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Participation - Arnstein 1969 - A Ladder of Citizen Participation
Participation - Arnstein 1969 - A Ladder of Citizen Participation
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On: 07 January 2014, At: 13:51
Publisher: Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer
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To cite this article: Sherry R. Arnstein (1969) A Ladder Of Citizen Participation, Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 35:4, 216-224,
DOI: 10.1080/01944366908977225
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Sherry R. Arnstein
The heated controversy over “citizen participation,” United States-has or can have. Between understated
“citizen control,” and “maximum feasible involvement euphemisms and exacerbated rhetoric, even scholars
of the poor,” has been waged largely in terms of ex- have found it difficult to follow the controversy. To
acerbated rhetoric and misleading euphemisms. To the headline reading public, it is simply bewildering.
encourage a more enlightened dialogue, a typology of My answer to the critical what question is simply that
citizen participation is offered using examples from citizen participation is a categorical term for citizen
three federal social programs: urban renewal, anti- power. It is the redistribution of power that enables the
poverty, and Model Cities. The typology, which is
designed to be provocative, is arranged in a ladder have-not citizens, presently excluded from the political
pattern with each rung corresponding to the extent of and economic processes, to be deliberately included in
citizens’ power in determining the plan and/or program. the future. It is the strategy by which the have-nots join
in determining how information is shared, goals and
The idea of citizen participation is a little policies are set, tax resources are allocated, programs are
like eating spinach: no one is against it in principle operated, and benefits like contracts and patronage are
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because it is good for you. Participation of the gov- parceled out. In short, it is the means by which they can
erned in their government is, in theory, the corner- induce significant social reform which enables them to
stone of democracy-a revered idea that is vigorously share in the benefits of the affluent society.
applauded by virtually everyone. The applause is re-
duced to polite handclaps, however, when this princi- EMPTY RITUAL VERSUS BENEFIT
ple is advocated by the have-not blacks, Mexican- There is a critical difference between going through the
Americans, Puerto Ricans, Indians, Eskimos, and whites. empty ritual of participation and having the real power
And when the have-nots define participation as re- needed to affect the outcome of the process. This
distribution of power, the American consensus on the difference is brilliantly capsulized in a poster painted
fundamental principle explodes into many shades of last spring by the French students to explain the
outright racial, ethnic, ideological, and political student-worker rebellion.* (See Figure 1 . ) The poster
opposition. highlights the fundamental point that participation
without redistribution of power is an empty and frus-
There have been many recent speeches, articles, and
trating process for the powerless. It allows the power-
books which explore in detail who are the have-nots
holders to claim that all sides were considered, but
of our time. There has been much recent documenta-
tion of why the have-nots have become so offended and makes it possible for only some of those sides to benefit.
It maintains the status quo. Essentially, it is what has
embittered by their powerlessness to deal with the pro-
found inequities and injustices pervading their daily
lives. But there has been very little analysis of the
content of the current controversial slogan: “citizen
participation” or “maximum feasible participation.” In
short: What is citizen participation and what is its
relationship to the social imperatives of our time?
neering their support. Instead of genuine citizen par- slip to prove that they have been referred by “their”
ticipation, the bottom rung of the ladder signifies the shiny new neighborhood center.
distortion of participation into a public relations vehicle Unfortunately, this chicanery is not a unique example.
by powerholders. Instead it is almost typical of what has been perpetrated
This illusory form of “participation” initially came in the name of high-sounding rhetoric like “grassroots
into vogue with urban renewal when the socially elite participation.” This sham lies at the heart of the deep-
were invited by city housing officials to serve on Citizen seated exasperation and hostility of the have-nots
Advisory Committees (CACs) . Another target of ma- toward the powerholders.
nipulation were the CAC subcommittees on minority One hopeful note is that, having been so grossly
groups, which in theory were to protect the rights of affronted, some citizens have learned the Mickey Mouse
Negroes in the renewal program. In practice, these game, and now they too know how to play. As a result
subcommittees, like their parent CACs, functioned of this knowledge, they are demanding genuine levels
mostly as letterheads, trotted forward at appropriate of participation to assure them that public programs are
times to promote urban renewal plans (in recent years relevant to their needs and responsive to their priorities.
known as Negro removal plans).
At meetings of the Citizen Advisory Committees, it 2. THERAPY
was the officials who educated, persuaded, and advised In some respects group therapy, masked as citizen par-
the citizens, not the reverse. Federal guidelines for the ticipation, should be on the lowest rung of the ladder
renewal programs legitimized the manipulative agenda
because it is both dishonest and arrogant. Its adminis-
by emphasizing the terms “information-gathering,”
trators-mental health experts from social workers to
“public relations,” and “support” as the explicit func-
psychiatrists-assume that powerlessness is synonymous
tions of the committee^.^
with mental illness. On this assumption, under a mas-
This style of nonparticipation has since been applied
querade of involving citizens in planning, the experts
to other programs encompassing the poor. Examples of
subject the citizens to clinical group therapy. What
this are seen in Community Action Agencies (CAAs)
which have created structures called “neighborhood makes this form of “participation” so invidious is that
councils” or “neighborhood advisory groups.” These citizens are engaged in extensive activity, but the focus
bodies frequently have no legitimate function or power.g of it is on curing them of their “pathology” rather than
The CAAs use them to “prove” that “grassroots changing the racism and victimization that create their
people” are involved in the program. But the program “pathologies.”
may not have been discussed with “the people.” Or it Consider an incident that occurred in Pennsylvania
may have been described at a meeting in the most less than one year ago. When a father took his seriously
general terms; “We need your signatures on this pro- ill baby to the emergency clinic of a local hospital, a
posal for a multiservice center which will house, under young resident physician on duty instructed him to take
one roof, doctors from the health department, workers the baby home and feed it sugar water. The baby died
from the welfare department, and specialists from the that afternoon of pneumonia and dehydration. The
employment service.” overwrought father complained to the board of the local
218 AIP JOURNAL JULY 1969
Community Action Agency. Instead of launching an the official, the citizens accepted the “information” and
investigation of the hospital to determine what changes endorsed the agency’s proposal to place four lots in the
would prevent similar deaths or other forms of mal- white neighborhood.s
practice, the board invited the father to attend the
CAA’s (therapy) child-care sessions for parents, and 4. CONSULTATION
promised him that someone would “telephone the hos- Inviting citizens’ opinions, like informing them, can be
pital director to see that it never happens again.” a legitimate step toward their full participation. But if
Less dramatic, but more common examples of consulting them is not combined with other modes of
therapy, masquerading as citizen participation, may be participation, this rung of the ladder is still a sham since
seen in public housing programs where tenant groups it offers no assurance that citizen concerns and ideas will
are used as vehicles for promoting control-your-childor be taken into account. The most frequent methods used
deanup campaigns. The tenants are brought together for consulting people are attitude surveys, neighborhood
to help them “adjust their values and attitudes to those meetings, and public hearings.
of the larger society.” Under these groundrules, they When powerholders restrict the input of citizens’
are diverted from dealing with such important matters ideas solely to this level, participation remains just a
as: arbitrary evictions; segregation of the housing proj- window-dressing ritual. People are primarily perceived
ect; or why is there a three-month time lapse to get a as statistical abstractions, and participation is measured
broken window replaced in winter. by how many come to meetings, take brochures home,
The complexity of the concept of mental illness in or answer a questionnaire. What citizens achieve in all
our time can be seen in the experiences of student/civil this activity is that they have “participated in participa-
rights workers facing guns, whips, and other forms of tion.” And what powerholders achieve is the evidence
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terror in the South. They needed the help of socially that they have gone through the required motions of
attuned psychiatrists to deal with their fears and to avoid involving “those people.”
~aranoia.~ Attitude surveys have become a particular bone of
contention in ghetto neighborhoods. Residents are in-
3. INFORMING creasingly unhappy about the number of times per week
Informing citizens of their rights, responsibilities, and they are surveyed about their problems and hopes. As
options can be the most important first step toward one woman put it: “Nothing ever happens with those
legitimate citizen participation. However, too frequently damned questions, except the surveyer gets $3 an hour,
the emphasis is placed on a one-way flow of information and my washing doesn’t get done that day.” In some
-from officials to citizens-with no channel provided communities, residents are so annoyed that they are
for feedback and no power for negotiation. Under these demanding a fee for research interviews.
conditions, particularly when information is provided at Attitude surveys are not very valid indicators of com-
a late stage in planning, people have little opportunity munity opinion when used without other input from
to influence the program designed “for their benefit.” citizens. Survey after survey (paid for out of anti-
The most frequent tools used for such one-way com- poverty funds) has “documented” that poor housewives
munication are the news media, pamphlets, posters, and most want tot-lots in their neighborhood where young
responses to inquiries. children can play safely. But most of the women an-
Meetings can also be turned into vehicles for one-way swered these questionnaires without knowing what their
communication by the simple device of providing super- options were. They assumed that if they asked for
ficial information, discouraging questions, or giving something small, they might just get something useful
irrelevant answers. At a recent Model Cities citizen in the neighborhood. Had the mothers known that a
planning meeting in Providence, Rhode Island, the topic free prepaid health insurance plan was a possible option,
was “tot-lots.” A group of elected citizen representa- they might not have put tot-lots so high on their wish
tives, almost all of whom were attending three to five lists.
meetings a week, devoted an hour to a discussion of the A classic misuse of the consultation rung occurred at
placement of six tot-lots. The neighborhood is half a New Haven, Connecticut, community meeting held to
black, half white. Several of the black representatives consult citizens on a proposed Model Cities grant.
noted that four tot-lots were proposed for the white James V. Cunningham, in an unpublished report to
district and only two for the black. The city official the Ford Foundation, described the crowd as large and
responded with a lengthy, highly technical explanation “mostly hostile:”
about costs per square foot and available property. It Members of The Hill Parents Association de-
was clear that most of the residents did not understand manded to know why residents had not partici-
his explanation. And it was clear to observers from the pated in drawing up the proposal. CAA director
Office of Economic Opportunity that other options did Spitz explained that it was merely a proposal for
exist which, considering available funds, would have seeking Federal planning funds-that once funds
brought about a more equitable distribution of facilities. were obtained, residents would be deeply involved
Intimidated by futility, legalistic jargon, and prestige of in the planning. An outside observer who sat in
ARNSTBIN 219
the audience described the meeting this way: (in a few cities) as a result of the provision stipulating
“Spitz and Me1 Adams ran the meeting on their “maximum feasible participation” in poverty programs.
own. No representatives of a Hill group mod- Therefore, HUD channeled its physical-social-economic
erated or even sat on the stage. Spitz told the rejuvenation approach for blighted neighborhoods
300 residents that this huge meeting was an through city hall. It drafted legislation requiring that
example of ‘participation in planning.’ To prove all Model Cities’ money flow to a local City Demonstra-
this, since there was a lot of dissatisfaction in the tion Agency (CDA) through the elected city council.
audience, he called for a ‘vote’ on each component As enacted by Congress, this gave local city councils final
of the proposal. The vote took this form: ‘Can I veto power over planning and programming and ruled
see the hands of all those in favor of a health
clinic? All those opposed?’ It was a little like out any direct funding relationship between community
asking who favors motherhood.” groups and HUD.
HUD required the CDAs to create coalition, policy-
It was a combination of the deep suspicion aroused at making boards that would include necessary local power-
this meeting and a long history of similar forms of holders to create a comprehensive physical-social plan
“window-dressing participation” that led New Haven during the first year. The plan was to be carried out in
residents to demand control of the program. a subsequent five-year action phase. HUD, unlike OEO,
By way of contrast, it is useful to look at Denver did not require that have-not citizens be included on the
where technicians learned that even the best intentioned CDA decision-making boards. HUD’s Performance
among them are often unfamiliar with, and even in- Standards for Citizen Participation only demanded that
sensitive to, the problems and aspirations of the poor. “citizens have clear and direct access to the decision-
The technical director of the Model Cities program has making process.”
described the way professional planners assumed that
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Demands for community controlled schools, black con- ing inexperienced management and unskilled minority
trol, and neighborhood control are on the increase. group personnel from the Albina district. The profit-
Though no one in the nation has absolute control, it is making wool and metal fabrication plant will be owned
very important that the rhetoric not be confused with by its employees through a deferred compensation trust
intent. People are simply demanding that degree of plan.
power (or control) which guarantees that participants 4. Approximately $800,000 ($400,000for the
or residents can govern a program or an institution, be second year) was awarded to the Harlem Common-
in full charge of policy and managerial aspects, and be wealth Council to demonstrate that a community-based
able to negotiate the conditions under which “outsiders” development corporation can catalyze and implement an
may change them. economic development program with broad community
A neighborhaod corporation with no intermediaries support and participation. After only eighteen months
between it and the source of funds is the model most of program development and negotiation, the council
frequently advocated. A small number of such experi- will soon launch several large-scale ventures including
mental corporations are already producing goods and/or operation of two supermarkets, an auto service and
social services. Several others are reportedly in the repair center (with built-in manpower training pro-
development stage, and new models for control will gram), a finance company for families earning less
undoubtedly emerge as the have-nots continue to press than $4,000per year, and a data processing company.
for greater degrees of power over their lives. The all black Harlem-based board is already managing
Though the bitter struggle for community control of a metal castings foundry.
the Ocean Hill-Brownsville schools in New York City Though several citizen groups (and their mayors)
has aroused great fears in the headline reading public, use the rhetoric of citizen control, no Model City can
less publicized experiments are demonstrating that the meet the criteria of citizen control since final approval
have-nots can indeed improve their lot by handling the power and accountability rest with the city council.
entire job of planning, policy-making, and managing a Daniel P. Moynihan argues that city councils are
program. Some are even demonstrating that they can do representative of the community, but Adam Walinsky
all this with just one arm because they are forced to use illustrates the nonrepresentativeness of this kind of
their other one to deal with a continuing barrage of local representation: l5
opposition triggered by the announcement that a federal
grant has been given to a community group or an all Who . . . exercises “control” through the repre-
black group. sentative process? In the Bedford-Stuyvesant ghetto
Most of these experimental programs have been capi- of New York there are 450,000 people-as many
talized with research and demonstration funds from the as in the entire city of Cincinnati, more than in
the entire state of Vermont. Yet the area has only
Office of Economic Opportunity in cooperation with one high school, and 80 per cent of its teen-agers
other federal agencies. Examples include: are dropouts; the infant mortality rate is twice the
1. A $1.8 million grant was awarded to the national average; there are over 8000 buildings
Hough Area Development Corporation in Cleveland to abandoned by everyone but the rats, yet the area
plan economic development programs in the ghetto and received not one dollar of urban renewal funds
ARNSTEIN 223
during the entire first 15 years of that program’s helpful: B. H. Bagdikian, In the Midst of Plenty: The poor
operation; the unemploymentrate is known only in America (New Yo&: Beacon, 1964); Paul Jacobs, “The
Brutalizing of America,” Dissent, X I (Autumn 1964), p. 423-8;
to God. Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The
Clearly, Bedford-Stuyvesant has Some special Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House,
1967); Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: McGraw-Hill,
needs; Yet it has always been lost in the midst of 1968); L. J. Duhl, The Urban Condition; People and Policy in the
the city’s eight million. In fact, it took a lawsuit Metropolis (New York: Basic Books, 1963); William H. Grier
to win for this vast area, in the year 1968, its and P. M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Basic Books, 1968);
Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United
first Congressman. In what Sense can the repre- States (New York: Macmillan, 1962); Peter Marris and Martin
sentative system be said to have “spoken for” this Rein, Dilemmas of Social Reform: Poverty and Community Action
in the United States (New York: Atherton Press, 1967); Mollie
community, duringthe long years Of negled Orshansky, “Who’s Who Among the Poor: A Demographic View
decay? of Poverty,” Social Security Bulletin, XXVII (July 1965), 3-32;
and Richard T. Titmuss, Essays on the Welfare State (New Haven:
Walinsky’s point on Bedford-Stuyvesant has general Yale University Press, 1968).
2 The poster is one of about 350 produced in May or June 1968
to the ghettos from coast to coast. It is at Atelier Populaire, a graphics center launched by students from
therefore likely that in those ghettos where residents the Sorbonne’s &ole des Beaux Art and &ole des Arts Decoratifs.
have achieved a significant degree Of power in the 3This typology is an outgrowth of a more crude typology I
circulated in March 1967 in a HUD staff discussion paper titled
Model Cities planning process, the first-year action plans “Rhetoric and Reality.” The earlier typology consisted of eight
will call for the creation of Some new community levels that were less discrete types and did not necessarily suggest
a chronological progression: Inform, Consult, Joint Planning,
institutions entirely governed by residents with a speci- Negotiate, Decide, Delegate, Advocate Planning, and Neighbor-
fied sum of money contracted to them. If the ground- hood Control.
4For an article of some possible employment strategies, see,
rules for these programs are clear and if citizens under- Edmund M. Burke, “Citizen participation Strategies,” ~~~~~~l of
stand that achieving a genuine place in the pluralistic the American Institute of Planners, XXXIV, No. 5 (September
1968), 290-1.
scene subjects them to its legitimate forms of give-and- 5 U.S., Department of Housing and Urban Development,
take, then these kinds of programs might begin to
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