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The First Round Table Conference was the first of three such conferences organized
by the British government between 1930 and 1932 to discuss constitutional reforms in
India.
These conferences were held in accordance with the Simon Commission's report from
1930.
The British King George V officially inaugurated the First Round Table Conference
on November 12, 1930, at the House of Lords in London, and it was chaired by the
then-British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald.
This was the first time the British and Indians met as equals.
The Congress and some prominent business leaders declined to attend, but many other
Indian groups were present.
It was attended by the Princely States, the Muslim League, the Justice Party, the Hindu
Mahasabha, and others.
The conference resulted in little progress. The British government recognised that the
Indian National Congress's participation was required in any discussion about India's
future constitutional government.
The third Round Table Conference was held on November 17, 1932, and lasted until
December 24, 1932.
The Indian National Congress and Gandhi did not attend the third Round Table
Conference and neither did many Indian leaders.
It was impossible to reach a conclusion without the presence and participation of
Congress leaders.
One of the primary reasons for Congress's absence was that too many of its leaders
were once again imprisoned, this time for continuing the Civil Disobedience
Movement, undertaking salt Satyagraha.
Delegates were sent by the Indian states. Aga Khan III, B.R. Ambedkar, Muhammad
Iqbal, Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz, and Sir Purshottamdas Thakurdas were among the
other Indian representatives.
As with the previous two conferences, little was accomplished. In March 1933, the
recommendations were published in a White Paper and debated in the British
Parliament.
A Joint Select Committee was formed to examine the recommendations and drafted a
new Act for India, and the committee produced a draft Bill in February 1935, which
became the Government of India Act of 1935 in July 1935.
D2
dictatorship, form of government in which one person or a small group
possesses absolute power without effective constitutional limitations. The term
dictatorship comes from the Latin title dictator, which in the Roman
Republic designated a temporary magistrate who was granted extraordinary
powers in order to deal with state crises. Modern dictators, however, resemble
ancient tyrants rather than ancient dictators. Ancient philosophers’ descriptions
of the tyrannies of Greece and Sicily go far toward characterizing modern
dictatorships. Dictators usually resort to force or fraud to gain despotic political
power, which they maintain through the use of intimidation, terror, and the
suppression of basic civil liberties. They may also employ techniques of
mass propaganda in order to sustain their public support.
With the decline and disappearance in the 19th and 20th centuries
of monarchies based on hereditary descent, dictatorship became one of the two
chief forms of government in use by nations throughout the world, the other
being constitutional democracy. Rule by dictators has taken several different
forms. In Latin America in the 19th century, various dictators arose after effective
central authority had collapsed in the new nations recently freed from Spanish
colonial rule. These caudillos, or self-proclaimed leaders, usually led a private
army and tried to establish control over a territory before marching upon a weak
national government. Antonio López de Santa Anna in Mexico and Juan Manuel
de Rosas in Argentina are examples of such leaders. (See personalismo.) Later
20th-century dictators in Latin America were different. They were national rather
than provincial leaders and often were put in their position of power by
nationalistic military officers. They usually allied themselves with a
particular social class, and attempted either to maintain the interests of wealthy
and privileged elites or to institute far-reaching left-wing social reforms.
Hitler’s intellectual viewpoint was influenced during his youth not only by these
currents in the German tradition but also by specific Austrian movements that professed
various political sentiments, notably those of pan-Germanic expansionism and anti-
Semitism. Hitler’s ferocious nationalism, his contempt of Slavs, and his hatred of Jews
can largely be explained by his bitter experiences as an unsuccessful artist living a
threadbare existence on the streets of Vienna, the capital of the multiethnic Austro-
Hungarian Empire.
This intellectual preparation would probably not have been sufficient for the growth of
Nazism in Germany but for that country’s defeat in World War I. The defeat and the
resulting disillusionment, pauperization, and frustration—particularly among the lower
middle classes—paved the way for the success of the propaganda of Hitler and the Nazis.
The Treaty of Versailles (1919), the formal settlement of World War I drafted without
German participation, alienated many Germans with its imposition of
harsh monetary and territorial reparations. The significant resentment expressed
toward the peace treaty gave Hitler a starting point. Because German representatives
(branded the “November criminals” by Nazis) agreed to cease hostilities and did not
unconditionally surrender in the armistice of November 11, 1918, there was a
widespread feeling—particularly in the military—that Germany’s defeat had been
orchestrated by diplomats at the Versailles meetings. From the beginning,
Hitler’s propaganda of revenge for this “traitorous” act, through which the German
people had been “stabbed in the back,” and his call for rearmament had strong appeal
within military circles, which regarded the peace only as a temporary setback in
Germany’s expansionist program. The ruinous inflation of the German currency in 1923
wiped out the savings of many middle-class households and led to further public
alienation and dissatisfaction.
Learn about the rise of Adolf Hitler, the Nazi Party, and the anti-Semitism they fomented in pre-WWII
Germany