International cooperation on travel document security has increased among developed countries in response to security threats and economic pressures of globalization. Countries seek to make borders more secure by developing biometric standards for travel documents and exchanging personal data on travelers. This chapter examines the large-scale trends of risk-based mobility management and increased validation of other countries' travel document security through biometric identifiers and information sharing.
International cooperation on travel document security has increased among developed countries in response to security threats and economic pressures of globalization. Countries seek to make borders more secure by developing biometric standards for travel documents and exchanging personal data on travelers. This chapter examines the large-scale trends of risk-based mobility management and increased validation of other countries' travel document security through biometric identifiers and information sharing.
International cooperation on travel document security has increased among developed countries in response to security threats and economic pressures of globalization. Countries seek to make borders more secure by developing biometric standards for travel documents and exchanging personal data on travelers. This chapter examines the large-scale trends of risk-based mobility management and increased validation of other countries' travel document security through biometric identifiers and information sharing.
International Cooperation on Travel Document Security in the Developed World Mark B. Salter
Introduction
The international travel system is regulated by three inter-related
techniques: documents, border examinations, and international agree- ments. International cooperation is not limited to document security and border examinations; other chapters will analyze international agreements on global mobility. The contemporary version of globalization has been characterized as a “space of flows,”1 and states are caught between the Scylla of the benefits and necessity of increased migration and the Charybdis of dispersed, nontraditional security threats. Government agencies face two internal drives: making borders “smarter” by adopting risk-management models and methods, and making borders more secure by displacing the site of decision or policing out from the actual territorial line. Within a general climate of neoliberalism, states have engaged “risk management” as the primary frame through which to manage mobility: Known, low- risk travelers are facilitated, while known high-risk and unknown travelers are subject to much more attention. We must understand cooperation on the international security to be as much about the transfer of knowl- edge as it is about the transfer of individuals. As with other aspects of international relations, security policies are often about the projection of particular images to an international audience as much as the meeting of domestic concerns: Nowhere is this truer than integration into the global
economy. Developed countries must demonstrate to their partners that
they are taking mobility and international migration security seriously. Developed states therefore seek to increase their own travel document security and to be able to validate the security of the travel document of others, which leads to the two areas of focus for this chapter: the devel- opment of biometric standards and the international exchange of personal data. By examining common state policies, this chapter identifies several large-scale trends in mobility management, though more can be said about each of the particular examples.2
Context
As discussed in Chapter 1, the frame of global mobility is analytically much
more useful than the model of global migration. It encompasses inter- national travel, which is not migratory, and enables one to distinguish between the different kinds of movements: refugee, economic, network, elite, and casual as well as the formal and informal regimes that regulate them. Although the contemporary international travel regime is disaggre- gated, essentially a set of national requirements and technical standards,3 its founding norms were established by the League of Nations immedi- ately after World War I.4 These norms reflect a nostalgia for the nineteenth century: Visa and passport requirements were only temporarily necessary until the European system returned to the civilized model of free circu- lation; the burden of proof for the risk of the traveler shifted from the issuing country to the receiving country; and the problem of refugees was seen to be a natural product of the formation of national states—in short, that all peoples had states and it was simply a case of moving lost popu- lations around until they found their home. It is worth reflecting if these assumptions remain valid. The persistence of passports, visas, and fron- tier controls indicates that national anxiety about borders and populations, understood through political, economic, and societal security, outweigh any idealist desire for global free movement. This is evident in the interna- tional law that grounds international migration. While there is an absolute right of exit, as affirmed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and a right to return to one’s own state, there is no right of entry.5 Only refugees may invoke a right to enter another country, but only when the status of refugee has been granted by the recipient state. As Arendt argues, human rights are effective only when authorized by states.6 Developed states have repeatedly chosen to increase migration and mobility controls, rather than eliminate them. In the original 1922 Conference, members of the League of Nations Technical Sub-Committee decided that the default norm would be to honor passports, and that the refusal of passports or authorization