42 20,41 4,47 8,26 12,74

Romanians 8,65 11,90 20,55 2,88 9,52 9,07

Moroccans 12,36 16,36 28,72 7,98 10,80 16,54

Ecuadorians 16,01 15,44 31,45 7,80 12,99 15,37

Foreigners from abroad

3,37 7,21 10,58 0,54 1,86 2,40
from developed countries

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

When analyzing overcrowding in the first residence accessed in Spain, in r e l a t i o n t o t h e

useful surface area of the dwelling,5 we observe that it has a very relevant weight at the
beginning of the stay in Spain, decreasing as time goes by. Despite this, the current proportion
(2007) continues to be very high, affecting 12.7% of households (Table 5).

We paid 270 euros for a small room and we both slept in a 90 cm bed for quite a long time, several
months (Ioana, Romanian, 34 years old).

E: How many people have lived with you?

M: about 15 people (...) in one bed we sleep the four of us, my husband, the children and me, all in one
bed (María, Ecuadorian, 36 years old).

In the table we can more clearly distinguish the differences we have been discussing.

5 This calculation allows us to observe the intensity of overcrowding. It should be noted that when we observe this phenomenon
according to the useful surface area of the dwelling, we see how these percentages decrease. This is due to the fact that when we
calculate overcrowding through the ratio of number of bedrooms to number of household members we are not taking into
account spaces in the dwelling such as the living room, kitchen, bathroom, hallway...; while when we calculate
overcrowding according to the useful surface area we are taking into account these spaces in the dwelling.
On the other hand, we encounter another difficulty when working with usable floor area, which is related to the fact that
it is a confusing figure that is not always understood in the same way by all people, and it may be the case that some interviewees
are offering us the data on constructed floor area. In turn, the lack of knowledge of the useful surface area data may be higher
among those who live in a situation of renting or subletting rooms.

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The very high difference in overcrowding between the first dwelling and the current one shows us
how, as the living conditions of economic immigrants improve (improvements in their economic
situation, labor situation, legal situation, etc.), motivated by the settlement of the migratory
project, their housing and habitability conditions also improve (as shown in Table 5). This implies a
shift from subletting housing to renting a dwelling, and also a move away from sharing housing
with other families.

For the first dwelling, if we look at the data for severe overcrowding, this is higher than the relative
overcrowding for Ecuadorians, which indicates that in the first dwelling there is not only more
overcrowding, but also that it occurs in worse conditions.

6. KINSHIP RELATIONSHIPS AND THEIR RELATIONSHIP WITH OVERCROWDING

As the group of immigrants is very heterogeneous, we can understand that it presents

differential behavior, whether for cultural, social, religious, legal, etc. reasons. In order to find
an explanation for these differences, we have analyzed the kinship relationships within the
homes of these households.

One of the hypotheses initially put forward was that the overcrowding in the homes of Moroccans
was due to the cohabitation of several related family nuclei or families with many members. To test
this hypothesis, the kinship relationships6
of the households of each of the three nationalities chosen
were analyzed.

Among Romanian households (Figure 6.1), we observe that the majority live in households
with immediate family members of between two and four members. Although it is also worth
noting the presence of a significant percentage of single-person Romanian households. In this
group, only 6.3% live in a large family made up of the immediate family. In turn, households
with five or more members account for 1.4% of Romanian households when they share their
living quarters with second-degree relatives and 2.6% when they live with non-relatives. The
weight of single-person households is important here, accounting for 20.7%.

6 When working on kinship relationships, we do so on the basis of three specific variables: immediate family of the selected
person (including this one): made up of spouse, children, parents and siblings. Second-degree family of the person chosen:
composed of sons-in-law, grandchildren, in-laws, brothers-in-law, grandparents and other relatives. Persons in the household who
are not relatives: composed of the rest.

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CHART 6.1. Number of people living together according to kinship relationship in the case of overcrowding and
in total households among Romanian immigrants. 2007. In percentages

Family overcrowding
12,8 47,5 39,8
immediate

Immediate family of
20,7 73,1 6,3
the person chosen (including
this person)

50,7 17,2 28,2 3,9

Family overcrowding in
second degree

70,1 12,1 16,4 1,4

Second-degree family of
the person chosen

Overcrowding of non-
residents 67,7 8,5 15,6 8,2
relatives

Persons in the household 70,1 12,1 15,2 2,6

who do not
are related DOES NOT LIVE WITH PEOPLE IN THIS CATEGORY 1 PERSON FROM 2 TO 4 5 OR MORE PERSONS
PERSONS

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

Among overcrowded Romanian households living with the immediate family, 39.8% of the
cases are families of five or more members, i.e., large families. Meanwhile, among
overcrowded households where unrelated persons live together, 8.2% are households
composed of five or more persons.

In the case of the Moroccan population (Figure 6.2), sharing housing with strangers is unusual for
cultural and religious reasons, as it can be especially uncomfortable for their women. Moreover,
they find it difficult to share a refrigerator with people with different eating habits. Therefore,
sharing housing occurs almost exclusively among men and at the beginning of their stay, as a
strategy during the time it takes them to learn the language and find a minimum of job stability.
Once the first year has elapsed, they try to access rented housing, which they share with at most
one other person. This is a strategy used for family regrouping, as they benefit from being renters.
The existing overcrowding among Moroccan immigrant households is due to the fact that the large
family or several related family nuclei live together in housing with a small surface area for the
number of members in the household.

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CHART 6.2. Number of people living together according to kinship relationship in the case of overcrowding and
in the total number of households among Moroccan immigrants. 2007. Percentage

Family overcrowding
10,3 23,1 66,6
immediate

Immediate family of
21,9 55,4 22,7
the person chosen (including
this person)

Family overcrowding in
65,1 16,4 14,3 4,2
second degree

Second-degree family of
78,94 11,12 8,35 1,6
the person chosen

Overcrowding of non-residents
85,40 3,72 4,24 6,64
relatives

Persons in the household who

do not 86,7 4,3 6,7 2,2
are related

DOES NOT LIVE WITH PEOPLE IN THIS CATEGORY 1 PERSON FROM 2 TO 4 5 OR MORE PERSONS
PERSONS

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

According to our culture and our religion, we cannot share anything with anybody, especially the
fridge or housing in general. Because, for example, we eat one way and we can't share a fridge
with someone who eats, for example, pork or something like that, you can't do that. Also I can't
share an apartment where there is another woman, I can't look at a woman too much. And she [his
wife] also as she wears the veil, now she is without veil because you are with us and a woman
nothing happens, but a man can't, he has to always wear the veil he has to cover everything. And
so... as things are like that you can't share an apartment with someone, even if they are Muslim.
No, you can't (Youssef, Moroccan, 30 years old).

On the other hand, they show us how for them sharing housing with close family is very common.

Yes, yes, normally that is a custom there in Morocco (...) we have no problem living all in one
apartment, for example now my brother does not live with me because he has to apply for reunification
for his wife, that's why he rents the apartment. Otherwise he will move in with us and we will rent a
bigger apartment and we will all live together. We don't have this problem as a family. On the contrary,
we always prefer to live together (...) And that has also happened before, for

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CHART 6.3. Number of people living together according to kinship relationship in the case of overcrowded and
total households among Ecuadorian immigrants. 2007. In percentages

Family overcrowding
8,04 47,59 44,38
immediate

Immediate family of the

17,8 67,8 14,5
person chosen (including this
one)

Family overcrowding in
50,02 17,80 26,91 3,27
second degree

Second-degree family of
74,0 14, 210,8 1,0
the person chosen

Overcrowding of non-
67,42 3,75 22,20 6,63
residents
relatives

Persons in the household

who do not 70,5 10,9 16,4 2,2
are related
DOES NOT LIVE WITH PEOPLE IN THIS CATEGORY 1 PERSON FROM 2 TO 4 5 OR MORE PERSONS
PERSONS

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

For example, my grandfather had three wives and look at three wives with all the children they have,
with the grandchildren, they all live in the same house. But it was a real house, it was not a 50 m²
apartment, it was a 400 m² house where they have everything to live, nothing is missing (Youssef,
Moroccan, 30 years old).

Finally, we can see how the high percentage of single-person households can be explained, in
part, by the strategy of temporarily renting housing while waiting for family reunification.

Moroccan households that are overcrowded and in which five or more immediate family
members live together account for 66.6%. The percentage of households composed of
unrelated persons in this situation is 6.64%, lower than in the case of Romanians. Moroccan
immigrants are the least likely to share housing with non-family members, and tend more to
share housing with immediate family members.

Finally, when we look at the kinship relationships of Ecuadorian households (Figure 6.3) we again
see that most of them live with their immediate family. They are the

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Ecuadorians live in single-person households to a lesser extent than the other two nationalities
analyzed. With regard to non-family members in the household, Ecuadorians are the ones who
share housing with people with whom they have no family relationship in the highest
proportion. As we can see in the graph, 16.40% of Ecuadorian households are made up of two
to four non-family members.

Among overcrowded Ecuadorian households living with their immediate family, 44.8% of the cases
are large families. Meanwhile, in households where unrelated persons live together, we find a value
similar to that of the Moroccans.

On the other hand, among those who share housing with people with whom they have no kinship
relationship, we find that, although it is more common for them to share housing with compatriots
(since Romanians generally share with Romanians and Latin Americans with Latin Americans),7 it is
not unusual for them to live together in the same dwelling at some point. It is noted that one of the
differences between the housing managed by Latin Americans and those managed by Romanians is
that in the former there are cases of bed rentals, apart from room rentals. While in the case of
houses managed by Romanians, only rooms are rented.

People prefer to rent from three bedrooms up, because that way the rent is cheaper. If you take a 2-
bedroom, you and another person are there, you understand, and the difference between a 2 or 3-
bedroom is 100 euros, but if it is a 3-bedroom, you can put another couple and ask for more money. For
a double room they ask a minimum of 250 euros and for a single room, now that they have become
cheaper, they are between 200 and 220 euros, around there. Latin people usually rent by the bed as
well, mine don't, as far as I know the Romanian community doesn't, they rent you the r o o m and
that's it (Ioana, Romanian, 34 years old).

7. OVERCROWDING IN RELATION TO TENURE ARRANGEMENTS

As we mentioned, renting is the tenancy regime par excellence among the immigrant
population. It is therefore not surprising that overcrowding occurs to a greater extent in rental
housing. Even so, we find a high percentage of overcrowding in rented housing.

7 Among the Latin American population, although people of different Latin American nationalities tend to live together, they
also tend to share with compatriots.

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GRAPH 7. Overcrowding* in relation to tenure status by country of birth. 2007. In percent

70
67,6
60 60,6
56,3 56,3
53,3
50
44,4 46,7 43,1
41,4
40
32,6
30 31,0 32,5
25,0 26,6 28,7
24,4 23,7
20 18,1 19,4
13,2
10

0
Property Rent or re-rent Rent or re-rent Renting or re- Ceded to
to private renting to another
homeowner inhabitant who
residing in the does not own the
dwelling property

* Overcrowding: number of persons in the household per number of bedrooms.

ECONOMIC IMMIGRANTS ROMANIANS MOROCCANS ECUADORIANS Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

households that own homes. Among other reasons, this is due to a strategy to cope with
mortgage payments.

When we analyze overcrowding by tenure regime in relation to the immigrants' country of

origin, we find the following patterns (Figure 7):

• The most overcrowded households are those whose tenancy regime is renting or subletting,
whether or not the owner of the dwelling resides in it.
• In households with home ownership, Ecuadorians are the most overcrowded, followed by
Moroccans. The same is true for renting.
• The housing provided is overcrowded to a greater extent if its inhabitants are Moroccan or
Ecuadorian.

8. OVERCROWDING AS A FACTOR IN THE RESIDENTIAL EXCLUSION OF IMMIGRANTS

There are a number of unwritten rules that are repeated in the use of shared living space among unrelated
members. As a general rule, the family that has

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The management of the house is the one that determines the rules of the house. The use of
the spaces in these dwellings is delimited. The people who rent the rooms only have access to
the kitchen and the bathroom, since the use of the living room is usually reserved for the
family that manages the house. Even so, in many cases, they point out how the living room
also becomes improvised bedrooms.

The living room has no access, those of us who have a bedroom can only use the bathroom and the
kitchen, the living room is only for the family in charge of the house. Then there are places where the
living room is a bedroom, they put curtains and take out bedrooms. Also the terrace, yes, in the
summer in one house they rented a bed on the terrace (María, Ecuadorian, 36 years old).

The use of common areas is conditioned by the work schedules of each person, the time of day
when they have more difficulties is at night and in the early hours of the morning.
morning, because that is when everyone is in
the house. In the spaces that must be shared,
THE CURRENT SITUATION IS THAT
such as the refrigerator, a specific relationship
MORE THAN TWO-THIRDS OF is established between individuals, for the use
IMMIGRANTS FROM DEVELOPING of the washing machine or the refrigerator is

COUNTRIES ARE organized in such a way that each room has its
own shelf. As for cleaning, it is usually
DEVELOPMENT ARE STILL IN A
established that each tenant must clean the
LEASING OR RENTAL SITUATION, bathroom and kitchen after use, and the

IN CONTRAST TO THE MEAGER general cleaning of the dwelling is done by

everyone.
17.4% OF SPANISH HOUSEHOLDS,
In turn, overcrowding generates different
ONLY 17.4% OF SPANISH coexistence dynamics. On the one hand, there

HOUSEHOLDS HAVE are situations in which, due to issues of

In the case of the second-grade families, there is a lot of time spent at work, there are no
ÑOLES
problems of any kind. On the other hand, we find conflictive situations derived from problems
of respect, with the payment of bills, in the organization of the house, theft, abuse, which
occur even within the coexistence between second-degree families.

Analyzing the problems of coexistence a little more, we see different situations:

• One of the main problems we find in this type of housing is that when people move in, they are
generally informed of a maximum number of inhabitants, which is usually subsequently
increased.

150 HOUSING AND

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 At the beginning when I moved in, I started living with the guy who rented me the r o o m ; he told me:
look, I am going to charge you a lot, why, because there are only three of us living here, my wife and I
live in one room, another couple in another room, and you, who are alone in another room. But after a
while, every day in the kitchen I was meeting someone who told me that I was a neighbor, someone I
didn't know, 23 people lived there at the same time (José, Ecuadorian, 44 years old).

• Abuses in the payment of rent and bills: it is quite common that those who manage the
housing do not inform the tenants of the real rental price of the housing, so there are cases
in which the family in charge of the rental management lives off the abusive prices charged
to the tenants. This fact generates mistrust in situations where the real amount of the bills
and the method of distribution of the expenses among the inhabitants of the dwelling are
unknown. In relation to the payment of bills, there are also problems derived from whether
or not to include minors living in the dwelling in the distribution of expenses. There are both
homes in which a minimum age is established to start counting children as consumers of
water, electricity or gas, and homes in which newborns are included in this distribution.

• Another problem that is very present in these dwellings is the lack of respect, both in the day-to-
day life, in relation to cleanliness and organization in the house, as well as in the improvised
parties that take place in the dwelling. Generally, this is a big problem because it is the family in
charge of managing the dwelling that holds the parties and, therefore, the tenants cannot
express their disagreement. This type of event generates tensions because it prevents the
residents from resting. If they are bothered by these parties, they are usually invited to leave the
dwelling. In relation to this problem, both Romanians and Ecuadorians recognize that among
their compatriots there are problems of alcoholism that make coexistence difficult.

The typical day when those parties are organized and you can't rest, you have to wait for the party to
end so you can sleep afterwards, those are the things you have to live with when you share rooms.
When it's my turn to be the one who has to organize myself, that's when I try to get rid of those things
because I don't like it, that is, because everyone has to have the same right because that's why they
also pay for their room, to be quiet, to rest, because if you work you need to rest (Graciela, Paraguayan,
53 years old).

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Generally, we have a problem of alcoholism, where when people get together they drink (José,
Ecuadorian, 44 years old).

• On the other hand, there is a problem of theft inside the home, generally of food, although
other types of theft can be observed.

All these difficulties influence the formation of problems of cohabitation and personal problems, in
addition to the fact that when having children, or carrying out family regrouping, people try to
avoid living in shared houses, regardless of the economic cost involved. On the other hand, these
difficulties also influence the development of a higher residential mobility than the Spanish
average, in the search for a situation that better responds to the desired way of life.

9. THE USE OF PUBLIC SPACE IN THE RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT

The residential conditions of immigrants, both in terms of the condition of their homes and the
overcrowding they suffer in them, have an impact on a more frequent and intense use of
public space. In this way, public spaces can be considered a complement to private residential
space in which the processes of communication between the groups using that space can be
observed and analyzed.

In a recent study it appears that, in those neighborhood public spaces that have been analyzed,
immigrants use these spaces more frequently and for longer periods of time. Their use is made most of
the time in groups as opposed to a more individual use by Spaniards living in the area. In the
squares analyzed, there is an appropriation of certain spaces by foreign groups that separates them
from the rest of the spaces used by Spaniards. In them there is an appropriation of these spaces
and an adaptation of the same that usually involves a rearrangement of the urban furniture and an
unconventional use of the same.

Interaction between groups of foreigners and Spaniards using collective spaces tends to be
rather scarce, occurring more frequently when there are common activities such as taking care
of children playing in the play areas reserved for them or practicing sports, when there is such
a possibility.

In some way, both in the residential space and in the public space that completes the dwelling, it
can be said that the mixture of native and Spanish people or households does not guarantee the
quality of the housing.

152 HOUSING AND

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tice in itself an interaction between the two. In these cases, what Chamboredon and Lemaire
proposed for the neighborhoods on the outskirts of French cities in the 1970s is repeated:
social mixing does not in itself mean social interrelation; one can live together in a public space
or in a residential building with other people of different origins without there being any real
communication between them that would allow for progress in the social integration of
immigrants.

10. RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY

According to the ENI data, the residential mobility of immigrants is particularly intense,
especially during the first year. It is above all the Romanians and Ecuadorians who have
changed residence at some time who move most intensely during the first year. This contrasts
with the fact that Spanish households change residence at about 6% per year, one of the
lowest rates of change in Europe.

FOR IMMIGRANTS, OWNERSHIP IS MORE FREQUENT IN THE CANARY

ISLANDS, THE VALENCIAN COMMUNITY AND MELILLA, WHILE THE HIGHEST
PROPORTION OF RENTING AND CESSION IS IN THE CANARY ISLANDS, THE
VALENCIAN COMMUNITY AND MELILLA, WHILE THE HIGHEST PROPORTION
OF RENTING AND CESSION IS IN THE CANARY ISLANDS, THE VALENCIAN
COMMUNITY AND MELILLA.
COMMUNITIES WITH STRONG AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION SUCH AS
ARAGÓN, EXTREMADURA, MURCIA AND LA RIOJA

This frequent change may be motivated in part by the rejection experienced by Spanish neighbors,
who look for places where there are other compatriots, which in turn would explain a high degree
of segregation.

Here the Spaniards take it very badly, because they see us as weirdos. In San Blas, everything that
happened in the block was our fault, there was a communal patio that our windows overlooked, and
garbage appeared and we w e r e the foreigners (María, Ecuadorian, 36 years old).

They look at you with rejection, I don't think rightly so, because it alters a way of life not only here
but, I think, in all parts of the world, to those who are used to it and it is logical and there is
rejection, rejection of that (José, Ecuadorian, 44 years old).

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The main reason for leaving shared housing and starting family life is especially determined by
having children or family regrouping.

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TABLE 6. Number of times you have changed housing in the first year. 2007. In percent

FOREIGNERS
IMMIGRANTS PROCEEDINGS
HOUSING ROMANIANS MOROCCANS ECUADORIANS
ECONOMIC FROM DEVELOPED
COUNTRIES

0 52,2 44,4 60,8 49,2 64,4

1 35,1 41,3 30,2 35,1 27,3

2 9,4 10,2 6,1 12,7 6,1

3 2,6 3,3 1,8 2,5 1,3

4 or more 0,7 0,8 1,2 0,5 0,9

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

For me it is more important my quality of life and the way I raise my daughter than to be crowded with
people who are not good for the child and would mark her for life (...) But to live all together again,
never, as I have been, never... And with the child it is very difficult for me to go back (Ioana, Romanian,
34 years old).

I knew they were coming and I had to look for a place to receive them, I was not going to receive them
in a shared apartment. I never, as I said, I never gave them that hard time, knowing how it is and
knowing how they are taught to live, my wife and my children, I was not going to give them that hard
time (José, Ecuadorian, 44 years old).

We have to think that in our situation we already have children, especially the girl who is now older and
we can no longer share a room (...) since the girl is older, I can no longer do that, because there are men
and it is not appropriate (María, Ecuadorian, 36 years old).

This process of change is possible when employment and economic stability have already been
achieved, and when the mechanisms for secure access to rental housing are better known. At
the same time, residential stability is strongly influenced by legal stability. In the case of those
interviewed who are in a legal administrative situation, they tend to share their housing less
often. The difficulty in obtaining housing increases considerably when residence permits are
not available. In this process of residential mobility, the immigrants interviewed say that they
currently have a better quality of life than in their first years of residence, and even point out
(in the case of the Ecuadorians) that they have a better quality of life than in their first years of
residence.

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TABLE 7. Number of times you have changed accommodation or housing during your stay in Spain. 2007.
As a percentage

FOREIGNERS
IMMIGRANTS PROCEEDING FROM
HOUSING ROMANIANS MOROCCANS ECUADORIANS
ECONOMIC DEVELOPED
COUNTRIES

1 28,1 36,6 23,1 22,8 33,6

2 26,5 28,6 23,8 31,8 23,0

3 22,3 19,4 26,5 23,7 19,5

4 11,9 8,2 12,3 11,8 10,5

5 5,7 4,0 7,5 5,9 5,2

6 or more 5,5 3,2 6,9 4,0 8,2

Source: Prepared by the authors based on data from the ENI 2007.

rians) who currently live in the same welfare conditions as they did in their country before the
economic crisis began there.

11. CONCLUSIONS

The residential conditions of immigrants in Spain show a situation in which access to housing takes
forms that differ from those of the population as a whole, with greater recourse to rental housing
based on uncertainty about their employment future and a lack of resources to be able to buy a
home.

But, in addition, it can be said that there is more frequent recourse to overcrowded housing than in
the population as a whole, with the subletting of rooms in dwellings in which an entire family can
live. This situation, although it tends to diminish as the time of stay passes, represents in any case a
high proportion in which living conditions are difficult because of the problems that arise and the
residential exclusion that this practice poses.

When these situations of overcrowding occur, a series of unwritten rules are usually put into
practice that ultimately lead to a situation of exclusion of the households in which it occurs, with a
limitation of the activities to be carried out in the dwelling, which can range from the
compartmentalization and programming of the use of common spaces to the exclusion of some of
those spaces.

JESÚS LEAL AND AITANA 155

ALGUACIL
 THE TIME FOR INTEGRATION THE INTEGRATION OF IMMIGRATION

As for integration within a neighborhood community, this is complex and does not necessarily
imply communication between Spaniards and immigrants living in that community just
because there is proximity. A large part of the uncivic acts that occur in that neighborhood are
usually attributed to foreign immigrants, regardless of whether there is a solid motivation for
such attribution.

Finally, it should be added that this difficulty in communication extends to the public space
near the dwelling itself, where most frequently there is a separation of uses and even a
differential occupation of spaces by foreigners and Spaniards, who would be together but not
mixed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY .

ARBACI, S. "(Re)Viewing ethnic residential segregation in southern European cities: housing and urban regimes as
mechanisms of marginalisation". Housing Studies. 23 (4), 2008. P. 589-613.

CHAMBOREDON J.; LEMAIRE M. "Proximité spatiale et distance sociale: les grands ensembles et leur
peuple- ment". Revue française de sociologie. No. 1, 1970. P. 3-33.

FABRA GARCÉS, L. A. Real estate registry statistics. Yearbook 2010. Madrid: Colegio de Registradores de la Pro-
piedad, Bienes Muebles y Mercantiles de España, 2010. Available at: <http://www.registradores.org/estadisticas
_property_1682.jsp>.

MARTÍNEZ, A.; LEAL, J. The housing of immigrants in Madrid. Madrid: Observatorio de la vivienda. Ayunta- miento de
Madrid, 2007.

156 HOUSING AND

IMMIGRATION