THE MARKETPLACE

A GUIDE TO COSTS & PRICES IN A MEDIEVAL WORLD

GAME DESIGNER: Phillip McGregor

Text © 2018 by Phillip McGregor

Graphics are mostly sourced from the Internet and are believed to be copyright free and/or in the public domain.
Some are from Wikimedia Commons. Chapter Titles and the cover are by Maurice Lalau and are copyright expired
in the US.

PHALANX GAMES DESIGN (PGD)

SNAIL MAIL: 2/41-43 Campbell Parade

Manly Vale NSW 2093
AUSTRALIA

EMAIL: aspqrz@tpg.com.au

DEDICATION:

These rules are dedicated to the memory of my parents, Bevan George (1913-1999) and Alice Lorna McGregor
(1919-2008) who never really understood what it was I did on my weekends and in much of my spare time (a lot of it
sitting before a computer screen, which they didn’t really understand either) for the last 35 years or so, but who was
always supportive of whatever it was I did. Great parents and really nice guys. I miss you both a lot.
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I
 CONTENTS
Trade & Commerce 1 Regulations of the Fairs (1164) 13
Markets, Fairs & Shops 2 The Official Weigh Station (1174) 13
Markets 2 Banning Merchants of Piacenza (1243) 13
What is a Market? 2 Access 14
Historical-Informal Markets 2 Law & Order 14
Location & Layout 2 Medieval German Fairs (Messe) 14
Plan & Facilities 3 Leipziger Messe (Spring) 14
Stalls & Shops 3 Frankfurter Messe (~August 15th) 14
Of Stalls in the Market (Arras, 1036) 3 The Hanseatic League 14
Commercial Activities 4 Economics of the Fairs 15
General Purpose Markets 4 Competition & Relations with the Locals 15
Specialised Markets 4 Changing Purpose 16
Toll Farms in Medieval England 5 Rise & Decline 16
Domesday Toll Farms(~1086) 5 Business, Commerce & Profitability 17
13th-14th Century Toll Farms 5 Rental Income 17
Some Commercial Tolls (13th century) 5 Shop Rental 17
Small Scale Tolls, 12th-13th Century 5 Residential Rents 17
Ad Valorem Toll Rates in England 5 Stall Rental 17
Who did (and Didn’t) Pay the Tolls 5 Sample Market Tolls 17
Frequency & Hours of Operation 6 Northampton, 1224 17
Increasing Frequency 6 Dublin, 1250 17
Location, Location, Location . . . 6 Markets, Fairs & Shops – Price List 17
Opening Hours & Days 7 Meysham, 1272 18
Shops 7 Some Commercial Tolls, 13th Century 18
Shop or Workshop? 7 Toll Exemptions 18
Shops 7 Small Scale Tolls, 12th-13th Century 18
Businesses & Businessmen 7 General Ad Valorem Market Tolls in England 18
Sample Businessmen 7 Continental Tolls 18
Civic Tenements: Buy or Rent? 8 Tolls, Fees and Fairs 18
Burgage Rent 8 Economic Management 19
Ground Rent 8 Budgets 19
Tithes 9 Mercantilism 19
Purchasing Land 9 Attempts to control Food prices 19
A Note on the Figures 9 Taxes & Trade 19
External and Internal Layout 10 Legal Definitions 20
Pawnshops & Second Hand Shops 10 Trade & Taxation 20
External & Internal Layout 10 Property Taxes (Non-Feudal) 20
Workshops 10 Land Taxes 20
External and Internal Layout 11 Assize of Bread 20
Fairs 11 Moveable Property 21
What is a Fair? 11 Foreign Trade 22
The English Fair Cycle 11 Import-Export (Customs) Duties 22
St Ives Fair (Easter) 11 Assize of Beer & Ale 22
Boston Fair (June) 11 Comparative Grain Prices 22
Winchester Fair (September) 11 Import-Export Licensing 23
Westminster Fair (October) 11 Sales Taxes 23
Northampton Fair (November) 11 Other Taxes & Charges 24
Location & Layout 12 Aids 24
Plan & Facilities 12 Monopolies 25
Stalls & Shops 12 Ordinance & Statute of the Staple, 1353 25
Frequency & Hours of Operation 12 Erfurt Beer Law, 1351 25
Rules & Regulations 12 Regulating Demand 26
The Champagne Fair(s) 13 Sin Taxes & Related Matters 27

II The Fairs
Officers
13
13
English Stews & Brothels
Ordinance of Stewholders, 1161
27
27
 C
Continental Stews & Brothels 28 Roman Imperial Coinage 36
Sumptuary Laws 28 East Roman Denominations 36
Statute on Diet and Apparel, 1363 28 West Roman/Mid Imperial Denominations 36
Repealed 1364 . . . 28 Silver Coinage 36
Property Taxes
England
France (£ Tournois)
29
29
29
Gold Coinage
Travel Money
Silver-Gold Exchange rate
36
36
36 O
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Spain 29 Western & Central Europe 36
Customs Duties 29 Eastern Mediterranean 36
England 29 Regional Fluctuations 36

T
France (£ Tournois) 29 Banking & Commerce 37
Spain 29 The problem of Usury 37
Import-Export Licenses 29 Contractum Trinius 37
England 29 Other Interesting manipulations 37
France (£ Tournois)
Spain
Sales Taxes
29
29
29
Medieval Merchant Banks
Financing and assisting Commerce
Bills of Exchange
38
38
38 E
N
Spain 29 Promissory Note (Secured), AD 1199 39
Other Taxes 29 Commercial Interest Rates 40
Aids 29 Documentary Problems 40

T
Monopolies 29 Sample Interest Rates 40
Sin Taxes 29 Simple & Compound Interest 40
England 29 Commercial Loans 41
The Continent 29 Futures & Commodities Trade 41
Sumptuary Laws
England
France & Germany
Italy
29
29
29
29
Letters of Credit
Promissory Notes
Non-Bank Finance
Annuities & Corrodies
41
42
42
42
S
Taxes & Trade – Price List 29 The Bank of Venice 42
Money 30 Banco di San Giorgio 42
Barter 30 Annuities 43
Payment in Kind 30 Corrodies 43
Coin 30 Moneylenders & Pawnbrokers 44
Silver Coin: Pounds, Shillings and Pence 30 Pawn Shops & Pawnbrokers 44
Bullion & Banks 30 Two Corrodies 44
Gold Coin: Florins & Things 31 A Reward for Royal Service, 1360s 44
A Pound is a Pfund is a Librum is a £! 31 A Privately purchased Corrody, 1390’s 44
Nominal vs actual value 32 Making a profit 44
Debasement 32 Mortgages 45
Sample Coin Weights 32 Medieval Mortgages 45
Penny Weights, AD 1160 32 A French Noble’s Mortgage, 1201 45
French Silver Coins (Tournois) 32 A Mortgage to the Hospitallers, 1231 45
English Silver Coins 32 A Spanish Peasant’s Mortgage, 1158 45
Venetian Silver Coins 32 An English Peasant’s Mortgage, 1317 45
Money Supply, England & France 32 Business Organisation 46
Technical Limitations 33 Commenda Contracts/Businesses 46
English Coinage and Denominations 33 Compagnia-Societas Terrae 46
French Coinage 34 Coinage 101 47
Basic Denominations 34 Travel Money 47
French Silver Coins 34 How much Money? 47
French Gold Coins 34 Consequences 47
Italian Coinage 34 Bullion & Banks – Money matters 47
Italian Silver Coins 34 Gold:Silver Exchange Rate 48
Italian Gold Coins 35 Commercial Paper 48
German Coinage 35 Commercial Interest Rates 48
German Silver Coins 35 Medieval Futures 48
German Gold Coinage 35 Annuities & Corrodies 48
Iberian Coinage 35 Moneylenders & Pawnbrokers 48
Silver Coinage
Gold Coinage
35
35
Moneylenders
Pawnbrokers
48
48 III
 Mortgages 48 In Season 65
Commenda & Societas Terrae 48 Price Variation 65
Commenda (Societas Maris) 48 Marketplace Basics – Summary 65
Societas Terrae 48 Wages, Salaries & Cost of Living 66
Bullion & Banks – Money & Commerce 48 Wages & Salaries 66
Marketplace Basics 50 Problems with Medieval Wage Data 66
Boom & Bust 50 Statute of Labourers, 1351 67
Major Economic Cycles 50 The Statute 67
Wheels within wheels 51 How to use the existing figures 68
Feast & Famine 51 ‘Typical’ Consumer Basket, 1200-1400 69
Defining Famine 51 Cost of Living Estimates 70
Famine or Hunger? 51 ‘Modern’ Cost of Living 70
The Frequency of Famine & Hunger 52 Medieval Cost of Living 70
Famine Frequency 52 Wages before the 14th century 71
Hunger 52 14th Century (to the Black Death) 71
Other Causes 52 Civilian Craft or Profession Yearly Pay 71
Man-Made Variation 52 Wages & Salaries for selected Crafts & Professions 71
Plenty 52 Military Wages Yearly Pay 74
The Problem with Wheat 52 14th Century (After the Black Death) 74
Maslin 53 Starches Component Breakdown 75
Economics 53 Meat Component Breakdown 75
National Experiences of Famine 53 Dairy Component Breakdown 75
English Famines 53 Drink Component Breakdown 75
Famine Quantified 53 Sugars Component Breakdown 75
Ten Year Cycle 53 Light Component Breakdown 75
Thirty Year Cycle(s) 53 Fuel Component Breakdown 75
French Famines 54 Taxes, Rents and Dues 75
German Famines 54 Weighted Cost of Living : England 75
Urban vs Rural Famines 54 Selected Price Series 76
Famine & Pestilence 54 Major Disruptors 76
Availability of goods & Services 55 The Great Famine (1315-1317) 76
Availability: Overall 55 The Black Death (1346-1353) 76
Population Based Levels 55 Measurement 76
Activity Factors 57 Weights & Measures 76
Availability: here and now 58 Average Crop Prices 77
Overall Availability – Summary 59 Cereals & Legumes 77
Population 59 The Assize of Bread (1266?) 77
Activity 59 The Assizes’ Instructions 77
Here & Now Availability – Summary 59 Selected Price Series: 1200-1399 77
Inflation & Price Variability 60 Average Pastoral Product Prices 78
Inflation 61 Continental Bread Laws 78
Debasement of Coinage 61 Home-Baked Bread 78
Bullion Inflation 61 Average Dairy & Fish Prices 79
Price Variation 62 Meat, Dairy & Poultry 79
Food & Technology 62 Medieval Livestock 79
Seasonal Food Price Variability 63 Processing & Storage 79
Other Seasonal Variabilities 63 Medieval Dairy Products 79
Medieval vs. Modern 64 Average Beverage Prices 80
Comparing Wages and Prices 64 Medieval Beverages 80
Gold vs Silver 64 Assize of Beer & Ale 80
The Index Number problem 64 The Assizes’ Instructions 80
Productivity of Labour 64 Wine, Cider and Other Drinks 80
Famine 65 Wine 81
Ten Year Cycle 65 Sugar, Sweeteners etc 81
Thirty Year Cycle(s) 65 Honey 81
Overall Availability Factors 65 Average Sugars & Sweeteners Prices 81
Population 65 Honey in Medicine 82
Activity 65 Sugar 82
IV Here & Now Availability Factors
Seasonal Food Availability
65
65
Sugar in Medicine
Average Spice Prices
82
82
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Average Fuel & Lighting Prices 83 Body Armour & Helmets 101
Spices & Herbs 83 Aketon 101
What are Spices? 83 Armour – what’s available 101
The Spice Trade 83 Bascinet 102
Why were spices so expensive?
Why were spices used?
Fuel & Lighting
83
84
84
Brigandine
Cervelliere
Coat of Plates
103
103
103 O
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Wood 84 Coif 104
Bought Firewood 84 Conical Helmet 104
Gathered Firewood 84 Gambeson (aka ‘Padded Jack’) 104

T
Average Lamp Oil & Cloth Prices 84 Great Helm 104
Average Metal Prices 85 Hounskull 105
Charcoal 85 Jack (aka ‘Jack of Plates’) 105
Coal 85 Lamellar 105
Candles – Tallow & Wax
Tallow
Beeswax
85
85
86
Mail
Partial Plate
Round Helmet
106
107
108 E
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Lamp Oil 86 Scale 108
Incendiaries 86 Shields 108
Cloth 86 Heater Shield 108

T
Average Misc. Goods Prices 86 Kite Shield 108
Metals 87 Round Shield 109
Iron 87 Sample Infantry Armour Sets 109
Other Metals 87 Levee en Masse 109
Miscellaneous Goods
Paper
Brick
Window Glass
87
87
87
87
Select Fyrd/Levy
Huscarl
Druzhina
Boyar (Medium Mounted Infantry)
109
110
110
110
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Using these Tables 87 Boyar (Heavy Mounted Infantry) 111
Alchemists & Alchemy 88 Foot Serjeant (Early) 111
Mystical Alchemists 88 Foot Serjeant (Late) 111
The Nature and the Scale of the Work 88 Sample Cavalry Armour Sets 111
Practical Alchemists 88 Boyar (Cavalry) 111
The Nature and the Scale of the Work 88 Hobelar or Turcopole 112
Charlatans 88 Knight 112
Alchemists & Magic 88 Impoverished Knights 113
Alchemy for the Mystics 89 Eastern Cavalry 113
Laboratory Equipment 89 Light (Skirmish) Cavalry 114
Alchemists & Alchemy – Goods & Services 89 Mounted Archer 114
Item Descriptions 90 Mounted Serjeant 114
Alcohol: Medical or Drinkable 90 Pricing Armour 115
Select Products & Raw Materials 93 Armour is durable 115
Item Descriptions 93 Armour can be Decorative 115
Bulk Purchases 96 Shields & Decoration 115
Select Alchemical Services 96 Wearing Armour 116
Service Descriptions 96 Encumbrance 116
Activated Base States 97 Armour – Practicalities 116
The Armoury 98 Agility 117
Armour 98 Equipping & Unequipping 118
NSA (aka ‘No Such Armour’) 98 Armour Rules – Optional & Otherwise 119
Chainmail et al 98 Encumbrance & related matters 119
Leather 98 Agility & Dexterity 119
Non-European Leather Armour . . . mostly 99 Agility 119
SCA & LARP Leather Armour 99 Dexterity 119
The Longevity of Armour (Types) 100 Coverage 119
Shields & Helmets – The First Line of Defense 100 AD&D, D&D 3-5, Pathfinder and OGL Games 120
Helmets 100 Runequest/Mythras 120
Shields 100 Encumbrance 120
Quantifying Armour
A Note on Cost & Weight
101
101
AD&D, D&D 3-5, Pathfinder and OGL Games
Runequest/Mythras
120
122 V
 Fatigue 122 Weapon Rules – Optional & Otherwise 140
AD&D, D&D 3-3.5 & Pathfinder 122 Class & Proficiency 140
Runequest & Mythras 122 Weapon Classes & Proficiencies 140
Time to Equip 122 Classes & Proficiencies – D&D/Pathfinder 140
Damage & Maintenance 123 Barbarians – Foot 140
Maintenance or, Things fall apart 123 Barbarians – Mounted 141
Preventative Maintenance 123 Bard 141
In Game Maintenance 124 Cleric & Druid 141
Battle Damage 126 Fighter 141
Dealing with Battle Damage 126 Monk 142
Weapons 127 Paladin 142
A Sword is a Sword is a Sword . . . 127 Ranger 142
Basic Weapon Types 127 Rogue 142
Quantifying Weapons 128 Sorcerers & Wizards 142
A Note on Cost & Weight 128 Combat Styles – RQ/Mythras 142
Axes 128 Agent & Thief Careers 142
Throwing Axe 128 Farmer, Herder, Hunter Careers 142
War Axe 128 Sailor Career 142
Weaponry – what’s available 128 Scout Career 142
Two-Handed Axe 129 Warrior Career 142
Bows 129 Archers & Archery 142
Arbalest 129 D&D & Pathfinder 142
Arrows 130 RQ & Mythras 143
Bolts 130 Maintenance & Damage 143
Composite Bow 131 Bows 143
Crossbow 132 Metal Weapons 143
Longbow 132 Protective Maintenance 143
Short Bow 133 Sharpening 143
Clubs & Maces 133 Mixed Wood & Metal Weapons 143
Cudgel 133 Protective Maintenance 143
Mace 133 Sharpening 143
Daggers 133 Tightening 143
Baselard (14th century) 133 Camping Gear 144
Misericorde (12th Century on) 134 Camping for pleasure 144
Rondel Dagger (14th Century on) 134 Where to Camp? 144
Quillon (‘Knightly’) Dagger (12th Century on) 134 The Legalities of Camping 144
Swords 134 Highways, Roads & Tracks 145
Arming Sword 134 Traditional Campsites or Common Lands 145
Backsword (14th Century) 134 Hunting, Foraging, Firewood and etc. 145
Estoc (Mid-Late 14th Century) 134 Accessories 146
Falchion (13th-14th Century) 135 Item Weight Cost 146
Knight’s Sword (10th-13th Century) 135 Camping Gear – what’s available 146
Hand and a Half Sword (14th Century) 136 Beds & Bedding 147
Mahaddab aka Scimitar (11th century on) 136 Item Weight Cost 147
Paramerion aka Sabre (11th century on) 136 Containers & Load Carrying 149
Shamshir – Arab Sword (to 13th Century) 136 Item Weight Cost 149
Two Handed Sword (14th Century) 136 Load Carrying & Encumbrance 152
Spears & Polearms 137 Tents & Shelter 152
Angon (Throwing or Thrusting) 137 Item Weight Cost 152
Bill (Thrusting, possibly 14th Century on) 137 Tent Materials 154
Cavalry Spear (Thrusting, to 11th Century) 137 Clothes & Fashion 155
Hafted Falchion – ‘Glaive’ (13th-14th Century) 137 At the beginning 155
Halberd (Thrusting, 14th century on) 138 Men’s Clothing 155
Lance (Thrusting, slowly from 12th Century) 138 Women’s Clothing 155
Lugged/Winged Spear (Thrusting, to 13th Century) 138 Developments 155
Partisan (Thrusting, 13th Century on)138 Men’s Clothing 155
Pike (12th century on) 139 Women’s Clothing 155
Spetum (Thrusting, 13th Century on) 139 Practicalities 156
VI Quarterstaff
What’s NOT available/Doesn’t Exist
139
139
Wardrobe
The Poor
156
156
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The Better off 156 Hardware & Tools 185
The Middling Sort 156 Carpentry & Building 185
The Elite 156 Smithing 185
Clothes & Fashion – what’s available 156 Fine Work 185
Outfits & Cloth
Cloth Prices
Cloth Type
157
157
157
Armourers
Blacksmiths
Coppersmith
185
186
186 O
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Enhancement Type 158 Goldsmiths 186
Clothing Prices (Samples) 160 Blacksmith’s Tools 187
Farms & Farming 163 Hardware & Tools 187

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The Manor & its Lands 163 Carpenter’s Tools 191
The Fields 163 Copper- & Goldsmith’s Tools 193
Crop Rotation 163 Miscellaneous Tools & Gear 194
Ploughing 163 Home & Furnishings 198
Item Weight Cost
Farms & Farming – what’s available
Food: Fast & Otherwise
164
164
167
The Medieval Home
Furniture
The Poor Rural Household
198
198
198 E
N
Eating In : Eating Out 167 The Poor Urban Household 198
Eating at Home 167 The Well-to-do Household 199
Cooking at Home 167 The Elite (Urban) Household 199

T
Eating at Home 167 Noble Households 200
Where to eat 168 Bedding 201
Eating out 168 Furnishings 201
Bakers, Piemongers & Pastrycooks 169 Floor coverings 203
Chop Houses, Ordinaries & Taverns 169
Cookshops
Hucksters
Business Hours
170
171
171
Furniture
Hygiene
Kitchens
The Ducal Kitchen
204
206
208
208
S
Curfew – What it was, What it wasn’t 171 The Merchant’s Kitchen establishment 209
At the Market 172 A Kitchen Complete . . . 210
The Daily or Weekly Shop . . . 172 Outfitting Costs 210
Dining Out 172 Kitchen & Table – Crockery, Cutlery & Contents 211
Dining at an Ordinary, Inn or Tavern 172 Soft Furnishings 214
Food: Fast & Otherwise 172 Learning & Letters 215
Cookshop Meals 174 Books & Scrolls 215
Baked Goods – at the Bakery 174 Storage Format 215
Fresh Bread & Baked Goods 174 Codices 215
Confectionery – At the Pastrycooks 175 Scrolls 215
Pastries & Buns – At the Pastrycook 175 Loose Leaves 215
Takeaway & Fast Food – Piemongers, Hucksters 176 Writing Material 215
Preserved Foods 178 Paper 215
Field Rations 178 Papyrus 215
Herbs, Seasonings & Spices 181 Parchment 216
Herbs & Common Seasonings 181 Writing it all out . . . 216
Imported Spices 181 Copying a Book 216
Foraging 183 Printed Books . . . 216
Butchery 183 Woodblock Printing 216
Other uses 183 Books & Booksellers 217
Wild Plant Foods 183 Bookstores 217
Food: Foraging, Nutrition, Preservation 183 10th–12th centuries 217
Nutrition 184 13th century 217
Average Daily Food Requirements 184 Contracting for a Book . . . 217
Nutritional Ratings 184 Libraries 217
Heavy Physical Activity 184 The Medieval East 218
Unbalanced Diets 184 The Medieval West 218
Starvation 184 How many Books? 218
Preservation 184 The East 218
Storage Duration 184 The West 218
Salted Food
Smoked or Dried Food
184
184
Finding a Book . . .
Scribes & Notaries
219
220 VII
 Letters and Communication 220 Harness 248
Who wrote the Letters . . . 220 Hubs 248
Who carried the Letters . . . 221 Suspension 248
How fast did the Letters travel . . . 221 Wheels 248
Books & Scrolls 222 Far Byzantium 249
Availability 222 Land Transport 249
Decoration 222 Accommodation 249
Format (Size & Bulk) 222 Cargo and Related Costs 252
Paper or Parchment 222 Equipment & Gear 254
We take, but we pass on . . . 222 Livestock 257
The Peutinger Table 226 Maintenance & Upkeep 259
Materials 231 Orbis (http://orbis.stanford.edu) 261
Scribes, Notaries & the Law 232 Travel and Trade in the Roman World 261
Libraries 235 Speed of Travel 262
Private Libraries 235 Under sail . . . 262
Church & University Libraries 235 Under Oar . . . 262
Access 235 Maximum Speeds 262
Lighting & Illumination 236 Daily movement . . . 262
Medieval Illumination 236 The Vikings 262
Animal/Fish Derived Fats & Oils 236 Seafaring Technologies 262
Tallow 236 Compasses 262
Fish Oil 236 Latitude 262
Beeswax 236 Longitude 262
Plant Resins/Saps 236 Shipbuilding Technology 262
Vegetable Oils 237 Two if by Sea . . . 262
Olive Oil 237 Clinker Built 263
Other Oils 237 Carvel Built 263
Petrochemicals 237 Tacking vs Wearing 263
Lighting 238 Sea Transport 263
Candles & Tapers 238 Building, buying & manning a ship 263
Item Weight Cost 238 Cargo and Passage Costs 266
Lighting the way . . . 238 Orbis (http://orbis.stanford.edu) 268
Oil Lamps 240 Travel and Trade in the Roman World 268
Torches 241 Alchemists 270
Incendiaries 242 Laboratory Equipment 270
Makeshift Incendiaries 242 Select Products & Raw Materials 270
Military Incendiaries 242 Select Alchemical Services 270
Burn Time 243 Master Price List 270
Illumination – Lumens & Lux 243 Armour, Helmets, Shields 271
Lumens 243 Weaponry 271
Shining a light on things . . . 243 Bullion & Banks 272
Lux 244 Gold:Silver Exchange Rate 272
D&D, Pathfinder, RQ & Mythras 244 Commercial Paper 272
Travel & Trade 245 Commercial Interest Rates 272
Travel 245 Medieval Futures 272
Trade 245 Annuities & Corrodies 272
One if by land . . . 246 Moneylenders & Pawnbrokers 272
Speed of travel 246 Mortgages 272
By foot 246 Commenda & Societas Terrae 272
By Horse 246 Camping Gear 272
By vehicle 246 Accessories 272
Technology 247 Item Weight Cost 272
Riding & Pack animals 247 Beds & Bedding 272
Horseshoes 247 Containers & Load Carrying 273
Saddles 247 Tents & Shelter 273
Spurs 247 Clothes & Fashion 273
Stirrups 247 Outfits & Cloth 273
Vehicles 247 Cloth Prices 273
VIII Axles
Drivers
247
248
Cloth Type
Enhancement Type
273
273
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Clothing Prices (Samples) 273 Civilian Craft or Profession Yearly Pay 282
Farms & Farming 274 Military Wages Yearly Pay 282
Food 274 Appendices 283
The Daily or Weekly Shop . . . 274 Church & Religion 284
Dining at an Ordinary, Inn or Tavern
Cookshop Meals
Fresh Bread & Baked Goods
274
275
275
Church as Service Provider
Parishes & Parishioners
Additional Services
284
284
284 O
N
Confectionery 275 Relics & Reliquaries 285
Pastries & Buns 275 Manors & Castles 286
Takeaway & Fast Food – Piemongers, Hucksters 275 Manors 286

T
Field Rations 275 What’s a Manor 286
Herbs, Seasonings & Spices 276 An Average Manor 286
Hardware & Tools 276 Knightly & Other Income 286
Blacksmith’s Tools 276 Manorial Income 286
Carpenter’s Tools
Copper- & Goldsmith’s Tools
Miscellaneous Tools & Gear
276
276
276
Acquiring an Estate
Castles & Manor Houses
Manor Houses
286
287
287 E
N
Home & Furnishings 277 Framlingham Manor, 1270 287
Bedding 277 How much does a Manor House Cost 288
Floor coverings 277 Castles 288

T
Furniture 277 Minor Wood Castle 288
Hygiene 277 Minor Stone Castle 288
Kitchen & Table 277 Stone Castle 288
Soft Furnishings 278 Major Stone Castles 289
Learning & Letters
Books & Scrolls
Materials
Scribes, Notaries & the Law
278
278
278
278
Castle Garrisons
Abandoned & Unused Castles
Abandon
Slight
289
289
289
289
S
Libraries 278 Strip 289
Lighting 278 Convert 289
Candles & Tapers 278 Manorial Estates 290
Oil Lamps 279 Buying an Estate 290
Torches 279 Manor Houses 290
Marketplace Basics 279 Castles 290
Seasonal Food Availability 279 Index 291
In Season 279
Price Variation 279
Markets & Fairs 279
Shop Rental 279
Residential Rents 279
Stall Rental 279
Small Scale Tolls, 12th-13th Century 279
General Ad Valorem Tolls in England 279
Tolls, Fees and Fairs 279
Taxation 280
Property Taxes 280
Customs Duties 280
Import-Export Licenses 280
Sales Taxes 280
Other Taxes 280
Sin Taxes 280
Travel & Trade 280
Accommodation 280
Cargo and Related Costs 281
Equipment & Gear 281
Livestock 281
Maintenance & Upkeep 281
Building, buying & manning a ship 281
Cargo and Passage Costs
Wages & Salaries
281
282 IX
 FOREWORD
The original edition of Orbis Mundi only ran to a 108
pages and, of that, only 62 were directly about
Markets and what you could (and couldn’t) buy there
… still, it was a great success since, unlike virtually all
other RPG sourcebooks dealing with the medieval
period in Europe, it made a real (and generally
successful) attempt at putting realism and historical
accuracy at the forefront.
The Marketplace (this book) is the second volume of
the Kickstarted Orbis Mundi2 – and deals with
markets and the purchase of goods and services in
much greater detail than the first edition did … there’s
close to 300 pages of information in here detailing
how trade and commerce actually worked in medieval
Europe plus some extensive price lists of the goods
and services that were available – and, accompanying
the latter, some extensive notes explaining what they
were, how they were used, and how they were different
(and they mostly were) either from modern day
equivalents or from the versions included in most
every other RPG (and, in many cases, how they are
different from both).
Prices have been gleaned from an extremely wide
variety of sources, mainly from the 13th and 14th
centuries, and mainly from England – which is not as
much of a problem as you might, at first, think.
Firstly, inflation was quite low over the entire period
and both prices and wages were relatively stable –
where prices of some staples went up toward the end
of the period (mostly after the Black Death), this was
balanced by increased wages and/or better technolog-
ical means of production which kept the relative prices
fairly consistent no matter where you were – except as
noted below.
listed) shouldn’t vary much unless land transportation
is a major factor.
Where it is known that there were regional differences …
such as the olive oil growing south using ‘oil’ lamps
instead of the beeswax or tallow candles of the north, or
the Mail dominated armour types of the west instead of
the Lamellar or Scale dominated armour types of the
Middle East and parts of Eastern Europe … these are
clearly indicated in the text.
Then there is the issue of realism – many of the
assumptions that underpin key elements of every Role
Playing Game that has ever existed are, simply put,
complete and utter rubbish – and, where this applies,
the annotations make it clear what the issues are and,
where relevant, offer simple rules based solutions
which are either system-independent or given for two
common related sets of RPG rules (Pathfinder/D&D,
AD&D OGL on the one hand and Runequest/Mythas
on the other) though it shouldn’t be much effort to
modify the changes for other systems.
The major areas where this sort of thing is an issue are
Armour, Money, Illumination (aka ‘Light Sources’) and
Weapons … but feel free to ignore or modify the rules
changes provided.
– Phil McGregor, March 2018

That said, prices in the medieval world (and in the

pre-modern world in general) were not fixed in the way
that most readers from western cultures expect.

The price charged did not necessarily link directly to the

cost of producing and item or of providing a service … as
often as not it depended on the perceived social standing
of the purchaser (higher status individuals were routine-
ly asked to pay a higher price for most things than were
lower status types) and was, always, subject to bargain-
ing between the buyer and seller.

Secondly, since everything was made by handcraft

level production using raw materials mined/grown or
processed by similar basic means, the cost of inputs
X and outputs was reasonably consistent across most of
Western Europe … so the cost of outputs (i.e. the prices
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 MARKETS, FAIRS & SHOPS
As noted elsewhere in OM2, the main differences
between a Town (or City) and a Village were twofold –
· Towns were mainly involved in trade and industry
(or what passed for such back in the day) and had
a Market (which inevitably involved some sort of
Charter from the Crown or the governing Noble).
· Villages mostly involved in agricultural pursuits,
directly involved in the actual farming, stock rais-
ing or primary production in general and did not
have a Market (and had no Charter of rights).
It is important to keep these facts in mind when
dealing with the information on the prices and nature
of goods sold and the underlying economics of the
medieval society as it existed in the real world which
is covered in this volume.
M continue.
ARKETS
Exactly what is a Market? Where and when were they
held? How was it laid out? What was (or could be) sold
there – and what wasn’t (or couldn’t be)? What were
the hours (and days) of operation?
The answers to these are of some significance, historic-
ally, but also to a Role Playing Game above a ‘Monty
Haul’ kill all the monsters and loot the dungeon – we
don’t need no steenkin’ Town level and which likes to
at least try an emulate reality.
WHAT IS A MARKET?
In England, a Market involved the granting of a Royal
or Noble Charter to hold a regular venue for the
selling of goods (mostly) on a bulk scale coupled with
the right to a specified degree of Civic (self) Govern-
ment. This was also generally the case on the Contin-
ent – but there were some variations … for more
information, see the City & Country Chapter in OM2,
specifically the first section Cities & Civics.
2 Town authorities … though, eventually, the latter always
There were, of course, exceptions. Some ‘Markets’ had
no Charter – they were historical relics, in a sense,
and hearken back to the period (as noted below) when
‘Markets’ were held on a Sunday in one of the Town
or Village Churchyards.
These were mostly able to gain the grant of a Charter
over time – to access the benefits that went with it.
However, in a significant number of cases they did
not – either because the Town was too small (or had
a much larger, much more economically dominant,
regional neighbour) or because the ‘Market’ was locat-
ed in a Village.
In these cases, the Market might be suppressed by the
authorities as part of the terms of the Chartering of
nearby Towns … but in other cases it was too small
and too local to matter, and might be left alone to
The limitations of this sort of Market were several –
there was no Market Court to adjudicate disputes on
the spot, there were generally no real facilities, and
the Town/Village or Church on whose land it was held
was not legally able to charge tolls or other fees on
those trading or brining in goods.
Most of these markets would be primarily for the sale
of local produce – any specialist goods would have to
be purchased at the nearest real Market in most cases.
LOCATION & LAYOUT
Medieval Markets were situated in what had originally
been a large(ish) open space – and, at the beginning
of the 10th century (or at whatever date a Market was
first established), this might still be the case.
These were not always inside a Town’s walls (or circuit,
however defined) and, in fact, might not even be on land
under the (original) direct jurisdiction of the Town even
if inside the walls/circuit.
Most commonly they were situated at the crossroads at
the main square, usually the one where the Town’s main
church (or one of the major churches) was situated – this
might also be where the Town Hall was located, but
such a building was almost always a much later addition.
In some cases they were situated on open land that
belonged to a Manorial Lord, and which had originally
been outside of the Town’s circuit/walls, and which
might have a complicated legal relationship with the
ended up in control.

Some Markets were actually established completely
outside the walls – typically wholesale large livestock
markets. This was to keep the inevitable congestion the
movement of such animals caused off the often narrow
and always crowded Town streets.
However, the original situation of large open areas
rarely lasted for very long – the open space quickly
being leased or sold off to long term occupants and
only the streets between their holdings and a small
remnant of the open space remaining as a ‘market’ for
rented stallholders on the actual market days.
Within the designated area, space for stalls could be
rented on the actual Market Days or, for the larger
livestock markets, pens might be erected either by the
Market authorities or by the individual wholesalers –
and those bringing animals for sale might be charged a
small fee for the use of the facilities.
In most cases there was no formal plan – Markets
tended to grow organically, just like the Towns them-
selves. Stalls were placed haphazardly and the routes
through the marketplace were often (usually) as
winding and narrow as the Town streets.
There were, however, exceptions – and all Markets
became more formalised and more organised as time
progressed. This was usually well under way by the
mid to late 12th century, or earlier in some cases.
Obviously, the division of the original marketplace
land into areas where permanent Shops (see below)
were erected, was part of the change, but the greater
organisation and wealth of the Civic Authorities also
had an impact.
Granaries (usually stone) might be erected for Grain
Markets, Pens and Drinking troughs for Livestock,
roofed/covered Halls for stallholders (and, eventually,
for leased permanent Shops) and Civic/Market auth-
ority offices.
There might be one or more Chapels (or even a Church
proper) erected by the main stakeholders either by
themselves or with the co-operation of the Town Council
The original Markets were simply a collection of
marked spaces rented out on the Market Day(s) to any
trader wishing to buy or sell goods – but the amount
of trade generated inevitably attracted permanent
occupants who mostly congregated together in discrete
areas (Streets, Lanes etc) of the former Market space.
This meant that a ‘Market’ would quickly acquire a
dual nature – the original intermittent, impermanent,
collection of stallholders in whatever open space re-
mained for them, the actual Market, and surrounding
OF STALLS IN THE MARKET (ARRAS, 1036)
T
Stalls for Linen or Woolen cloth, per month 1d
Stalls for Ropes, per month 1d
Stalls for long & short Knives, per annum 3/- (36d)
Stalls for Wax, per annum
Stall of every Smith, per annum
… plus one Pruning Knife per annum
3/- (36d)
4d
R
A
… plus one iron part of the Spade per annum
… plus one Spade haft per annum
… plus one Spear per annum
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Smiths specialised, so only 1 additional item would
normally be required as additional payment
Stall of the Pastry Cook, every Saturday ¼d
These were standard charges for renting space for a
Stall for the selling of goods in the weekly Market held
under the auspices of the Abbey of St Vaast in what
had eventually become the town of Arras in what is
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now northern France, right up on the border with the
Netherlands.
Those bringing in goods for sale to the local merch-
ants (i.e. those not renting a Stall) paid a Toll on those
goods as they crossed the Bridge into the City or
&
passed through the City Gates … unless they could
show they were paid up residents (Burgesses) on the
Tax Rolls.
C
Remember, one of the several major privileges of a
Charter was that it gave local citizens (those who paid
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taxes or who owned or leased landed property with the
bounds) immunity from Tolls and Charges that applied
to outsiders coming to Town to do business. Sometimes
several Towns within a region would offer mutual
freedom from their Tolls and Charges or the Charter
might grant a favoured Town immunity from Tolls and
Charges within a specified area (such as a County Town M
M
within all Towns of the County it administered)
There were actually two Markets held in Arras – a
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small one where grain, cloth and leather were traded
(a General Purpose Market) and sold, mainly for the
local residents, and a larger one where ironwork and
leather/hides were traded.
Stall (Plot) Size. This is not attested for Arras, but
plots of around 5-6’ wide and 7-8’ deep were common R
C
in similar sized Towns elsewhere.
While there is no contemporary evidence for the markets
E
at Arras, in other places larger Market Stalls cost more
in direct proportion to the difference in size – one with
double the area cost twice the base rate, for example.
Likewise, it was common to charge more for prime spots
– on the corners of rows (or of streets), near the ent-
rance/exit to the market place or closest to the city gates,
for example, where traffic was higher. Such prime
locations could attract premiums of double the base rate
or more.
3
 areas where permanent shops were set up and which
operated throughout the week, not just on Market Day.
Yes, this can be quite confusing – especially as the period
progresses. When the sources refer to a ‘Market’, do they
mean the regular once a week (or whatever) wholesale
gathering? Or do they mean the physical location of the
original open space that had formed the Market, but
which was now full of shops?
It isn’t always easy to tell – unless the context makes it
clear that the reference is to Market Days.
COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES
Markets were mostly for the conduct of wholesale
trade, though in larger towns or cities there might be
subordinate retail Markets.
Arguably there were two somewhat different types,
though there was really no formal differentiation at
the time. Markets in smaller Towns tended to be of a
General Purpose nature while those Towns large
enough to have more than one Market tended to see
them become Specialised.
These are the most common type found in smaller
Towns, though they may also be found in Towns large
enough to host more than one Specialised Market.
They are non-specialist markets – and were usually
held on a regular basis to allow farmers from the
Town’s hinterland (usually no more than a half day’s
walk, there and back – typically 6-10 miles, depending
on roads and terrain) to bring their produce into town
for sale to the locals and to factors (middlemen)
searching for produce for transport onwards and sale
at larger, more distant, towns in markets held there.
Towns and Cities on navigable rivers or on the coast and
with ports could expect goods to travel much further as
the cost of water transport was so low … and livestock
could be moved much further as well, herds and flocks
being driven along traditional trackways or highways
4 general rule the larger the Town the less likely there
(which were, as noted in OM2, really only rights of way)
grazing by agistment along the way.
For example, a wide variety of goods found on sale in
the London markets were shipped in from Newcastle-on-
Tyne. These goods included Leather (from at least the
12th century, and probably much earlier), Iron (from at
least the 13th century), Salt (and Salt Fish) and Sea Coal
(from at least the beginning of the 14th century, and,
again, probably much earlier).
Likewise, Horses of all types were moved in small herds
from breeding areas in Poland and Eastern Europe
(Warhorses from Hungary were especially prized) to
markets in France and Germany … and probably onsold
from there to the rest of western Europe.
In return, local craftsmen and factors or actual trad-
ers representing those from more distant towns will
make their manufactured wares available to the (rel-
atively) flush local and rural crowds.
They main thing is that they dealt in pretty much
anything and everything the local region produced …
livestock, dairy products and livestock byproducts
(horn, bone, leather, tallow, hides) would be available
alongside grains (whatever was grown locally) along-
side fruits, vegetables and herbs; local pottery or ores
from local mines; wool, both in bales and as thread
or even cloth and natural dyes from local plants;
seasoned wood and firewood could all be found for
sale, depending on locality and time of year.
Likewise, they were the places where bulk goods not
available, but needed, locally could be found for sale
– manufactured goods or raw materials from further
afield, bigger, more distant, towns and cities.
Very early on in the period these different products
might simply be randomly scattered across the physical
area of the Market – however, as time passed, they
tended to congregate in specific areas, perhaps with
official encouragement or perhaps through common
sense agreement between those involved.
In urban centres with a population large enough and
a hinterland productive enough to support them
there would often be more than one Market … and
there was a tendency for these to specialise in a single
product or broad type of product.
If there was a large enough population and/or volume
of trade to support such specialised Markets they were
usually in addition to a General Purpose market,
except in a few cases (London and Paris, for example)
where there were several Specialised Markets instead
or in addition to the General Purpose one … as a
was to be both types.
 T
TOLL FARMS IN MEDIEVAL ENGLAND SOME COMMERCIAL TOLLS (13 TH
CENTURY)
During the Medieval period it was common for the Herring (Last) 4-10d/6d
nominal revenue of a particular Market to be ‘farmed’ Hides (Dicker) ½-4d/2½d
– sold on/let out to an individual or group of indiv- Horse, one 1d/1d
iduals in return for a set sum up front for which they
gained the right to collect the actual revenues … in the
expectation they would make a significant profit
Lead (Fother)
Wax (Hundredweight)
Wine (Tun)
2-4d/3½d
4d/4d
2-8d/6d
R
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(which they almost invariably did). Woad (Tun) 2-4d/3¼d
Wool (Sack) 1-4d/2½d
A limited number of records are available which list

D
the yearly Toll Farms for a random selection of Towns Tolls are in the format x/y where ‘x’ is the range of
starting with the Domesday Book and continuing Tolls levied and ‘y’ is the average of all Tolls of that
during the period covered in OM2. type listed in the sources checked.

Dover
Leighton Buzzard (Bedfordshire)
Pevensey (Sussex)
£22 (5280d)
£7 (1680d)
£4 (960d)
A Last of Herrings consisted of ten ‘long thousands’ or
12000 fish.

A Dicker of Hides consisted of 10 hides.

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Taunton (Somerset) £3 (720d)
Frome (Somerset) £3(720d) A Fother (‘Cartload’) of Lead consisted of 168-175

&
Okehampton (Devon) £1 (240d) Stone or 2100-2136 Merchant (‘London’) Pounds.
Tewkesbury (Gloucestershire) >£1
A Tun is 256 Wine Gallons during the period, nominal-
Most Market Towns seem to have fallen in the £1-2 range. ly weighing ~2200 lbs.

A Sack of Wool consisted of 28 Stone, each of 12½

Berwick, 1303 £40 (9600d) Merchant (‘London’) Pounds, or ~350 lbs.

C
Bristol, 1320-1340, Murage £516 (123840d)
Chepstow (Monmouthshire), 1307 £20 (4800d) These Tolls are obviously levied on very large scale
Colchester, 1310 £35 (8400d) trade! For example, a Sack of Wool represented the

O
Gloucester, late 13th century £50+ (12k+d) fleeces of around 260 sheep – where most Peasants
Great Yarmouth, 1342-33, Murage £66 (15840d) would have perhaps a far less, and even the better off
Ipswich, 1287-88 £69 (16560d) sort seem to have had flocks averaging 15 sheep.
Grantham (Lincs), 1324-25 £25 (6000d)
Lincoln, late 13th century
London, 1330s, Murage
Newcastle, 1280, Murage
£75+ (18k+ d)
£116 (27840d)
£120 (28800d)
Tolls on the sort of activity undertaken by most small
scale producers were usually based on the method by
M
M
Northampton, late 13th century £44 (10560d) which the good were brought to Market.
Oswestry (Shropshire), 1271 £20 (4800d)
Oswestry, 1276 £27 (6480d) Backpack (~60-80 lbs) ¼d

E
Scarborough, 1316-17 £28 (6720d) Packhorse (~350 lbs) ½d
Shrewsbury, 1264-65, Murage £30 (7200d) Cartload (~1000-1200 lbs) 1d

Murage was a Toll charged specifically for erecting or

maintaining a Town’s walls and defences. These were
collected in addition to any Market Tolls, but generally
on the same goods (and often on smaller amounts so as to
catch a larger proportion of the activity), and so give an
idea of the level of economic activity of a Town.
An examination of all Toll Rates, both for Markets
and Passage (i.e. Bridge Tolls) suggests that an aver-
age ad valorem rate of either 1d/pound weight (based
R
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on the Merchant, or London, pound) or ¼d per 5/-
of value (which are roughly the same for the majority
of goods subject to Tolls) was applied everywhere.

It seems that Toll Farms generated a minimum of around
2/3rds of the actual revenue generated by the Market or
Market activity for collection by the owning authority or
lessee, making them a potentially very profitable – if you
could amass the capital to pay the Farm amount up front.
Note: During the 13th-14th centuries an average sort of
Knight would expect to have an income of around £40
per annum and Gentry had at least £20.
E
Remember, one of the key benefits of being a Burgher
(i.e. a paid up citizen of a medieval Town) was the
exemption from paying Tolls! This gave them a real
edge in competition with those bringing in goods to
their Market … and these exemptions might apply to
transit Tolls throughout the Shire or County in which
their Town was situated, or even adjacent ones as well!
5
 In medieval London the area around Cheapside (from
at least the 13th century, and probably earlier … perhaps
as early as the 9th century, as ‘Cheap’ is from the Anglo-
Saxon Ceapan [‘to buy’] or ‘Market Place’) was the main
market area for fresh produce – different victuals were
sold in specific areas, as seen in the \ street names (eg
Bread & Cordwainer Streets, Honey Lane, Milk &
Poultry Streets) where specialised traders were situated.
Later on there was even a Goldsmith’s Lane for Gold
and Silversmiths and, in surrounding streets and lanes,
merchants specialising in items that were normally sold
in small amounts, such as Spices, operated).
Meat was brought into Cheapside from Smithfield where
the animals were brought for sale to the Butchers who
worked in the open air slaughterhouse of the Shambles).
Leadenhall market (from at least 1309, and probably
the 13th century) was originally the lands belonging to a
small Manorial estate (the roof of the main Hall was of
lead, hence the name) and, though originally smaller
than Cheapside, sold basically the same produce
(London was, after all, a large enough City for people
not to want to walk any further than they had to).
Over London Bridge, in the Borough of Southwark, was
an important, less regulated, market for corn and live-
stock, but the London authorities perennially strove to
restrict any attempt to buy cheap in the Borough Mark-
ets (first recorded in 1014, and much older) and under-
cut the regulated prices over the Bridge in the City.
These were all largely wholesale operations, selling
onwards to more localised shops or market areas scatter-
ed more widely over the City as a whole and serving only
a Parish or two.
FREQUENCY & HOURS OF OPERATION
This is where it gets really confusing as it varied
according to the population size and volume of trade
involved and changed over time as these grew.
6 how much competition they might be – mostly they were
In the 10th-11th centuries, Markets were, most common-
ly, held once a week – though, less commonly, they
might be held only once or twice a month.
This changed as economic activity and long distance
trade recovered from the massive slump that had
occurred between the late 5th and 9th centuries after
the collapse of the Roman Empire in the west.
At first, Specialised Markets began to appear in the
larger Towns and, while these were still held on a
once a week (less commonly, once or twice a month)
schedule, they were held, usually on different days, in
addition to the General Purpose Market. This process
was well underway by the end of the 12th century.
By the 13th century mid-sized Market Towns often
found the level of trade needed an increase in the
frequency even of General Purpose Markets – and
usually went to a twice weekly model (those Towns
which had had a once or twice a Month pattern went
to once a week, though in some cases they had grown
enough to support a twice a week model).
More and more Towns had grown enough to support
at least one Specialised Market and those which had
already possessed such might either have increased
their frequency to twice a week or they might have
split them into two (or more) even more Specialised
Markets, each on their own day (or days) of the week.
By the 14th century all except the smallest, least
successful, Towns usually had a twice weekly Market
and the mid size and larger Towns had similar inc-
reases in Market frequency … usually for both the
General Purpose and Specialised Markets.
In London the frequency of GP Markets went to 4-5
days a week and the Specialised Markets went to 3-4
days a week by the end of the century. Similar patterns
could be expected in other major population centres.
In England, at least, It was forbidden to establish a
new chartered Market Town if it was within a day’s
travel of another such – this was usually taken to be
~10 kilometers (~6 statute miles) one way but could be
only 5 Statute Miles in some regions and as little as
3.3 in others, those the latter instances probably
include post 14th century Markets as well.
This did not prevent regular places of business (Shops
and daily or semi-regularly opening open air and semi-
permanent Stalls) in nearby Towns from carrying on
their normal business on such days.
The status of historical/informal markets depended on
small enough to be ignored.

Opening Day. In the British Isles Markets were us-
ually held on Sunday until the end of the 12th century
when there was a gradual movement to weekdays,
though this wasn’t fully achieved until the 15th century.
There seems to have been a common understanding that
nearby Towns would hold their Market(s) on different
days of the week after the move was made from Sunday
trading, allowing traders to rotate through them and
thus avoid potentially damaging commercial clashes.
Opening Hours. Markets tended to operate in the
same hours that regular businesses in a Town did –
which was, for most of them, from sunrise to sunset.
There were some businesses that remained open after
dark and even overnight – Chop Houses (medieval ‘Fast
Food’ joints) being the most obvious.
S
HOPS
Where did you go to purchase items on days other
than Market Days?
SHOP OR WORKSHOP?
Shops, as we commonly understand the idea today –
permanently established places you go to to buy finish-
ed goods – were relatively rare in medieval Europe.
What was common were what would be more accur-
ately called Craft Workshops – permanent establish-
ments where craftsmen made products to order.
The reason was economic – few, if any, craftsmen
could afford to purchase the materials and hold the
product in stock in large amounts, especially for fash-
ion products where size, colour, materials etc/ meant
a multitude of choices existed; or specialist products
where demand was low and the item expensive, such
as gold or silver wares, weapons and armour.
SHOPS
While rare, they did exist. Mainly for items that were
in continual and continuous demand as well as easily
and cheaply produced in bulk. For example –
Ceramics. Pottery bowls, basins, jugs, mugs and other
serving, table and storage items. While a Potter might
not have a huge stock on hand, compared to today, he
would regularly have the produce of a new firing, only
some of which might have been pre-orders.
The economics of the fuel cost almost inevitably led to
bulk firings being done on a regular basis rather than
waiting until one had enough pre-orders. Still, the
process was probably closer to modern ‘just in time’
production levels than to real mass production.
Cutlery. Everyone needed a Belt-knife or Utility-knife
BUSINESSES & BUSINESSMEN
Just how well off were the Shopowners and Crafts-
men? How wealthy were they – how much property,
tools of trade, raw materials and stock did they have?
T
This is, unsurprisingly, hard to tell – total property
would normally be on Tax Rolls, but these have only R
A
occasionally survived and are rarely complete while
stock would normally be on probate documents (also
only occasionally surviving) and it is almost unheard
D
of for both to survive for the same person.
Aldermen (Regional Market Town). Income in the
£5-30 (1200-7200d) range from rental property (im-
plying landed property worth 10-20 times that) -
usually a mix of urban and rural. E
Barber. Possessions, £2 (240d). Rented dwelling.
&
Glasswright. Possessions, £1 (240d). Rented dwelling.
Goldsmith. Tools/Stock, £9 (2160d). House (Hall,
Parlour, Kitchen, 2 Bedrooms), Workshop – all free-
hold.
Mason (Journeyman). Possessions, £3 (720d);
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savings, £1/18/- (456d). Rented dwelling.
Master Mason. Household Goods, £30 (7200d);
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Other Goods, £68 (16320d); Savings, £22 (5280d);
Contract debts due, £39 (9360d); ‘Stone in Store’;
Brewhouse with £52 (12480d) worth of Malt, House
(Hall, Summer Hall, Kitchen, Cellar, two Bedrooms
with attached Garden, and pasturage for a Cow, Calf
and Poultry); a ‘herd’ of Cattle and a ‘flock’ of Sheep.
M
M
Merchant Tailor. Total possessions, £33 (7920d), inc.
a House (Hall, Parlour, 1 Bedroom), Workshop.
E
Merchant Adventurer. Stock, £92 (22080d); House-
hold Goods, £32 (7680d); Jewels/Plate, £72 (17280d).
House (Hall, Parlour, Kitchen, 2 Bedrooms, Cellar),
Workshop & Warehouse (stone Cellar) – freehold.
Weaver (Journeyman). Possessions, 3-6/- (36-72d).
Rented premises. R
C
Plumber. Possessions, £2 (480d). Rented premises.
E
Weaver (Master). Possessions £2/10/- to £3 (600-
720d). Rented premises/small shop/house (freehold).
Based on surviving (English) medieval Probate docu-
ments from the 13th-14th centuries, around 65% are for
estates of less than £50 (120k d).
Note, however, that this obviously applied only to those
well enough off to need to have a Will – almost certainly
a minority of the overall population, even in Towns.
7
 CIVIC TENEMENTS: BUY OR RENT?
How much did owning or renting land (‘tenements’),
commercial and residential, cost in a medieval Town?
As in modern times there were many variants – the size
of the premises, its location and the nature of the
structure(s) that were present. However, there were
other costs above the rent or the purchase price.
Tenement. Sometimes called a Burgage Plot. This was
a plot of land with Burgage Right as defined by the
Town Charter.
The size of such plots varied widely, even within a
Town if a new suburb was later added, but they were
almost universally in dimensions that were measured
in multiples of a Perch
A Perch was nominally set at 5½ yards, 16½ feet in the
late 13th century – but varied from 18-25 feet as late as
the 16th century), originally based on the width of a plot
of plough land.
Tenements commonly varied from 19¼ yards in width
and 12-20 yards in depth, with the narrower widths
being in the main commercial areas.
This range of sizing was a common, but not universal, in
London, Oxford and York … while elsewhere it could,
and did, vary widely in both width and depth.
Tenements originally on the wider end of this range (or
which were wider than 3½ Perches to begin with) were
divided up over time into narrower frontages.
They were also increasingly divided up by depth as well
– and by the end of the period it was common for a
tenement to be divided into two or three sections deep
… which is where some of the narrowest and crooked-
est medieval lanes and alleys originate.
When a Town received a Charter, this granted certain
valuable rights to the residents – but who, exactly,
counted as a resident? This was normally those who
owned property within the Town and, under some
circumstances, those who rented property as well.
All property was subject to a Burgage Rent which was
paid to the Town Corporation and which gave the
owner (or renter) the right to be classed as a Burgess
and, therefore, have a vote in elections for Civic Offices
(such as for the Mayor and the Town Council). Burgage
Rent was a flat rate per tenement.
When property was rented out, the Lessor could choose
to include the Burgage Rent in the rent paid by the
Lessee and pay it themselves, retaining the vote for the
land, or they could allow the Lessee to pay the Burgage
8 rent and, therefore, get the vote.
This could be complicated by the original Tenement
(Plot) being split up and the bits being onsold or leased
– in which case the ‘vote’ could be split along with the
land. However, more commonly, the original owner
would only onsell or lease the land and keep the vote,
paying the Burgage rent themselves.
For those of you familiar with English History, this is
what eventually led to the so-called Rotten Boroughs
which were abolished by the Reform Act (1832) where
a single landowner bought up all the Burgage rights
and, therefore, could effectively choose a Member of
Parliament for the Borough without the need for any
nasty democratic vote!
Town (Sample) Burgage
Bath 6d
London 1d
Oxford 3½d
York 1-3½d
Variable Rents. Most Towns chartered after the 12th
century charged 6d per annum, but the rate could
vary from 1d (as for London) through to 1/6d or even
2/6d per annum in other places.
The Burgage Rent for plots in York seems to have been
related to the frontage (1-3½ Perches, as noted above)
– remember, this was for the right to vote, not a Ground
Rent (for which, see below).
There was very little in the way of inflation over the
period 1000-1400 AD and things like Burgage Rents
only occasionally increased from their initially set
levels – though the need for more realistic and secure
civic financing led to gradual increases everywhere
towards the end of the period.
This is what the owner charged for actual occupat-
ion, nominally separate from the Burgage Rent, and,
unlike the latter, which was a flat rate, this was
variable according to the size and location of the
Plot and the nature, construction, and repair of any
structures situated there.
Unfortunately, sources rarely give the size of the Plot
being rented and don’t always give a precise location
to be sure how this may have affected the rental charges.
Small Shops. The most common range of rents for
‘small’ shops, probably only a small part of a
Tenement and likely only 1½ storeys, and not
located on prime real estate was 2-6/- (24-72d) in an
average Market Town, or 4-8/- (48-96d) in larger ones.
Average Shops. The most common range of rents for
‘average’ shops, still probably only on part of a
Tenement (but a larger part), likely 2+ storeys and on

average value was 4-10/- (48-120d) in an average
Market Town, and 6-14/- (72-168d) in larger ones.
Prime Commercial Real Estate. This includes larger
shops, on a much larger part of a Tenement … perhaps
even taking up a whole one. These shops are also
situated in better commercial locations – on or near
the Market Square, on the main thoroughfares of a
Market Town leading to the Market Square or on any
other prime shopping streets. These would typically be
multi-storey buildings, probably with a cellar, and very
likely with more than one structure included on the
rental plot. A typical range of rental costs for such a
property in an average Market Town was 10/- to £1
(120-240d), and £2 to £5 (480-1200d) in larger ones.
You might well find properties that fall into one category
but are available for less than list range – they would
typically be for structures that are poorly located in less
prestigious areas (near the leatherworkers’ area, which
smells, for example) or which are in poor repair.
Likewise, you might find properties available for much
more than listed range – usually as they have some
added feature making them more attractive (situated on
a corner plot, giving extra frontage, or with a private
well, or extra storey or ½ storey, or because the structure
is of stone or brick rather than Wattle & Daub or
Half-Timbered construction).
Rent & Toll Farm. In some cases, Towns (or other
persons or entities) might rent a going business, includ-
ing the Ground Rent and the expected Farm of any
profits (expected to be ~80% of the actual income).
For example, in Lynn, the rental of a Grain Mill (on a
Tenement with two Cottages), was set at £26 (6240d)
pa and the Ferry Right to West Lynn was let for
£4/7/8d (1064d) inc. 13/4d (160d) for the Ferryman’s
Cottage and Garden Plot; while in London, the rental
of a Tavern (on a full Tenement) cost £65 (15600d)
and a Watermill with attached Cottage and (substantial)
Garden Plot near Congleton rented for £6/13/4d
(1600d) pa.
Residential Rents. These varied in similar ways to the
Commercial property – average rents for a Cottage (on
part of a Tenement, with a garden plot (at least double
the size of the Cottage itself in the 11th-12th century,
half that in the 13th-14th centuries) out back was 5/-
(60d) pa; for a more substantial House suitable for
someone of the ‘middling sort’ with a similar sized
garden plot, £1 (240d) pa; and for a Large House
suitable for wealthy Merchant or Guildmaster (with
similar sized garden plot), £2-3 (480-720d).
Even larger plots, with more substantial Houses or even
Mansions for the wealthiest of the City’s elite or local
Nobles could cost many times more than this!
T
Suburban Rents. Occasionally the Town Corporat-
ion owned land outside of the Town Walls which
attracted a lower rental return even though it was
still under the Town’s Charter. A Cottage on the
equivalent of a full (urban) Tenement worth of farm-
land, 2-4 Perches (~11-22 yards) wide and 12-20
Perches (~66-110 yards) deep, usually rented in the
R
A
range of 3-6/- (36-72d) per annum (no Burgage Rent
as the land did not have Burgher status attached)
depending on how large the plot was and how
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productive the land might be.
In other instances, land belonging to a local Manor
outside the Town would be rented out for Housing
or Business rather than agriculture, for even cheaper
rates than land inside the walls, but remaining
under the jurisdiction of the Manorial Court. A
similar sized plot to the above would typically rent
E
for half as much (i.e. 1/6 to 3/- or 18-36d), with some
feudal dues in addition, or two thirds as much (i.e.
&
2/- to 4/- or 24-48d) with no feudal dues.
‘Suburban’ land with more substantial structures (or
several structures) could rent out for much more – for
example, a Tenement with a Cottage, Byre, Granary,
Farmland and a Marsh (a source of reeds, fish and
eels) near Winchester rented for £1/6/8d (320d) pa.
C
Just as rural dwellers paid a Tithe (10%) of their
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crops to the Parish Church every year, town dwellers
were expected to pay a Tithe based on the rent they
paid – in most places this was 1d/week for every £1
(240d) of annual rent paid.
A Cottage @ 5/- pa rent would tithe 1/1d (13d) – a
Small House @ £1 pa rent would tithe 4/8d (56d).
M
M
PURCHASING LAND
This was actually much less common in an Urban
E
context than renting was – but it did take place. Sale
prices were generally equal to ten to twenty Years
Rental Income.
A Cottage renting for 5/- (60d) pa, the assumed Sale
price would be between £2/10/- and £5 (600-1200d).
For a House renting for £1 (240d) pa the assumed Sale
R
C
Price would be between £5 and £10 (600-2400d).
E
The rental amounts given here are mostly from the 13th
century – they were roughly a third to a half lower in
the 11th to early 12th century and rose somewhat before
collapsing in the aftermath of the Great Plague to a
third to a half lower than the 13th century high – and
then started to recover towards the end of the 14th
century, though some regional Market Towns did not
fully recover until the 15th or even 16th centuries. Sale
prices remain in proportion to rents.
9
 – they were not only a general purpose tool, they were
what most people ate their meals with! A small stock
would always be kept on hand at specialist Cutlers
and even general Blacksmiths might have some ready
made for the passing trade.
Cutlers would also have a selection such in different
sizes, from the equivalent of a modern Pocket Knife
through to something more the size of a small dagger
(but meant as a tool, rather than a combat weapon).
They would also have a selection of other commonly
used knives – Pen-knives (for trimming quill pens, for
example) and Wick Trimmers (for trimming Candle
Wicks) and a few other commonly needed blades.
Wooden Tableware. Carpenters would often have a
small to medium selection of wooden plates, bowls
and mugs available for sale, though few would special-
ise in their manufacture and sale.
In other cases, Shops were establishments which sold
retail quantities of goods to the public bought whole-
sale by the shopkeeper. This was usually an intermed-
iate stage in the consumption process, for example –
Cloth Merchants (Drapers, Haberdashers, Mercers,
Merchant Tailors). You bought the cloth, by the Yard
or Ell, from a merchant and then either took it home
for the women or staff of the household to turn it into
clothes, bed linen, table linen or other cloth products
or you took it to a Tailor (generally not a Merchant
Tailor who was, in fact, more of a wholesaler of cloth
than a Tailor), or someone else to have it run up into
sheets, tablecloths etc.
External. Most shops had at least 1½ (i.e. ground
floor and a loft under the roof) or two storeys even in
the 10th-11th centuries – and by the 13th-14th centuries
usually had two or three storeys … towards the end of
the period they might have even more, but rarely more
than four plus a loft.
They might also have a basement completely or partly
below the ground level and, as the period progressed,
likely to be of stone or brick construction.
10
Internal. The Ground Floor was mostly taken up with
a room or rooms where the stock was displayed,
usually on shelves, racks or tables, but possibly in
partly open boxes or other containers.
In 1½ storey structures there would usually be a room
(or rooms) at back where the owner’s family’s Kitchen
would be and they and their children would usually
sleep in separate ‘rooms’ in the Loft. Any staff usually
slept on the floor of the Kitchen or Showroom.
In structures with two or more storeys the whole of the
ground floor would often be given over to stock, the
family’s quarters and kitchen would be on the first
floor (above ground) and staff would either sleep in
the Kitchen or, perhaps, have space in the Loft.
PAWNSHOPS & SECOND HAND SHOPS
These were often, but not always, the same thing –
and were really the only place where you could expect
to buy finished items of any sort … though the variety
available would obviously vary widely (and wildly!) as
would the condition, original quality of materials and
workmanship as well as the current wear and tear.
Cloth was so expensive that clothing was only thrown
away when reduced to rags … when it became too worn
or too unfashionable for the owner it was either handed
down to servants or sold to a Second Hand dealer.
Many people could only ever afford second (or third, or
fourth … ) hand clothes and never owned anything new.
Most people had only one or two sets of clothes or, for
the very poor, only one basic set which they worked and
lived in with a few additional pieces for ‘best’ … such as
for Church on Sunday or at local Fairs or Festivals.
This would be identical to that of a ‘regular’ shop.
WORKSHOPS
The majority of ‘shops’ were Craft Workshops – the
owner and his staff (or family, or both) made items on
the premises and did so largely on demand rather than
for speculative sale. They might not even have raw
materials on hand, or only samples, and the customer
would have been expected to bring along materials
they wanted to be turned into a finished product.
Tailors rarely had cloth beyond a few samples – the
customer was expected to bring it in with them.
Likewise, Goldsmiths had limited stocks of bullion – the
customer was expected to provide the bullion needed for
any project, often in the form of coin or items of gold or
silver to be melted down for the raw materials.
The same applied to Jewellery – Gem(s) were usually
acquired elsewhere and brought to the Goldsmith to
have set into precious metal.

External. This is identical to that described for Shops,
with the exception that there is a higher chance of
having a Cellar if the craftsman works with bulky,
cheapish, raw materials.
Internal. The Ground Floor was mostly taken up with
a room or rooms where the Master (owner), his Journ-
eymen (qualified tradesmen) and Apprentices worked
… and where any limited amount of stock (usually
samples at best) was displayed.
In 1½ storey structures there would usually be a room
(or rooms) at back where the owner’s family’s Kitchen
would be and they and their children would usually
sleep in separate ‘rooms’ in the Loft. Any staff usually
slept on the floor of the Kitchen or Showroom.
In structures with two or more storeys the whole of the
ground floor would often be given over to stock, the
family’s quarters and kitchen would be on the first
floor (above ground) and staff would either sleep in
the Kitchen or, perhaps, have space in the Loft.
F AIRS
Exactly what is a Fair? How do they differ from a
Market? When and where are they held? What sorts of
goods can be bought and sold there? The answers to
these, and other, questions are provided below –
WHAT IS A FAIR?
Markets are meant to serve the commercial interests
of a specific Town or City, as described above, and are,
therefore, mostly of local or regional significance.
Yes, there are exceptions – London, as already noted,
attracted goods from all over England and much of
Europe to its Markets.
Fairs, on the other hand, are mostly international or
regional in nature – they attract traders from all over.
The big difference between a Market and a Fair is that
the latter is a clearing house for international or inter-
regional trade rather than merely a place where local
trading and consumption needs are fulfilled.
Merchants attending a Fair are buying, or selling, goods
that will, as often as not, be sourced and/or transported
somewhere else, even if they are processed in the same
general area.
Regional Fairs were more common than International
Fairs, but were also smaller and generally had a shorter
duration. They might also be an intermediate step bet-
ween regions where raw materials and/or finished goods
were produced and either large national Markets (such
as London or Paris) or larger International Fairs.
THE ENGLISH FAIR CYCLE
There were a number of ‘Fairs’ held in Medieval
England, the most important were those of St Ives,
Boston, Winchester, Westminster and Northampton.
T
There has been Easter Fair (probably the week after R
A
Easter) for the sale of Cloth and Wool at the village of
St Ives (Huntingdonshire, East Anglia) since the early
11th ( it received a Royal Charter in 1110 – but it may
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date before this in a ‘traditional’ form) with a wooden
Bridge (from at least 1107) over the Great Ouse.
The Village, and the Fair, was part of the estate(s) that
belonged to Ramsey Abbey and was situated on what
was originally open land between the Vill and the
Priory of St. Ive. E
The heyday of the Fair, when it pulled in merchants
and traders from all over Western Europe, seems to
&
have ended as a result of (or, in any case, after) the
Great Plague and it went into rapid decline into only
regional significance. Tax Income for the Vill & Fair
recorded as £137 in 1334.
Boston Wool/Cloth Fair was an important Market
C
Town and Port from at least the 11th century, second
only to London in terms of the value of international
trade that went through it by the early 13th century
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and a Staple Port for the Wool trade from 1369 (these
were ports where all legal trade in exporting wool had
to pass through – as the Duty on exported Wool was
an important component of Royal revenue). Tax In-
come for the Town was recorded as £1100 in 1334.
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M
As with the St Ives Fair (above), the importance of the
Winchester Wool and Cloth Fair (held outside the
town on St Giles’ Churchyard, nominally for the week
E
from St. Giles’ Day (1st Sept). It was already reduced
to regional significance after the mid 13th century but
declined more rapidly after the Great Plague in the
14th century, to just local significance. Tax Income for
the Town was recorded as £515 in 1334.
R
C
The main Cloth & Wool Fair (the only one from 1298)
started on 13th October, originally only for a fortnight
and, at least nominally, for the rest of the month after
E
that date. Income for the Vill, Abbey and Fair(s) were
recorded at £160 in 1334 by which time it was in
steep decline and had been since the late 13th century.
Held in the Churchyard of the Church of All Saints
and surrounding land (outside the Town walls)
during the week starting November 1st, this was an
important Wool and Cloth fair. Tax Income for the
Town was recorded as £270 in 1334.
11
 LOCATION & LAYOUT
Fairs were much larger than most Markets, too large to
hold within the walls of the hosting Town or City, and
so were held outside the walls on land set aside for
their conduct. This land might belong to the Town
Corporation or it might be held by someone else, a
Church or a Noble (or other) landowner and, in the
latter cases, any fees due from Stallholders would be
subject to some arrangement between the two parties.
Since they were larger than Markets and had more
space to expand, not being inside the Town walls,
Fairs might be more formally laid out, at least in the
heavily populated central parts (the less crowded
peripheries might not be so organised). Of course, it
was also possible that the ‘organisation’ might be as
chaotic and organic as that of a typical Market.
There were rarely any permanent structures involved
with Fairs n their early years – any that were needed
were erected each season, even those used by local
officials.
That said, it is known that very large fairs often had
semi-permanent, usually wooden, structures erected for
use by the Fair authorities so they could be on the spot –
these were typically for the low level Fair Courts and for
the Watch/Wardens of the Fair (specially appointed
inspectors who kept order and enforced Fair rules and
ordinances).
However, as they became more successful, and more
established, the bigger the Fair and the bigger the Fair
venue, the more likely it was that more permanent
structures would be erected.
For example, where the sponsoring body was a Town
(or where the Fair was held close by to a Town as was
the case more often than not), it was common for
support facilities such as Warehouses, Granaries,
Docks, Weigh Stations, Bridges and the like to be
erected either within the walls or on/near the Fair
Grounds. On the fairground itself regular Merchants
might, individually or corporately (usually arranged
12
by Region or Town) have their own facilities erected
and, providing the Fair remained successful long
enough, the Fairgrounds might eventually become
large and established enough to be absorbed with
extensions of the Town’s fortifications.
Since Fairs were generally held only once a year (even
though their duration was for much longer than the
single day of a Market) and were rarely, if ever, held
inside the walls of the hosting Town or City, there was
no impetus to the outright purchase (or long term
lease) of plots in the designated fairgrounds to erect
permanent Shops.
This meant that attending Merchants had to operate
out of a Stall or, later (see above), perhaps a perman-
ent Shop, where they could display samples of their
wares or to hold finished product … and, as with
Markets, these were situated on Plots of a set size
(though, again, as with Markets, you could rent more
than one Plot to create a much larger Stall or Shop).
FREQUENCY & HOURS OF OPERATION
Fairs were, obviously, held only once a year – however,
in a few instances a place might be the location for
more than one Fair held at different times, though
this was quite rare.
If more than one Fair was held in the same place in the
same year it was very likely that one of them would be
much larger than the other – if one was International in
scope, for example, the other(s) would be Regional or
even Local only. For example, at Westminster (then
outside the walls of London), there were originally two
Fairs, the October Fair was the biggest and so successful
that the other, lesser, Fair was abandoned completely
from 1298.
The other possibility was that several fairs might be
run in a localised region under the political control of
the one authority and co-ordinated in such a way as
to occur at mutually supportive, but still separate,
times … see The Champagne Fairs Sidebar, opposite.
Opening Hours. Fairs tended to operate in the same
hours that regular businesses and Markets did –
which was, for most of them, from sunrise to sunset.
As indicated in OM2 (Cities & Civics), there were some
businesses that remained open after dark and even
overnight – Chop Houses (medieval ‘Fast Food’ joints)
being the most obvious.
RULES & REGULATIONS
These obviously varied widely – but some general
guidelines as to what they covered (both more and less
than you might think, based on the time and place)
and how they worked (fairly well for the most part)
can be provided.
THE CHAMPAGNE FAIR(S)
The Fairs of Champagne and Brie in France were the
major commercial events of medieval Europe from the
mid 12th through the early 14th century though they
existed from at least the 11th century, and probably
earlier, with limited regional influence and were in
decline from the late 13th century.
There were actually six Fairs spaced throughout the
year – that of Lagny-sur-Marne (began 2nd January),
Bar-sur-Aube (began the Tuesday before Lent), Provins
(the ‘May’ Fair, began the Tuesday before Ascension),
Troyes (the ‘Fair of St. John’ aka ‘The Hot Fair’, began
24th June, St. John’s Day), St. Ayoul (Provins) (began
14th September) and St. Remi (Troyes) (aka ‘The Cold
Fair’, began 2nd November).
Duration. Each fair was six weeks long. The first eight
days were for the setup and the following period was
theoretically divided into periods where specific
products were bought and sold (the Cloth Fair, the
Leather Fair, the Spice Fair [which was also for goods
normally sold by weight – including Dyes, Metals and
Medicines or other Chemicals] and the last four days
were for the settling of accounts.
The actual arrangement of time within the overall six
weeks was much more flexible, however, and trading
in the various products, especially in advanced arr-
angements (rather like a ‘Futures’ market) for next
years’ actual products rather than speculation in the
vagaries of their prices.
Increasingly the latter trade came to dominate – samples
would be provided, but the contracts to buy and sell
would often be for delivery elsewhere, though the laws of
the Fair still applied to such transactions.
Facilities. Most facilities, such as the offices of the
Wardens and Fair officials, were semi-permanent
wooden buildings erected for the duration however, as
their financial success grew, the Towns erected perm-
anent Granaries (of Stone or Brick) and other Store-
houses (usually of Half-Timbered construction) where
Merchants could securely store their goods under seal.
Each Fair had officers appointed by the Count’s ad-
ministration, and the top officials, the two Wardens
and Chancellor were normally trusted men known (or
recommended) to the Count personally (the Fairs were
serious money spinners, reliable officials were a must).
Other offices, including Judges, Notaries, various Court
Officials and a large number of Guardians of the Fair
(140 of the latter by the 14th century) were also app-
ointed, though not personally by the Count, and had
to be men of the utmost probity.
1. No Merchant may lodge or transfer goods or pack
horses beyond [the main boundaries, in the New
Market] until all the [stall plots] are filled … Money
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Changes must continue to reside in the Old Market.
2. No obstacles shall be placed in front of any Merch-
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A
ant [Plot] – not scales, tables, stalls or chests. The
place must be open to allow free passage at night.
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3. Half of all the rent of all houses located within the
fair boundaries … comes to [the Count] … except for
those of the Hospital, the Chapter of St. Jacques and
the Chapter of St. Quirice.
The Fairs had been so lucrative that the original Fair
Grounds had been enclosed by the expanding City
Walls – the Old Market was within the first expansion
E
and the New Market within the second.
&
I [the Count] order that no-one may take merchan-
dise that by custom must be weighed to any place but
the Abbot [of St. Pierre’s Monastery] Scales. If
anyone is discovered to have bypassed [these] he will
pay me a fine assessed by my agents, plus a fine of
2/- to the Abbot, in addition to the Tax itself.
C
One of the sources of revenue for the Counts was a
requirement that all goods normally sold by weight
O
(including Raw Wool, Silk and Spices) be weighed at
the official Scales for each Fair, and a small fee charg-
ed on each transaction, assessed by weight.
October 1242. [The Count notes that] … merchants
of Siena, Florence, Pistoia, Lucca and Pisa and
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M
certain others … have brought to my attention … that
… men [from Piacenza] despoiled them of their goods
and held them in captivity … I ask you to … have
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those merchants [released with] all their goods …
[valued] at a minimum of £12000 [Provins] returned.
If you refuse to take action I will not be able to deny
these merchants the justice of the law of the fairs …
I remind you that you may not disturb merchants
coming to the fairs … [and] if they are molested while
R
C
under your jurisdiction I am obliged to intercede
with you and do what is right.
E
February 1243. [The Piacenzans provide only
excuses] … The Count asks again to have the stolen
good returned.
December 1243. The Piacenzans still delay and
obfuscate, so the Count’s men warn the Piacenzan
authorities that if restitution is not made their
merchants will forthwith be completely excluded
from the fairs.
13
 MEDIEVAL GERMAN FAIRS ( )
LEIPZIGER MESSE (SPRING)
The original fairs (from 1165) were for the Cloth and
Wool trade but, like other such, quickly became a
focus for the trade of a much wider variety of goods.
The Margrave (of Saxony) started a second Fair from
1190 and, from 1268, had agreements across Europe
that allowed Traders heading for the Fair to enjoy
safe conduct even if the lands they were traversing
were at war/in dispute with Saxony.
Access to the Town and the Fair was toll free – even
through the Town Gates and across Bridges where a
Toll was normally charged – though, of course, there
were other Fees and Charges involved with attend-
ance as well as buying and selling. No other Market
was allowed within a mile of the fairgrounds for the
duration of the Fair (probably around two weeks).
The original Fair (1150) seems to have been a region-
al harvest fair (that is, an informal arrangement with
no Charter) for livestock and other agricultural pro-
duce until it was granted a Charter in 1240.
The fair started on or soon after the Feast of the Ass-
umption and probably ran for around a fortnight.
By 1330, and probably earlier, there are records of
Spices, Lace, Stockfish, Fur, Silk, Venetian Glassware,
Gems and Jewellery, Timber and Horses being traded
there in bulk and, by the last part of the 14th century,
there was a growing trade in illuminated and other
Manuscripts.
(The famous Book Fair started in 1480, 25 years after
Gutenberg invented moveable type printing).
THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE
Even though the formally named Hansa (‘Guild’) was
only formed in 1356, it was extant in a less formalised
form from at least the late 11th century with Lubeck
and Hamburg (especially from 1241) as well as other
Baltic towns who worked together to have trade re-
strictions (Tolls etc) removed from their members an
to provide mutual protection against piracy and pred-
atory feudal rulers (who generally saw trade and
merchants as targets for extortion and plunder, some-
times outright and sometimes in the nominal guise of
‘taxation’).
The League was able to parlay the central position of its
main cities in the Baltic into control of the important
trade links between the Baltic (including Sweden and
Poland) and Russia (including Finland) and Western
Europe, dominating the Herring/Stockfish trade, the
trade in exotic Furs, Timber, Polish grain, and Timber
14 and remaining a massive economic powerhouse well
beyond AD 1400.
Successful Fairs need to ensure that Traders from
near and far could access them, which meant two
things had to be achieved –
Equality of Access. For the duration of the Fair at the
very least, any and all discriminatory rules, Taxes and
Tolls needed to be removed to ensure a level playing
field … not all Fairs managed to achieve this, and
they were generally the least successful and/or the
shortest lived.
As we have seen, Tolls on outsiders bringing goods into
a medieval Town were almost universal – and usually
applied only to those who did not have Town/Burgher
rights. Non-residents … or transients. This gave the
locals a marked economic advantage. Some authorities
who ran, or tried to run, a market Fair either did not, or
were unsuccessful in, remove(ing) such non-resident tolls
– and those Fairs were relatively unsuccessful as a result.
Safe Passage. To make a Fair successful merchants
needed to be able to get there and then return in
safety … not always an easily achievable aim during
the medieval period.
The most successful Fairs were those whose sponsors
were most able to ensure the safety of those attending
– either by patrolling or guarding the main access
routes (even to the extent of building fortifications to
guard them and hiring additional troops to patrol
them before and after the fair) or by striking agree-
ments with the surrounding rulers to agree to safe
passage.
While you might, reasonably enough, think this would
be difficult to achieve in the often chaotic and strife
riven period it was able to be achieved in a surprising
number of cases … even surrounding, unfriendly (or
potentially so) feudal rulers became increasingly aware
of the financial benefits to their nationals who wished to
trade at the great international fairs (and, therefore, the
financial benefits the rulers could massage out of said
traders) … and it was generally easy to make it clear to
even the most recalcitrant amongst them that if they
didn’t provide safe passage for other participants
through their lands, their traders wouldn’t be welcome
at the Fair or able to travel through any intervening
territories either.
Fair Officials. Most Fairs appointed a number of
Bailiffs (though other titles were common) who were
supposed to do double duty as inspectors for the
trading rules and as a localised Police Force for the
duration of the Fair (an exception to the usual
complete absence of anything resembling a ‘police’
force during medieval times).
These Bailiffs were usually local men chosen for their

known good character and were paid by the authority
responsible for running (and profiting from) the fair.
They were most active during the day, and during
actual Trading Hours, but also maintained a presence
at night, watching over any Warehouses, Granaries or
other facilities where goods belonging to the Traders
at the Fair might be stored.
Piepowder Courts. Because so many of those present
at a Fair were transients it was vital that the adminis-
tration of justice be speedy … and, in the first instance,
most cases were presented before a Court much like
the Piepowder Courts that existed throughout England.
Piepowder Courts (this is what they were called in
England, but courts with similar structure and
responsibilities were found in all significant Fairs) dealt
almost universally with commercial matters – which
would, of course, mostly be civil matters … however,
occasionally, criminal matters might creep in, usually
matters regarded as too petty to be brought before the
regular courts.
Several Judges/Magistrates (usually three or four) sat
in judgement (several separate sessions might run
simultaneously, as needed) and were assisted by a
staff of Scribes and, usually, Advocates (Advisors to
the Court, not Prosecution or Defense Attorneys).
Procedure was simple, and speedy. Cases had to be
heard within a day and a half of being brought before
the court. The Plaintiff presented documents and/or
witnesses to the Court in the presence of the Defend-
ant, who then had a chance to present any documents
or witnesses to refute them … and the onus of proof
was on the Plaintiff.
Fines or corporal punishment were the usual sentences –
cases deemed more important would be dealt with
through the regular courts, as would criminal cases
arising from/between attendants.
Crimes not committed at the Fair (such as the seizure
of property belonging to Traders heading to the
Champagne Fair by men from Piacenza, described in
The Champagne Fair(s) Sidebar) might occur and
would often be dealt with at a higher level, usually
that of the sponsoring authority, often more akin to
diplomatic maneuvering rather than legal action.
The title comes from the French Pieds Poudrés (‘Dusty
Feet’) – or travellers (originally those who had no visible
means of support – itinerants and vagabonds).
ECONOMICS OF THE FAIRS
Fairs existed in those places where there was the
potential for a lot of money to be made – where the
nature of existing trade routes made economic sense
for them to be held. This meant they were usually
T
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placed where several important trade routes intersect-
ed or equidistant (in travel time, not distance) between
major markets … and where the attitude of the local
authorities were conducive to their establishment.
Competition. Theoretically there wasn’t any – Fairs
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were, at least in their infancy, held outside the Town
or Village and local businesses not involved in the
main purpose of the Fair weren’t a problem.
O
In most places it simply wasn’t an issue as the Town
Shopkeepers were dealing retail while Fairs and the
merchants attending them were dealing wholesale.
Relations. For the most part, relations were excellent
– the Fair attendees brought in a lot of passing trade M
M
for the local service industries … Alehouses, Inns,
Stews, Taverns and even local tradesmen (for
example, a merchant might need a local Smith to
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re-shoe his Pack Horses). And, of course, the Fair
authority made money, lots of it for the most part,
and, amongst other things, spent it locally – on
construction projects for such things as new Civic
buildings, improved public services, wages and
salaries for more public officials … all injected into
the local economy! R
C
Occasionally, however, it was the case that the instru-
mentality holding the Fair was the same instrument-
E
ality that chartered the nearby Town or controlled the
nearby village – and that could, and often did, lead to
conflicts, especially if (as most of them did) the Fair’s
profitability declined over time.
Where that was the case, it was, unfortunately, all too
common for the Fair operator to force the closure of
almost all businesses in the Town (except those selling
food) and force them to operate out of the Fair site …
and pay the Fair taxes and charges that normally 15
 wouldn’t have applied to them … forcibly gouging
them for monies they might not have been able to
recoup from the declining level of foreign (non-local)
attendees who had once made the Fair profitable.
This was the case with the Winchester Fair in England,
and was a cause for considerable friction between the
Abbot under whose auspices the Fair was run and the
Town whose autonomy had been handed over to him by
Royal Decree, against their wishes.
Fairs started with a specific purpose – to provide a
seasonal market for bulk goods, usually agricultural
products or the processed results of the same. They
were for grain, livestock, wool (or cloth), hides and
other bulk produce. Some were originally only for one
of these things (especially wool/cloth) but most accept-
ed all agricultural produce.
That was the original state of affairs … but, over time
(and often quite quickly) things changed.
Fairs were places where there were a lot of merchants
and, therefore, a lot of money so it isn’t surprising that
they attracted anyone with a money making
proposition. Luxury and semi-luxury goods were an
easy add – so, Wine, Dyestuffs (the expensive sorts),
Spices, Weapons and Armour, Gems, Warhorses (and
horses in general), Falcons (and other hunting birds),
Books … heck, pretty much anything that could be
sold to the audience that Fairs inevitably attracted.
16
The rise of the Fairs coincided with the gradual
recovery and solidification of the Roman successor
states whose creation had largely destroyed the late
Roman economic and trade network and reduced it
to not much more than bare subsistence levels in
many areas. As populations and economic activity
grew, there was surplus money for trade … and Fairs
provided a venue for this that proved surprisingly
attractive and successful.
To begin with, largely from the 10th-11th centuries
Some, however, were too small or too localised to
remain that way and were in decline well before the
end of the period (usually by the late 13th or early 14th
century) and were often discontinued in the 14th or
15th centuries.
In other instances, changes in political overlordship
(or in the smarts of the overlord) led to killing the
goose and losing those golden eggs.
The perfect case of the latter were the Champagne
Fairs – as long as they were under the control of the
Countship, they were, figuratively, golden. But when
they fell under the control of the Kings of France (via
dynastic marriage) the latter started to play favourites
and political games as well as increasing the
government’s gouge on the same basis, and this was
hitting the bottom line by the late 14th century and
ruined them entirely by the mid 15th
Late Medieval Trade Routes
MARKETS, FAIRS & SHOPS – PRICE LIST
BUSINESS, COMMERCE & PROFITABILITY
Based on an examination of surviving probate records
Suburban Cottage & Tenement (Town)3-6/- (36-72d)
Ditto above (Manorial) 18d-3/- (18-36d)
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from England in the 14th century, 65% of estates were
worth less than £50 … which is obviously skewed as the
majority of people did not have enough in the way of
As above, w/o Feudal Dues 2-4/- (24-48d)

Burgage Rent might not be paid on a residential

R
A
possessions to make a formal written will necessary. property – it might be part of the rent with the landlord
retaining the voting rights.
The annualised return on capital during the period was
STALL RENTAL (PAGE #3)

~6-8% – but trade was risky, the loss of entire cargoes or
caravans common, which often meant actual profit on
individual caravans/cargoes was much higher, perhaps
several hundred percent … balanced by a high loss rate.
D
Markets. The going rent for a Stall in a typical Town
Market was ~1d per day for most merchants but
could be as little as ¼d for food stalls.

Probate records for London (for 1412, but they should

be broadly indicative for earlier centuries) are more
detailed, ~12% of estates @ £1 (240d) or less, ~55% @
£1-5 (240-1200d), ~20% @ £5-10 (1200-2400d), ~10%
@ £10-20 (2400-4800d), ~2-3% @ £20-50 (4800-
This was the rate for the locals, those who had Burgage
rights – outsiders typically paid double (and may not
be able to rent at all to force them to sell to locals at
E
Wholesale rates so the locals could then resell at Retail).

12000d) and those @ £50 (12000d) or more were only
~1-1½% of the total.
The figures for London probably don’t include rural and
may not include rental properties. it was extremely
common for even a modestly well off tradesman or
merchant to have some interests in the countryside, often
&
Yearly rentals were possible in some places, typically
discounting the daily rate – for a one day a week
Market, 52 weeks would theoretically cost 4/4d but
you could expect to pay only 2/3rds that rate (as per
Toll/Tax Farms), or around 3/- if paid in advance.
Monthly rentals might also be possible, 5d for a four

C
worth as much or more than their probated estate value. Market Day month, paid in advance.

As Markets extended to more than one day a week, the

To the end of the century, average rental income
13th
from landed property typically offered a return on
capital of around 6-8% per annum, but this dropped
to around 5% in the late 14th century.
O
rental cost increased as well, but the actual daily rate
(or monthly or yearly discount) remained remarkably
stable over the course of the four centuries covered.

SHOP RENTAL (PAGES #8-9)

The annual Ground Rent for various sizes of shops in
Small and Large Market Towns are as follows, to
which needs to be added Burgage Rent.
Fairs. Base price for rentals seem to have been as the
daily Market rate … but Fairs lasted multiple days.
Rental, paid in advance, was 1d per day, discounted
M
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by ~2/3rds. Stall rental at a week long fair would
therefore cost 8-9d, paid in advance.

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Small Shop, Small Town 2-6/- (24-72d) Rates are for a single, standard sized (which varied)
Small Shop, Large Town 4-8/- (48-96d) plot in an average position. Prime positions and larger
Average Shop, Small Town 4-10/- (48-120d) sized plots cost proportionally more.
Average Shop, Large Town 6-14/- (72-168d)
Prime Shop, Small Town
Prime Shop, Large Town
Burgage Rent *
£½-1 (120-240d)
£2-5 (480-1200d)
1-6d
SAMPLE MARKET TOLLS (OM2 PAGE #24)

Cart from another County carrying Goods 1d

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Church Tithes 1d ** Horseload, more than 1 Bushel ¼d
Per Horse, Ox or Cow ½d
* See page #8 for details, it could be much higher. Per 10 Sheep, Goats or Pigs 1d

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** 1d per £1 of rent paid, usually paid quarterly. Per 4 Sheep, Goats or Pigs ½d

RESIDENTIAL RENTS (PAGE #9)

These depending on location and size of the house and Grain or flour, 1 Crannock ¼d
plot on which it was situated. Jug of wine 2d
Jug of Honey 4d
Cottage 5/- (60d) Wool Fleece, 1 1d
House £1 (240d) Hides, Bundle 1d
Large House £2-3 (480-720d) Deer, Goat or Horse hides, Bundle ½d
17
 Per large ship 16d Counties (this was the case with London merchants, for
Per small ship 8d example) might allow Toll exempt status for Merchants
English or foreign Cloth, 1 Piece ½d from specific Towns …
Irish cloth, 1 Piece ¼d
Woad, 1 Crannock 2d Also note that goods worth less than 3d were generally
Salt, 1 Crannock ¼d exempt as well, as this covered most business that the
Iron Bar, 1 ½d local Serfs and Peasants would have carried out.
Herrings, 1 Crannock ¼d
Ox, Cow, or Mare (each) 1d
Sheep, 8 1d Tolls on the sort of activity undertaken by most small
Hog, 1, or side of Bacon ¼d scale producers were usually based on the method by
Wooden Boards, 100 ¼d which the good were brought to Market.
Horseshoes, 100 ½d
Onions, Butter or Fat, 1 Crannock ½d Backpack (~60-80 lbs) ¼d
Pepper, Wax or Alum, 100 lbs 2d Packhorse (~350 lbs) ½d
Mill-stone, 1 ½d Cartload (~1000-1200 lbs) 1d
Linen, 100 Ells 1d
Canvas, 100 Ells 1d
Lead, 1 cwt 2d The average ad valorem rate was either 1d/pound
Beans, 1 Crannock ¼d weight (on the Merchant, or London, pound) or ¼d
Kitchen utensils, 12 ½d per 5/- of value (which are roughly the same for the
Metal, 100 lbs 1d majority of goods) applied pretty much everywhere.
Fat Pork, 100 lbs 1d
Fat or Lard, 100 lbs 1d
General Merchandise to 3s ¼d These were generally in line with English Ad Valorem
Lamb-skins, 100 ½d Tolls – normally only 1d/pound (though the value of
Squirrel-skins, 100 1d the penny and the weight of the pound usually varied)
Pitch, 100 lbs ½d and rarely more than 2d or 2½d/ pound.
Iron, 100 lbs ½d
Linden Cords, 12 ¼d The often chaotic political situation on the Continent
meant it was common for Tolls to be charged every time
a merchant crossed into a new territory … either on
Per Horse 1d land or by river. Even though individual Tolls might be
Per Ox, per eight Sheep, per 4-5 Pigs 1d reasonable, if you wanted to move goods any distance
Per Cart load of goods 1d they all mounted up, even at a penny per pound.
Per Man load of goods ¼d
TOLLS, FEES AND FAIRS
In general, there were no Tolls at Fairs – but there
Herring (Last) 4-10d/6d were other charges that applied that were probably
Hides (Dicker) ½-4d/2½d about the equivalent. There were differences …
Horse, one 1d/1d
Lead (Fother) 2-4d/3½d Firstly, charges were on a fee for service basis eg use
Wax (Hundredweight) 4d/4d of the Fair’s Notaries, Weigh Station or Warehouse
Wine (Tun) 2-8d/6d facilities … rent for a Stall.
Woad (Tun) 2-4d/3¼d
Wool (Sack) 1-4d/2½d Secondly, fees were split equally between the buyer
and the seller.
Tolls are in the format x/y – ‘x’ is the range and ‘y’ is the
average of Tolls of that type in the sources checked. Specific figures are hard to come by, but the overall
impost seems to have been in the 5-10% range, and
individual charges in the ¼% to 2½% range.
Tolls only applied to goods to be sold in the Market …
goods brought in by local householders for their own Successful Fairs had overall impost/specific charges at
consumption or by local merchants and craftsmen (those the low end of the above ranges – Fairs charging at the
with Burgage rights) for their own commercial use were high end of the range generally failed (or were in the
exempt (and this exemption might apply throughout the process of failing for other reasons, and the sponsor
entire Shire or County in which the Town was located …) was desperately trying to keep up their overall profits
– and killing off the Fair even quicker), the closer to the
18 In some cases even some parts of surrounding Shires or high end, the quicker they failed.
 TAXES & TRADE
To paraphrase Maggie Thatcher, ‘There is no such
thing as the Medieval Economy … ’
Which, as far as Orbis Mundi2 is concerned is entirely
true as the book covers only AD 1001-1400 and the
very first appearance of the word and concept was in
1440 and, to begin with, was used almost entirely in
the sense of managing a household (well, to be fair,
very large households – whole Monasteries or a Royal
or Noble establishment).
Most elements that we see as part of a modern economy
existed before then, though only in a rudimentary (but
evolving) form … but there was no real understanding of
how ‘the economy’ worked, how it could be made to
grow and what levers there were to control or manage it.
ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT
The East Romans cottoned on to the connection be-
tween supply & demand and prices rising in times of
scarcity and falling when times were good … and most
medieval states had some form of price control mech-
anism for key commodities such as food and strict laws
targetting hoarders during times of famine. But that
was pretty much as far as the understanding of things
economic went.
BUDGETS
In the modern sense, these didn’t exist … there were
household officials (often several) who tracked income
and expenditure for their area but they don’t seem to
have had a predictive role … merely a reactive one.
That is, they didn’t work out forward estimates of the
likely income and expenditure and try to keep within
those limits, they simply kept track of such and either
lobbied for more money when their part of the household
fell too far into the red or tried to economise (more often
than not by deferring payments to staff or suppliers).
Major Government officials generally had someone on
their staff doing a similar job with similar constraints
and limitations … but there wouldn’t always be co-
operation between them on budgeting. One of the
most senior officials in the Royal (or Noble)
Household might have records, of a sort, of the income
and expenditure of the various lesser offices … or he
might not, or it might not be accurate …
This was often because Offices had specific revenues
attached to them directly … the appointees were suppos-
ed to pay themselves and provide the services connected
with the Office from that money. If it was insufficient …
well, they could try and lobby their superior …
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MERCANTILISM
Mercantilist economic orthodoxy is that all trade (i.e.
all economic activity) is a zero sum game – that is,
there are, inevitably, winners and losers.
&
The term doesn’t actually come to exist until the end of
the 15th century – though key elements of the idea were
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important parts of what there were of state management
systems for economic activity well before then (and were
probably only as limited in application as they were
because of the weakness of state instrumentalities).
Mercantilists use legal and tax means to enhance the
accumulation of bullion within a nation … en-
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couraging exports paid for in gold and silver by
foreign merchants and discouraging imports paid for
by locals in gold and silver (i.e. ensuring the balance
M
of trade, especially as measured in terms of bullion, is
as massively in favour of their state as possible).
While modern economists see this as not just wrong, but
grossly counterproductive, at the time it was not seen
that way – the shortage of bullion currency in Europe
was always a drag on economic growth and, without
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strong government institutions to oversee the state and
the economy, credit collapses were regular occurrences
and it was thought the best way to avoid that was to
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ensure you had as much bullion currency in local
circulation as was possible.
As indicated above, medieval governments made real
attempts to control the prices of staple foods – or, at
least, they made attempts to minimise the manipulation
of prices or creation of false shortages. This was mainly
E
done to minimise the threat of disruption to the existing
social order – starving peasants might accept their lot if
they felt they weren’t being taken advantage of by the
well off … but they’d riot and rebel if they came to
believe the opposite. 19
 ASSIZE OF BREAD
When a quarter of Wheat sells for 1/(12d)- a Farthing
Loaf of Wastel (Good quality) Bread = ~2.54 kilos.
A Farthing Loaf of Cocket (Cheaper quality) Bread =
Wastel + 37g-.
A Farthing Loaf of Cocket Bread made of grain of
lower price = Wastel + 93g.
Bread made into a Symnel Loaf (very fine white
Flour) = Wastel –37g.
Wholewheat Loaves = 1½ Cocket Loaves.
A Treet (Sifted Bran) loaf = 2 Wastel Loaves.
Bread of Common Wheat (Unsifted Bran)= two Cocket
Loaves.
When a 512lb (~232¼ kg) of wheat sells for 1/6d (18d)
a Farthing Wastel shall weigh 1.692 kg; at 2/- (24d) =
1.269; at 2/6 (30d) = 1.013; at 3/- (36d) = 0.897; at 3/6
(42d) = 0.78; at 4/- (48d) = 0.672; at 4/6 (54d) = 0.56;
at 5/- (60d) = 0.488; at 5/6 (66d) = 0.46; at 6/ (72d)- =
0.423; at 6/6 (78d) = 0.392; at 7/- (84d) = 0.362; at 7/6
(90d) = 0.338; at 8/- (96d) = 0.317; at 8/6 (102d) =
0.299; at 9/- (108d) = 0.28; at 9/6 (114d) = 0.267; at
10/- (120d) = 0.253; at 10/6 (126d) = 0.241; at 11/-
(132d) = 0.23; at 11/6 (138d) = 0.22; at 12/- (144d) =
0.212; at 12/6 (150d = 0.206; at 13/- (156d) = 0.194;
at 13/6 (162d) = 0.188; at 14/- (168d) = 0.18; at 14/6
(174d) = 0.172; at 15/- (180d) = 0.17; at 15/6 (186d)
= 0.164; at 16/- (192d) = 0.159; at 16/6 (198d) =
0.154; at 17/- (204d) = 0.149; at 17/6 (210d) = 0.145;
at 18/- (216d) = 0.138; at 18/6 (222d) = 0.136; 19/-
(228d) = 0.134; at 19/6 (234d) = 0.13; at 20/- (240d)
= 0.127; at 20/6 (246d) = 0.124; at 21/- (252d) =
0.121; at 21/6 (258d) = 0.118; at 22/- (264d) = 0.115;
at 22/6 (270d) = 0.113; at 23/- (276d) = 0.11; at 23/6
(282d) = 0.108; at 24/- (288d) = 0.106; at 24/6 294d)
= 0.103; at 25/- (300d) = 0.101; at 25/6 (306d) = 0.1
and at 26/- (312d) = 0.98 (all loaf weights in kilos).
– adapted from the original
There were three weights of bread, the Farthing (¼d)
Loaf, the Ha’penny (½d) Loaf and the Penny (1d) Loaf
– the latter being quite rare. As you can see from the
Assize, the weight of these loaves varied in a direct
relationship to the price of a Quarter of Grain … and it
is likely that as the Farthing Loaf got smaller and
smaller, Bakers would bake only Ha’penny and,
eventually, Penny loaves …
Troy Ounces are 1.0971 ounces (~31.1 grams) and 20
pennyweights, 12 Troy Ounces = a Troy Pound (240
pennyweights, 13.1652 ounces). A Pennyweight is
20 roughly 1.55517 grams. For your convenience all the
original weights have been converted to kilograms.
See The Assize of Bread & Ale Sidebar opposite and
overleaf for greater detail of how such a system was
actually worked out by the authorities – for England in
this specific case.
Also note the English legal prohibitions of Forestalling
(aka ‘Forestel’), Regrating and Engrossing … all intend-
ed to stop market manipulation of various sorts, especial-
ly in the victualling trades. These were criminal offences
and subject to heavy fines.
The laws were notably ineffective, due largely to the
lack of any actual enforcement authority (remember, no
Police Force) – and they were repeatedly re-issued
and/or the civic authorities (who were often the very
people acting against their intent, or who were influ-
enced by the wealthy people who were actually doing
so) in Market Towns admonished to enforce them when
things started to get too obviously out of hand.
Forestalling. ‘The buying or contracting for any merch-
andise or victual coming to market; dissuading persons
from bringing goods or provisions there or persuading
them to enhance the price when there any of which
practices make the market dearer to the fair trader.’
Regrating. ‘The buying of corn or other dead victual
and selling it again at the same market or within four
miles of the place. This increases prices of the provisions,
as every successive seller must have a successive profit.’
Engrossing. ‘The getting into one’s possession, or buy-
ing up [of] large quantities of corn or other dead vic-
tuals with intent to sell them again. This must be injur-
ious to the public by putting into the power of one or two
rich men to raise the price at their own discretion.’
TRADE & TAXATION
Medieval governments had a limited ability to raise
cash money beyond certain ‘traditional’ means but
the possibility of taxing trade and commercial activity
as well as property and income was too good to miss
(see OM2, #131-137). This subsection deals with taxes
applied to trade and commerce –
PROPERTY TAXES (NON-FEUDAL)
Taxing landed or moveable property in a regularised
and consistent way was … uncommon. The Crown was
supposed to have enough income from Feudal Dues
to cover any required expenses – but this was increas-
ingly not the case as the period progressed.
England. The Crown had always levied taxes on land
on an irregular basis, normally for special and specif-
ic purposes … before 1066 it levied Danegeld (which
was, in fact, Protection money paid to the Danes in
the north of England) or, more simply, the Geld,

levied at the rate of 2/- (later 3/-) per 120 acres
(roughly) and called Carucage from 1194.
After the Conquest collection of the Geld was used
increasingly rarely, and collection ceased in 1162 …
Carucage, its replacement, was collected only six times
between 1194 and 1224, and was abolished in 1230.
Both before and after the Conquest there were many
exemptions (for example, Serfs didn’t pay, only Free-
men, Clergy and Nobles) and it delivered smaller and
smaller amounts. In fact, the last levy (1224) was only
applied to Church lands and at an unknown rate.
France. Similar land-based taxes to those levied in
England were levied in France as well (the Taille),
though, again, they were only levied irregularly as the
Crown was expected to run the country on revenues
gained from Crown lands.
By the mid 14th century they were being levied (when
they were levied) as a graduated tax on land, varying
from £1-9 (240-2160d) Tournois.
In some provinces it applied only to commoners, in
others it to commoners and nobles and, occasionally,
church lands as well … like the internal taxes on trade,
the whole system was complex and ad hoc.
The Taille was very quickly levied on a Rural community
or a Town, with a total amount set and the actual
division left to the locals … which usually meant that the
better off paid more, perhaps all, of the tax and the very
poor might pay nothing, or only a token amount.
England. With Land based taxes producing less and
less income, the Crown instituted a tax based on
moveably property and income … this was not assessed
each year and could vary, but was usually in the range
of 1/15th (1/4d) to 1/40th (6d) per £.
Important exceptions were the so-called Saladin Tithe
(1188) to fund English involvement in a Crusade, which
was levied at the rate of 10% (2/- [24d] per £) and the
levy of 1194 to pay for Richard the Lionheart’s ransom
… a rate of 25% (5/- [60d] per £).
By the mid 13th century the rate was regularised at
15th (1/4d [18d] per £) for rural areas and a 10th (2/-
[24d] per £) for Towns though, again, it was not levied
on an annual basis and increasingly failed to raise as
much money as was needed by the Crown.
Poll Taxes were levied several times, in 1377 (rate
uncertain), 1379 (4d a head for anyone not classed as
a Beggar) and 1381 (a minimum of 4d a head, but an
expected mean assessment of 1/- (12d) a head … indic-
ating an unknown graduated scale according to
wealth) to fund the Hundred Years War with France.
T
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The 1381 tax is widely thought to have been one of the
important reasons for the Peasants Revolt of that year
&
… and since the levy of another Poll Tax was not
attempted until 1641 it certainly seems as if the
authorities saw a connection!
France. From the mid 13th century (or slightly earlier)
the French Crown began to levy, irregularly, taxes on
property that came to be called Aides, supposedly in
C
lieu of the Feudal Dues of the same name … but now
levied on the general population, not just those who
had a direct feudal relationship with the Crown.
O
Like the Taille, the amount levied was as variable as
the timing of the levies but was probably similar to
the English 15ths or 10ths.
Spain. There were intermittent levies of variable
amounts in the 13th century for ‘special purposes’ M
M
called, as a whole, Servicia.
One regular form of these, an annual levy, called the
E
Servicio, was levied on the Mesta (the annual transhum-
ance movement of sheep, cattle and other livestock
across Spain) at the rate of 5 Sheep or 1 Pig per 100
and 3 cows per 1000.
It is uncertain whether this was always collected in kind
or was collected in money equivalent). R
Then from the late 14th century these were regularised
at the Monedas and this was turned into a graduated C
E
levy. Those with property worth 60 Maravedis paid 8
Maravedis, or 6 Maravedis in the borderlands; those
with 120 Maravedis paid 16 Maravedis, or 12 in the
borderlands; those with property worth 160 Mara-
vedis paid 24 Maravedis, 16 in the borderlands.
As in most places, Nobles and the Church were exempt
as were, unusually, Caballeros de Villa (Urban
‘Nobles’) and those with a special grant of exemption
(such as the entire population of Seville). 21
 ASSIZE OF BEER & ALE
When a quarter of Wheat is sold for 3/- to 3/4, a
quarter of Barley for 1/8 - 2/- and a quarter of Oats
for 1/4 then Brewers in Cities should sell 2 gallons of
Beer or Ale for 1d, and out of cities should sell 3 [or
4?] gallons for 1d.
– adapted from the original
It is implied the same sliding scale would apply to Beer
or Ale as applied to Bread.
COMPARATIVE GRAIN PRICES
Figures for the 14th century across Europe and the
Middle East are available in sufficient quantity to
give median prices for various staples. Local prices
and measures have been converted to prices in Troy
(English) silver pennies per Quarter (~232¼ kg)
FOREIGN TRADE
The most common form of tax on trade was in the
form of Duties applied some specific goods – but
occasionally License Fees might be charged instead.
In both cases it was just as likely that the tax or fee
would be charged against both imports and exports by
the taxing authority.
As with most tax raising, the government rarely collected
the money itself, not directly, but farmed (contracted
out, in effect, for an advance lump sum payment) the
right to do so to anyone with the money to pay for it.
The usual discount was 2/3 to ¾ of the expect level of
income, providing for a tidy profit.
These were charged on either all or a select variety of
goods passing through regular ports.

Cairo, Wheat 7/8½d England. The Crown levied a duty of 1/15th (1/4d per
Cairo, Barley 5/0¼d £) to 1/10th (2/- [24d] per £) mainly on Wine, but also
Cairo, Broad Beans 5/10d including Wool (which became the big money-
Syria, Wheat £1/1/10½ spinner), Wax, Skins & Leather, Lead, Butter, Cheese,
Mecca, Wheat £2/17/0½ Lard & Grease arriving in and leaving English Ports
called the Ancient Custom from 1275-1297 (worth
London, Wheat 4/2¾d £8000 [1.82 million pence] added revenue!).
Chester, Wheat 4/2¾d
Exeter, Wheat 4/2¾d The actual Duty charged was 6/8 (80d) on every Wool
Douai, Wheat 4/10d Sack, 300 (later reduced to 240) Skins or 13/4 (160d)
Leuven, Wheat 3/7¾d on a Last of Leather (200 Hides), 4/- (48d) per Tun of
Brugge, Wheat 5/4d Wine and 2/- (24d) per (Bolt of) Cloth (72 x 6 feet).
Brussels, Wheat 3/9¼d
Leiden, Wheat 6/4¾d A new Duty, the Petty Custom (1302-03) applied to
Strasbourg, Wheat 2/10d foreign merchants (except those from Hansa cities)
Austria, Wheat 1/9d equal to 150% of the Ancient Custom, including an ad
Tuscany, Wheat 6/3½d valorem duty of 3d/£ on all goods not previously
Valencia, Wheat 6/3d covered (for foreigners only). The exception was a new
Aragon, Wheat 4/7¼d Duty, Butlerage, on Wine, at 2/- (24d) per Tun.

Median figures (i.e. the middle of the range rather than
the average) are used because of factors such as the
Great Famine and other, regional, crop failures which
would otherwise give a false figure of the likely range of
comparative prices.
Note also that Wheat was a luxury crop in most of
Europe – most people ate Barley or Maslin (a mix of
Barley and Wheat) or Rye (even Oats in some places)
which cost much less, typically around half the price.
Pre-14th century Prices. Better climate would probably
mean lower prices (the 14th century is the period when
the Medieval Warm Period ends and the Little Ice Age
begins – with the Great Famine [1315-1317] being the
evident final tipping point between the two) but less well
developed trade and transport links would somewhat
mitigate this in those Markets which relied on long
distance trade to move food (though those Markets
22 tended to be very large and benefit from economies of
scale).
The Duty was charged at 3/4 (40d) on every Wool Sack,
2/- (24d) per Tun of Wine, 1/- (12d) per (Bolt of) Cloth
An additional 1¼% levy on all other goods passing
through English Ports was imposed in the early 14th
century and this was increased to 5% in 1347 (Tun-
nage, on Wine, and Poundage, on everything else – 1/-
[12d] per Pound), largely to fund fighting the Hundred
Years War against France.
Hanseatic League Merchants claimed their treaty with
the Crown exempted them from all duties after 1303,
and the Crown usually accepted this claim.
Duties were collected by agents appointed by the
Town Councils, and those Agents were notably easy to
bribe as they, themselves, were usually members of
the self-same Town Council … so, towards the end of
the 14th century, the Crown required Agents to be
appointed from men from another Town in an
attempt to reduce the levels of corruption.

By the mid 14th century each Port had two Collectors
(who actually collected the duties) and a Controller
(who checked the accounts of the Collectors with an eye
to detect fraud or corruption).
Also employed were Searchers and Supervisors of
Search to root out smuggling and check random cargoes.
Unintended Consequences. The Duty on Wool (and the
Import licensing for trade in it during wartime),
especially on raw wool (Wool Sacks rather than Cloth)
initially brought in a lot of money for the Crown, but
(obviously to anyone with modern economic know-
ledge) caused a decline in exports of raw wool. It did,
however, increase local production of woolen cloth as
the tax on importing such from the continent made it
sufficiently competitive and the economies of scale
this created made English woollen cloth the best
quality cloth made in all of Europe.
There ongoing argument as to if this was a byproduct of
the proto-mercantilist policies of medieval rulers in
general or whether it was a deliberate policy to encou-
rage the Weaving industry – or simply that the Crown
needed money and the rest an accidental byproduct
(mostly the latter, with elements of the former two, IMO).
France. The French Crown instituted a 12/3% duty
(the Droit de Réve) on all exports from 1324 (a rate of
4d per £ Tournois, raising £60000 (14.4 million
pence) Tournois in 1332, but only £40000 (9.6 million
pence) Tournois by 1344) and this was folded into a
wider duty (the Imposition Foraine) in 1361 which was
a tax of 5% on the sale of all goods.
The French system was unusual in that duties applied to
the crossing of some Provincial Borders … as the
collection of dues was done province by province basis
which meant some Provinces might pay a lesser rate.
This led to constant complaints that these internal
customs borders damaged trade – and the problem was
never really solved until the revocation of all feudal taxes
after the French Revolution.
The Imposition Foraine was applied in addition to the
Droit de Réve and Haut Passage for an effective intern-
al Duty rate of 10% ad valorem (2/- [24d] per £ Tourn-
ois) on trade.
Spain. From the last half of the 13th century the Kings
of Castile levied an import/export tax, the Diezmo
Aduanera or Diezmos de la Mar (‘Tithes of the Sea’) at
ports in Galicia, Asturias and the Basque country as
well as road checkpoints with Portugal, Navarre and
Aragon. This was levied at the rate of 10% ad valorem.
Presumably similar taxes were levied in Aragonese
possessions – but I have not been able to track down
definitive evidence one way or the other.
T
R
A
D
These were normally charged only in time of war and
were based on the Crown prohibiting trade at all or
trade in select items … since this affected foreign
traders with no connection to the enemy power, gov-
ernments soon began selling special licenses to allow
them to carry on their normal business.
England. The first instance of a licensing scheme was
E
started in 1294 when England and France went to
war. The ban was on all trade in Wool or finished
&
Wool cloth. Nominally, a license to avoid such a ban
went for 1/15th (1/4d [16d]/£) of the value of the cargo.
France. The French also applied a ban on the Wool
and Woolen Cloth trade in 1294 and sold licenses
called Haut Passage which cost 7d/£ Tournois.
C
Spain. An export license was required for most items
from the mid 13th century but the purpose was mainly
to restrict the export of items required for the execut-
O
ion of the ongoing military campaigns against the
Muslims rather than to gather income … licenses were
routinely granted on normal exports (wine, wool,
cloth etc.) at no cost other than the normal export duty.
In the very early 15th century (1403) the Kingdom of
Aragon levied taxes against Italian merchants who, M
M
because of their greater capital backing and better
business acumen (e.g. the benefits of Double-entry Book-
keeping), were though to be unfairly profiteering and
E
using sharp practises to avoid taxation.
This import tax was levied at the rate of 3d/15s (3
dinars per Maravedi of 15 Sueldos [180 Dineros]) and
applied in a restrictive manner to prevent existing sharp
practise – such as claims that any food or bullion being
brought in/taken out of the country was for ‘personal R
C
use’ and, therefore, not subject to duty … so a strict limit
was placed on the amounts that could be so deemed.
SALES TAXES
E
As a general rule, no general ‘sales taxes’ were used by
the main States during the period in question …
because, in fact, they were already levied in a different
form, as Tolls (on Markets, Bridges and for Roads
[Pavage] and Walls [Murage] amongst other things).
This slowly changed after the period …
Spain. Castille was one of a small number of except-
ions. From 1345 it applied the Alcabala, a 5% ad 23
 valorem Sales Tax which had originally applied only
in reconqered territories (al-Andalus) was extended to
the whole of the Castilian possessions and was quickly
increased to 10%. It was a badly regressive Tax as it
applied to each transaction an item passed through.
Fortunately, some key items were exempt – Bread,
Weapons, Horses, Precious Metals, Coins, Books and
any booty taken in raids on Muslim lands.
Beer & Wine. While general Sales Taxes weren’t
levied, it was common for specific items to be subject
to such. One set of common items so taxed were
alcoholic beverages, Wine and Beer … and this was a
common practise on the Continent.
Beer wasn’t generally subject to sales taxes in England
– the Assize of Bread and Ale fixed prices, so that wasn’t
an option. Wine, on the other hand – well, since very
little wine was actually grown in England, the majority
was imported and it had been subject to an import duty
since at least the very early 13th century.
Flemish cities were, by the early 14th century, levying
a tax of 6 Groschen (assuming a Groschen = 4d [it
varied from place to place], that equals 2/-) on a ‘Vat’
of ~200 gallons (Imperial) of imported Beer, and this
rose to 2/8d by the last quarter of the century. Domest-
ic Beer was taxed at the rate of 2 Groschen/Vat (8d).
Wine was taxed at the rate of 1-2d/gallon (Imperial).
German Towns seem to have levied similar rates on
Wine and Beer consumption as well (see Sidebar
opposite for sample regulations on Beer).
Taxes on Wine and Beer comprised up to 30% of the
Town revenues in Flanders and, probably, in Germany
as well. This could be even higher in times of emergency
when the rate of tax levied was increased, usually by
25-50% over normal.
Medieval Brewery
24
OTHER TAXES & CHARGES
Some of these were originally Feudal dues but
gradually morphed into ‘regular’ taxes levied on
almost everyone … though they were not always levied
on a regular, that is annual, basis.
AIDS
These were obligations of feudal land tenure and not
seen to be taxes as such, but a part of the mutual
obligation between landholder and tenant. They were
both nebulous and irregularly levied.
Very much a Norman-French idea and spread from
there to England (post Conquest) and into Italy (as a
result of Norman activities there) as well … and thence
further afield to most of the major countries of west-
ern Europe by the late 13th or early 14th century.
The degree to which the concept of feudal Aids was
adopted was very much a localised thing.
Crusades. The English government levied the so-
called Saladin Tithe (a 10% tax on income and move-
able property) theoretically to fund a crusade respond-
ing to Saladin’s victory at the Battle of Hattin (Battle,
1187. Tithe, 1188). The only exemptions were for
those who joined the Crusade.
Unusually, it was collected by Diocese and Parish, by
Bishops, Priests and the Crusading Orders (Hospitallers
and Templars) rather than the Sheriffs. It is estimated
that it raised £80,000 [19.2 million pence] in 1188 and
another £2000 [480k pence] in 1189. Those not paying
imprisoned or excommunicated.
The French tried to levy an identical Tithe … but, as
the French Crown was much less powerful, there was
much successful opposition and it is uncertain how
much money was actually raised.
The English attempted to levy the tax on their possess-
ions in France but faced the same opposition and also
raised relatively little.
Prise & Purveyance. Not technically an Aid, but a
long-held right of English Kings to forcibly purchase
food and horses, or commandeer horses and trans-
port at nominated, less than market value, prices.
This was commonly used to supply important military
campaigns such as Edward I’s Scottish, Welsh and
Gascon (France) campaigns in the late 13th century as
well as later campaigns by Edward II and III in the
mid to late 14th century.
It was hated as the agents employed to collect the food
and commandeer the transports could be grossly
corrupt – but, apart from around 20 years mid
century, it continued to be used until forcibly shut
down by Parliament in the 17th century.

The rate of the discount is uncertain, but was probably
supposed to be 1/4d (16d) to 2/- (24d) on the £ (i.e. a
Fifteenth or a Tenth)
Ransom. This was levied as needed and was obviously
variable according to status.
This for paying a ransom. Any income from ransom was
a private matter between captor and prisoner, not a
matter of State revenue (though Lords would often ‘buy’
noble prisoners from lesser soldiers for a discount).
King John II, captured at Poitiers in 1356, was held
captive for four years until he agreed to cede large
swathes of Aquitaine and Gascony plus 3 million Écus
(£3 million Tournois [720 million pence]).
King Richard (Coeur de Lion) I, held by the Holy
Roman Emperor, Henry VI, was ransomed for a cool
£100,000 (Troy – 24 million pence)… which was raised
by a Tithe of one quarter of income and moveable
property on everyone. Even that wasn’t sufficient so
the gold/silver treasures of the Church were seized as
well as proceeds from other regular taxes were tapped.
One way in which medieval states raised money was
by creating monopolies and selling them off in rather
the same way they auctioned off the farm (collection)
of the regular taxes they raised. Most ‘monopolies’
were local – for example, in a sense, the right to hold
a Market or a Fair was a limited form of such, as were
Guild rights.
In some places, especially Scandinavia, the right of a
Town to be designated a ‘Port’ for international trading
purposes was also a form of monopoly … in others, it
might be that a particular person (or office-holder) might
have the right to buy/sell all goods of a particular type
(these sorts of monopolies were usually licensed out for a
cut of the sales but could also be run by hired agents).
Company of Merchants of the Staple (England).
Though it may have existed as an informal Merchant’s
‘guild’ as early as 1282, the Company only gained
monopoly rights after 1314 when the English Crown
decided all sales of wool for export be done through
an organised structure so tax levies could be assured.
The ‘staple’ was the place where the buying and selling
took place and not the goods being bought or sold.
The Company’s ‘headquarters’ were located overseas,
at the prime importing ports for English wool and
woolen cloth until 1353 when it moved to Westminster
and then, in 1378, to Holborn.
In effect, the Merchants (26 of them in the late 13th
century) had the sole right to buy wool and woollen cloth
at the Staple Ports (see the Ordinance & Statute of the
ORDINANCE & STATUTE OF THE STAPLE, 1353
T
“On Monday next after the feast of St. Matthew the
Apostle, in the twenty-seventh year of the reign of our
lord, King Edward III ... a great council was summon-
ed at Westminster.…
… on which Friday the prelates, dukes, earls, barons, R
A
and commons, assembled in the White Chamber of
our lord the king, were told ... the cause for the
summons of the said council …
D
… our lord the king, by the assent of certain prelates
and lords of his said kingdom ... had ordained that
the staple of wool, wool-fells, leather, and lead should
be held in certain places within his kingdom of
England and his lands of Wales and Ireland.
... the staples of wool, leather, wool-fells and lead
E
grown or produced within our kingdom and lands …
shall be … held in the following places: for England,
&
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, York, Lincoln, Norwich, West-
minster, Canterbury, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter,
and Bristol; for Wales at Carmarthen; and for Ireland
at Dublin, Waterford, Cork, and Drogheda, and no-
where else …”
ERFURT BEER LAW, 1351
C
“A calibrated tankard [4 gallons?] must always be
filled to the mark. The beer in it shall cost 4½d.
O
No Burgher or Councillor may brew more than two
beers per year, nor may he make half a brew, nor may
he mill more or less than 3 boxes of malt to brew with.
Only on Wednesday evening, and not before the Beer
bell is rung, may he start a fire under the tun to start
brewing. M
M
Nobody may brew who does not possess containers –
tuns, kilns and casks. The Beer must be the entire
E
brew.
The amount to be brewed must be announced on
Walpurgis Day (25th February) and the precise
amount announced must then be brewed. Nobody
may brew with straw and twigs for fire.
R
C
Anybody who breaks an Innkeeper’s [calibrated] Beer
Tankard or runs away without paying will pay a 10/-
penalty or leave town.
E
Anybody who buys Hops may not touch the measur-
ing jar until the vendor has filled it and has removed
his hand from it.
In the countryside nobody may sell Beer from another
region nor may he brew without the knowledge of the
Town … any Burgher caught brewing in the country-
side will no longer be considered a Burgher.”
25
 Staple sidebar, opposite) and sold them at the
designated continental port where they had their
‘headquarters’, having (of course) already paid the
appropriate tax to the Crown at the point of purchase or
shipping.
The monopoly not only covered wool and woollen cloth,
but also skins, lead and tin.
Maona of Alum (Genoa). This was an association of
merchants who bought the farm of the Alum mines
Smyrna and ran it as a successful and lucrative mono-
poly from the late 13th century and beyond the end of
the period (until the mines were finally occupied by
the Ottoman Turks in 1455). They controlled output
to maximise price and even had specially designed
bulk cargo ships designed to transport the maximum
cargo at the minimum cost per ton/mile.
Alum is a mordant – that is, it acts as a fixative in the
process of dyeing fabrics so they will not run when they
are washed or simply get wet later on. The main source
in the Mediterranean region were the mines mentioned.
Pays de (Grandes) Gabelles (France). The French
crown gained control of a significant portion of the
salt business in 1246 and used the profits to help fund
Royal crusades and wars, adding intermittent tax
levies on the basic price, and gaining control of more
and more of the salt production apparatus until, in
1341, a permanent tax was placed on Salt production.
While not a direct monopoly, as private producers
existed, it was effectively one as the law required all
salt to be sold to the Crown at a fixed, low, price and
then resold it to the populace at a much higher price.
In addition, the law required everyone over the age of
eight (8) years to buy a set amount every week equal to
7 kilos of salt per year – but this could only be used for
domestic consumption, if used to salt meat, make
cheese and butter etc. it was a crime punishable by
imprisonment and, if repeated, by death!
Medieval Salt Mill
26
Commercial users had to pay the same prices, but had
to buy additional salt. Of course, the Nobility, Clergy
and many Royal Officials (including those who were
employed to administer and enforce the Gabelle!) were
completely exempt from the tax, but not from the
inflated base price.
The worst thing about the Gabelle was that it applied
at different rates in different provinces according to
when, and under what circumstances, they had come
under Royal control … so prices varied wildly.
Some provinces paid no tax, just an artificial monopoly
price, while in others the purchase price could be up to
twenty times more than in the least taxed provinces.
The cost of Salt in Brittany (tax free) was ~1/- (12d) per
49 kilos, in the mid range zones it was 15/- (180d) and
in the higher range zones it was ~£5 (~1200d).
Suit of Mill. In some places, at least in England, a
Lord might have the traditional right to force some of
his tenants to have their grain ground into flour at his
Mill and their bread (at least) baked in his ovens, a
right enforced by legal claims of Suit of Mill.
Despite what some older texts claim, this was never
universal and did not apply across the entire country
and, even where it existed, was very much dependent on
the individual land-tenure agreement between the
tenant and the Lord (Serfs were more likely, but not
certain, to be required to use the Lord’s Mill, Freehold
tenants much less so).
This ‘right’ was largely a development flowing from the
changes to land tenure arrangements following on from
the Norman conquest and it would be reasonable to
assume that it was a reflection of similar practises in
Normandy and, presumably, the rest of France.
The cost of grinding the grain was the Tollcorn (the
proportion of the amount of flour ground the Miller
kept as his fee) and the amount varied … from as little
as 1/30th of the amount ground to 1/10th, the higher
tolls tending to be charged in the north of England.
REGULATING DEMAND
Assuming a product or service is legal, the most com-
mon ways of regulating (almost always reducing) de-
mand for it in modern times are to manipulate the
price (directly, usually by a Sales Tax or Licensing
arrangement, or indirectly, by regulating the hours
and places where the item can be purchased).
In medieval times Sales Taxes weren’t common … so
licensing or tax arrangements were used instead and,
in some situations, at least nominally, attempts were
made to make the sale of specific items illegal, but
only to certain nominated classes of people.

In effect, licensing or taxing arrangements were most
commonly used for Sin Taxes while criminal restrict-
ions were most used for Sumptuary Laws (mainly
relating to the type and quality of clothing that one
could wear, but also occasionally including the type of
food and drink one could purchase for consumption).
SIN TAXES & RELATED MATTERS
Unlike modern times where this type of tax is usually
placed on ‘luxuries’ … alcohol and tobacco most com-
monly, but also things like perfumes and expensive
cars (especially imports) … and more, of course.
In the Middle Ages the main target of Sin Taxes were
Stews (aka Bawdy Houses – Brothels). There was no
attempt to prevent the provision of such services, not
even by the Church, merely to tax them …
Even so, Brothels were generally a very profitable busi-
ness, typically generating returns of 10% on investment
compared to the more normal 6-7% most (successful)
medieval businesses managed.
For an example of the situation in England, see the
Ordinance of Stewholders (1161), opposite … set out
on behalf of the Bishop of Winchester’s Manor of
Southwark (just over London Bridge from the City).
The Church was the landowner and not only received
rents and fees from the Brothel keepers and the Bawds
(prostitutes), but also court fees for any transgression
they might make against the ordinances!
There were originally around 18 Stews, some of which
were Ye Boar’s Hedde, The Castle, The Cross Keyes,
The Cardinal’s Cap, The Half Moon, The Unicorn and
The Blue Maid and their external walls had to be
whitewashed so their nature was made public.
There were of Stews in the City proper – around Cock’s
Lane (near Newgate), Moorgate and Cripplegate (inc-
luding the unambiguous Gropecunt & Codpiece Lanes
and Slut’s Hole as well as the coyly named Maiden
Lane – occupied by women who were anything but).
Brothels were leased to a Stewholder who then rented
out rooms to the Bawds – at least in England. In the
Southwark Stews the prostitutes paid the high weekly
rent of 14d but that was for her room only, not room
and board, and she did not have pay a percentage of
her earnings as was common in parts of the continent.
Rent for a room at that time was around ½d to 1d a week
– so the Stewholder was making a huge profit per head.
The lease on a Brothel depended on the size, degree
or repair and, of course, the number of rooms – but,
in the Southwark Stews the going rate seems to have
been 6/8d (80d) per Month (£2 [480d] pa) and up.
ORDINANCE OF STEWHOLDERS, 1161
T
1) No brothel-keeper to prevent his whores entering or
leaving the premises at will. Fine: 3/4d (40d).
3) No brothel-keeper to open for business on holy
days. Fine: £2/10/- (600d). No whore to remain in the
Liberty between 8:00am and 11:00am, or between
R
A
1:00pm and 5:00pm. Fine: 6/8d (80d), a session on
the Cucking stool and expulsion from the Liberty.
D
5) Quarterly searches of every brothel must be carried
out to ensure no woman is imprisoned there against
her will. If any such woman is found, Bishop’s officers
must escort her safely out of the Liberty.
6) No brothel-keeper to lend a whore more than 6/8d
(80d). Greater sums are void in the Bishop’s courts.
E
8) No brothel-keeper to employ general staff beyond
his wife, one Washerwoman and one Ostler.
&
9) All whores to wear an agreed garment indicating
their profession. Each whore to pay brothel-keeper
14d/week for her chamber. No whore to be prevented
from boarding wherever she wishes. Fine: £1 (240d).
10) No brothel-keeper to imprison any customer on
C
his premises for refusing to pay. Defaulters must be
taken to court. Fine: £1 (240d).
O
11) No brothel-keeper to knowingly accept a nun or
another man’s wife as one of his whores without
permission from the Bishop’s officials. Fine: 1/- (12d).
12) All Brothel-keepers must register new whores with
the Bishop’s agents. Fine, Brothel-keeper, £2 (480d);
Whore: £1 (240d), Cucking stool and expulsion.
M
M
13) Brothel-keepers to safely return customers’ prop-
erty left with them for safekeeping. Fine: £1 (240d).
E
14) A whore to entice a man into a brothel. Fine: £1
(240d). A brothel-keeper’s wife ditto. Fine: £2 (240d).
16) Constables to search Brothels weekly for infringe-
ments. Fine for impeding this search: £5 (1200 d).
R
C
19) No whore to keep a lover of her own. Penalty: 3
weeks gaol, 6/8d (80d), Cucking stool and expulsion.
E
32) No brothel-keeper to let any whore work on his
premises if he knows she has “the burning sickness”
(probably gonorrhea). Fine: £1 (240d).
36) No brothel-keeper to sell food or drink. Fine is set
at the discretion of the steward and the constables.
39) No brothel-keeper to allow cursing or blasphemy
on his premises.
27
 STATUTE ON DIET AND APPAREL, 1363
Enacted because of “the Outrageous and Excessive
Apparel of divers People, against their Estate and
Degree, to the great Destruction and Impoverishment of
all the Land.”
Lords (£1000/240,000d): no restrictions
Knights (~£266/63840d): May dress at their will, but
may not wear Weasel or Ermine fur or clothing of
gems other than jewels in women’s hair.
Knights (~£133/31920d): May wear fabric worth no
more than £4/960d for the whole cloth, but no Cloth
of Gold; no Cloak, Mantle or Gown lined with
Miniver; no sleeves of Ermine or embroidered with
precious stones; women may not wear Ermine or
Weasel fur nor jewels except those worn in their hair.
Esquires (£200/4800d): May wear fabric worth no
more than £3/6/8 (800d) for the whole cloth; may
wear Silk and Cloth of Silver, or anything decorated
with silver; Women may wear Miniver but not Ermine
or Weasel fur nor jewels except those worn in the hair.
Merchants (£1000/240,000d): As Esquires above.
Esquires & Gentlemen (£100/24000d): May wear
fabric worth no more than £3/720d for the whole
cloth; no Cloth of Gold or Silver, no Silk, no embroid-
ery, no precious stones or fur.
Merchants (£500/120,000d): As Esquires & Gent-
lemen with £100.
Yeoman: May wear fabric worth no more than
£2/480d a whole cloth; no Jewels, Gold, Silver, Em-
broidery, Enamelware or Silk; no fur except Lamb,
Rabbit, Cat or Fox; women not to wear a silk veil.
Servants: May wear fabric worth not more than
13/4d (160d) for the whole cloth; no Gold, Silver,
Embroidery, Enamel or Silk; women not to wear a
veil worth more than 12d.
Everyone else (less than £2/480d): May wear no
cloth except Blanket and Russet at 12d per Ell and
belts of Linen (rope).
The restrictions to each category applied to the head of
the household and his immediate family.
There are NO known cases of ANYONE being prosec-
uted in England for breaches of ANY sumptuary laws –
not this one, nor earlier or later ones.
On the continent, Italy was particularly strict and
28 France was in between.
Surviving records from the Southwark Manorial Court
strongly suggest that some of the ‘crimes’ and related
fines were, in fact, actually structured to form part of the
regular income stream – and that bribery of Manorial
officials to ‘overlook’ breaches was a serious and on-
going problem, one never satisfactorily resolved.
The practises on the continent varied widely – in
some places they followed the English practise of only
charging a weekly rent (common in Germany) while
in others they took a part of their fees (usually a very
large part – common in France and parts of Italy),
and in some places they took fixed, but low, part of
their fees (common in Germany and parts of Italy).
A typical fixed fee system might consist of ½d per day
or ¾-1d per day customer and 1¼-1½d for a customer
staying overnight with the customers paying 2d/3d
respectively at the unexploitative end of the spectrum,
half again as much that for a mid range fee scheme …
and nothing but board (i.e. little better than slavery) for
an exploitative scheme usually tied to debt bondage
(where the women were forced into prostitution to repay
existing debts … and where the system was structured to
make this virtually impossible).
Lease payments varied, from amounts like those paid
in the Southwark Stews at the cheap end right up to
£1 to £1/10/- (240-360d) per week at the expensive
(and exploitative) end (or for very large premises).
SUMPTUARY LAWS
The way people dressed was an important signal as to
their likely social class and it was widely regarded as
an offence against the established social order for
people to dress above their station … so pretty much
every medieval state passed, at one time or another,
laws regarding what people of each defined level of
society could or could not wear.
The authorities issued, re-issued, re-re-issued and
ranted and raved about threats to the social order –
and each and every statute … failed. Very quickly.
After all, remember, there is no Police Force … and, as
trade and the economy in general improved, more
and more people actually had the money to buy the
things the upper classes wished to restrict … and
money is a powerful incentive to not care in the
slightest about some unenforceable law.
Similar attempts were made to keep the lower orders
in their place by trying to enforce what sorts of foods
they could eat, or how often they could eat them –
but, again, money talks and the laws were abject
failures.
TAXES & TRADE – PRICE LIST
PROPERTY TAXES (PAGES #20-21)
License, 13th century on (see text) nil ?
T
Danegeld/Geld, per 120 acres
Fifteenth, per £1 (13th century), Rural
Tenth, per £1 (13th century), Urban
2-3/- (24-46d)
1/4d (16d)
2/- (24d)
License, from 1403 3d/15s (3d/180d)
3d per Maravedis (180d). Levied on ‘Italian’ merchants
R
A
Poll Tax, per head 4d SALES TAXES (PAGE #23)

Alcabala, Castille & Possessions 5-10%

D
Taille (mid 14th century) £1-9 (240-2160d) An ad valorem tax, it started at 5%, quickly rose to
Paid on a graduated scale according to acreage. 10% – applied on each transaction (see text).
Aides (mid 13th century) 1/4d to 2/- (16-24d)
Based on moveable property … levied irregularly. OTHER TAXES (PAGE #24)

Servicia (to 14th century)

Irregularly levied, variable in amount
varies
Crusade Tax (Saladin Tithe), 1188
Ransom, Richard Coeur de Lion
Prise & Purveyance
10%
25%
1/4d–2/- (16-24d)
E
Servicio, Livestock (Mesta) varies
5 Sheep or 1 Pig per 100 and 3 cows per 1000. Regularly

&
levied from at least the early 14th century. Company of the Staple (England) var.
Monedas, 60 Maraverdis of land 8 M (1440d) Pre-paid the Export taxes.
Monedas, 60 Maraverdis, Borderlands 6 M (1080d) Maona of Alum (Genoa) ???
Monedas, 120 Maraverdis of land 16 M (2880d) Manipulated supply to ensure maximum price.
Monedas, 120 Maraverdis, Borderlands 12 M (2160d) Payes de Grande Gabelle see text
Monedas, 160 Maraverdis of land 24 M (4320d) Varied from province to province.
Monedas, 150 Maraverdis, Borderlands 16 M (2880d) Suit of Mill 1/30th to 1/10th

C
Regularly levied from the late 14th century. Tax in kind … see text for details.

CUSTOMS DUTIES (PAGES #22-23) SIN TAXES (PAGE #26)

Ancient Custom, 1275-1292 on 1/4d to 2/- (16-24d)

Petty Custom, 1302-03 on, existing items
Petty Custom, 1302-03, everything else
+50%
3d per £
Lease on a Brothel, per month 6/8d
Minimum lease – a typical lease gives a 10% return for
the Lessor and a 25-33% estimated profit for the Lessee.
O
These applied only to foreign traders.
Ad Valorem Duty, everything else 6d per £
Increase to ‘everything else’ category, early 14th century. Lease on a Brothel, monthly, Cheap varies
M
M
Ad Valorem Duty, 1347 on 1/- (12d) per £ Assumes the same sort of regime as in Southwark.
Poundage, new rate, not additional. Lease on a Brothel, weekly, Moderate varies
A rate in between Cheap and Dear, assumes Bawds pay

Droit de Réve, 1332 on, Export Tax
Imposition Foraine, 1361 on
Imposed on all goods that crossed even internal borders
in addition to the Droit de Réve.
Diezmo Aduanera or Diezmos de la Mar
This was a simple ad valorem rate.
E
per customer, but are not overly exploited.
4d per £ Lease on a Brothel, weekly, Dear £1 to £1/10/-
1/- (12d) per £ This assumes the Lessee grossly exploits his staff taking
most of the earnings.
SUMPTUARY LAWS (PAGE #25) R
C
10% Not so much a Tax as (repeated) failed attempts to
legislate what the ‘lower classes’ could wear and eat.
No actual fines or prosecutions ever recorded.

E
IMPORT-EXPORT LICENSES

1294 on, during war with France 1/4d (16d) per £ Occasional attempts to legislate what common people
Additional to Customs Duty. Levied on wool exports. could wear — occasional fines and prosecutions.

Haut Passage, 1294 7d per £ Ongoing attempts to legislate what common people
Paid during the war with England in addition to Droit de could wear – actual, serious, attempts at enforcement
Réve and, later, Imposition Foraine. with court cases and fines common.
29
 BULLION & BANKS
There were great changes to the way the economy
worked in Europe between AD 1000 and AD 1400. At
the beginning of the period it was showing real signs
of recovery from the massive slump that had resulted
from the collapse and breakup of the Roman Empire
in the west and by the end it was displaying many of
the features of a ‘modern’ economy, though often in
prototypical rather than ‘finished’ forms.
The main differences between the economics of the
classical period and that of the medieval period were
those arising from the political fragmentation of the
continent –
· Traders and Merchants had to deal with multiple
borders and jurisdictions, and even multiple
jurisdictions within borders, which materially
affected the economy as a whole (see the earlier
sub-chapters on Markets, Fairs & Shops and Trade
& Taxes for more detail).
· Without a large and powerful unitary state it was
impossible to have a fiat currency, so non-bullion
coinage simply didn’t exist … all coinage had to be
gold or silver (at least nominally).
The above factors forced/encouraged the development
of widely recognised commercial institutions, proced-
ures and instruments to assist in dealing with border
and jurisdictional issues and it is these as well as the
continuing widespread shortage of enough bullion
coinage to cope with the increasing level of economic
activity … these matters will be the focus of this sub-
chapter.
M
ONEY
For most of recorded history there have been just two
major ways of paying for goods and services (and for
paying taxes, of course) – either by Barter or by using
Coin (or variations on either) or, usually, by a combin-
ation of both methods)
30
BARTER
Barter is simply the swapping of goods between buyer
and seller for an agreed on equivalence. While this
generally works well for, it has some problems and
limitations. The most obvious being that it requires
potentially complex negotiations between the two
parties – how much are the items involved worth to the
parties involved and how much they are perceived to
be worth to others.
Barter works best when the parties involved are making
a direct exchange – a new pair of leather shoes for a
dozen eggs, say, when the cobbler wants the eggs and
the farmer wants the shoes.
It works less well when one party doesn’t want what the
other party has to offer – but can probably trade it to a
third party for something they do (the ‘probably’ bit
being the problematic part) – so if the cobbler keeps
chickens, then he doesn’t want eggs … but maybe he can
barter them to the butcher for a Bacon?
A variant of Barter, fairly common in the Middle Ages,
was the idea of payment in Kind – so, for example,
under Suit of Mill (see page #26) use of the Lord’s Mill
was normally taken as a proportion of the flour ground.
Tolls were often levied as a proportion of the number of
animals being brought to market … and so on. The main
point was that there was a fixed scale, at least of sorts,
for whatever items were being taxed or tolled.
COIN
The other alternative was to use precious metals. The
Roman Empire had been large and powerful enough
to use base metal coinage for ‘small change’, but the
medieval successor states were not … and their coinage
was always (at least nominally) of silver or gold.
However, see Debasement, below. Though this was most
commonly found with ‘silver’ coins but even debased
‘silver’ coins were nominally ‘silver’ no matter how little
silver they actually contained.
SILVER COIN: POUNDS, SHILLINGS AND PENCE
Throughout Europe coin(s) issued at the beginning of
the period were silver pennies or an equivalent, and
the usual equivalency was 12 Pennies = 1 Shilling and
20 Shillings (240 Pennies) = 1 Pound where the
‘pound’ was nominally a pound weight of Silver.
The problem was that everyone had their own idea of
what the ‘pound’ actually was – the Roman Libra,
 A POUND IS A PFUND IS A LIBRUM IS A £!

Troy Pound, Tower aka Anglo-Saxon aka Easterling
aka Rochelle Pound, Livre Esterlin, Livre de Poids de
Marc aka Livre Parisis and Livre Tournois aka Livre
Touraine.
T
After the collapse of the Roman Empire in the west,
many of the barbarian successor states continued to
use many of the old Imperial forms as part of their

And all that assumed that the issuing authority wasn’t

debasing the coinage (see below)! Other ‘pounds’ exist-
ed, such as the Wool Pound (aka Avoirdupois) of ~453.6
grams divided into 16 ounces which was introduced in
the mid 13th century as, surprise, surprise, a measure of
state structures, including weights and measures,
though usually as a heterogenous mix with their own
native systems. Eventually, as they recovered from the R
A
political and economic chaos of the collapse, they
began to see a need to rationalise their own systems
to regularise and enhance trade and commerce.

D
their weight of Wool …
One common change they instituted was to formalise
The most common and, indeed, often the only coin their coinage system, which, inevitably, meant regul-
issued in the 11th century was the silver penny (aka arising their systems of weights and measures.
denier aka pfennig aka denarius and a variety of other
related names) and Shillings or Pounds (or various
other intermediate denominations) were merely units
of account and not actual coins.
However, with no overarching mediterranean-wide
state to structure and enforce these changes the result
was a hodge-podge of different systems. E
Roman Librum (12 Unciae) ~329 grams
As the volume of commercial activity expanded,

&
however, many states started to issue other denomin- Cologne & Lubeck Marks (8 Ounces) ~234 grams
ations … both lower (Ha’pennies [½ d] and Farthings Hamburg Mark (8 Ounces) ~249 grams
[¼ d] in England, for example) and higher as well as Livre Esterlin (12 Ounces) ~367 grams
some issues in gold rather than silver. In some cases Livre Parisis (16 Ounces) ~489½ grams
the new denominations were to simplify commerce, Livre Tournois (12 Ounces) ~391½ grams
but in at least as many it was because the underlying Tower Pound (12 Tower Ounces) ~350 grams
silver penny equivalent had become so debased that it Troy Pound (12 Troy Ounces) ~373¼ grams

no longer held any commercial confidence and a new,
un- or less-debased silver coin was deemed necessary.
GOLD COIN: FLORINS & THINGS
C
The Livre Parisis was the official French royal stand-
ard for coinage until 1203, when it was progressively

After the collapse of the western Empire, the issuance
of all sorts of coins declined – but, by the 11th century,
the issue of silver coins had bounced back, though not
without problems. Gold coin issues had not recovered
and the first seriously successful issue(s) of such don’t
begin to occur until the middle of the 13th century –
and the success story was the Fiorino d’Oro (commonly
known in English as the Florin) struck and issued by
the Florentine Republic.
O
replaced by the Livre Tournois, but continued to be
used around Paris until the 17th century. As noted
overleaf, after 1282 there was a complete disconnect
between a pound of silver and the content of silver coins.
The English used the Tower Pound as their standard
for coinage, but it ran concurrently with the Troy system. M
M
A German Pfund was equal to two Marks – and there
were usually 32 Pfennig per ounce (Unze).

The Florin was so successful that it, and its imitators,

dominated the international commercial scene until
the 18th century, even though the Florentine coin ceas-
English Silver Coinage (13th-14th Century)
Date
1257
Pence/Pound
242
Penny Wt
1.446 (92.5)
E
ed minting in the mid 16th century and only lost
popularity with politically inspired debasement.
1279
1335
243
252
1.44 (92.5)
1.389 (83) R
C
Some of the more successful imitators were the Hungar- 1334 (Jan) 270 1.296 (92.5)
ian gold Forint (meaning ‘Florin’ in Magyar, issued 1334 (Aug) 266 1.315 (92.5)
from 1325), the Venetian Ducati d’Oro (‘Ducat’ – issued
1345 268 1.306 (92.5)

E
in gold from 1284 and also widely copied, especially in
the Levant where it was commonly spent by Venetian 1346 270 1.296 (92.5)
traders and so gained wide popularity), the English 1351 300 1.166 (92.5)
Noble (issued from 1344, though the Half- and Quarter 1411 360 0.972 (92.5)
Noble coins were more popular and more widely issued)
and the Gulden issued by some of the Hanseatic League Pence/Pound. The number of Silver Pennies minted
towns (Lubeck, from 1341), some Imperially licensed from a Tower Pound (~350 grams).
mints in the Holy Roman Empire as well as the Rhein- Penny Weight. Weight of a Silver Penny in grams,
gulden issued by a commercial alliance of several states
in the Rhine river valley (from 1354)
percentage of silver.
31
 SAMPLE COIN WEIGHTS NOMINAL VS ACTUAL VALUE
In theory at least, all medieval coin was merely
City Weight Silver % bullion – with the coining authority taking a small
Barcelona (Catalonia) 0.66 g 20% percentage of the nominal precious metal content as
Cologne (Hanseatic League) 1.4 g 92½% seignorage to cover mint operating costs and a small
London (England) 1.46 g 92½% profit. So a ‘pound’ of silver coins should theoretically
Lucca (Tuscany) 0.6 g 36% have come close to being equal to a pound of silver
Paris (France) 1¼-1.85 g <50% (whatever pound might actually be in use).

As long as this was the case the coins would be used

Type (Year) Weight Silver % in local trade as if they were the equivalent weight of
Denier (1d), 1200 ~1 g 36% silver – though, as was common, when they travelled
Gros Tournois (12d), 1266 4.52 g 95¾% further afield to areas which minted coin on a differ-
ent ‘standard’ pound, they would be valued proport-
Between 1285 and 1490 French silver coinage was ionately according to the difference in weight and
debased 123 times – the largest debasement being 50% silver content.
and 111 others being more than 5%! There is thus no
discernible relationship between weight, face value and Where issuing authorities progressively debased their
silver content after 1285. coinage, this could cause significant problems –
especially, as was sometimes the case, they started to
insist on paying for goods and services in the debased
Type (Year) Weight Silver % coin as if it were full value, but insisted that anyone
Penny (1d), 1200 1.4 g 92½% paying taxes or other tolls/charges to the government
Farthing (¼d), 1278 0.34 g 92½% pay in non-debased coin (or, if the situation became
Groat (4d), 1351 4.68 g 92½% really bad, in Kind … though this was really rare in
the medieval period covered).
English coin remained remarkably pure – see the Table
in the sidebar on the previous page. When and where this happened, merchants would no
longer accept coin at face value, and would assess each
coin by its actual weight and purity – as bullion only.
Type (Year) Weight Silver %
Denaro (1/12 Soldo), 1172 0.36 g 25%
Soldo (¼ dg), 1328 ~1 g 50% All medieval governments fiddled with the precious
Denaro Grosso (4 sl), 1193 2.18 g 98½% metal content and even the weight of the coins they
Denaro Grosso (4 sl), 1202 2.18 g 98½% issued from time to time, mostly within a limited and
relatively small range, but many deliberately played
12 Denaro = 1 Soldo (~½ d), 4 Soldo = 1 Denaro the system and issued increasingly debased and/or
Grosso. 1 Soldo = ~½ d, 1 Grosso = ~1½ d (Tower £). under-weight coin.

The Denaro was largely replaced by the Denaro Coins, especially silver coins, were often debased –
Grosso or Soldo. After 1340 fewer Grosso and more either struck short weight or with less silver content (or
Soldi were coined. From 1370 the Grosso’s weight was even struck as Billon – an alloy of silver and copper or
reduced down to 0.45 grams by the late 15th century. bronze, usually at least 60%, and often far more, base
metal) than the official value. In some parts of Europe,
MONEY SUPPLY, ENGLAND & FRANCE at some periods of time, governments were so short of
England (Year, Pop) Money Per Capita silver that their ‘silver’ coins had almost no actual silver,
1311, 3.7 million £1.1m 95 g or only a thin silver wash on a base metal blank.
1324, 3.7 million £1.0m 87 g
1348, 3.7 million £400k 33 g In Germany, for example, silver pennies were referred
1350, 3.7 million £500-600k 40-47 g to as either Weisspfennige (‘White Pennies) if they had
1353, 2.2 million £500k 60 g at least 50% silver content or Schwarzpfennige (‘Black
Pennies’) for those with less … often the latter had so
France (Year, Pop) Money Per Capita much less they quickly went black in extended use.
1493, 8 million £30.5m 78 g
In France, the Denier (Penny) was also routinely far less
Money (Supply) = £ millions or (k) £ hundreds of than its face value in fineness – typically 50% silver
thousands of Troy £ Pounds. Per Capita = the amount content or less, and, increasingly, far less. As noted in
of silver coin in grams per person (not in actual coin). the sidebar opposite, it (and all French silver coin) was
32 These amounts are, of course, estimates, but should be
in the right ballpark.
debased by at least 5+% every two years on average
between 1285 and 1490!
 ENGLISH COINAGE AND DENOMINATIONS

One of the least devalued silver Penny issues were those
of England (see the Table, opposite) which, unusually,
almost always retained a purity of 92½% silver, but
varied the actual coinage weight.
T
For most of the 11th-14th centuries the most common
coin was the silver Penny. The pound (£ibra = Roman
pound weight) was a money of account (a book-keeping

Other cities or countries often practised a like degree of

debasement of silver coin. Debasement of gold coin was
value) rather than an actual coin.

Some of the denominations in circulation in England

R
A
much less common, mainly because the issuance of gold by the end of the 14th century include –
coin in Western Europe was much less common.
Farthing (silver, c. 1300) ¼d

D
There are a number of theories as to why medieval Halfpenny (silver, c. 1230) ½d
governments debased coins – the most popular has Penny (silver) 1d
always been that it was because of a shortage of silver Half Groat (silver) 2d
and was done unwillingly. Groat (silver, c. 1300 +/-) 4d

Other theories have been put forward by economists,

however, and one that seems to be gaining some
popularity is the idea that governments debased
Quarter Noble (gold, 1344)
Gold Penny (1257-1265?)
Quarter Florin (gold, 1344, withdrawn)
Half Florin (gold, 1344, withdrawn)
1/6d (18d)
1/8d (20d)
1/8d (20d)
3/- (36d)
E
coinage in order to make a profit on the continual Half Noble (gold, 1344) 3/4d (40d)
reformatting of older coin into the new, lower silver Florin (gold, 1344-1344, withdrawn) 6/- (72d)

&
content, issue through seignorage and brassage. Noble (gold, from 1344) 6/8d (80d)

Brassage is the actual cost of producing the coin, and is
subtracted from the face value precious metal content.
Seignorage is the government’s profit taken from
minting coin, and includes the Brassage.
Silver Pennies nominally weighed ~1½ grams (how-
ever, see English Silver Coinage, previous page) and
were ~18mm across. They were, by far, the most
common coin issue and form the bulk of medieval
coin and treasure hoards that have been found (in

C
For example, English silver pennies were almost always number, if not always in value).
minted from 92½% silver … and the maximum technical
purity achievable by medieval technology was evidently Relatively few Halfpennies and fewer Farthings were

around 98½%, so the Seignorage (cost + profit) on
English silver coin was ~6%. The French government, as
indicated opposite, was far greedier.
TECHNICAL LIMITATIONS
Both gold and silver are very soft metals in a pure (or
close to pure) state – one of the things that makes them
suitable for minting with hand-struck coining technol-
ogy, however, this also means they wear too quickly to
be practical in everyday use, so they are normally
O
produced (or have been found – Farthings, especially,
are too small to be found by Metal Detectors) as they
were really only of use to the poor – most people simply
cut a Penny into halves or quarters along the cross
design on the back if they needed small change (the
common practise before the creation of the smaller coins).
M
M
Groats contained 5.8g of silver when first issued but
were progressively short weighted and, by the end of
the 14th century, had only 3.9g of silver.

E
minted as an alloy of less than 100% purity even
before issues of Brassage and Seignorage are taken The earliest common Gold coin was the Noble (first
into account. issued in 1344), and it weighed in at 9 grams and was
33-35 mm in diameter – it was reduced in weight to
Other limitations due to the fact that striking coins
had to be done manually, one at a time, placing a
blank between a hammer and anvil die – which means
8.3 and then 7.8 grams between then and 1351.

The Half- and Quarter Noble coins were 25-26 mm

R
C
that each team at a mint could probably produce no and 19-21 mm in diameter respectively and propor-
more than 1000-1500 coins a day. Wear and tear on tionally weighted and were much more common than
the dies meant they were only good for 15-20 days the Noble.

before they needed to be replaced.
The weight and thickness of the blank was also an
issue for manually struck blanks … generally speaking
it was too difficult to successfully strike a blank of
much more than ~5-6 grams, so most medieval coins
mass no more than this, and usually mass much less.
Yes, there were exceptions – but they were just that,
exceptional – normally done for politics or prestige.
E
Florins were underweight for their value and quickly
withdrawn (by August of the year of issue, in fact!) to be
melted down to make the Noble.
The Gold Penny was a short lived, failed, experiment
that, with floating bullion prices at the time, soon
contained 24d worth of gold – most were presumably
melted down for profit.
33
 FRENCH COINAGE
Agnel (1225? 1250?) 12/6d (150d)
3 Deniers 1 Liard Petit Mouton d’Or (1351) 12/6d (150d)
12 Deniers 1 Sol/Sou Petit Royal (1305) 13/9d (165d)
20 Sols/Sou 1 Livre Agnel (1330) 14/7d (175d)
1 Livre (‘Franc’) 1 Écu (‘Crown’) Agenelet (1310) £1 (240d)
Agnel (1321) £1 (240d)
This was, as in English system, based on the Carolingian Écu d’Or (gold, from 1336) £1 (240d)
system of Denarius (denier) – Shilling (Sol) – Librum Livre Tournois (“Franc”, 1360) £1 (240d)
(Livre) and the 12 Denier = 1 Sol/Sou and 20 Sol/Sou = Écu de la Couronne (1384) £1/2/- (264d)
1 Pound (of silver) was the same in both. As noted else- Royal Double (1329) £1/2/6d (270d)
where, there was no connection between silver content Royal (1331) £1/2/6d (270d)
and face value for silver coins issued after 1285. Écu (from 1385) £1/2/6d (270d)
Gros Royal (1295) £1/5/- (300d)
Chaise d’Or (1308) £1/5/- (300d)
Pite ¼d Lion d’Or (1338) £1/5/- (300d)
Obole ½d Royal Double (1325) £1/5/- (300d)
Denier Tournois 1d Masse d’Or (1310) £1/5/- (300d)
Denier Parisis (1313, 1¼d) 1d Mouton d’Or (1354) £1/5/- (300d)
Bourgeois Singles (1310, 1¼d) 1d Pavillion (1339) £1/10/- (340d)
Bourgeios Forte (1311, 2½d) 2d Demi-Anges (1340) £1/17/6d (450d)
Demi Sol 6d Parisis d’Or (1329) £1/17/6d (450d)
Obole Blanche (1322, 7½d) 6d Couronne d’Or (1339) £2 (480d)
Petit Tournois (1295) 6d Fleur-de-Lis (1351) £2 (480d)
Blanc a la Fleur-de-lis (1355) 8d Anges (1340) £2/15/- (900d)\
Obole Blanche (1322) 8d
Blanc a l’Ecu (1384) 10d Though less subject to debasement than the silver coin
Gros Parisis (1330, 15d) 1/- (12d) issued, the French crown found enough profit in
Sol 1/- (12d) periodically issuing new coins or new denominations
Gros Blancs (1359) 1/3d (15d) (Brassage & Seignorage) that they did so regularly.
Gros d’Argent (364) 1/3d (15d)
Gros a la Couronne (1336) 1/10d (22d) The Livre Tournois (‘Pound of Tours’) was adopted as
Double Sol 2/- (24d) the official French coinage weight from the late 13th
Gros Tournois (1226) 2/- (24d) century. It was often referred to as a ‘Franc’ as the
Gros a l’Estoile (1354) 2/6d (30d) King was ‘Francorum Rex’ (King of the French).

Coins shown in Bold Red text were minted according
to the Livre Parisis and were worth 1¼d Tournis per
penny equivalent … the Tournois value is given after
the first year of issue in brackets)
The Denier Tournois theoretically massed 1.65 g of
silver and was approximately 20 mm in diameter ( or
was, at least some of the time, before 1285).
Obole and Pite coins were uncommon for the same
reason that Ha’pennies and Farthings were in England
– they were only really of use to the poor. If the wealthy
needed small change they’d simply cut up a Denier.
The Livre Parisis (‘Pound of Paris’) was the other
major coinage base in France, and the ratio between
the two was 4 Livre Parisis = 5 Livres Tournois. It was
obsolete as a coinage weight by the second quarter of
the 14th century.
ITALIAN COINAGE
Italian states used a variation of the £sd system – 12
Denari = 1 Soldi, 20 Soldi = 1 Lira and, as in the rest
of Europe, only issued silver Denari until well into
the period with the Soldi and Lira being used only as
moneys of account (i.e. for record keeping).

Note. None of these silver coins contain the face value
equivalent in silver after 1285. One of the reasons for
the many new denominations issued was that they
generally replaced badly debased older coins with new
coins which still had less silver than the nominal face
value, but more silver than the older coin they were to
replace … in general, the older coins then went out of
circulation fairly quickly, though they might still be
34 found in treasure hoards and the like.
Denari (all, nominal value) 1d
Soldo (various cities, late 12th century) 12d
Ducato (Venice, 1193, 1½d Troy) 26d
By the 11th century almost all silver coinage issued
by Italian states was so debased and/or under weight
as to have minimal actual value (the Venetian Den-
ari, for example, weighed only ½ gram and contain-
ed only 0.125 grams of Silver. As prosperityb increas-

ed due to the general recovery of trade and commerce
many cities began to issue what were in effect Denaro
Grosso (such as the Venetian Ducato), which were
nominally worth 1-2d (Troy) but many more of the
devalued Denari that remained in use.
Other denominations were issued from time to time,
but all of them slowly (or quickly, in some cases)
became progressively devalued as to silver content and
coin weight and were generally not of much use in any
commercial activities outside of the issuing state.
The city of Florence began to issue a gold coin called
the Fiorino d’Oro in 1252, 3.5 g of 98½% fine gold (the
best medieval refining methods could manage and the
needs of a usable coin could cope with).
The coin was initially worth £1 (240d) of fine silver, but,
of course, more if redeemed for debased silver coin.
Florentine Banks spread the coin throughout the Med-
iterranean world in their commercial dealings and the
coin was widely admired and almost as widely copied
– by the mid 14th century there were around 150
authorities issuing copies, often almost identical.
The Florin was so successful it began to replace fine
silver bars (also typically 98½% pure) as the main
means of making bulk international payments or
carrying around coin on lengthy foreign journeys.
GERMAN COINAGE
Germany was a mere geographical expression during
this period and there were a plethora or states and
statelets all competing to issue their own coin – as a
result even the same ‘denomination titles’ do not
necessarily mean the same thing from place to place.
Pfenning 1d
Hohlpfenning (Hansa, 1300-1339) 1d
Grosspfennig (Lower Rhine, 1300) 2½d
Witten (Hamburg, 1339) 4d
Witten (Hansa, 1356)
Sechsling (Hansa, 1365)
Groschen (Lower Rhine, 1335)
4d
6d
10d
Groschen (Lower Rhine, 1338) 12d
Schilling (Teutonic Order, 1380) 12d
Turnosen/Schilling (Lower Rhine, 1328) 12d
Halbschoter (Teutonic Order, 1370) 1/4d (16d)
Weisspfenning (Lower Rhine, 1368) 1/6d (18d)
Groschen (Bohemian, ~1300) 2/3d (27d)
Double Schilling (silver, 1380) 24d (24d)
Note: Duplicate names with different values were issued
by different cities or princely states – and many states
issued coins of the same value but with regional or
localised names for standard or nonstandard values.
T
German silver coins before the 14th century tended to
be very badly debased and worth perhaps a quarter to
a third of their nominal value or less when used for
international trade. Hanseatic coins, for example, were
thin silver sheet stamped in relief like an embossed
old-style Bottle Cap … though these were replaced by
regular coins from the early 1300s (the Witten, still
R
A
underweight, and probably worth ~1d Troy rather
than their nominal 4d).
D
German states rarely issued gold coin until the 14th
century – Lubeck issued imitations of the Florentine
gold Florin as the Gulden (‘Golden’ – often somewhat
misleadingly translated as ‘Guilder’) as did a number
of cities along the Rhine (the Rheingulden). These
appeared in the 1350’s, initially 3.54 g of 98% fine
gold … declining to 3.51 g of 91.7% fine by 1409
E
when it was adopted as a standard for the Reichs-
gulden issued by the Holy Roman Empire.
When originally issued these Gulden, like the Fiorino
d’Oro, were worth £1 (Troy weight) of 98½% pure silver. &
IBERIAN COINAGE
The basic coins were the Sueldo (silver) and Dinero
C
(copper, with a silver wash). 12 Dinero = 1 Sueldo,
and 15 Sueldo = 1 Maraverdi (as a unit of account, but
there were also silver/gold Maraverdi coins).
O
Portugal minted silver Soldo and Dinheiro as well as
Mealha (½d), Tornês, (5/6d) and Reales (10 Soldo).
Maravedi de Plata (1252, ~2½d Troy)
Real (~1334, ~8d Troy)
30d
90d
M
M
The Maravedi de Plata weighed ~6 grams and contain-
ed ~3.67 grams of silver when first minted. Other
Spanish silver coins contained very little silver, often no
E
more than a thin wash over base metal.
The basic gold coin was the Maravedi, based on the
gold Dinar of the Almoravids (of southern Iberia),
initially at ~4 grams of gold in the mid 12th century
(15 Sueldo), but down to ~1 gram by the end of the
R
C
13th century and, finally, converted to a silver coin
(3.67 g of silver in a 6 g coin) before the end of the
13th century (30 Dinero).
E
The Portuguese minted gold Marabtino (15 Soldo, at
least initially). At the very end of the period they also
issued the Real Branco worth 70 Soldo, which also
became the standard money of account.
Maravedi d’Oro (1157-1213, 3.8 g, ~16d Troy) 15s
Maravedi d’Oro (1213, 1 g, ~4d Troy) 15s
Reales (mid 14th century, ~12d Troy) 45s
35
 ROMAN IMPERIAL COINAGE
As the Eastern Empire lost more and more land its
economy went into decline and, over the four centuries
covered by this book, a number of different styles and
denominations were issued.
The Solidus/Nomisma was theoretically worth 12 Miliar-
esia, and the Hyperpyron was theoretically worth 12
Basilikon – in practise, because of continual debase-
ments, discontinuation of debased types and their
replacement with (initially) better quality issues, the
relative silver or gold value is a better guide of worth.
TRAVEL MONEY
The most common form of large scale international
‘money’ transfer wasn’t coin – the problem of purity
& weight made actual value variable and the number
of coins needed for large scale transactions or long
distance travel was inconveniently large and bulky.
No, instead of coin, it was common to carry bars of
Silver of known purity and weight.
Bars were of 92½% or 98½% purity and in multiples
of a Mark (½ Pound by weight) – most commonly
Troy (~373 grams) from the 13th century, but English
Tower pounds (350 grams) as well (Note: A Mark
weight is different from a Mark as a Money of Account)

These were all over the place as well. Nominally, 1 See the English Silver Coinage Table (#31) for the
Solidus (aka Nomisma) was worth 12 Miliaresion, but, value of a Tower Pound for the 13th-14th centuries – a
again, the actual bullion content would be a better guide Troy Pound was worth ~6.6% more (i.e. at 242d per
than the nominal value – and copper or bronze coins Tower Pound, it was worth ~16d more).
were widely issued instead of silver in any case.
A Tower Mark would have been worth a bit over 121d
(10/1d) and a Troy Mark would have been worth
Miliaresion (to 1092) ~2.2 g ~129d (10/9d) at that time.
Purity and weight varied, but by the 11th century it was
worth between ½-1d Tower, depending on year of issue. The evidence is uncertain, but strongly indicates that
Politikon (early 14th century) 1 g @ 78.5% pure silver Bars came in units of 1 Mark and multiples of
Worth ~½d Tower. a Mark, probably 2 Mark and 5 Mark units as well.
Politikon (mid 14th century) 0.8 g @ 25% pure
Worth ~1/8th Tower pence. SILVER-GOLD EXCHANGE RATE
Basilikon (~1304) 2.2 g @ 92% pure
Worth ~ 1½d Tower From the 10th to the mid 13th century the ratio was
Basilikon (1330’s) 1.5 g @ 92% pure usually around 8:1 or 9:1, rising to 10:1 by 1280
Worth ~1d Tower. Minting ceased in the 1350s. 12:1, then to 14:1 by the early 1300s before falling
Doukatopoulon (1367) 1.1 g @ 92% pure to 10:1 in the middle of the century and then rising
‘Little Ducat’, 1/8th Stavraton, worth ~¾d Tower. to 11-12:1 by the end of the century.
Half Stavraton (1367) 4.4 g @ 92% pure
Worth ~3d Tower In some circumstances this represented the official
Half Stavraton (Late 14th century) 3.7 g @ 92% pure exchange rate and the actual rate could be +2-3 units
Worth ~2½d Tower higher and rates of up to 16-17:1 are recorded in
Stavraton (1367) 8.5 g @ 92% pure some parts if western Europe in the late 14th century.
Worth ~6d Tower.
Stavraton (Late 14th century) 7.4 g @ 92% pure
Worth ~5d Tower. In the east, the traditional Imperial ratio of 12:1
held, at least nominally, and it was usually 1-3 units
less than the equivalent Western rate … until the mid
The gold Solidus/Nomisma was nominally worth 12 to late 13th century when it stabilised at around +1
silver Miliaresia and the gold Hyperpyron was nomin- to -1 units over/under the Western rate.
ally worth 12 silver Basilikoi.

Histamenon (to 1092) 4.55 g @ 100% pure It was common for there to be fluctuations in the
The old Roman Solidus/Nomisma, worth ~40d Tower. rate between regions – commonly between the major
Tetarteron 4.55 g @ 91½% pure trading hubs in Italy and those in northern (the
A slightly devalued Nomisma. Worth ~36½d Tower major Hansa towns) and northwestern Europe (esp-
Hyperpyron (1092) 4.45 g @ 85½% pure ecially England and the Low Countries).
Worth ~34d Tower
Hyperpyron (1204) 4.45 g @ ~66% pure Yes, smart merchants did take advantage of the differ-
Worth ~26½d Tower ences to make money – as did smart traveller, espec-
Hyperpyron (1282) 4.45 g @ ~50% pure ially Crusaders after the 1st Crusade showed there was
36 Worth ~20d Troy. Minting ceased ~1350. a shortage of silver in the Eastern Mediterranean.
B ANKING & COMMERCE
Between the collapse of the Roman Empire in the
West in the 5th century and the Carolingian renaiss-
T
ance in the 8th-9th centuries there was a collapse in the
volume of long, and even medium, distance trade and
a directly related collapse in the use (and even know- R
A
ledge of) the relatively sophisticated commercial
practises that had been encouraged by the existence
of a single, (more or less) unified, market and admin-

D
istrative framework.

Buying and selling involved either Barter or carrying

around enough Coin or Bullion to pay for whatever
was being sought – though if the buyer was well known
to and trusted by the Seller the latter might extend
some credit to them (usually only a limited amount for
the simple reason that they probably didn’t have all
E
that much in the way of Capital to finance such an
arrangement – see Money Supply: England & France

&
in the Sidebar, page #32 for some idea why).

Travel over any distance required the traveller to rely

on a mix of hospitality (usually at Monastic institut-
ions in the countryside or, if a noble traveller, with a No, the Catholic Church was not happy with this – but,
noble household), quantities of coin (a problematic having followed a course that led to Scholastic (aka
‘solution’ over any distance because of the wide variat- legalistic) theology, they were never able to find a way

C
ion in actual precious metal content of any given issue to oppose it on either legal or moral grounds.
vs. its nominal face value) or, most commonly, bars of
silver (see Travel Money, page #36). The first part of the contract was an Investment by the

Obviously these, and other, commercial matters were
in need of better solutions … and this is what is dealt
with in this section of The Marketplace.
O
lender (theoretically putting them at equal risk), the
second part was the Sale of Profit by the borrower
(theoretically only available if a profit was actually
made and, therefore, nominally sharing the risk), and

THE PROBLEM OF USURY

Both Christianity and Islam have scriptural strictures
against usury – which, at the time, was the charging of
any interest on a loan (Jews were prohibited from
the third part was an Insurance Contract sold by an
Agent (often, in fact, the lender, but contracted
separately to the ‘investment’) against possible loss of M
M
profit, and also paid for by the borrower … and,
effectively, the interest component without legally
being an interest charge.

charging interest to fellow Jews).
According to St. Augustine the only acceptable way of
‘loaning’ money was if the loan was subject to the
same risk in the venture as all others who were
involved – really a ‘joint venture’ rather than a loan.
He argued that the loaning of money without taking
on any risk was double charging and immoral.
To get around this stricture, Christian Bankers devel-
E
So, for example, Marco the Merchant wants to borrow
£40 for a trading venture in the Levant and so he
approaches Costello the Banker for a ‘loan.’ Costello
likes the proposal and agrees to ‘invest’ £40. Costello
then sells any profit over a certain amount, say £12,
back to Marco for £6. Costello then insures his capital R
C
for £2. The final result of the three contracts is that
Costello the Banker gets a profit, interest in all but
name, of £10, and Marco gets his loan.

oped a variety of convenient legal fictions that gave
the effect of charging interest without being able to be
legally classifiable as usury.
CONTRACTUM TRINIUS
There were a number of ways that were developed to
get around the Church’s strictures against usury, but
the most common was the Contractum Trinius (Three
Part Contract) which was in use by the 11th century at
the latest.
E
Other methods of getting around Church (or Islamic)
structures against usury included hiding the interest in a
series of charges for service.
For example, the lender might charge for guards to
carry the money from their place of business to the place
of business of the borrower – both on the initial loan and
on the repayment – and the charge for doing so would 37
 be either part of or the whole of the interest charged (the
actual cost of any guards would, of course, be nominal).
Likewise, lenders could use the concept of Limited
Partnerships (not Limited Liability Partnerships, which
didn’t exist), where the creditor’s liability was limited to
whatever the ‘investment’ was (see Commenda & Com-
pagnia Contracts for an example) – and so could par-
take in part of the profits equal to the loan plus ‘interest’
but be protected from any claim if the enterprise operat-
ed at a loss or went bankrupt (and, presumably, required
insurance against that possibility).
MEDIEVAL MERCHANT BANKS
The very first European Banks were, in fact, what are
called Merchant Banks today, and first appear in the
11th century as a result of the growth in international
trade resulting from the establishment of the great
Trade Fairs, such as those of Champagne.
They did not take deposits as such, they traded in what
we would call ‘futures’ (including, eventually, insur-
ance on such) against crops, wool or other items of
primary produce or in what eventually became Bills
of Exchange. They also assisted investments by others
– and, insofar as those investments were intended to
make money, they made money for the investor and
fees for the Bank, but still weren’t ‘interest.’
Most of these early Merchant Banks were run by Lom-
bards from northern Italy, trading on the cereal grain
futures of that region and parlaying the money made
there into wider futures trading at the main international
Fairs or were run by Jews who, largely forbidden from
owning land and not subject to Church strictures against
usury, were able to make money by offering similar
services to those available through the Lombards.
The great ‘medieval’ Merchant Banks, such as the
Compagnia de Bardi (from some time before 1290,
partially bankrupted 1344), the Compagnia de Peruzzi
(some time before 1300, but only a major Bank from
that year through to its bankruptcy in 1344) and the
Banco Medici (founded 1397 by family members who
had been individually active as Bankers from at least
the early 14th century), were, however, quite late devel-
opments … really only from the 14th century.
38
As well as straight out Merchant Banking and making
large scale loans, often to State parties, a large part of
the business of these later Merchant Banks was in the
financing of large scale purchases of raw materials such
as wool and silk and organising the manufacture of
cloth from them for eventual sale.
These later Merchant Banks were usually organised as
Limited Partnerships and Branches were semi-indep-
endently organised with interlocking partnership arr-
angements. When they finally went bankrupt, therefore,
not all members of the family were hit by the unlimited
liability provisions of partnership law – only the
General Partners were fully exposed to the risk.
FINANCING AND ASSISTING COMMERCE
These were simply informal letters from a Merchant
to his Agent (or Bank) in another place to make an
agreed on payment on his behalf to another Merch-
ant in that place – effectively allowing the sale and
purchase of goods without the need to carry around
large amounts of coin or bullion.
To function, four parties were involved in the process,
the two principals in the city where the actual transact-
ion took place, a lender and a borrower, and an agent
for the borrower in another city where the lender or
their agent would receive the money.
Term (‘Usuance’). The usual term in the Western
Mediterranean was 1-2 months but it could be inc-
reased. Before the late 14th century they were rarely,
if ever, used for transactions between the Levant (or
elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean) and Western
Europe … but, if they were, they were routinely issued
for double or even triple usuance (i.e. 2-4 months)
The Usuance period (i.e. the period between issue and
the earliest due date) was usually two months between
northern Europe and the northern Italian City-States;
from Northern Europe to Barcelona it was normally one
month, and from London to the Continent it was also
one month. The period could be extended to double or
even triple the normal length, but the ‘exchange rate’
(aka ‘interest’) would be proportionally increased.
Operational Requirements. Three copies of the in-
strument were required – one for the Issuer, one for
the Recipient and a third for the Agent at the other
end – which had to be couriered to that Agent.
This was partly the reason for the Usuance period – to
allow for the documentation to reach the other end of
the transaction chain.
Since the Agent who would receive the final payment (or
make the final disbursement of funds if it was a Money
Transfer transaction) had to have a copy of the Bill, it
meant that Bills of Exchange could only be paid (or

cashed) at the particular Agency the copy was sent to
(which would, of course, have been agreed by the initial
parties to the transaction).
If the Agent did not pay, the Issuer remained responsible
for the debt – though, normally, Bills of Exchange were
issued on a more or less reciprocal basis and the original
Issuer could probably refuse to pay any Bills drawn by
the faithless Agent to recoup any loss …
Of course, if a trusted Agent to whom one had actually
extended credit, failed to pay this could trigger a whole
chain reaction of problems. This was a fairly common
reason for credit crunches and bankruptcies – especially
of Merchant Banks.
Legalities. Bills of Exchange, since they were initially
a creation of the Fair system, were at least theoretically
enforceable under those rules.
A Merchant who was dudded by nonpayment could
bring suit at the Fair’s court and, if his debt was
upheld, then the Fair could simply seize property
belonging to fellow nationals of the defaulter to the
value of the debt … leaving those whose property had
been seized to (attempt) to recover the loss from the
defaulter through their own national legal system.
By the 14th century, most states legally recognised Bills
of Exchange and provided legal remedies for merchants
hit by a default that were directed at the defaulter (and
any guarantors) rather than at uninvolved third parties..
Exchange Rates & Interest. The amount due was
higher than the amount borrowed, nominally repre-
senting the difference in exchange rates between the
city where the trade was made and the city where the
note was redeemed and being a form of ‘interest’ that
got around the Church’s strictures against usury.
The rate of interest for such transactions was around
12½% per annum (but calculated for the period of
issue as simple rather than compound interest) but
could be more (see Interest Rates below for details) if
the circumstances warranted it.
Money Transfer. It was soon realised Bills of Ex-
change could be used to transfer money safely without
being part of an actual trade. The person wishing to
transfer the money would pay a Merchant (or
Merchant Bank which had Agents in many more
locations) a fee of 1½-2% of the amount being remitt-
ed to fund the transaction,
The idea of partially cashing in such a money transfer
Bill was not developed until the late 16th century – you
had to take the whole amount when you presented the
instrument.
Endorsement. It was possible for any of the parties
PROMISSORY NOTE (SECURED), AD 1199
T
In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, amen. In the
year of the Incarnation 1199, on the 15th of February.
Let it be clear to all reading or hearing these presents
that we, Bartholomew Mazellier, of Marseilles, and
Peter Vital, by common consent, have jointly accept- R
A
ed in the city of Messina from you, Stephen de
Manduel and William Benlivenga, 1,600 Gold Tarins
(Messina weight) weighing 531/3rd ounces, at the risk
D
of God and the sea; for which, by a secure contract,
we agree to give you in Provence 55 Sols (Marseilles
weight) for each ounce, that is, the sum of £146/13/3
(35199d … probably Tournois).
We owe this money and we are bound to return it to
you, peacefully and without molestation, up to one
month after the ship in which we sail shall have
E
arrived at Marseilles, or other port of safety in Prov-
ence, for discharging its cargo. For your greater secur-
&
ity we have pledged to you 141 pigs which we jointly
own on that same ship.
Moreover, I, Peter Vital, put in pledge with you 4 sacci
(sacks?) of gall-nuts of my own, being 200 lbs of Acre
less 27 Rotae (pounds? ounces?), 6 bundles of Licorice
wood, 300 lbs of Acre less one third.
I, Bartholomew, add as my own pledge 5 bundles of
soft leather, namely 324 skins, and 9 bundles of C
O
Licorice wood, being 600 lbs of Acre less eighteen
Rotae; but if those pledges are worth more than the
debt to you, it will be to our credit, the rest to yours.
At that time, I, the said Bartholomew, have taken by
agreement from you, Stephen de Manduel, 8 (Troy?)
ounces of gold, half of which belongs to Hugh Vivaldi, M
M
for which I ought to pay to you in Provence £22 of the
said money, for which I put 25 pigs in pledge with you
and 200 lbs, 18 Rotae of Acre of Licorice wood.
E
If the money is in small coins or debased lawfully in
weight, we ought to pay you a Mark of fine silver for
57 Sols until the whole debt is paid.
We expect those things of you, just as they have been
written, without fraud or trickery, on the safe arrival R
C
of the ship or the greater part of the goods of the ship.
This was done at Messina, in the month and year
E
stated, in the presence of these witnesses: Hugh
Aldoard, etc.
The weights and measures used, as well as the actual
type of coin received or offered in payment at the end
of the contract are unclear though the intent of the
agreement is quite clear. The lender(s) have accepted as
security some of the cargo owned by the borrowers in
lieu of them being able to make the agreed to payment
in cash money.
39
 COMMERCIAL INTEREST RATES
There are significant problems with determining inter-
est rates in the medieval period for several reasons –
partly because there are few surviving loan documents
with attached records and partly because most of those
involved in banking or moneylending actively worked
to conceal the fact they were charging interest to avoid
falling foul of the Church’s strictures against usury.
Until recently there were few modern sources covering
the matter of loans and interest, and what few there
were relied on earlier secondary sources which, in turn,
relied on even earlier secondary sources. In turn, these
works disagreed on all sorts of factors that made it
extremely difficult at best, close to impossible at worst,
to compare the conclusions they presented.
More recently, however, a return to examining primary
sources has revealed some serious issues with these
earlier works. The most serious were related to sloppy
terminology – many of them referred to %age interest
rates over the whole term of a loan without indicating
the term, thereby implying the rate was the annualised
rate rather than merely the total interest earned.
Two different works ‘modern’ examining the 30000
Mark loan for two years made by the Ricciardi to
Edward I refer to the interest rate, on the one hand, as
33% and on the other as 15.1% – the first source is, of
course, referring to the total interest while implying the
rate is the annualised interest while the second figure is,
in fact, the annualised compound interest.
The other problem is, as noted, the fact that both the
lenders and the borrowers actively worked to conceal
the fact they were charging or paying interest. Some
ways of doing this have already been described in the
main text sections on Bills of Exchange and Promissory
Notes, but there were others. For example –
In the above lone, the Ricciardi didn’t charge interest –
that would have usury, and prohibited by the Church!
What they did do was give the money to Edward in
return for a promise by the latter that he would repay the
money after two years. ‘Oh, and completely separately
from the 30000 marks [sez Edward], I’ll give you gifts
equal to 10,000 marks at the end of the two years.
Completely separate, of course!’
The rates given in this section make a number of
assumptions based on these more recent works, and
are very much lower than some of the ridiculous rates
quoted in older books. Also note that the rates listed
are sample rates – it might be possible to negotiate
lesser rates (especially important for role players, but
40 it is unlikely you’d get more than a 50% ‘discount’) or,
if the borrower has a bad credit record, inadequate
security, or simply that times are tough, the rates
could be as double, or more, than those listed.
12th Century Rates
Commercial Loans 10-20%
13th Century Rates
Commercial Loans, Spain 20%
Commercial Loans, Champagne Fairs 8¼%
Commercial Loans, Italy (early) 20¼%
Commercial Loans, Italy (late) 8¼%
14th Century Rates
Commercial Loans, France (early) 21½%
Commercial Loans, Lombardy (late) 10%
Pawned Items
Pawned Items, General 1d-2d-4d/£/week
That is, 21.7%, 43.3% or 86.7%
Pawned Items, Subsidised (Italy) 18%
Some Italian Pawn operations were subsidised by the
Church or by benefactors wishing to do ‘good works.’
Futures (12th-14th Centuries)
Grain Futures, Average Return 12%
This obviously varied in years of widespread crop
failure or years of widespread bumper crops across a
region – but it is a reasonable rule of thumb.
Wool Futures, Average Return 20%
Wool was no less affected by seasonal factors than
Grain – while wool yields might not be down in a
famine year, they are very likely to have been down the
next year as the wool growers would have had less feed
over winter and flocks would have to be culled.
The whole idea of interest was a vexed question –
prohibited by the Church, but allowed to the Jews, it
was heavily regulated by State authorities.
Often only the charging of simple interest (i.e. inter-
est on the capital amount only) was allowed – and
even if compounding was allowed, it was often only
allowed on a yearly basis (that is, simple interest to
the loan amount at the end of the period would be
added to that amount and this would be the amount
on which the next year’s interest was charged).
In many jurisdictions loan interest was also not
allowed to exceed the original amount at any point.
Of course, as you can see from the legal trickery of
the Contractum Trinius and the ‘exchange rate’ man-
ipulations of the Bills of Exchange, Promissory Notes
and Letters of Credit, there were also ways of getting
around the prohibition of charging interest and
these increasingly made Jewish moneylenders un-
competitive except for personal loans.

involved to endorse their end of the transaction, effect-
ively signing over their interest in it, usually for a
discounted amount depending on the perceived
degree of risk involved making the Bills something like
a Cheque in operation (though Promissory Notes were
more effective in that respect).
The usual discount was 1/3 to ½ of the ‘interest’ being
charged … so if the Bill went through several hands it
could get to the point where the ‘discount’ would start to
bite into the initial capital value of the loan.
Merchants and, later, Merchant Bankers could and
did offer loans despite the Church’s prohibition of
usury using a variety of legal tricks described in
various parts of this chapter. Loans were generally
offered on much the same basis as they are today – the
lender wanted to see what the (potential) borrower
had in the way of security and their general financial
status before any loan was possible.
Land was the preferred security, though this might be
an indirect pledge in the form of rents from the use or
tenancy of the property. Moveable property was less
attractive unless it was in the form of things that were
durable and/or readily saleable and/or made of prec-
ious metals (less so gems, for reasons explained else-
where in OM2 and this book) – where possible it was
preferred that any pledge be left with the lender as
security.
The most preferable form of moveable property was
basically anything that was made, in whole or in part,
with precious metals – quantities of silver or gold plate,
other tableware and utensils, candlesticks and jewellery
(several English monarchs famously pawned their Crown
Jewels to finance their various military adventures … and
they weren’t alone in that sort of thing).
As usual, borrowers almost had to prove they didn’t
actually need the loan before they were deemed an
acceptable risk.
Interest Rates. The popular belief is that medieval
interest rates were sky-high … which isn’t actually true.
Or not the whole story, at the very least. Depending on
the security available and the other financial resour-
ces of the borrower, average interest rates were in the
10-20% range.
See the Commercial Interest Rates Sidebar on the oppo-
site page for a more detailed discussion and explanation
of the issues involved.
This didn’t actually exist in the way it does in the
modern world – but precursors certainly did. The use
of Bills of Exchange specifically written for future
Grain crops or Wool clips were part of the whole
T
R
A
D
operation of the system. Still, the idea that one could
invest money in the hope and expectation of gaining
a return on that investment without wanting or
expecting to be involved in the actual sale or process-
ing of any produce for sale was a gradual develop-
E
ment from the 12th century onwards.
&
Rate of Return. As noted in the sidebar on the
opposite page, the average rate of return was around
12% for Grain and 20% for the Wool clip, which
included allowances for famine or other problems
affecting the supply side.
C
These developed due to an increase in pilgrim and
crusade traffic in the 11th–12th centuries. They differ-
ed from Bills of Exchange as they were only for trans-
O
ferring money and from Promissory Notes as they
could be cashed anywhere the institution on which
they were drawn had a branch or an agent.
Initially issued by Monastic or Church authorities,
especially (but not limited to) the Knights Templar,
they were soon adopted by the Merchant Banks … M
M
though their relative lack of ‘branches’ or agents was
a limitation. This was overcome by agreements be-
tween the major issuers to honour Letters of Credit
E
issued by others, at a discount or simply because a
local Banker or Merchant would ‘buy’ the instrument
at a discount if drawn on a trusted institution.
As with Bills of Exchange these were an all or nothing
deal until the 16th century – they couldn’t be partially
cashed. Of course it was entirely possible to purchase R
C
several such instruments, one for each leg of an expected
journey, and cash them progressively along the way.
E
Bearer or Order Notes. These were commonly a
bearer instrument like a Promissory Note, it could be
presented for payment by anyone. However they could
be issued as to order, payable only to a specific person
– requiring their signature to be redeemed.
Fee Structure. This was typically the same as for Bills
of Exchange, or 1½-2% of the amount on offer, poss-
ibly with an additional factor to allow for exchange
rate differences. 41
 THE BANK OF VENICE
Many history books tout the founding of something
they call the Bank of Venice (Chamber of Loans was its
actual title, it was only the Banco del Piazza del Rialto
from 1587) during the late 12th century (dates often
vary from work to work) as being the first modern
Bank. Sadly, these claims are either completely wrong
or totally misleading (You’re surprised at this sort of
thing by now? Really?)
The reality is that the Republic, in order to finance its
involvement in the Crusades and its contract(s) with
the Church for transport and logistics, did what most
contemporary states did to raise large amounts of
money – they imposed forced ‘loans’ on the merchant
community of the city, both citizens and resident
non-citizens. Somewhat unusually they agreed to pay
4% interest on these ‘loans’ and capitalised the whole
arrangement with 4 million ducats of state funds –
though the loans don’t seem to have ever been paid
back (which was overwhelmingly normal in the case
of forced loans).
The Bank took no deposits otherwise, and really did
not function in any way that would be recognisable as
either a Merchant Bank or Savings Bank for several
hundred years. In fact, the closest analogy to any sort
of modern Banking institution is the Bank of England
or the US Federal Reserve … its main purpose was the
management of the Republic’s state debt, nothing
more, nothing less.
The confusion seems to have arisen because the local
financial and merchant community of the Republic
came to regard ‘ownership’ of these interest bearing
‘deposits’ as inherently valuable and, therefore, their
assignment and trade between different parties as a
secure and valuable asset. To claim, as some author-
ities do, that they were a primitive form of money is,
however, not supportable – they weren’t, or, at least,
weren’t any more than Bills of Exchange were. The
best you could say about them is that they were more
like tradeable annuities than anything else.
BANCO DI SAN GIORGIO
Founded in Genoa in 1407 to manage the debts the
Republic had amassed in its ongoing conflict with
Venice (the state was effectively bankrupt), the Bank
was given the right to collect the farm of taxes and
customs dues and pay 7% interest on the Republic’s
consolidated debt.
The Bank operated as a Merchant Bank as well until
1445, secured by the governance and tax collection
rights on many of the Republic’s overseas territories
but remained a semi-Central Bank for the Republic,
a role it performed quite successfully.
42 It did not re-open its Merchant Banking operations
until 1530.
Unlike Bills of Exchange, the Promissory Note was
developed as a way to transfer money without any
trading activity. They operated in a very similar way
to the former, but there were differences –
Unlike Bills of Exchange there were only two parties
involved, the issuer and the payee, rather than the
three (issuer, payee and issuer’s agent) required by
the former. This was because the issuer was personally
promising to pay the sum stated on the document at
his regular place of business rather than ordering an
agent to pay at a distant location.
Another key difference was that Promissory Notes
could be made payable to a single named person or
be made payable to the bearer without the need for
any endorsement, which made them potentially much
more flexible than Bills of Exchange.
In effect, a ‘Bearer’ Note was a very simple, though
risky, form of paper money … but only acceptable at the
discretion of the potential recipient.
Limitations. Promissory Notes were imperfectly cover-
ed by the existing laws whereas Bills of Exchange
were, at least partly, covered by the international
rules that had grown up as part of the Fair system and
widely adopted throughout Europe.
It was almost impossible to pursue the issuer of a
Promissory Note through the English Courts until
well after the end of the period and similar problems
existed on the Continent – and there were no internat-
ional conventions that allowed the recovery of any
debt as there was with Bills of Exchange.
Of course, one could use what amounted to ‘strong arm
tactics’ and hire some ‘muscle’ to let the defaulter know
that you were not happy and weren’t going to let things
dangle … remember, there are no Police!
Fee Structure. This was typically about double what
Bills of Exchange charged, or 3-5% of the amount on
offer due to the increased risk, possibly with an
additional %age to allow for exchange rate differences.
NON-BANK FINANCE
ANNUITIES & CORRODIES
Payment of an agreed amount of cash (or the equival-
ent in land, the rents from or produce of land, or from
the sale of other, moveable, property) in return for a
regular, smaller, payment of cash (Annuities) or
goods, possibly with a little cash, (Corrodies) for a
stated period (at least the life of the initial purchaser
and that of their spouse for both, possibly much
longer for Annuities) in return was a practise that
dates back to well before the 11th century, and prob-
ably further back than that.
The first definite evidence of these financial instru-
ments date to the mid 13th century, but it is likely they
were available and used even earlier. Unlike Corrodies
(see below) they were almost entirely an arrangement
which gave a financial return on and investment of
money or real property given or sold to a recipient who
agreed to pay a set sum, usually of money, to the
investor for a set period of time.
Types. There were two types of annuities available –
Life and Perpetual.
Life Annuities could be for a single life, normally that
of the purchaser, or for several lives (normally three)
covering the purchaser and two designated heirs.
Perpetual Annuities were payable to the purchaser
and his heirs or successors in perpetuity (and could be
freely onsold any number of times.
Offerer(s). Anyone could offer an annuity investment,
even individuals – and they were offered by a wide
range of people from commoners through to royalty
and, of course, by Town and City corporations.
That didn’t mean that they were common or easy to
acquire – there wasn’t a formal market for them, you
had to know someone who had (or wanted to make)
one available, probably through enquiries through
local Notaries or Merchant Bankers and their Agents.
Security. In theory (and, mostly, in actuality), annuity
investments were supposed to be secured with rental or
other income from land or, in the case of Town
Corporation, from a right they had to collect Taxes
and Tolls.
There are recorded cases of land or property being
onsold by (or seized from) the seller of an Annuity and
the recipient successfully claiming continuing pay-
ments from the new owner … as long as the recipient
had the appropriate paperwork still!
Value/Return. A single life annuity usually gave a
return on the investment for the recipient on the order
of 8-12%, for two lives it was ~60% of that (~4.8-7.3%)
and for three lives it was ~40% (~3.2-4.8%) if it was
secured on urban rents. If the annuity was secured on
rural rents, the rate of return was half that rate.
Perpetual Annuities usually gave a return on invest-
ment for the recipient on the order of half the rate for
a single life annuity – that is, 4-6% for one secured by
urban rents and half that for one secured by rural rent.
Rates at the lower end of the range were typically paid
by the larger, more populous, more economically succ-
essful, towns and cities – and those at the higher end by
smaller, less economically successful, towns and cities.
T
R
A
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Later Developments. By the 15th century, if not
sooner, the payments for Perpetual annuities were
often such a drag on the income of whomever had
originally sold them that they would typically make
every attempt to buy them back and they were largely
E
out of use by the end of the century.
These were the earliest form of annuity and came in
the form of a lifetime allowance of food, clothing and
accommodation and, at some point, care, usually for
&
the recipient and their spouse.
They were typically granted by Royal or Noble house-
C
holds to senior or long serving staff or as a ‘grace and
favour’ arrangement for favourites or office-holders
who did not have enough landed property to main-
O
tain themselves in their old age.
It was also possible to buy a Corrody. A sum of
~£40-50 (9600-12000d) per person (i.e. £80-100,
19200-24000d) for a married couple) would, for
example, provide Bread, Cheese, Herbs (aka Vegetab-
les), dried or fresh Fish, Butter – even Meat (possibly M
M
including poultry) with at least one cooked dish (poss-
ibly only Pottage) a day with a bed (possibly shared,
as was common in Hospices and Inns) and a clothes
E
allowance (usually two complete sets of clothes and
underwear a year).
Of course, this was a very basic arrangement – more
money would mean better food, clothing and possibly a
private room or cell.
R
C
Records from the mid-15th century indicate a weekly
allowance (per person) of 2d for Rye Bread (2-3 lbs per
day) and Meat, ½d a week for dried Fish, ½d for Cheese
E
and 1d for Ale. There were slight seasonal variations –
on the Monday and Shrove Tuesday before Lent they
were given an extra ½d of meat (each day) and during
Lent they received extra Fish and Cheese in lieu of Meat
(a dozen Herrings and 7 pieces of Cheese). At Easter the
received a number of Eggs though for the seven weeks
after Easter they received only 1d a week for Bread and
Meat (which may reflect lower prices in the Market at
that time of year rather than a reduction in the amount
purchased). Additional Milk was provided at Midsumm- 43
 TWO CORRODIES
Royal Corrodies could be quite significantly better –
some were given as a reward for service, such as the
first one below, while others were purchased.
“[Per Day] … a loaf of white bread and a loaf of the
second quality, a gallon of Ale of the better quality and
a second of the second quality, flesh and fish for dinner
and supper; £1 (240d) for his clothing a year (paid at
Christmas); 5000 turves (of peat) a year (for heating and
cooking); sufficient litter for his bed; hay, provender and
stabling for his horse (equal to what a Master Cellarer
receives) and a Chamber suitable to his estate (equal to
that of the the Bailiff of the Hospice) and two candles
for each night given at the same time as the rest of the
brethren there receive their allowance.”
This particular Corrody was purchased for £81 and
provided, each week, “14 White Loaves of the better
sort, 6 Rye Loaves, 8 gallons of the better Ale and 6
gallons of the worse and 12d for victuals from the
kitchen” … in addition, each year, “a bushel of Salt,
another of Oaten flour, a stone of Candles, 10000 turves
(of Peat) and three cartloads of wood delivered to his
dwelling as well as the livery suit of a yeoman of the
Hospital.”
His wife was to receive half this amount on his death,
less the livery.
Since there were no private rooms at the Hospital at
the time the Corrody was paid for, he was also to
received £1 per year for rent of rooms or a cottage
outside the premises.
MAKING A PROFIT
The average expenditure by an institution holding a
Corrody was 9-11% – and the average life expectancy
of a holder was ~8-9 years.
In order to make a profit, or at least not make a loss,
the institution had to carefully estimate average life
expectancies … which is one of the main reasons that
Corrodies were mostly offered (or managed) by Mon-
asteries who had a literate, record keeping, workforce
on tap. The few private institutions were run either by
Royalty (tapping into the financial expertise of their
Household) or larger Towns (tapping into the expert-
ise of their Merchant class).
Smart operations invested their funds in rents or rental
property that would provide a constant return on
capital, or in land which would provide a return in the
form of crops and livestock. Unfortunately, not all
operators managed their operations well, and they
eventually (or periodically) ran at a loss … fortunately,
44 most were at least partly charitable in nature and could
make up the difference with charitable offerings.
er’s Day and Pancakes on the Patron Saint’s day (i.e.
the Patron Saint of the Monastery)
Since early Corrodies were largely arranged by or
through Monasteries, the beds, cells or private rooms
were usually in a Hospice attached to such – though
usually separate from the actual monastic quarters.
As a result, the inmates were usually fed from the
same kitchens, or with the same foods, as the Brothers
were – and this meant they would have at least three
meals a week with Meat (and many more with dried
or fresh fish).
MONEYLENDERS & PAWNBROKERS
These made personal rather than commercial loans,
and operated on a smaller scale, usually in a single
Town or City (but covering nearby rural areas as well).
In the medieval west they were most commonly Jews
or Italians (often called ‘Lombards’, although they
weren’t always from that particular region).
Operation. For the most part they operated by taking
physical possession of an item of value as security for
a loan – though they might also take an interest in the
future crop yield (or wool clip) of the borrower’s farm
or estate at a specified amount for a specified number
of seasons (see Futures & Commodity Trade for the
average expected rate of return).
The loan was normally for a specified period and, if
the borrower didn’t redeem the pawned item in that
timeframe, the lender would be able to sell it for
whatever they could get (see the Commercial Interest
Rates sidebar on page #40 for interest rates).
These lenders used the standard means of getting
around the Church strictures against usury – but were
more likely to be subject to legal proceedings by Church
and Civil courts for breaches than were the larger
Merchant Banks. Even so, despite occasional legislative
attempts to prohibit their activities, they remained a
common feature of medieval life and always found new
ways of evading such attempts.
They were uncommon before the 12th century, and, to
begin with, were often (but not always) Jews, as they
were not subject to the Church’s strictures on usury – but
the financial success of these early Jewish ventures led
to such a degree of public enmity that they were often
expelled from the country or subject to discriminatory
fines or other laws that made their existence tenuous.
The overall result was to force them to the margins of the
personal loan business – lending to those too poor to
have the political influence to force government action
against them. Their place at the higher end of the
personal loan business was increasingly taken over by
‘Lombards’ and even locals – who were subject to only
slightly less dislike.

Loans. The usual term of a loan was for a year
(though it could be redeemed earlier) and the usual
advance was for 2/3rds of the item’s assessed value.
One of the ways in which Moneylenders & Pawnbrokers
made (excessive) profits was by undervaluing the
pawned item so that the actual rate of interest would be
much higher than it should have been.
Church Involvement. Since Church institutions usu-
ally had a fair amount of spare cash laying around
they, too, became sources of personal loans … yes,
flying in the face of Church strictures against usury!
They used the same legal fictions that Merchant
Bankers developed to skirt the anti-usury laws and,
later in the period (by the 14th century, possibly
earlier) were operating actual Pawnshops in a number
of Italian cities at a great profit!
Some church institutions were more charitable – and,
in Italy, the Franciscans began what was eventually
called the Monte di Pietà (‘Mount of Piety’) system.
These institutions ran a system of no interest loans …
they may have started as early as the mid-13th century,
but the earliest certain record of such a service dates
to the mid 14th century.
Most, if not all, of these early attempts failed and went
bust after relatively short periods. The first successful
operations were not started until the mid-15th century
and some of them continue to exist even today.
MORTGAGES
These date from at least the 11th century, at least in
written forms, but may have operated on an oral basis
before then. They were normally agreements between
two private parties, not between a mortgagee and a
‘Bank’ … though one of the parties might be a Money-
lender, Merchant or a religious institution such as a
Monastery.
Operation. The contract set out the amount of money
borrowed and the location of the land on which the
loan was secured – the lender then gained control of
the land and all of its produce for the designated
period and, if the borrower did not repay the loan in
full at the end of the term, retained ownership.
There was no ‘interest’ charged as such, but since the
lender gained the produce of the land in question, this
amounted to effective interest – another of the many
ways smart operators found to get around the
Church’s strictures against usury!
The ‘interest’ gained was usually quite considerable –
typically a 100-200% return on investment over a period
of five years (which was more or less the ‘normal’ term,
or around 20-25% per annum compounded.
MEDIEVAL MORTGAGES
T
I, Walter, Count of Brienne, make it known to all … that
I have mortgaged all my land to my lord … Thibault,
Count … of Troyes … for 700 livres … When that land
has yielded 700 livres … to Thibault … it will be returned
to me … [or] my heirs. R
A
Presumably Walter actually received less than the 700
livres that Thibault is allowed to regain … it seems very
D
unlikely that Thibault would be so generous as to loan
the money without some return, usury laws or not.
I, Renier, lord of Nogent-en-Bassigny, make it known …
[to my] lord Thibaut, Count … of Champagne and Brie
that within three years … I will redeem my village of
Ageville … mortgaged to the [Hospitallers] for 200 livres.
E
Of course, all revenues from the Village would go to the
&
Hospitallers … and at the end of the three years Renier
would have to pay back 200 livres, probably more than
he’d borrowed to boot.
In the name of God … this [is the] mortgage that … doña
María … [widow] of García Santas Masas … make[s] …
C
[pledging] a field … in Almeriz … [east of the irrigation
channel, south of the field of doña Poncia of Jaca] …
[for] 26 solidii of 4d per solidus … [for three years] …
O
There’s not much difference between mortgages on a
Peasant holding and on a Noble’s land, is there?
Memorandum that Geoffrey Gosse and his wife Cecilia
came into full Court and pledged to Peter Coubel 3½ M
M
rods of land for a term of five years, for 10/- (120d)
which they received from the said Peter as a loan.
E
The conditions being that if the aforesaid Geoffrey and
Cecilia fully pay the said 10/- at the end of the aforesaid
five years then the aforesaid land shall revert to the
aforesaid Geoffrey and Cecilia, but if at the end of the
aforesaid five years the aforesaid Geoffrey and Cecilia
fail to pay in whole or in part, then the aforesaid land
shall remain to the aforesaid Peter and his heirs in R
C
perpetuity without the contradiction of any person.
Fine: 6d.
E
Don’t you just love legalese? Back in the day the Notary
or Lawyer who prepared such a document was paid by
the word … see where this goes?
The ‘fine’ was either a registration fee charged by the
Court to keep the document officially on file in case of
any disputes or, possibly, the fee for the feudal overlord
to allow the ‘ownership’ of the land (and the connected
feudal dues and taxes) to be transferred.
45

BUSINESS ORGANISATION
The vast majority of Medieval businesses were origin-
ally Sole Traders or Partnerships and had unlimited
liability in the case of Bankruptcy. It was possible to
‘invest’ in such businesses without risking that degree
of liability, but only through some sort of loan mech-
anism (Bills of Exchange, Mortgages and Promissory
Notes mostly) but at a limited degree of return.
There were, however, more complex medieval busi-
ness organisations that enabled more complex invest-
ment opportunities with at least the chance of a
greater return … but also the chance of partial or
complete loss of invested capital.
COMMENDA CONTRACTS/BUSINESSES
These were normally contracts for a single sea voyage
and allowed multiple investors (sleeping partners) to
pool capital, sharing the risk, along with an active
partner, usually the owner or master of the ship in-
volved. They began to appear during the 12th century,
initially in the Italian mercantile states, especially
Venice and Genoa but soon spread throughout the
mediterranean world.
Operation. There were two basic forms of Commenda
contract – the unilateral and the bilateral.
The earliest form was the Unilateral Commenda where
the investor(s) fronted up the entire amount of the
working capital while the ship-owner only contributed
the ship, crew and his labour.
In return, the investor(s) received ¾ of any profit while
the travelling partner received ¼ … of course, if there
was an actual loss, then the investor(s) took that
entirely upon themselves (to the extent of their invest-
ment) while the ship-owner was limited to the loss of
any profit and payment for his labour.
The Unilateral Commenda gradually developed an
variant form, the Bilateral Commenda (called a Colleg-
ianta in Venice and a Societas in Genoa), where the
investor(s) fronted up 2/3rds of the capital and the
ship-owner was responsible for 1/3rd (and the provis-
ion of the ship, crew, and their personal labour).
In return, any profits were split 50:50 – the ship-
owner’s contribution of the ship and his labour mak-
ing up the difference.
Depending on the exact nature of the contract, the
investor was liable only to the extent of their actual
investment, their liability was limited. The ship-owner,
however, remained subject to unlimited liability – in
effect a Limited Partnership (where the active partner
retained unlimited liability while the sleeping partners’
46 liability was limited) rather than a Limited Liability
Partnership (where all the partners had limited liability).
Rate of Return. When successful, even on short
voyages, an investor could reasonably expect a share
in profits equal to 25-75% on their investment … and
on longer voyages to the East this could be as much
as several hundred percent.
Risk. The kicker to ‘Rate of Return’ is when successful
– so the smart investor only put part of their overall
investment into a single Commenda.
‘Success’ depended on two things – firstly, that the
goods were sold at a profit on the outward leg and the
goods bought with the profit from their sale were then
sold at a profit at the end of the return leg and,
secondly, that the ship managed to survive the voyage!
Even on short voyages the potential for a ship to be
lost due storm, navigational mishap or other accident
resulting in shipwreck, war or piracy resulting in
seizure or capture or other political contretemps was
moderately high … depending on a variety of factors
it could be as high as 25% in peacetime, but more
likely no more than 5-10%. In times of unrest or war,
or where voyages were through piracy-prone areas,
this could easily be doubled.
Longer voyages were riskier – a loss rate of 1:3 was not
unheard of for voyages to the East even in peacetime,
though 10-15% was more common. In wartime? Loss
rates might be double that.
A round trip to the ‘East’ (the Eastern Mediterranean)
for trading purposes took 6-9 months over two trading
seasons to the late 13th century when better navigational
techniques and improved ship types allowed two voy-
ages a year. The typical medieval ship was good for
around 1-2 years worth of long voyages before the 13th
century and 2-3 years in the 14th.
COMPAGNIA-SOCIETAS TERRAE
These were similar business mechanisms applied to
land-based trading ventures. The oldest form, the
Compagnia was really only an unlimited liability
partnership but with the example of the Commenda
in mind, this developed into the Societas Terrae
which involved limited liability for the investor(s) in
the same was as the Commenda.
Operation. These were normally for a period of at
least one and sometimes as many as three years but
otherwise the Societas Terrae worked in an almost
identical fashion to the Bilateral Commenda.
Rate of Return. Due to the high cost of land trans-
port, profits were around half those for sea trade.
Risk. Bandits. Predatory Nobles. War. Weather. Even
though the trader(s) might get back alive, they might
do so with no goods or no profit. Effective loss rate
was probably around half that for the sea trade.
BULLION & BANKS – MONEY MATTERS
COINAGE 101 (SEE PAGES #30-36)
To sum up a complex matter you need to consider the
following things –
· The most common coins were silver (to at least
some degree), and the most common coin was the
Silver Penny or local equivalent.
Silver pennies were mostly around 1-1½ grams in
weight, but could be less. And they might not contain
100% silver (see below).
As the period progressed, coins of both larger and
smaller denominations were minted, but there were,
generally speaking, no Shilling or Pound coins –
these were ‘monies of account’ and used for ease of
book-keeping.
· Outside of the Iberian Peninsula, most places used
the late Roman system of 12 denarii = 1 Solidus
and 20 Solidii = 1 £ibrum.
Denarii might also be called Pennies, Deniers or
something similar. Solidii might be called Shillings,
Sols, Sous or something similar. A £ibrum was
always a pound of silver and the weight of the penny
was at least nominally 1/240th of a pound (but might
not be even close to 100% silver) … but the ‘pound’
varied in actual weight from place to place.
· Money is normally written as £/s/d – £1/12/4, for
example, is one Pound, 12 Shillings and four Pence
… 388 silver pennies, most likely. If a value is zero,
this is normally shown by a dash, so £2/-/3 is two
Pounds and three Pence (483 silver pennies).
If there are only Shillings and Pence, then they are
written as 12/4 (148 silver pennies) or 12/- (144
silver pennies). If there are just Shillings you might
write it as 10/- or as 10s (120 silver pennies) and if
there are only Pennies, as 4d.
Yes, this is probably difficult for those not used to the
older £sd system – so mostly money values are also
given in the form of how many silver pennies they are
equal to.
· Outside the area controlled by the issuing authority
most coins were treated as bullion only – valued
according to weight and known, rather than
‘official’, precious metal content.
There were some coins that were an exception to this
general rule – unclipped English silver Pennies for
most of the period, for example, and some gold coins
of acknowledged purity (especially the Gold Florin
and its imitators).
TRAVEL MONEY (PAGE #36) T
R
While large parties (Noble and Royal Households,
for example) might travel with large quantities of
coin, this was generally far too inconvenient and, for
most of the period, the preferred means of carrying
A
‘money’ while travelling long distances was to carry
Silver Bars, almost universally of One Mark (½
pound, or multiples of that) by weight.
D
An English (Tower Pound) Mark was worth ~10/1d
(121d) while a Troy Mark was worth ~10/9d (129d).
HOW MUCH MONEY? (PAGE #32)
Estimates suggest that there was 60-90 grams of
silver coin available per capita, in Western Europe
during the period covered. Most of this would have
E
been concentrated in Urban populations.
&
That’s 40-60 silver pennies per person.
It is estimated that, prior to the massive influx of gold
and silver from the New World (well outside our period)
there was approximately 50,000 tons of Silver and
5000 tons of Gold to be found in Europe – but a
significant, but unknown, percentage of that would
C
have been tied up in non-coinage forms.
Estimated annual production of gold in Europe was
O
~2½-3 tons in the 10th century and rose to ~7-8 tons by
the 14th century – and silver production was probably
10-20 times that amount.
A perennial problem was that Europe ran at a trade
deficit with Asia … gold and silver flowed east at a
rate outstripping the amount produced every year.
M
As you can see, there’s not a lot of cash money M
E
available anywhere … and this should have a real
impact on the amount of bullion and coin found in
burials, ‘dungeons’ and in general loot.
It also means that a large percentage of the economic
activity in Europe was represented by non-bull-
ion/coin financial instruments – Bills of Exchange,
R
C
Promissory Notes and the like, there simply wasn’t
enough liquidity to keep business and trade working
otherwise. The downside is that this lack of cash led
E
to repeated credit crunches where the whole (or part)
of the economic house of cards came tumbling down.
What are the consequences for characters in Role
Playing Games? Well, for a start, converting non-coin
loot into cash money will be difficult if you give oout
too much. Then, of course, if they have too much loot
in the form of bullion coin, this can lead to localised,
even regional or national level inflation. 47
 BULLION & BANKS – MONEY & COMMERCE
GOLD:SILVER EXCHANGE RATE (PAGE #36) ANNUITIES & CORRODIES (PAGES #42-43)
It would be oh-so-simple if the Gold–Silver Exchange Single Life Annuity, Yearly return 8-12%
rate was always the same. However, it wasn’t in the Two Life Annuity, Yearly return 4.8-7.3%
Medieval European world any more than it is today. Three Life Annuity, Yearly return 3.2-4.8%
Perpetual Annuity, Yearly return 4-6%
In the Western Med the official exchange rate varied Rates are for Annuities secured on Urban property.
between 8:1 and 14:1 but could be 200-300 points Halve the rates if secured on Rural property.
higher unofficially because of debasement. Corrody, Single person £40-50
9600-12000 silver pennies.
In the Eastern Mediterranean it was 12:1 at the begin- Corrody, Married couple £80-100
ning of the period and remained 100-200 points below 19200-24000 silver pennies.
Western rates due to a relative lack of silver in the East.
MONEYLENDERS & PAWNBROKERS (#44-45)
COMMERCIAL PAPER (PAGES #38-42)
Bills of Exchange, Trade Related 12½% pa Personal Loans (Rural) 2-4d/£/week
Normally for 1-4 months. Only redeemable at full value A loan against a future crop or wool clip, normally for
at specified location by specified Agent. a single season.
Bills of Exchange, Money Transfer 1½-2% Personal Loans (Urban) 1-2d/£/week
Fee based on amount remitted. No partial redemption. A loan secured against future income from Rents or
Only redeemable as above. Tax Farms on urban property.
1/ -½ fee
Discounting Bills of Exchange 3
It was possible to collect elsewhere, but it cost a The interest rates listed here are bare minimums,
‘discount’ equal to a portion of the interest being charged. Moneylenders were generally ruthless and used only
Letters of Credit (Money Transfer) 1½-2% by the truly desperate. Rates double or even triple
Fee based on amount remitted. No partial redemption. those listed were not unheard of.
May be redeemed at any Agency of the issuer.
Promissory Notes 3-5%
A promise to pay by a specific person at a specific time Pawned Items, General 1d-2d-4d/£/week
and place. Tradeable and discountable. That is, 21.7%, 43.3% or 86.7%
Pawned Items, Subsidised (Italy) 18% pa
COMMERCIAL INTEREST RATES (PAGE #40) Some Italian Pawn operations were subsidised by the
12th Century Rates, per annum Church or by benefactors wishing to do ‘good works.’
Commercial Loans 10-20%
MORTGAGES (PAGE #45)
13th Century Rates, per annum Basic Interest Rate (compounded) 25% pa
Commercial Loans, Spain 20% This rate is reverse calculated from the usual 200-300%
Commercial Loans, Champagne Fairs 8¼% profit on the amount loaned charged through usury
Commercial Loans, Italy (early) 20¼% busting manipulations.
Commercial Loans, Italy (late) 8¼%
COMMENDA & SOCIETAS TERRAE (PAGE #46)
14th Century Rates, per annum
Commercial Loans, France (early) 21½% Commenda, Short Voyages 25-75%
Commercial Loans, Lombardy (late) 10% Commenda, Long Voyages 200+%
Voyages to or through the Eastern Mediterranean and
These are samples only, but are indicative. Note that no Aegean seas are always counted as ‘Long Voyages’ if
‘interest’ was actually charged, it was hidden in charges begun in the Western Mediterranean.
for insurance or manipulations of the exchange rates.

MEDIEVAL FUTURES (PAGES #40-41) Short to Medium Distance trade 10-40%

Futures (12th-14th Centuries), per annum
Grain Futures, Average Return 12%
Wool Futures, Average Return 20%
As with all Futures trading, yearly fluctuations could
increase or decrease the effective return. There is some
evidence other types of commodities were traded in the
48 same way with similar rates of return.
Long Distance trade 50+%
Long Distance trade, Spice-Silk-Gold 100+%
The Spice-Silk trade was mainly through Constantin-
ople or Egypt for the best prices, or Damascus and the
Holy Lands for the next best rates (sometimes pref-
erable when the other routes were threatened by war or
other problems). The Gold trade was normally through
the Sahara with the Gao, Ghana or Mali Empires.
T
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49
 MARKETPLACE BASICS
So, we’ve got finance, trade and business matters out
of the way … let’s have a look at actually buying things.
Well, almost. First, however, it is important to under-
stand several factors that make the process of buying
and selling interesting.
BOOM & BUST
Medieval economies, like modern ones, were subject
to boom/bust cycles – but medieval states had even
less control over them than modern ones, partly
because they had no understanding of what caused
them, but mostly because existing state structures
were not organised in a way that allowed effective and
non-destructive attempts to control the economy.
saw economic activity as zero-sum – for your state to
prosper it had to be at the expense of someone else.
They key element of such attempts was to control the
flow of bullion … encouraging inward and discourag-
ing outward flows. Needless to say, such attempts
were ultimately, and fairly quickly, counterproductive
– and damaging not only to the initiating State but its
trading partners and competitors as well.
If your trade partners can’t buy your goods because
they have no coin (literally) to pay for them (or if they
debase their coinage, or if their merchants default on
their Bills of Exchange), your economy suffers as much,
if not more, than theirs.

To manage something requires, as a first step, the ability Just because medieval States were not really in a
to identify its existence, to be able to describe it. During position to manage their economies in a meaningful
the medieval period the word ‘economy’ referred to non-destructive way doesn’t mean they had no concept
household management or thrift and doesn’t appear of economic cycles and their effects.
until ~1440. The modern sense of the word, on the other
hand, only comes into common usage in the 18th century. The Later East Roman Empire, for example, certainly
understood the connection between grain prices and
Medieval States did make attempts to control aspects economic activity, that high grain prices soaked money
of what we would call ‘economic activity’ … but these away from the rest of the economy, and made careful
were entirely proto-mercantilist in nature. That is, they and mostly successful efforts to flatten out price
fluctuations as much as possible through stockpiling and
Major Economic Cycles of the Middle Ages compulsory purchases.
Major Cycle Nominal Internal Overall
Period Trend Period Trend This connection seems to have been made at least as
early as the mid 1200’s in England when some chron-
1151-1200 Upward 1153-1165 iclers noted the connection between rising grain prices
Peak 1166-1175 Upward in times of shortage and famine and the almost simultan-
Downward 1176-1198 eous falling price of luxury goods.
1201-1250 Upward 1203-1225
MAJOR ECONOMIC CYCLES
Peak 1226-1235 Upward While the existing information (its lack, to be more
Downward 1236-1248 exact) makes it difficult to definitively identify cycles
1251-1300 Upward 1253-1265 in the medieval European economy, it is thought it
was subject to the same 50-60 year cycles of boom-
Peak 1266-1275 Slowing bust-boom identified by some modern economists in
Downward 1276-1298 recent centuries – and some Historians have claimed
1301-1350 Upward 1303-1325 to have identified such cycles.
Peak 1326-1335 Downward Though somewhat (!) controversial (apologies to any
Downward 1336-1348 economists reading this), the possible existence of such
1351-1400 Upward 1353-1365- cycles (Kondratiev Waves if you care) make it possible
to quantify certain aspects of the medieval economy in
Peak 1366-1375 Recovering
ways useful with Role Playing Games.
Downward 1376-1398
Year ranges are hypothetical – Kondratiev cycles are The first arguably identifiable cycle for the medieval
fuzzy at the best of times, and the lack of good data period is suggested to have started in the mid 12th
for the medieval period makes them even more fuzzy. century followed by a century of increasing economic
50 Major Trend periods could start +/- 10 years either
way and Internal Trend periods +/- 5 years.
activity within the greater boom-bust-boom cycle hit
by an initial recession (1341-46) just before the arriv-

al of the Black Death (1348-53) which, in turn, kick-
started another boom-bust cycle ending around the
start of the 15th century with a downturn that, even
within the cycles, continued to the end of that century.
Within the longer term Kondratiev cycles there were
still lesser boom-bust-boom cycles … but the general
trend of these ‘cycles within cycles’ tended to follow an
overall pattern. So, for example, in the 1150-1200
Kondratiev cycle the overall trend was upwards, even
in the lesser cycles within … so the ‘bust’ of one ‘mini’
cycle would still (mostly) be at an overall level of
economic activity higher than that of the ‘bust’ of the
previous mini-cycle.
Likewise, the ‘bust’ between the current and previous
Kondratiev cycles (i.e. the one beginning it) was usu-
ally lower than the ‘bust’ ending the it cycle.
Even at its worst, the Medieval European economy was
expanding overall.
There was a major recessionary slowdown in the 15th
century, starting around 1410-1415 or so … which then
lasted to the end of that century. Even so, the much
slowed overall trend was still upwards.
FEAST & FAMINE
Apart from the Great Famine most crop failures in
medieval Europe were regional and only occasionally
more widespread.
The Great Famine (1315-1317) was ultimately caused
by the climatic changes that ended the Medieval Warm
Period and ushered in the Little Ice Age – continual
rains of up to 150 consecutive days during the growing
and harvesting seasons devastated crop yields and
around 10% of the continent’s population died (in some
areas the die back was up to 15%), either directly or
indirectly, as a result. The devastation was so great that
full recovery was not achieved until 1322.
DEFINING FAMINE
Famine was mostly caused by crop failure (it could
also be caused by devastation resulting from war or
other conflict) and could be triggered by drops in
overall output of as little as 5% though, more often,
closer to 10% … possibly more and, if it reached 15%,
it was a major crisis.
Modern research extrapolating from 20th century
famines, especially the Bengali famine (1943-44) in con-
junction with a close examination of the surviving frag-
mentary records for the medieval period have shown
some interesting facts.
Famines were generally more about food entitlement
than food availability. That is, mortality would have
T
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M
A
been greatly reduced and, in some cases, probably
eliminated entirely, if the existing food supplies had
been shared equally.
R
The reality was, of course, those of higher socio-econ-
omic status suffered far less and the mortality resulting
from famine hit the poorer segments of society dispro-
K
portionately (rent and taxes had to be paid and weren’t
always a percentage of the crop, but a fixed amount –
even if they were a percentage, the percentage was fixed
E
and didn’t change just because you had a poor crop).
This is one of the key (and obvious, in retrospect) reasons
T
that large scale famine trigger war and social unrest …
you can push the lower classes only so far before they
become, well, revolting.
P
That said, even Peasant Farmers mostly had enough
reserves to last a single year of 5-10% output failure
without excessive problems … there would be some
L
increase in mortality, but not to a huge degree. No,
the real problem resulted if the crop failure persisted
for a second year by which time any reserves were
A
generally exhausted … or if the yield dropped by more
than 10% (which consumed reserves more quickly).
The Great Famine was so devastating because the output
C
decline was on the order of 15% and it continued at that
level for three consecutive years … which is one of the
reasons it took another five years for the overall agricult-
E
ural situation to stabilise and return to ‘normal.’
Fortunately such conjunctions were rare events.
Hunger was more common than outright Famine –
but what was ‘hunger?’ It is harder to pin down than
Famine as people aren’t starving death in significant
numbers … so there’s no obvious sign(s) to pick up on.
You could take a broad view and point out that the
very poor (including those too old or sick to work) were
probably always hungry even in times of relative
plenty. However it didn’t take much to expand the 51
 number of people who found their income (or the
crops they had after paying rent, taxes and tithes)
simply wasn’t enough to ensure an adequate food
supply – so anything less than an average crop caused
an increasing degree of hunger grading into outright
famine at some point.
In general it is likely that ‘hunger’ occurred when
several years of below average crops were returned –
in rural areas the smaller sharecroppers (Serfs and
Peasants) would find their reserves reduced or even
exhausted, so they would have no option but to go
hungry to some degree. In Towns and Cities the size of
the Farthing Loaf would prove to be less than what
was needed for an unskilled workman to be able to
fully feed his family and meet other fixed expenses/
Crop failure/shortfalls that occurred after at least a
couple of years of consecutive below average harvests
would, therefore, be particularly devastating.
THE FREQUENCY OF FAMINE & HUNGER
Just as the nature of famine is often misrepresented or
given undue emphasis in many (indeed, most) existing
books on the period, the frequency is also over-egged.
Depending on a wide variety of environmental and
practical factors a given region could expect a major
crop failure every 6-10 years running on a generalised
30 year cycle.
This doesn’t mean that you had a Famine like that of
1235 or 1315-17 every 30 years … what it means is that
nationwide (or large scale multi-region) famines were
likely on a rough 30 year cycle and that some of those
occurrences would be much more severe and/or affect a
much wider area than ‘normal’ (and might even, rarely,
be continent wide).
So you might have a situation where, as happened in
England, where the major famine of 1005 wasn’t
52
followed by one as bad until 1235, or roughly four and
a bit 30 year periods. And that one wasn’t followed by
another serious one (continent wide, this time) until
1215, not quite three 30 year periods.
Given the difficulty of quantifying this, the evidence
available suggests that between four and six crops
every decade were enough below average in some
regions, possibly even nationally on rare occasions,
for their to be a noticeable degree of hunger – and one
or two of those years would be worse than normal.
Crop failure wasn’t the only cause of famine (though
it was, mostly, in the case of nationwide or multi-
region famines) – no, war and political unrest (and
there wasn’t always a lot of difference, except in the
scale of things) were at least as likely to cause famines.
War for the simple reason that Medieval armies, even
‘friendly’ ones lived off the land and a large force
could consume so much of the local surplus that even
a mildly bad harvest the next year could be … bad.
Then, of course, if the army marching through the
region was an enemy one, things were generally at
least an order of magnitude worse.
Political unrest and its usual accompaniment of
disorder, banditry and even low scale armed conflict
(raiding and pillaging, mostly) could have similar
effect … and, if carried on over a wide enough area for
several years in a row this could easily reach a critical
mass of … nastiness.
As mentioned in the OM2 Core Book, Monastic and
Noble Demesne lands always had much higher yields
than the majority of their tenants could manage …
because they could invest in improvements (better
drainage, more manure etc.) as they had the capital
to invest in such. Even in a famine year they would
often only have to ‘cut back’ on their consumption, as
their crops, reduced as they might be, would probably
be more in line with an ‘average’ yield for a peasant
sharecropper!
Maybe 1-3 years per decade would be years in which
better than average crops could be expected, though
anything that could be termed a ‘bumper’ crop was
likely a very rare occurrence.
THE PROBLEM WITH WHEAT
The further north you go in Europe, the more vulner-
able Wheat is to poor growth and, therefore, poor
harvest, using medieval agricultural technology (better
results are achieved today with improved technology
and the availability of improved strains).

This was always a problem but, after the end of the
Medieval Warm period, Wheat cultivation virtually
ceased in Scandinavia … as it could only be supported
by the expenditure of amounts of animal manure that
were simply not available to the average farmer.
Even in England, the sowing of Maslin (Wheat and
something else – usually either Rye or Barley) was a
common hedge undertaken by Serfs and even most
Freemen against the vulnerability of solo Wheat
crops. Especially the further north you went.
Modern strains have shorter maturation times and are
heavily fertilised – during the Little Ice Age, at its worst,
the growing season in Northern Germany and Northern
England was reduced by two months … and the then
available strains of Wheat simply couldn’t cope. Even
Barley and Rye did it tough … just less so.
A usually unconsidered impact of the LIA was that
wheat crops were almost always grown by Peasants
and Serfs as cash crops which helped pay their rents,
tithes and other feudal dues to the Church and the
Manorial Lords even if rendered in kind.
Only the very well-to-do Freeholder or Manorial Lords
grew Wheat for their own consumption.
Growing less (or no) wheat meant Peasants and Serfs
(and other sharecroppers) had to hand over more of
the Rye, Barley or Oats to make up the effective
shortfall – putting them closer to the edge of real
hunger and malnutrition, and tipping the scales
closer to localised or regional (if not national) famine.
Obviously, not all regions suffered famines at exactly the
same time – but records are sufficiently scarce and/or
scattered that it is best to give a snapshot of the exper-
iences of three of the major geographic areas –
In the four centuries covered by OM2, England suffered
from more than 90 major (multi-regional) famines …
about every four years on a strict average.
The actual distribution over the four centuries covered
was variable – the really major famines (those with the
highest recorded mortality, indicating a crop shortfall of
~15% over most of the country) were those of 1005 (‘no
man ever remembered one so cruel’ as one Chronicler
recorded) which was so bad that it forced the invading
Danish army to retreat back to Denmark, 1235 (20,000
died in London alone and ‘famine prevailed to such a
degree that the inhabitants had scarcely sufficient means
left to prolong a wretched existence’ as another
Chronicler wrote) and, of course, the Great Famine of
1315-1317.
T
FAMINE QUANTIFIED
I do not recommend using a ‘random roll’ system for
determining the occurrence or geographical spread of
Famine or Hunger … that said, some rough guidelines
can be given for you to consider.
Just consider them to be only rough guidelines! And
H
E
remember that monastic and noble demesne lands alwas
fare better as they have more capital intensive farming
methods in place.
One year of Crop Failure (i.e. 5-10% shortfall) result-
ing in Famine. Chance of a second year, often assoc-
iated with preceding year(s) of Hunger.
Four to six years of lower than average yields (i.e. 5%
M
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or less shortfall) causing Hunger, with the effect of a
following year of less than average yields making the
situation worse … and a third year might cause a
R
minor famine.
If a Famine year follows a Hunger year (or years) then
the impact of the Famine will be worse than the degree
of crop shortfall would otherwise indicate.
Two to five years of average yields, with a chance one
K
E
or two will be significantly better than average.
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One year in which there is a crop failure will be far
worse than normal – either more widespread (across
several regions, possibly even nationally) or where the
crop shortfall is greater than 10%.
There is a chance that such a year might be even worse
(usually only occurring every 60-120 or so years) –
P
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usually more extensive geographically, and affecting
the whole nation or, in absolute worst case instances, far
larger regions … even the whole of Europe (or even
A
further afield on extremely rare occasions).
Such a devastating Famine may, on rare occasions,
spread over two or three years and it will take several
more years for the area(s) affected to recover to a degree
of normalcy.
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53
 Serious multi-region, but not national, famines hit across
various areas of the country during 1036-58, 1120-56
(which hit Scandinavia badly as well) and 1286-1302
while serious, but more limited, famines hit in 1069,
1162 (which was Europe-wide), 1252, 1259 and 1321.
There is some evidence the Prise & Purveyance (compul-
sory purchase) of supplies to support Edward I’s con-
quest of Wales (1282-1283) and the castle building and
colonisation initiatives that followed may have triggered
some of the regional famines in the late 1280s.
Sometimes you don’t even need for an army to be present
to have things stuffed up!
The 11th-13th centuries were distributed in line with the
English experience, though obviously at different times.
During the 14th century, however, France was hit by
numerous multi-region (not always all at once, though)
or national famines in 1315-1317, 1330-1333, 1349-
1351, 1358-1360, 1374-1375 and 1390-91 and major
regional famines in 1304, 1305 and 1371.
Climate change played an important part in the recur-
rence of famine, but so did the ongoing political and
military conflicts during that period.
The Hundred Years War being fought on French territ-
ory with both armies stripping areas they fought over
and marched through bare obviously didn’t help either.
German famines followed a similar distribution to those
for England and France (but at different times) in the
11th-13th centuries (including one in 1258 which also
affected Italy), better records exist for the 14th century,
however, and we know large scale, if not nationwide,
famines hit Germany in 1304, 1305, 1310, 1315-1317
(of course), 1330-1334, 1349-1351, 1358-1360, 1371,
1374-1375 and 1390.
54
Paradoxically, especially as the period progressed, it
was Rural areas that were hit hardest by hunger and
famine, not Towns and Cities as many might expect.
This was because urban areas were centres of trade
and commerce, giving them two major advantages –
· Firstly, and obviously, their burgeoning money
economies simply allowed them to outbid the
rural populace in two ways, either because the
urban elite used their access to money to buy up
rural property, giving them direct control of not
insignificant portions of the rural crop or simply
because, in times of shortage, they could outbid
any rural competition for scarce food supplies.
· Secondly, less obviously, the fact they were at the
centre of a web of transport links, often by river or
sea (the cheapest transport methods then, as they
remain even today), meant that whatever limited
capacity there was for moving food around (and it
was limited in comparison to modern capabilities)
existed was fortuitously centred on them.
In short, in times of hunger and famine, the absolute
best place to be for access to food was the nearest Town
or City. Yes, things would be tough, especially (obvi-
ously) for the poor, but food will be more available, if
not cheaper, than in the countryside!
Of course, there is a downside – and that is urban areas
are much more likely to suffer from outbreaks of plague
(aka infectious disease rather than The Plague) which
tended to occur around the same time as hunger and
famine (which obviously weaken immune systems and
make people more vulnerable to infection).
FAMINE & PESTILENCE
Not all mass outbreaks of disease during the medieval
period were directly and/or obviously linked to Fam-
ines (though, when you include incidences of hunger,
the linkage becomes somewhat clearer) – but many
 T
were, and many more can be seen, on closer examin-
ation with modern sensibilities, to have been so linked
even if the link wasn’t obvious at the time.

Some historians have theorised (and there seems to be at

least some supporting evidence) that the Bubonic Plague
outbreak of 1346-1353 was at the very least made worse H
E
by the Great Famine of 1315-1322.\

Famine has a (now well understood) negative impact on

the development of the immune system in children and
young people – and the severe, continent wide, deprivat-
ion of the Great Famine meant those generations were
adults at the time of the Plague outbreak and were,
therefore, more susceptible to infection than they would
have been otherwise.
M
A
There is some evidence to suggest that major disease
outbreaks occurred on a roughly 15 year cycle which
seems to have been connected with the roughly 30 AVAILABILITY: OVERALL

year cycle of major Famines (and/or extended periods
of hunger) … but, like the latter, this was variable to a
degree and disease outbreaks were often only slightly
more geographically extensive than the areas which
had been hit by famine/hunger.
R
Overall availability is divided in eight population size
based levels which may be effectively upgraded by
five activity based factors.

AVAILABILITY
Even in modern times, the availability of goods and
services is not spread uniformly – it is better in large,
heavily populated, urban areas and worse in sparsely
settled rural ones and small towns.
Things were really no different in the medieval period
– but with added wrinkles and limitations unique to
the time and place. Specifically, there are two levels of
availability – overall and here and now.
Overall Availability. This shows whether there are
craftsmen, merchants or service providers in the settle-
ment who can produce the item or provide the service.
It does not mean that they have the item in stock or
that they can provide the service immediately.
Population Levels. These grade upwards from Hamlet
à Village à Large Village à Small Town à Large
Town à City à Large City à Metropolis K
Metropolis (~50,000 people or more). A Metropolis is E
T
the peak of late medieval (13th-14th centuries) urban
specialisation – craftsmen and professional plying all
except the most esoteric pursuits will be present, often
in some numbers, and even the latter will probably
have at least one practitioner (or practitioners of such
rare esoterica will be contactable through agents or
those ‘in the know’ in the City). P
It will certainly have a Cathedral which may be the
seat of an Archbishop and probably has a Minster and L
A
other large Churches which may be the seat of urban
or rural Bishoprics covering part of the city or the
area surrounding it.

Here & Now Availability. This indicates the likelihood

that you will be able to buy it ‘off the shelf’ when you
find someone who, theoretically, can produce it, who
normally sells it or has the training to provide the
desired service.
Anachronisms. If an item was not, historically, available
at all, then it likely won’t be listed at all, which makes
the ‘overall availability’ nil … and nil everywhere.
If, for whatever reason, it probably wasn’t available
(likely rated as such because the evidence and dating of
it is uncertain) or was available but only after (or in some
cases, before) a certain date, then this fact will be
referred to in accompanying description along with
further relevant details.
Major City (~20,000 people or more). A Major City is
the peak of early medieval (10th-12th centuries) urban
specialisation – there will be craftsmen and specialist C
E
service providers here who are simply not found
elsewhere and it would be rare for such a settlement
to not be involved in widespread international trade
through a variety of links.
It will certainly have a Cathedral and almost certainly
a Minster as well, and may be the seat of one or even
two regional Bishops.
City (~10,000 people or more). A City is a Large Town
on steroids – it has even more specialised craftsmen
and professionalss than a Large Town (some of those
will be in crafts not found in smaller settlements) and 55
 will be involved and it is more likely to be involved in
international trade … though, as with Large Towns
such involvement may be peripheral unless it has a
way of more widely marketing its products.
Cities may have both a Minster and a Cathedral, and
in the latter case will also be the seat of a Bishop.
Large Town (~5000-9000 people). A Large Town has
more, and more specialised, craftsmen and service
providers than a Small Town and an increasing num-
ber of townspeople will be involved in regional and
even international trade (though this may be a periph-
eral state unless it has some way of widely marketing
its products) and specialised crafts.
Such a town probably has one Church that is domin-
ant over all the others, and may occasionally have a
Cathedral and Bishop (which often indicates it is
either on the way up in importance and population or
on the way down) or a Minster if it doesn’t have a
Cathedral … it will rarely have both.
Small Town (~1500–4000 people). The difference
between a Town and a Village is that the majority of
the townspeople are engaged in mainly local trade
rather than agricultural pursuits.
This level of settlement is where you start to get a
number of specialised craftspeople and other service
providers over and above the Blacksmith and/or Car-
penter you will typically find in a Village … and even
the latter two craftsmen in a Town will have skill in
producing items that a Village craftsman will likely
never be called on to make.
A Small Town will possibly have a Minster and also
about Church for every 300-500 inhabitants, and
perhaps one for every 200-300 in some places. One of
the Churches will tend to be larger and more
important than the rest … not always the oldest.
56
Large Village (900-1400). This is a Village that is in
the process of becoming something more – it is a
transitional stage between a Village and a Small Town,
probably only lacking a Charter to allow it to pretend
to the latter status (or it may be a failed, or just
beginning, attempt to become a Town, with either a
limited or no Charter).
There will be a small number of additional craftsmen
over those normally found in a Village, but the maj-
ority of the population will still be engaged in farming
or stock raising for most of the year … just a smaller
percentage than would be the case in a regular Village.
Village (~200-800 people). A Village is a settlement
whose character is primarily rural – that is, the major-
ity of inhabitants are engaged, for the majority of the
year, in farming, stock raising or other primarily
agricultural pursuits. Typically a Village would consist
of no more than 100 families … a likely maximum
population of perhaps 600-800 people.
With one major exception such craftsmen as may be
present were either part-timers or rented out their
plots to supplement their craft-related income. They
were also almost universally limited to a very small
number of crafts … typically a Blacksmith, almost
certainly a Miller and, probably, a Carpenter.
The exception? Spinners and Weavers. If a Village had
any sheep or goats, or harvested Flax, they would spin
the fibre into thread or sell it to urban spinsters, and
then weave (or sell it to urban weavers) the thread into
cloth on a piecework basis, usually over the winter.
By the 14th century most fibre was sold in advance to
Urban merchants who then placed it with rural spinsters
and weavers (those not covered by Guild Rules and,
therefore, not covered by Guild mandated wages) to turn
into thread and then into cloth on a piecework basis )the
‘Putting Out’ system).
 T
In England, a Vill had to have a Parish Church but
might be split, population wise, between more than
one Manorial estate (and, despite what many books on
the Feudal system strongly imply, this sort of split was
overwhelmingly the normal state of affairs).

Hamlet (~50-100 people). A Hamlet is a geographically H

E
separate subdivision of a Village usually within a
larger Parish organisation. In England it is any settle-
ment larger than a homestead or collection of a few
isolated farmsteads which has no Parish Church (it
may have a Chapel which is visited on a rotating basis
by the Parish priest). Otherwise it is very similar to a
Village except for further restrictions on availability of
goods and services.
M
A
Activity Factors can have an impact on both Overall
and Here & Now availability.

R
For Overall availability, each ‘level’ increase increases
the effective population level of the settlement. So, for
example, if a Small Town was also on a Major Trade
Route (+1) it would be treated as if it were a Large
Town for Overall availability.

For Here & Now availability, each ‘level’ increase adds

a variable percentage to the base availability – this
varies according to the actual population. So, if an
item had a base 40% availability and a +10% variable
but with improved availability mainly of items drawn
from across the Nation (and, possibly, adjacent States
in the case of small principalities) rather than across K
E
the continent. These items are at +1 level over normal
for Overall and Here & Now availability.

factor per level and was a Market Town (+1) the base
availability would increase to 50%.
Fair (International). For the duration of the Fair (and
a little while either side – how long depends on the
GM’s discretion) Overall availability of items from all
over the continent (and even foreign imports) go up +1
level (being centres of economic activity, Fairs soon
attracted anyone with items to sell, even if not origin-
ally part of the Fair’s intent) and Here & Now availa-
T
Items from across the Continent and/or imported items
from further afield which are not normally available at
Regional Fairs may be available on an exceptional basis
… requiring a critical success or better in any relevant
check. Alternatively, such items can be ordered for later
delivery – perhaps at next year’s Fair?
P
L
As with International Fairs, the improved availability
usually applies only to Goods – with the same caveat
regarding the GM’s discretion applying to improved

bility peaks as well (+2 levels), for everything, not just
for items ‘normally’ sold at the Fair.
Exceptions to this increased availability are for items
needing to be personally fitted to the purchaser. Buying
cloth, even exotic cloth such as silk (or, later, Cotton) is
easy-peasy … but buying a finished outfit is subject to all
the normal ‘Here & Now’ limits. Likewise, buying Mail
armour (which, more or less, fits anyone – or which can
easily be reworked to do so) is fine, but buying Partial
Plate is not, as the components require individual fitting.
Improved availability normally applies only to Goods
– whether it applies to Services will depend on a case
by case assessment by the GM (and that, in turn, will
depend on whether the services are closely related to
the Fair’s present – and, even if they are included, will
probably only apply while the Fair is present).
A
availability of Services.
Market Town. Here & Now availability of both Goods
and Services is +1 level higher than normal for those
items produced by local craftsmen or available from
regional farms – Overall availability is not affected by
this level of activity. C
E
Port (River). The settlement is connected to all others
along the navigable river (and connected rivers) and
goods not available locally that do not require person-
al fitting (such as clothes or partial plate armour) can
be ordered from any other connected settlement.
Additional costs will be equal to base local cost at the
point of origin plus the cost of shipping. How long the
goods take to arrive will depend on Here & Now
availability at the point of origin but, apart from that,

Fair (Regional). This is similar to an International Fair,

will be subject only to the normal round-trip shipping
times and limitations between the two settlements. 57
 It is possible that some types of Services could be order-
ed to be done remotely – legal services, for example,
could be done by messenger, and would not involve any
real ‘shipping’ cost for the finished ‘product.’ The GM
should use their discretion as to whether additional
Services not normally available locally can be so ordered.
Here & Now availability is increased by +1 level for all
items produced locally.
Port (Sea). The settlement is connected to any others
linked to the same sea or ocean … as well as to all
navigable rivers which feed into it. It can access items
produced by all settlements so linked in the same way
as a River Port can, and with the same limitations.
Overall availability is increased by +1 level while Here
& Now availability is increased by +2 levels for items
normally available locally and +1 level for other items.
The same caveat about the possibility some types of
Services could be managed remotely as is described for
River Port(s) applies for Sea Port(s).
Trade Route (Major). The settlement is on a inter-reg-
ional or international trade route and this boosts
Overall and Here & Now availability of Goods by +1
level. The availability of Services is boosted +1 level if
the it is also a Port, otherwise they are only boosted if
they are directly related to trade and commerce.
As with Sea and River Ports, goods from along the
Route may be ordered, but travel times to the point of
origin and back make this a long-winded matter over
any distance … to the point where travelling to a Port
to make an order would be less time consuming!
Trade Route (Crossroads). The settlement is on the
crossing point of two (or more) inter-regional or inter-
national trade routes. This boosts Overall availability
of Goods by +1 level and Here & Now availability by
+2 levels. The availability of Services is boosted +1
level regardless, and +2 levels if also a River or Sea Port.
The same strictures to ordering goods from elsewhere
along the trade route apply as for Trade Route (Major).
58
AVAILABILITY: HERE AND NOW
Here & Now availability indicates the chance that a
craftsman or service provider will who has been
determined to be present by Overall availability will
have the item(s) or service(s) the player(s) want in stock
(for goods) or are able to undertake the work immed-
iately (for services).
Availability can either be automatic, which means the
item or service is routinely in stock or available at all
times (though exceptional circumstances may modify
this) or they can have a percentage rating which
indicates the chance of the item being in stock with at
least one local craftsman or that the service is immed-
iately available from at least one local professional.
Automatic availability may be trumped if there has
recently been a spike in demand for that item or service
– so, for example, if the local Lord has summonsed the
Feudal Levy to meet at the settlement then, depending
on the size of the settlement and the number of men in
the Levy, it is entirely possible that all ready-made
Horseshoes will have been expended and that all the
local Farriers will already be engaged in shoeing or
re-shoeing horses.
Percentage availability may exceed 100% – if it does, it
means there is one definite seller/service provider for
each full 100% with the chance that there might be an
additional one equal to the leftover value. There may be
considerable differences in price between the providers
– or one or more of them might be situated away from
the area(s) where they normally operate and, therefore,
be somewhat harder to find.
At the Market (Automatic, Limited). If it’s Market Day,
the item will be available – more so at the beginning
of the allotted market time than at the end.
If the item is perishable, any remaining as the Market
draws to a close will be sold off at a reduced price since
it will spoil before the next Market is held (even if, as in
very large Cities, that might be the very next day!).
Depending on the item and the purpose of the Market
you may have difficulty not actually tripping over
people wanting to sell those items to you … so Herbs
(aka Vegetables) will be available at a Produce Market
and Cattle will be available at a Livestock Market.
Over the Counter (Automatic). The item is in high
demand and cheap (and doesn’t require close fitting
such as clothes or footwear) so all the craftsmen who
produce such are likely to have a quantity on hand.
The exact number/amount available depends on the
intersection between how well off the craftsman is
and the (effective) size of the settlement (i.e. there is
likely to be a greater quantity in larger settlements) –
but there are unlikely to be massive quantities.
 OVERALL AVAILABILITY – SUMMARY

T
Most commonly there will be between a a couple (aka
two) to a dozen or more in varying styles if such is a
design choice for the item (common Belt Buckles, and Metropolis (MT) 50,000+
probably the Belts to go with them for example). Major City (MC) 20,000+

Common (100%). The item or service is relatively

inexpensive and used somewhat widely – if there is
City (C)
Large Town (LT)
Small Town (ST)
10,000+
5-9000
1500-4000 H
E
more than one craftsman who produces such items Large Village (LV) 900-1400
(this varies according to size) in a settlement then At GM discretion a Large Village may rate as either a
there is an increased chance of at least one of them Village or as a Small Town for Overall availability.
having either one or a small amount on hand. Village (V) 200-800
Hamlet (H) 50-100
If not available over the counter, then they will often
be able to make one to order within a single business
day (see the item description for any exceptions),
possibly less if the order is placed early in the morning.
Type
Fair, International (FI)
Overall/H&N
+1/+2
For International, Imported and other produce/products M
A
In a Large Town there is a 150% chance one craftsman Fair, Regional (FR) +1/+1
having one in stock, in a City there is a 200% chance For International and Regional produce/products
and in a Major City there is a 250% chance and for a Market Town (MT) +0/+1

R
Metropolis there is a 300% chance. Each level of imp- For local and regional produce/products/services only
rovement for Activity related factors adds +50%. Port, River (PR) Special/+1
Here & Now availability for locally produced items only
If the item/service is deemed available at all in a Large Port, Sea (PS) Special/+1
Village, base availability is 50%.

Uncommon (50%). The item is in some demand, but

Special for Overall except for locally produced items,
which is +1. Here & Now is +2 if locally produced.
Trade Route, Major (TRM) +1/+1 K
E
either because of its expense or other factors crafts- Services +1 only if also a Port
men rarely have any in stock. If there is more than one Trade Route, Crossroads (TRC) +1/+2
such craftsman in the settlement then the chance that Services +1 or +2 if also a Port

T
at least one of them will have one on hand is increased.
If not, then they will normally be able to make it HERE & NOW AVAILABILITY – SUMMARY
within two to three business days (see the item de- At the Market (AM) 100%
scription for any exceptions to this time frame). For items normally sold at that type of Market

In a City there is a 75% chance and in a Major City

there is a 100% chance and in a Metropolis there is a
Over the Counter (OTC)
Common (CM)
LT, 150%; C, 200%; MC, 250%; MT, 300%. +50%/lvl.
100%
100%
P
L
125% chance of at least one craftsman having one in Uncommon (UC) 50%
stock. Each grade of improvement for Activity related C, 75%: MC, 100%; MT, 125%. +25% per level.
factors adds +25%. Scarce (S) 25%

A
MC, 35%; MT, 35% +10% per level.
Scarce (25%). The item is either expensive enough, or Rare (R) 0%
the demand for it is uncommon enough, that it is C, +5%; MC, +10%; MT, +15% per level. Smaller
rarely held in stock even if there is more than one settlement on TRM, flat 5%, at a TRC, flat 10%.
craftsman who makes such – still, there is a chance of
at least one of them having one in stock if there are
more than one in a settlement. If it is not in stock it is
Special Order (SO) 0%
See text for explanation. Involves round trip travel time
in addition to Here & Now availability at the point of C
E
likely that a craftsman will take at least a week to craft origin.
it and perhaps several weeks (see item description for Import Only (IO) 0%
any exceptions to this time frame). See text for explanation. Does not necessarily apply to
all types of imported items … and involves round trip
In a Major City there is a 35% chance and in a Metrop- travel time as for Special Orders.
olis a 45% chance of at least one craftsman having one Anachronism (AN) 0%
in stock. Each grade of improvement for Activity related See text for explanation.
factors adds +10%. Second Hand (SH) Special
See text. Many more than one may be available – if
Rare (10%). The item is so expensive, or demand is so adjusted availability exceeds 100% (i.e. if Availability is
limited, that even those craftsmen who specialise in 160% then there will be at least the base amount and a
such will rarely have any in stock, no matter how
many there are in a settlement. Such items may be
60% chance of an equal quantity more).
59
 able to be crafted in a week to a month but, if es-
pecially costly or complex could take several months
or even longer to complete (see the item description for
any exceptions to this time frame).
Activity based factors add +5% to the potential availab-
ility of a single item somewhere in Cities, +10% in
Major Cities or to a flat 5% for a lesser settlement on a
Trade Route (Major) and a flat 10% for one on a Trade
Route (Crossroads).
Special Order (Special). For a variety of reasons, these
items are never available off-the-shelf … maybe they
are too expensive for most craftsmen to make ‘on spec’
(for many sorts of armour) but it can also be because
they have to be individually fitted (clothes, Plate &
Mail armour for example).
This class of items have to be ordered from a crafts-
man who produces such and can take anywhere from
a day or two (for most simpler items of clothing) to
many, many, months (for armour, especially if ‘fash-
ionable’ and not just functional).
The description of the item(s) will normally give some
guidelines as to the time needed for production.
It is barely possible that such an item may have already
been in production, or even completed, but that the
person ordering it has defaulted – in which case treat the
item as Second-Hand.
Import Only (Varies). The item is only ever available
as an import from somewhere else. There are no local
craftsmen who make the item and/or no local
producers who grow it or process the raw materials
from which it is made. As a result, availability varies
and can fall into one (possible more, on a seasonal
basis) of the following categories –
· It is only available at a Fair when the Fair is
actually underway (and possibly for a short period
before and after the nominal start and end as the
merchants arrive/leave).
· It is only available in Cities or, possibly, only in
Major Cities.
60
· It is, in effect, a Special Order that has to be
ordered through a Trade Route and to which the
round trip communication times apply. This may
be from a City/Major City or from further afield,
depending on the specific item.
The level of availability will be indicated in the descript-
ion of each ‘import’ rated item.
Not all ‘imported’ items are classed as ‘import only’ as
they are commonly available, if expensive, luxuries …
silks and spices imported from Asia are examples.
Anachronism (Special). A small number of items may
be included in The Marketplace either because their
‘invention’ (or merely their first appearance) could
have been available earlier (records so far back are
always spotty), hail from earlier times (Dungeon loot?
Heirlooms?) or are sufficiently interesting to include.
Whether individual GMs allow them to actually be
available at all, and what Availability category they
should fall into is entirely at their discretion.
Second Hand (Special). Someone has pawned (or
wants to sell) some of their property (perhaps unwant-
ed loot?) – only goods, and only to non-food items, and
there are a number of caveats –
· Availability is double the final adjusted availabil-
ity value (which is allowed to exceed the normal
maxima) and there may be many more than one
such item available (if Availability exceeds 100%).
· Items are worn to a variable degree (reflected
directly, but not necessarily directly proportionally,
in the price) and if normally fitted, they may be too
big or too small (maybe they can be adjusted?).
· Expanded Rules for Pawnbrokers and Second
Hand Merchants appear later in this book which
can be used to enhance the buying and selling
experience for Players!
INFLATION & PRICE VARIABILITY
In the modern world we are used to prices changing
over time, either upwards, due to inflation and a
variety of other factors, or, sometimes, downwards due
to a different variety of factors and the medieval world
was no different – especially when you consider OM2
and The Marketplace cover a period of 400 years!
However, it is important that readers understand the
limited economic data available make it extremely
difficult to make definitive statements about mediev-
al economics … yet many historians do make such (or
have in the past) much to the distress, bemusement,
even astonishment of economists or economic histor-
ians so use/consider the following material with care.
INFLATION
Unlike modern states with fiat paper currencies, med-
ieval states worked on bullion coin (or their equivalent
in barter) and, very simplistically, had much less
scope (or underlying cause) for much inflation.
Inflation occurs when the amount of money in circulat-
ion is greater than the supply of goods and services – the
suppliers of said goods and services will quickly increase
their prices to soak up the excess money. For the most
part, economies based on bullion coin based money have
lower inflation than those based on fiat currency.
Apologies to any economists or economic historians out
there – I know this is really simplistic. But it does sorta
get a valid, if not entirely correct, point across.
Price inflation for the entire period was ~1% per
century (on average across the four centuries – within
the caveat(s) indicated above – comparing like to like.
Yes, there were periods where inflation ran ‘higher than
this – but this was mostly regional, and mostly due to
war or war-related financial problems, and eventually
the prices dropped back to the average.
Wages did go up, gradually, but prices remained re-
markably stable overall … mainly because of improve-
ments in productivity (and, given that the whole edi-
fice of the medieval economy was largely based on
craft level production at the beginning, this wasn’t
actually hard to achieve).
While it isn’t likely that a given campaign (or the
players involved in such) will need to consider how
wages and prices change over four centuries you can
at least rest assured that they are roughly comparable
for like on like.
Little or no inflation does not mean that there was no
price variability – war, famine, disease and other factors
could easily result in price variation, and sometimes
extreme price variation, but these were blips and prices
always reverted to the mean over the medium term (heck,
often by the next year!) … and this is covered in the
following section.
Debasement of coinage is not the same as inflation (and
wasn’t always accompanied by it), partly because the
coin usually retains its value in the local economy if not
as an international trading standard and partly because
debasement is usually only a medium term fix for what-
ever economic problems may have caused the issuing
authority to undertake this course of action and doesn’t
increase prices long term.
Even with debasement, states tend to attempt to return to
a mean standard in the medium term, if not sooner –
often as a matter of prestige rather than pure economics.
T
H
E
This is where things can (and should) get tricky. As the
definition of inflation above makes clear, inflation arises M
A
from there being more money circulating in the
economy than the acyual amount of economic activity.
For the bullion based economies of the medieval period
R
this was not normally a problem as, even as new mines
opened up, there was never any long term continent-
wide excess amount of silver or gold … in fact, as noted
elsewhere, their were continuing shortages that merch-
ants got around, at least in the medium term, with
various forms of credit instruments (Bills of Exchange
and the like, also described in more detail elsewhere). K
E
That said, from the late 15th century to the mid 17th
century, a combination of improved extraction technolo-
T
gy, the discovery and exploitation of many rich Euro-
pean mines, and the influx of silver and gold from the
New World caused massive price inflation causing prices
to increase sixfold throughout Europe in 150 years and
basically crippling the Spanish internal economy.
The pre-1492 European bullion stock being estimated P
L
by some historians at ~50,000 tons of silver and ~5000
tons of gold (and other historians say this is extremely
dodgy – take your pick) and between late 15th and late
A
18th centuries it is estimated that ~290,000 tons of silver
(around 150,000 tons from the Potosi mines alone) and
~45,000 tons of gold were added (some sources imply it
all came from the New World, but others disagree – so
take your pick again).
By the late 16th century the New World mines belonging C
E
to Spain were producing (and shipping home to Spain)
up to ~20 tons of gold and ~3000 tons of silver a year
(more usually around 1/5th to 1/10th of that). The
Spanish Crown spent this money largely on useless,
pointless, and largely futile military and political ad-
ventures and on luxury goods, neither of which did their
domestic economy any good – the modern ‘Resource
Curse’ that afflicts so many developing (and even care-
less developed) countries is, in fact, nothing new.
Player Characters & Dungeon Economics. The ‘Span-
ish Problem’ applies, of course, only after the end of the
14th century – but it’s still indicative of the possible 61
 problems of ‘Dungeon Economics’ – or, if you prefer,
the ‘Resource Curse’ of having what are, in effect, loot-
filled ‘mines.’
If PC (and NPC) ‘Dungeon Delvers’ are bringing up
huge hoards of gold and silver coin (and, maybe, other
bullion such as Platinum – though when it was isolated
in the mid 16th century it was regarded as an unwanted
impurity of silver ore!) then this would have an impact
similar to that the infusion of New World Bullion had on
Spain and Europe – and if it’s been going on for a while
it will apply from the get go!
PRICE VARIATION
While inflation was minimal, price variation was a fact
of life due to technological issues that simply do not
exist, either at all, or not to the same degree, in the
modern world. These were basically matters relating
to transport, storage and preservation and were mostly
seasonal in nature, or affected by seasonality..
The major, obvious, area of price variability was with
the price of food, the result of technological limits –
Seasonality. Agricultural products are obviously seas-
onal, with a plantingàgrowthàharvest cycle for crops
and a breedingàgestationàbirth cycle for livestock.
In modern times this has become almost an irrelevance
because speedy, cheap, widespread transport has made
it possible to move produce from areas where it is in
season to areas where it isn’t in vast quantities while
improved methods of preserving and storing out of seas-
on produce has meant that perishables are, increasingly,
not perishable.
Cereal grains were largely harvested in August and
threshed in September while hard Fruits (Apples,
Pomegranates, Pears etc), Legumes and Pulses were
normally harvested in the latter month as well.
62
Vegetables were quite variable, some were available
almost from the beginning of Spring (~March) and
through most of Spring and Summer, some were only
available for shorter periods at the beginning, middle
or end and some were available even into the Autumn
and Winter months.
Soft and Stone Fruits (Blackberries, Blueberries, Sour
Cherries, Nectarines, Peaches, Plums, Raspberries,
Strawberries) are more variable, being harvested (for
cultivated ones) or gathered (for wild ones) between
June and October.
Dairying begins with the calving and lambing season
in May and Shearing was done in June. Slaughter of
excess stock not intended to be kept alive over winter
was usually complete by early November.
Storage & Preservation. There were only limited
means of preserving foods – traditionally salting (both
dry and wet, including pickling) and drying (which
also included smoking) and fermentation (Wine, Cider,
Perry, Beer obviously, but also Cheese which was also
often heavily salted).
Less common was the preservation of Fruit (and,
rarely, Meat) in Honey … and, as Sugar became more
available, the wealthy could create fruit preserves by
boiling them in a sugar mix.
The main modern means of preservation, cold storage,
freeze drying and canning (or bottling or variations)
were not available – though it was always possible to
have ice brought from nearby mountains (packed in
straw) to have cool drinks and, later (almost certainly
only outside the period), create an ice-house or cellar for
preserving some foods.
Some foods could be stored relatively easily for long
periods of time. Cereal grains, for example, if stored
properly, could last for many years, even decades (or
longer) with little spoilage.
Most medieval Cereal crops were of the ‘soft’ rather than
‘hard’ variety and, if properly stored, could last around
4 years at room temperature (if hermetically sealed,
something not possible in the medieval period, they
would last about twice as long). Hard grains last 5-6
years under the same conditions (or around 10-12 if
hermetically sealed).
Herbs (aka Vegetables) and Fruits were more variable
– some, but not all, could be stored for weeks or
months, while Berries had to be consumed almost as
soon as they ripened.
Peas, Beans and other Pulses will last around 8-10 years
if properly stored – but may need to be soaked or even
ground into meal-powder at the end of the storage
period as they become very dry.

Sun dried fruits such as Raisins, Currants and Dried
Dates or Apricots will last at least six months and, if
properly stored (cool, dry place) will last at least a year.
Apples should be packed carefully in straw so that they
do not touch – if they are in contact, and one goes bad,
then all of the rest will go bad within a day at most.
Meat (including Poultry) had to be consumed very
quickly after slaughter and Fish (and Shellfish) even
more so after being caught.
Salt meat stored in barrels or containers of brine can last
many decades – and there are examples of some lasting
in excess of 100 years (no-one was willing to test it, but it
looked OK). Salt meat packed properly in dry salt should
last as long.
Dried and salted meats have variable storage lives.
‘Hard’ meats such as Hams and Bacons can last many
years if properly ‘hung’ (in a dry and cool-ish place) …
but tend to dry out and lose some flavour. ‘Soft(er)’ dried
meats are good for months at most.
Salt Fish is good for six months to a year, closer to the
latter if stored in a cool, dry, place. Salted and Dried fish
can last for several years if the process is done correctly.
Transport. Short deal – river, canal and sea transport
cheap and fast; land transport, slow and expensive.
Slightly expanded – settlements with Ports or on major
Trade routes get food at better prices from longer
distances even in times of famine.
Caveat. There wasn’t enough transport in medieval
Europe to move enough food to make a difference during
widespread famine. You could, mostly, feed the urban
populations and the wealthy or well-to-do. The rest? You
couldn’t significantly improve things for them.
There are three factors relating to food prices resulting
from the factors mentioned in the previous section.
· Some foods are simply not available at all outside
of a (possibly limited) time frame.
This obviously has little or no impact on prices – the
food items are either available or not. There might be
a very slight increase at the very end of the window.
· Some are only available in a preserved, rather than
fresh, form outside of a limited time frame.
· Some are nominally available all year round
(which may include preserved foods), but the prices
vary according to the season.
The latter two categories are the ones which are most
affected by seasonality.
T
Cereals. Cereal grains (and their end products, flour
and bread etc.) are most expensive just before the
harvest begins in August and cheapest just after the
harvest ends and the grain has been threshed, usually
by late September.
Dairy. Dairy products are cheapest during the dairy H
E
season, which nominally runs from May through to
the end of October (for Cows, for Ewes it was only to
mid-August) though the prime period for the product-
ion of Cheese was May to mid-August.
Cows could be kept in production year-round if they
were stall-fed over winter – but that required a lot of hay
and was the preserve of the wealthier freehold farmers
and the manorial estate.
M
A
Meat. Excess stock were slaughtered early in Novem-
ber – and the calving/lambing season wasn’t until
May, so fresh (rather than preserved) meat was expen-
R
sive, if available at all, from November to April.
So what was the degree of seasonal price variation for
foodstuffs?
· As much as 20-25% above post harvest or out of
season prices if the Town is not accessible by sea K
E
or river transport and not on a major trade route.
· Up to 10-15% above post harvest or out of season
T
prices if the Town is on major (land) trade route.
· Up to 5-10% above the post harvest or out of
season prices for major Port Towns/Cities and/or
those at the centre of several major trade routes.
· Rural areas near the above urban areas would P
L
commonly have foodstuffs for sale at around half
the listed mark-ups when out of season.
Another major source of price variability was season-
related difficulties with transportation – A
· The traditional sailing season was April to October
with slowly increasing, but markedly lesser, activ-
ity March as well as November and December as C
E
technical advances were made during the period.
There were even the occasional ‘urgent’ or ‘emergen-
cy’ sailings in January and February.
· Some land routes were closed as mountain passes
were blocked by snow – and there weren’t always
alternatives (or they were much more expensive).
· Some routes were actually created by winter –
frozen rivers everywhere, for example, and snow in
general in roadless Scandinavia and Muscovy.
63

MEDIEVAL VS. MODERN
COMPARING WAGES AND PRICES
Some History books try and give modern equivalents
to Medieval Wages and Prices … as do some RPGs.
The smarter Historians tend to apply all sorts of
caveats to their attempts … but RPG authors mostly
or completely ignore these quite significant caveats
and tend to be blithely (and touchingly) more trusting
of such things than they really should be.
Smart (and careful) Historians will note that there are
no really reliable and consistent price and wage data
going back further than around the beginning of the
20th century, though you can usually cobble together
material that does a mostly OK job for a further
century or so. Anything before the early 1800’s and
you’re grasping at straws. But some people still try
and do it, even those who should know better …
One of the key issues, glossed over by almost everyone,
is the issue of the relative values of gold vs. silver. Lots
of books translate medieval wages and prices into the
equivalent modern value of silver (or what it was at
the time of writing) in terms of US$ … which sounds
good on the face of it. But there are significant,
serious, problems with doing just that.
The current silver price per gram is US 51¢ … so an
English Silver penny with 1.446 grams of silver con-
tent (1257) would be worth US ~74¢ and at 1½d per
day for a Labourer, that means US$1.11 per day at
the then current averaged pay rates. US$7.77 per
week, assuming they were paid on a yearly basis.
By 1351 silver content was down to 1.166 grams, for
~US 60¢ and a daily pay for a Labourer of 2.81d,
US$1.69 at the then averaged pay rates. US$11.83
per week, again assuming a yearly pay basis.
And that’s all well and good. On the face of it.
But what about the Gold:Silver ratio? The current
price per gram is US$40.17, making it 78.76 times
more valuable than silver … but in the medieval
period the average gold:silver ratio was usually 8:1 to
11:1 (in the medieval west).
Which means a silver penny, in terms of modern gold
prices is worth a heck of a lot more … the 1257 penny
would be worth between US$5.30 and US$7.29
($55.65 to $76.75 per week). By the same measure, a
1351 penny would be worth somewhere between
US$4.30 and US$5.90 ($84.58 to $116.05 per week).
So what is it? Do we use the modern silver value
unmodified or the modern silver value modified by the
64 differing gold:silver ratio for the two periods?
To the best of my knowledge, pretty much everyone
(historians and RPG designers) uses the unmodified
silver price – which doesn’t make any sense at all, if
you think about it, as you’re not really looking at the
actual relative purchasing power.
So the basis on which almost (if not all) attempts to
make a comparison with modern wages and prices is
based on this severely flawed assumption.
Then you have the Index Number Problem – which is
simply that both the prices and the economic signific-
ance of things change at different rates, and in var-
iable directions, over periods of much less than four
centuries … in fact, in much less than a century, even
in medieval times.
Weighted Cost of Living indices are often used to
attempt to do this for previous historical periods, but
then you have the problem that the data sets avail-
able are limited and patchy, and the weightings given
are entirely subjective.
Then there’s the much bigger problem, one which
everyone glosses over to a greater or lesser degree – the
issue of the relative productivity of labour between
medieval and modern times. Heck, even the relative
productivity of labour between AD 1000 and AD
1400 is a (lesser) issue.
You really, seriously, need to understand three things
about the medieval economy –
· There was very little in the way of mechanical
assistance (capital, or, if you prefer, mechanisat-
ion) involved in any of the industrial and agricult-
ural processes. Almost everything is made by hand
with hand tools.
Waterwheels and Windmills are some of the first
exceptions and start to make a difference. Slowly.
· There is nothing that we would recognise as mass
production – few craftsmen can afford to produce
large quantities of anything because they lack
capital to buy raw materials in bulk.
· Craftsmen overwhelmingly make each item step-
by-step, one step at a time, with little or no special-
isation at any given level and, therefore, the
production rate is quite slow even allowing for the
lack of mass production.
In short, regard any attempt to figure out a ‘modern
equivalence’ as a complete, total, and utter waste of
time … worse, one that will give completely useless
and misleading information.
MARKETPLACE BASICS – SUMMARY
FAMINE (PAGES #51-55)
There are two important cycles – a Ten Year one and Major Economic Cycles of the Middle Ages
T
one that occurred in multiples of roughly Thirty Years. Major Cycle
Period
1151-1200
Nominal Internal
Trend Period
Upward 1153-1165
Overall
Trend
H
E
One year of Crop Failure and Famine. Possibly pre-
Peak 1166-1175 Upward
ceded or followed by a year/year(s) of Hunger.
Downward 1176-1198
Four to six years of lower than average yields causing 1201-1250 Upward 1203-1225
Hunger, two years in a row might cause a minor
Peak 1226-1235 Upward
famine.
Downward 1236-1248
Two to five years of average yields, with a chance one
or two will be significantly better than average.
1251-1300 Upward 1253-1265
Peak 1266-1275 Slowing M
A
Downward 1276-1298
One year where a ten year cycle crop failure will be 1301-1350 Upward 1303-1325
far worse. Every 60-120 years one such will be horrific
Peak 1326-1335 Downward

R
and might even last two or three consecutive years!
Downward 1336-1348
OVERALL AVAILABILITY FACTORS 1351-1400 Upward 1353-1365-

K
Peak 1366-1375 Recovering
Metropolis (MT) 50,000+
Major City (MC) 20,000+ Downward 1376-1398
City (C) 10,000+ Uncommon (UC) 50%

E
Large Town (LT) 5-9000 Scarce (S) 25%
Small Town (ST) 1500-4000 Rare (R) 0%
Large Village (LV) 900-1400 CM, UC, S and R availability increases with settlement

T
Village (V) 200-800 size beyond the base (listed here) level.
Hamlet (H) 50-100 Special Order (SO) 0%
Import Only (IO) 0%
Anachronism (AN) 0%
Type
Fair, International (FI)
Fair, Regional (FR)
Overall/H&N
+1/+2
+1/+1
Second Hand (SH) Special
SO, IO, AN and SH availability chances are indicated
in their written descriptions.
P
L
Market Town (MT) +0/+1
Port, River (PR) Special/+1 SEASONAL FOOD AVAILABILITY (#62-63)
Port, Sea (PS) Special/+1

A
Trade Route, Major (TRM) +1/+1 Cereal Grains, Hard Fruits, Legumes August
Trade Route, Crossroads (TRC) +1/+2 Vegetables & Herbs Year Round
Soft & Stone Fruits, Berries June-October
HERE & NOW AVAILABILITY FACTORS Vegetables, Herbs, Soft/Stone Fruits and Berries are
At the Market (AM)
Over the Counter (OTC)
Common (CM)
100%
100%
100%
available during the ranges, but not all at the same time
nor each for the whole period.
Dairy & Meat (Fresh) May-November
C
Not a Port nor on Trade route
On a major Trade route
+20-25%
+10-15%
E
Major Port/Multi-Trade route nexus
+5-10%
Rural areas Half Town rate
Maximum variability is reached in the month or so
before the next harvest is due.

65
 WAGES, SALARIES & C OST OF LIVING
Historians and Economists have written widely about English Farm Labourer Wages (in silver Pennies)
the wages and overall cost of living for the various Years Raw Daily Raw Weekly National D/W
‘classes’ of people during the medieval period and,
allowing as how inflation was virtually nil, you might 1200-09 1.02 7.14 –
think their conclusions would be pretty accurate. 1210-19 1.32 9.24 –
1220-29 1.27 8.89 –
Of course, if you’ve been paying any attention at all so 1230-39 1.29 9.03 –
far in this book or for OM2, you’ll have a better idea
1240-49 1.45 10.15 1.09/7.64
that it all needs to be taken with a grain of salt (really,
more like several dump truck loads!). 1250-59 1.5 10.5 1.24/8.68
1260-69 1.5 10.5 1.13/7.91
The data available is limited (and fragmentary), non- 1270-79 – – –
continuous (and non-contiguous), often contradictory,
1280-89 1.44 10.08 1.04/7.28
unreliable (and vague to boot) and is open to all sorts
of unsupported assumptions and unreliable and un- 1290-99 1.58 11.06 1.12/7.84
proven assertions (which some or all of the involved 1300-09 1.41 9.87 1.08/7.56
historians have gleefully made use of in part or in 1310-19 1.96 13.72 1.5/10.5
whole) … so their carefully constructed arguments
1320-29 1.83 12.81 1.5/10.5
needs to be considered with great care.
1330-39 1.8 12.6 1.39/9.73
Which means the information and related arguments 1340-49 1.91 13.37 1.47/10.29
presented in this chapter needs to be viewed with all 1350-59 2.81 19.67 2.06/14.42
the above in mind … though I’ll provide background 1360-69 3.85 26.95 2.43/17.01
as to the potential and probable limits with all the
following information are so you can make a better 1370-79 3.3 23.21 2.49/17.43
informed decision as to how you might wish to use it. 1380-89 3.47 24.29 2.71/18.97
1390-99 3.42 23.94 2.7/18.9
Raw Daily/Weekly Wages are mainly drawn from
WAGES & SALARIES records from the South of England while the Nation-
Many books on medieval history and society make al figures use weighted averages from across the
mention of the wages and salaries for what are implied entire country. The Black Death - 1346-1353.
to be ‘typical’ work during the period they cover. This
is usually only for the 13th century onward, because · Much of the rest (all of it, really) of the workforce
that’s when the first relatively reliable, long term, were little better than subsistence farmers or
figures start to become available … but there are marginal sharecroppers, yet even they might find
problems with taking these wages too seriously and paid work from time to time – even over and above
believing they are definitive. what they had to do as part of the feudal dues and
rent they owed to their lord (or other landowner,
PROBLEMS WITH MEDIEVAL WAGE DATA lay or ecclesiastical).
The problem with Medieval Wage and Salary figures
(which covers a multitude of sins) is that we rarely This added payment may have been in cash or it
know exactly what they represent. For example – might have been in kind and was often for service(s)
additional to those owed – so, if a peasant owed
· Modern estimates (fairly reliable ones) are that haulage into town once a month as part of their
only ~1/3rd of the medieval workforce were paid dues, additional trips would have to be paid for; or
regular wages – that is, as far as we can tell, they if they were tasked to help build a new Fishpond in
relied mostly on wages for their survival (and were addition to their normal ditch-digging during seas-
dependent on the cash economy – usually based in onal fieldwork, that had to be paid for as well.
or around the larger cities and towns where that
economy was most developed, or developing) · Even some of the nominally ‘unpaid’ work owed
as rent or feudal dues might attract payment – it
That said, it was often the case that only part of their was common, for example, for sharecroppers to be
‘wage’ was in actual cash money and the rest was fed at the Lord’s expense either for certain types
66 often in kind, food, clothing and lodging and we
only rarely get information which includes the latter.
of work or if more than a certain number of days
or half days of work were required by the Lord.

Most ‘days’ of work on a Manor were actually half-
days – if the work extended into the afternoon,
workers would expect to be fed at the Lord’s expense.
· Some jobs came with other sources of income
attached – which are rarely given as part of the
listed ‘wage.’ For example, the use of a small plot
of garden land, or the rent free use of a cottage was
quite common for workers on a yearly hire. Or the
employee might be paid partly in cash as well as
being provided with lodging and meals – perhaps
even a specified amount of new clothing each year.
Servants were normally provided lodging (even if
only a paliasse on the floor) in their master’s home,
ate food prepared in the master’s kitchen (maybe
even the same meals) and were given a regular cloth-
ing allowance – cash wages were only paid every
quarter and, in some places, only every year.
Apprentices were in a similar situation – except they
would normally take their meals with the family and,
until they became Journeymen were only paid what
amounted to ‘pocket money’ … at least in theory (as
they gained experience the amounts may have gone
up, we just don’t know).
· Modern works almost always list daily wages, even
when workers were hired on a weekly, quarterly, or
even yearly basis – also wages are often extrapolat-
ed from piece-work rates such as harvesting an acre
or threshing a bushel of grain … which obviously
makes all sorts of assumptions about the speed of
the individual worker(s) and other (possibly wildly)
mis-estimated factors.
Modern compilations often work backwards from
Quarterly accounts and the number of work-days in
the quarter backwards estimated to give a daily rate
(for a six or seven day week?) … which may not
account for religious (and other) holidays and ob-
viously cannot account for days when bad weather
made work impossible for day-rate labourers (and
who would not, therefore, be paid for such)!
· Money Wages were obviously higher in the Towns
and Cities where most of the money-based econ-
omy was based – and obviously better in the bigger
(and wealthier) ones to boot. Even ‘in kind’ ele-
ments of any salary could include better clothing
and food simply because it was more available and
relatively cheaper.
On the other hand, in rural areas, since the food and
cloth might be grown or produced ‘in house’, workers
might get a better deal for ‘in kind’ payment for those
items. Or not.
· Apart from the series of daily wages for Farm
Labourers (previous page) and Builders (opposite),
STATUTE OF LABOURERS, 1351
T
This law was passed by Parliament to supplement the
Ordinance of Labourers (1349) and enforce wage
controls, supposedly keeping wages at the level they
H
had been before the Black Death (1346-47) and the
resultant die back and massive labour shortage. Since
there was a massive labour shortage, the same people
E
who passed it (the Lords and Gentry) had an interest
in subverting it to get the labour they needed to
harvest their crops and worth on their farms – so it
was an almost complete and total failure.
… [E]very person, able in body and under the age of
M
60 years, not having enough to live upon, being
required, shall be bound to serve him that doth
require him, or else be committed to gaol until he
A
shall find surety to serve … should be bound to serve,
receiving the customary salary and wages in the
places where they are bound to serve … [as they were
R
in 1346-47] …
[C]arters, ploughmen … shepherds, swineherds, day
men, and all other servants shall take the liveries and
K
wages [as they were in 1346-47] … be hired to serve by
a whole year, or by other usual terms, and not by the
day; and that none [be paid] at haymaking time more
E
than 1d a day; and a mower of meadows 5d [per acre],
or 5d by the day; and reapers of corn in the first week
of August 2d [per day], and the second 3d [per day]
T
and so on until the end of August and less in the
country where less was wont to be given, without meat
or drink, or other courtesy to be demanded, given, or
taken; and that all workmen bring their tools openly
P
in their hands to the merchant towns, and they shall
be hired there in a common place and not privately.
L
… [N]one take for the threshing of a quarter of wheat
or rye over 2½d and the quarter of barley, beans, peas
and oats 1½d …
A
[C]arpenters, masons and tilers and other workmen of
houses shall not take … [for] Master Carpenters, 3d …
other Carpenters, 2d … Master Masons, 4d and other
C
Masons, 3d and their servants [apprentices?], 1½d;
Tilers, 3d and their boys [apprentices?] 1½d; and
other Coverers of Fern and Straw [Thatchers], 3d and
E
their boys [apprentices?], 1½d; Plasterers and other
worker of mud walls and their boys [apprentices?], in
the same manner without meat and drink [per day] …
Many other trades and professions are mentioned in the
text of the Statute, but daily pay rates for them are not
given, merely repeated admonitions that they not
charge or be paid more for their work than they did in
the 20 years before the outbreak of the Black Death.
Given the known low (or nil) rate of inflation, the above
wages are indicative of what wages would have been for
the farm and building trades for the first half of the 14th
century. 67
 wages given in the following section are always
from a limited time period, usually no more than
a decade (perhaps two, at most) and usually based
on government (national, local or civic) records.
While they are not misleading per se, they only give
a limited snapshot of the income that could be/was
earned by someone in that profession or craft … so
consider them with care.
Or, in short, the figures provided give a ballpark
amount, even those which are derived from specific,
known, wage and salary packages – and it is much
more likely that anyone you hire will want to be hired
for a minimum of a week and, more likely, a month
or, better yet, an entire Quarter or a whole year.
HOW TO USE THE EXISTING FIGURES
There are a number of considerations here and you
can use some, all, or none of them as you see fit.
Rural vs. Urban. Most wages are for urban jobs. Rural
wages for the same sort of job were typically much less
… perhaps as much as 20% for remoter (and generally
more economically backwards) rural areas, 10-15% for
most other rural areas (especially where connected to
sea or river trade routes) and 5-10% less for those
rural areas close to the main towns and cities where
competition between rural and urban employment
gave rural workers something of an edge.
Town vs. City. There were also differences between
wages for similar jobs between Towns and Cities. Most
wages quoted here are for London – the largest city in
England, a centre of national, regional and
international trade and a River and Sea Port. Wages
in smaller, regional, Towns could be as much as 5-10%
lower, perhaps as much as 15% lower in really small
Towns with limited trade and commercial activity.
There were some cities that with larger populations
and which also had more trade and commercial
activity …. and wages there could be considerably
more for some jobs. Perhaps as much as 5-10% for the
Hansa towns, for example … but really large Metropoli
(such as late Classical Constantinople) might pay a
15-20% premium if such exists in your campaign world.
68
Self Employment Averaging. Some of the ‘wages’ are
actually for people who are self-employed … and so
are subject to considerable variability dependent on
their business acumen, professional reputation and
the size of their potential customer base. Assume the
listed value is for an average in all those areas – actual
income could vary from barely scraping by (perhaps
keeping up appearances by living on savings or credit)
to wildly successful at many times the listed wage.
For Player Characters, use the average value given to
work out pre-game savings or beginning possessions and
then allow for a plus or minus 50% factor dependent on
any appropriate business or craft-related skill checks
(based on the assumption that PCs will not be able to put
their full time attention on actually pursuing the job).
Decade on Decade Variability. This should be hand-
led by looking at the wage variation for Farm and
Building labourers (see relevant tables assume the
base value needs to be modified) and working out the
variation then including obvious additional economic
factors such as Famine, War or Economic downturn.
This will mainly apply to year-to-year (probably re-
newable) contracts and to any wage that is a result of
being self-employed (most Master Craftsmen, for ex-
ample) as those on some sort of permanent employ-
ment deal won’t be affected … or not in the same way.
For example, the Builder’s wage variable between the
first and second decades of the 14th century is +1.086
(3.27/3.01) and a Journeyman Carpenter’s base wage is
640-800d.
Multiplying that by 1.086 gives (round fractional
pennies down) a modified range of 695–868d. Business
must have been moderately good!
Seasonal Variation. Business and working hours
were, sans cheap, effective, artificial lighting, mostly
dawn to dusk … so the work day was longer during
summer and shorter during winter (10½ hours at the
longest down to 7-8 hours at the shortest).
Where employment was on a yearly basis the hours
worked averaged out over the whole year – but for
seasonal jobs, or for those hired on a Quarter to
Quarter basis, it could make a huge difference.
For example, Summer wages for casual Building Work-
ers in the early 13th century (1222, for workers at Win-
chester Castle) was 4d a day, but during Spring and
Autumn it declined to 3½d a day (a 12½% reduction)
and during Late Autumn-Winter-Early Spring it further
declined to 2½d a day (a 37½% reduction). The raw
(average) daily wage (see Table over) for that decade for
Building workers was 2.6d a day.
Similar variations would apply to other casual workers.
During September, the harvest month, wages were ‘TYPICAL’ CONSUMER BASKET, 1200-1400
traditionally the highest as demand for labour was at
its peak – and even non-farm employers had to pay a
premium to ensure their workers did not abandon
Malt (mostly as Ale, some as Beer)4.5 bu
Pigs (Pork, Ham, Bacon)
Wheat
½ bu
1¼ bu
T
H
them for higher paying harvest-related work. Butter 10 lb
Mutton 70-100 lb
Employer Fickleness. The rich and powerful in the Rye 1 bu

E
medieval period (Royalty, the Nobility and Wealthy Herrings (perhaps 30 lb) 40
Commoners) weren’t always exemplary employers – Wool cloth 1’
their political and military ambitions coupled with Cheese 10 lb
the expenditure needed to maintain the lifestyle to Charcoal 4¼ bu
which the deemed themselves deserving often meant Candles (Tallow?) 2¾ bu
a considerable shortfall between actual income and Peas 2/3 bu
expenditure to which they were nominally committed. Linen 18”

M
Barley ½ bu
When push came to shove, they lived on credit and Canvas 18”
shortchanging their employees. Food and Lodging, Oil ½ pint

where part of the employment arrangements, were
provided simply because the recipients were normally
supping from the Household kitchen and lodging
wherever the Household was currently in residence,
but cash wages (and things such as a nominated
clothing allowance) might not be paid (or provided) in
full, or at all, and were rarely paid (or provided) on
time in any case.
Even income nominally from ‘tied’ Benefices might be
A
Bu is the London Bushel (64 Tower Pounds, ~350
grams, or ~22.592 kilo/~50 [modern] lbs) . Pound is the
modern [Imperial] Pound.
Line items in red are completely ridiculous amounts for
a serf-sharecropper, tenant farmer and even most small-
R
K
holders … n the quantities listed (especially the meat and
wheat, both of which were luxuries more likely sold off
to pay taxes, rent and dues). Firewood would have been

diverted to the employer’s immediate needs before it got
within coo-ee of the expectant recipient …
For Player Characters, appropriate Skill or Influence (or
E
gathered instead of buying charcoal and home-made
rushlights used, sparingly, instead of candles of any sort.
English Builder’s Wages (in silver Pennies)

T
other) Check rolls will need to be made on a regular basis Years Raw Daily Raw Weekly
(probably quarterly) to see how much of the money (or 1200-09 2.78 19.46
other goods) due them is actually received.

P
1210-19 2.08 14.56
The degree of difficulty applying to such a check should 1220-29 2.6 16.42
be determined by each GM depending on their assess- 1230-39 – –

L
ement of the current game situation for the employer … 1240-49 2.89 20.23
but, as a rule of thumb, each point by which the check
is failed should result in a 5-10% shortfall in actual 1250-59 3.17 22.19
income, and a critical failure means nothing is received

A
1260-69 3.1 21.7
this Quarter. 1270-79 2.7 18.9
If the GM is feeling particularly generous (and there is 1280-89 2.84 19.88

C
no particular reason they should any more than the 1290-99 2.83 19.81
Royals/Nobles etc back in the day did … and they often 1300-09 3.01 21.07
didn’t), they may allow each point by which the roll

E
succeeds to add 1d5% of any amount owing to the 1310-19 3.27 22.89
current payment and, on a critical success, 5% by which 1320-29 3.23 22.61
the roll succeeded for a minimum of 25%. 1330-39 3.26 22.8

This even applied to armies in the Field – pay was 1340-49 2.89 20.23
almost always late, and insufficient, and, remember, 1350-59 4.06 28.42
rations were the responsibility of the individual 1360-69 4.45 31.15
soldier, which explains why medieval armies cut a
1370-79 4.72 33.04
swathe of destruction and devastation (rape, loot and
pillage) across the countryside when on campaign … it 1380-89 4.62 32.34
was that or starve. 1390-99 4.56 31.92
The Black Death - 1346-1353. 69

COST OF LIVING ESTIMATES
Sounds like a great idea, and modern economists (and
politicians) certainly seem to think so – take a basket
of ‘common’ household items that would be purchas-
ed across a year and work out what percentage each
item makes up of the overall spend … and how the cost
of a ‘basket’ changes year on year.
In theory. But have a word with an economist and they
can explain exactly how dodgy these figures often are,
– partisan politics, dodgy and outdated assumptions,
regional variations (and variations between urban and
rural economies) all those and more.
‘MODERN’ COST OF LIVING
Now usually called the ‘Consumer Price Index’, the
first attempts at measuring this in a formal way began
around WW1 (1913 in the US). The results of the first
CoL survey were as follows –
Food, 35.4%; Housing (including Utilities), 33.7%;
Clothing, 11%; Transportation, 8.2%; Medical Care,
4.0%; Recreation, 2.9%; Other Goods & Services, 5.3%.
By 1957 these had become –
Food, 28.6%; Housing, 32.9%; Shelter, 18.2%; House
Furnishings, 5.9%; Apparel, 9%; Transportation,
11.5%; New Automobiles, 3%; Used Automobiles,
1.6%; Energy, 5.8%; Gasoline, 2.4%.
The changed categories make overall comparison
difficult – except to note that, obviously, the food
component continues to drop.
The most recent (US, 2016) CPI basket is –
Food at Home, 8%; Food away from Home, 6%;
Shelter & Household (including Utilities), 43%; Appar-
el, 3%; Transportation (all), 15%; Medical Care, 8½%;
Recreation, 5½%; Education & Communication, 7%;
Other, 3%.
And the Food component continues to drop – rather
different than the approximately 60-65% medieval
peasants had to shell out for their ‘daily bread!’
70
MEDIEVAL COST OF LIVING
So, CoL gives some idea of the relative economic
importance of various spending categories for the
modern world. Sounds good for the medieval world,
too, eh?
Not so much, actually. Some economists and historians
have done estimates of ‘cost of living’ for the medieval
period … but if modern CoL estimates are dodgy, med-
ieval estimates are positively rubbery … bounce them
and they’d go stratospheric (see Medieval vs. Modern:
Comparing Wages and Prices, #64, in general and The
Index Number Problem especially).
Too little, too scattered, and too fragmentary data
points – and what data points there are that are even
vaguely comprehensive tend to be for groups and comm-
odity baskets that are anything but representative.
In fact, most studies of medieval (English) CoL are based
on records for Priests living in a Minster or Cathedral
‘college’ or Monks in a Monastery – representatives of
what passes for ‘upper middle class’ or even ‘low level
elite’ lifestyle in the period and whose basket of purch-
ases include far more discretionary purchases than a
typical serf or sharecropper, or even smallholder or
craftsman, would ever manage … far more meat, for a
start; more high status cereals, so wheat more often than
barley or rye, and more candles (and a much higher
proportion of wax as opposed to tallow).
Still, CoL estimates do exist and, all likely faults
aside, they do provide some general idea of lifestyle
choices as they were made during the period … but
don’t be overly reliant on them as being representat-
ive across all classes in society.
The ‘typical’ CoL basket for medieval England is ob-
viously problematic at best. The average peasant would
have eaten far less meat and far more cereals (rye,
barley or oats rather than wheat) and ‘herbs’ … and
most would have gone to bed soon after the sun went
down to save on fuel costs rather than spending up big
on any sort of candles … they would use rushlights made
at home instead.
Firewood would have been gathered from the Commons
or the Lord’s forest (this was part of the feudal tenancy
agreement) and charcoal would only have been
purchased by craftsmen (blacksmiths) or the wealthy.
WAGES & SALARIES FOR SELECTED CRAFTS & PROFESSIONS
WAGES BEFORE THE 14TH CENTURY
The wages given below are for the early 14th century,
when an increasingly significant number of people in
the workforce were working for cash wages (about one
third, in fact), either fully or mostly, and even those
still working mainly at subsistence farming were gain-
ing a slowly increasing access to the cash economy.
We do have good data for the 13th century (see tables
for Farm and Builder’s wages on pages #65 and #67)
and you can extrapolate backwards from the 14th
century wages easily enough … but there just isn’t any
quantifiable data on wages from before AD 1200.
Of course, there’s only slightly better data (still not
really quantifiable) on prices for the earlier period.
There are two possible solutions … first, assume there
isn’t much difference between the 13th century prices
and wages and those of earlier periods (certainly the
simplest option), or discount the 13th century wages
(but not prices unless noted elsewhere) by roughly
10% for the 12th, and 20% for the 11th, centuries.
There is actually enough data to strongly suggest that
wages were slowly creeping up while the prices of
common items were mostly remaining the same.
There were exceptions – new inventions, new products,
or items produced by cheaper or more efficient tech-
niques. See the relevant item descriptions in the follow-
ing chapters for further information on specific items
and price changes over the period.
14TH CENTURY (TO THE BLACK DEATH)
Apothecary Ý £5–£10 (1200–2400d)
Apothecaries sold various drugs and herbal remedies
(often made on the spot or, at least, in their shop) either
filling a ‘prescription’ from a Physician or Surgeon or in
response to their own examination of a patient.
Architect † or Ý £6–£12 (1440–2880d)
A master Mason with design and drafting skills, norm-
ally hired to oversee a whole project and its workforce.
He might be hired by several projects, at once or
consecutively over the course of a year or, for major
projects, over the course of many years or even decades.
Armourer, Apprentice †£2 to £2/10/- (480-600d)
Armourer, Journeyman …£6 to £8 (1440-1920d)
Armourer, Master Ý £12 (3840d)
Bailiff, Farm * 13/4d to £1/3/4 (160-280d)
Elected by tenants but paid for out of Manorial income.
Barber-Surgeon Ý £6 (1440d)
Only in medieval England were Surgeons craft-trained
(learning ‘the hack of limbs’ as it was so charmingly put,
T
though much later) rather than university qualified
Physicians who did additional training in Surgery. H
E
Beadle ** (Chief Clerk of a Guild) £4 (960d)
Usually an honorary officer (but sometimes a full time
one) in charge of the administration and treasury of a
Guild, possibly overseeing permanent staff.
Benefice * £5-15 (1200-3600d)
A a grant of the income from a property, rural or urban,
for which no actual duties are attached. Most commonly
granted to an Cleric (possibly one who has only taken
Minor Orders) to supplement the salary they receive
M
A
from their main job (a ‘sinecure’ – income without any
pastoral responsibilities) such as, for example, a Univers-
ity Lecturer or Chaplain to a member of the Royal (or
R
Great Noble) family. In practise, similar grants were
often made by the Crown or Noble.
K
Blacksmith, Apprentice † £1 to £1/6/8 (240-320d)
Blacksmith, Journeyman … £3 to £4 (720-960d)
Blacksmith Ý £6 (1440d)
E
Carpenter, Apprentice † 17/6d to £1 (210-240d)
Carpenter, Journeyman … £2/13/4 to £4 (640-800d)
Carpenter, Master Ý £5/6/6 (1280d)
T
Carter * £4/10/- (1080d)
This assumes half a year’s work for someone who is at
least partly a farmer, Serf or Smallholder, and includes
the upkeep of their cart or waggon and team. If they
work full time at this, increase wage by 50%. P
L
Chamberlain ** (London, 1310) £5 (1200d)
An honorary officer overseeing the City’s Treasury
Clerks and accounts.
A
Chanter † £5-£6 (1200-1440d)
A cleric in charge of the Choir, overall music and litur-
gical responses to religious ceremony usually only found
at a Cathedral or Minster, but possibly at a very large
(and well-endowed) urban Parish Church as well. C
E
Chaplain, Private † £4 to £5 (960-1200d)
A Cleric employed by a Noble rather than a Parish
Priest – they will often have duties in addition to their
pastoral ones, such as teaching children before they are
sent off to school (or, in some case, educating them
privately – though it would be rare for them to be the
only tutor in such a case) or assisting with record-
keeping and other clerical work (often to do with the
distribution of Alms provided for the poor.
City Recorder ** (London, 1310 ) £15 (3600d)
The City’s senior Notary, in charge of the writing up of 71
 all contracts and other legal papers (and keeping
records as well) … they had legal qualifications but
normally hired lawyers to argue any cases that might
need to be brought before the Courts.
Clerk, Common ** £2/10/-
This wage assumes the Clerk is in Holy Orders or is part
of the Household establishment and, in both instances,
is fed and possibly provided lodging by the same.
Head Clerk of Household (Noble) † £6/1/8 (1460d)
Clerk (Head), London Mint †£13/13/9 (3280d)
Clerk (Head), Canterbury Mint †£13/6/8 (3203d)
The clerk in charge of all record keeping at one or the
the other of the two main Royal Mints … including
records of all financial matters (including, obviously, the
incoming and outgoing of any bullion or coin).
Clerk, Parish ** and/or † £1 (240d)
Kept all the Parish records, financial and pastoral –
traditionally very poorly paid.
Clerk, Senior, Royal Court ** £136/17/6 (2920d)
Clerk, Junior, Royal Court **£36/10/- (8760d)
Legally trained Clerks (qualified as Notaries) assisting
the Judges of the various Royal Courts. The Senior Clerk
was in charge of the Juniors, and it was the latter who
mostly accompanied the Judges on their circuits.
Cook, Head, Noble Household † £15/4/2 (36500d)
The Cook and the head of the Cooking and related staff
for a major Noble household.
Cook, Master, Noble Household †£3/0/10 (730d)
An under Cook in a major Noble Household, or the
head of the Cooking staff in a lesser Noble or very
wealthy Commoner household.
Cooper, Apprentice † 7/6–10s (90-120d)
Cooper, Journeyman … £1/13/4 (400d)
Cooper, Master Ý £3/6/8 (800d)
A barrel-maker.
Curate, Stipendiary * or … £2 (480d)
A cleric hired by the owner of a a Parish) to do the
Pastoral work for a fraction of the income while they live
elsewhere. They could be hired and fired at will – but
were being replaced by Vicars during the 14th century.
Dairy Maid * or … 6/- (72d)
Milk animals, churn butter and make cheeses.
Die-Keeper, Canterbury Mint £4/11/3 (1095d)
Die-Keeper, London Mint £9/2/6 (2190d)
The senior craftsman at these Mints, the one responsible
for the security of the Dies used to strike coinage and for
overall management of the striking process
72 Goldsmith, Journeyman … £15–£25 (3600-6000d)
Goldsmith, Master Ý £30–£50 (7200-12000d)
Goldsmith-Banker Ý £100+ (24000d)
Herald † £17/16/- (4272d)
A messenger employed to carry legal or diplomatic
messages (mostly written, as they were employed
because they were ‘in the confidence’ of their master
and could be relied on to carry verbal messages). They
were often used as messengers between opposing sides
before or after battles (and often kept records of the
Coats of Arms of noble and knightly families).
Royal Justice † (Judge) £100 (24000d)
Royal Justice † (Senior Judge) £300 (72000d)
One of the Judges of the Royal Courts, Senior Judges
were mostly based in London by the 14th century, while
Juniors were often (but not always) still responsible for
Quarter Sessions around the Shires and Counties.
Kitchen Servant, Junior … 4/- to 6/- (48-72d)
Labourer * or … £1–2 (240-480d)
Lecturer, University † £5 (1200d)
University Lecturers (Fellows) might have a basic salary
paid by the University proper, but it was at least as
common for them to charge each of their students a
yearly fee – up to 7/6d (90d) for a Professor teaching
undergraduates; and, for postgraduate degrees, up to
£1 (240d) for students of a Law professor, up to 15s
(180d) for a students of a Professor of Grammar and
Rhetoric. Fees would partly depend on a Lecturer’s
status but may also be fixed by the University.
Mason, Apprentice … 15/- to £1/10/5 (180-365d)
Mason, Journeyman … £2/3/9–£2/13/3 (525-640d)
Mason, Master £4/7/6–£5/6/6 (1050-1280d)
Miller Ý £8 (1920d)
Musician * or … £3/-/10–£4/11/3 (730–1095d)
Travelling Minstrels would get less per day but often got
a free meals/lodging wherever they went and so prob-
ably eked out around about the same living in dribs and
drabs over the course of a year.
Notary, Civic * or ** £5–£15 (1200-3600d)
Income varied according to the size and wealth of the
Town – note that the City Recorder (above) of London
was also a Notary.
Notary, Ordinary Ý £6–£12 (1440-2880d)
A trained (by apprenticeship, not university study) legal
professional responsible for drawing up and/or witness-
ing up many sorts of standard legal documents (but not
normally arguing cases before any but the lowest level
of the local Court system). Often they were licensed by
the Town where they resided or, especially at the begin-
ning of the period , by the Church (and may have been

ordained clerics to boot in that case) and had their
Notary’s Seal recorded or issued by the Town Council
or Church authorities.
Parish ‘Living’ (Average) £30-36 (7200-8640d)
The net income from an average Parish. The cleric in
receipt of the income rarely lived there, normally hiring
a Curate or Vicar. While it wasn’t supposed to happen,
it was common for a cleric to have several ‘livings’ …
some (with noble/political connections) owned dozens,
or even scores, giving them huge incomes to rival that of
even the nobility (church and civil).
Physician, Junior * or Ý £16/13/8d (4000d)
Physician, Senior * or Ý £25 (6000d)
In England, Physicians were University graduates and
did not perform surgery. On the Continent they were
also graduates, and did perform surgery. These wages
are for employment (part time) at a major Infirmary (or
as an ‘on call’ Physician for a Royal or Noble
Household or a personal Physician for the Royal or
Noble Family) and would have been approximately the
same whether Physicians only or Physicians & Surgeons.
Porter (Mint), All ** £4/11/3 (1095d)
Responsible for access to the Mint – on duty at the entry
and in charge of external security. Often responsible for
night access and security as well.
Priest (Chantry) … £4/5/- to £4/13/4 (1020-1120d)
A cleric employed directly by a Cathedral or Minster. A
plum clerical position for those with observable skill but
not enough ‘pull’ to get a Parish ‘living’ (Benefice). A
possible pathway to higher church office.
Serjeant ** (London, 1310)
Serjeant ** (Elsewhere) £1/10/5 (365d)
£2
Security staff for select officials – they didn’t investigate
crime, and took no notice of it beyond their immediate
presence (and not always then), though they could, and
did, sometimes, enforce legal directions as long as it
required only immediate (rather than ongoing) action.
Serjeant at Law (Senior Barrister) £300 (72000d)
Servant, Female (Maid) …
Servant, Male …
10/- (120d)
£1 (240d)
Surgeon, Junior * £12/10/- (3000d)
Surgeon, Senior * £25 (6000d)
These are continental style university trained surgeons
who are also qualified Physicians. These are salaries for
part time employment at a major Infirmary. For English
‘craft’ trained surgeons, see Barber-Surgeon.
Swineherd … 10/- (120d)
Thatcher’s Mate … £1/15/- (420d)
Thatcher Ý £3/1/3 (735d)
T
Thatchers and Tilers were often one and the same,
especially in the countryside. These were not really
Guild tradesmen, merely locals with experience.
Town Clerk (London, 1310)** £10 (2400d)
Effectively the Office Manager, in charge of all lesser
clerks and all record keeping, including the Treasury
H
E
clerks, under the supervision of the Mayor.
Vicar, Stipendiary (Average) … £3 (720d)
Employed by the owner of a Benefice (Parish income) to
do the Pastoral and other work for much less than the
actual income – a Vicar had security of tenure and
slowly replaced Curates by the 14th century.
Warden, London Mint ** £36/10/- (8760d)
Paid an extra 1/- (12d) per day when travelling to/from
M
A
and inspecting the Canterbury Mint.
Warden, London Bridge … £10 (2400d)
R
Responsible for keeping order on the Bridge, for collect-
ing Tolls and for closing the Bridge Gates at night (and
night-time guard duties as well).
Weaver, Apprentice …
Weaver, Journeyman …
Weaver, Master Ý
10-15/- (120-180d)
£2/13/4 (640d)
£5/6/8 (1280d)
K
E
* These are often (not always) either part-time jobs or,
if full-time, they often include meals (the mid-day meal
T
at the very least) above the actual cash payment. If
meals are not included the pay is around 10-20% higher
(at least ¼d … enough for a Farthing Loaf.
** Those filling these positions supplement their wage
with ‘tips’ or ‘gifts’ (minor – or even not-so-minor bribes)
for, for example, access to their immediate superior or
P
L
for putting the request being made further up the
normal queue (maybe even at the very top, if paid
enough). The jobs may also include meals (again, at
A
least the mid-day meal) and are quite possibly part-time
jobs held as part of the civic, noble or royal government.
These jobs likely include all meals and accommodat-
ion in a household setting and, in some cases (Apprent-
ices), a clothing allowance. If accommodation and
meals are not provided, then pay will typically be at
C
E
least 20% higher (this is often the case for Journeymen).
† These jobs definitely include meals, accommodation
and a clothing allowance, usually as part of a Noble or
Royal Household (or even that of a very wealthy
member of the Gentry or Commoner).
These ‘jobs’ are the pay rates for someone of that
status in Government service – if they were working for
themselves the actual pay rate (i.e. the profit from their
business) would be potentially much higher.
73
 Knight £35/12/- (8544d)
Archers £4/11/3 (1095d) A daily rate of 2/- (24d)
A daily rate of 3d. Probably also non-Welsh Spearmen. Knight Banneret £71/4/- (17088d)
Archers, Mounted £9/2/6 (2190d) A daily rate of 4/- (48d)
A daily rate of 6d. Applies to Mounted Crossbowmen.
Man-at-Arms, Armoured Infantry £9/2/6 (2190d)
Centenars & Constables £17/16/- (4272d) A daily rate of 6d.
Commanders of ~100 Infantry or Archers. Paid a daily Man-at-Arms, Mercenary £17/16/- (4272d)
rate of 1/- (12d) putting them on a par with Esquires. A daily rate of 1/- (12d).

Esquire (aka Squire) £17/16/- (4272d) Sailing Master (Ship) £9/2/6 (2190d)
A daily rate of 1/- (12d). Not necessarily the owner, a rate of 6d per day.
Sailor £4/11/3 (1095d)
Hobilar (Light Cavalry) £9/2/6 (2190d) A daily rate of 3d. Presumably for an armed sailor.
A daily rate of 6d.
Vintenars £9/2/6d (2190d)
Occupational Structure in York, 14th Century Commanders of ~20 Archers or Infantry, paid 6d/day.
Occupation Poll Tax % Average % Vintenars of the Welsh £6/1/8 (1460d)
Includes
Grouping (1381) (1350-1399) A daily rate of 4d. Even their officers were discriminated
against!
Hucksters
Victuals Millers 15.8% 11.3% Welsh Infantry (Spearmen) £3/-/10 (730d)
Grocers
A daily rate of 2d. English Spearmen were probably
Cordwainers paid 3d a day as were English Archers.
Leather Sutors 15% 13.1%
Wages did not include food, lodging or clothing – the
Textiles Spinsters 11.6% 14% soldier was expected to provide for that out of his wages,
Shepsters as well as provide (and maintain) his weapons and
Cappers armour.
Clothing Glovers 8.4% 0.112
Pointers Archers and Crossbowmen (and anyone armed with
Javelins) were expected to have a ‘basic load’ … but they
Mercers would expect any expended arrows, bolts or javelins to
Mercantile Drapers 15.5% 16.5% be replaced at the army’s expense.
Chapmen
Likewise, mounted troops were expected to provide their
Grinders own mount(s) but the army was expected to pay compen-
Metal Armourers 12.8% 11.3% sation for any losses while on campaign (sometimes
Trades Blacksmiths money, sometimes a replacement mount, depending on
Glaziers the local situation).
Building Painters 3.6% 3.8%
Trades Stainers Military wages remained remarkably flat from the late
12th to the mid 14th centuries compared to overall wage
Wood Wrights increases – making feudal service obligations more oner-
Sawyers 5.7% 4.8%
Trades ous and actually encouraging monarchs to allow their
Mariners subjects to pay Scutage. Of course, the amount of Scut-
Carters age they paid was based on these same low wage rates
Transport Porters 2.6% 3.3% … so this had its own problems for the rulers, as Mercen-
Boatmen aries expected better pay and, when they weren’t paid,
they became a serious problem (and they were more
Bowyers prone to looting as well).
Armamemts Stringers 2.1% 2.2%
Fletchers 14TH CENTURY (AFTER THE BLACK DEATH)
Wages and Salaries for labourers, craftsmen and all
Chandlers Soapmakers 0.4% 0.002 those who were engaged in trade or commerce rose
Barbers between 25% and 75% over pre-plague levels.
Clerks
Other Doctors 6.4% 8.5%
74 Gardeners
WEIGHTED COST OF LIVING : ENGLAND
Weighted Cost of Living Price Index, AD 1201-1400
Pork/Pigs
Poultry
10%
10%
T
Commodities

Food
1200-46

75%
1247-79

68%
1280-1375

63½%
1375+

65%
Eggs

Eggs were more likely to be sold for cash than eaten

10%
H
E
Fuel – 5% 5% 5% even if a peasant household had a few chickens …
Lodging – – 8% 5% they were more commonly eaten by the better off.

Light – 5% 4% 4½%
Soap – – ½% ½% Milk 30%
Butter 30%
Clothing 20% 15% 12% 12% Cheese 40%
Services
Manufactures
5%
–
5%
2%
5%
2%
7%
2% Ale or Beer 50%
M
A
The table above provides a better snapshot of Cost of Cider 25%
Living elements than the one on page #19, but still Wine 25%
needs to be considered with some care.

R
Again, be wary of these figures – it is unlikely that any
Weighted Food elements in Costs & Prices index serfs and few peasants drank wine more than very
Commodities 1201-1274 1275+ occasionally, if at al. Most would drink home brewed
Ale (Beer only later in the period) or Cider.

K
Starches 55% 55%
Meat 13% 12%
Sugar 10%

E
Dairy 13% 12%
Honey 60%
Fats 3% 3% Currants/Raisins/Dried Fruits 30%
Fish (Salt Cod) 3% 3%
Drinks
Sugars
12%
–
12%
1%
Tallow (Candles)
Wax Candles
Lamp (Olive) Oil
75%
15%
10%
T
P
Salt 1% 1%
Spices 1% For the common people, Tallow would have been
The second table breaks down the Food component – 100% – only the well-to-do would supplement it with

L
but the Meat component is far too high for most of the Wax or Olive Oil (along the Mediterranean littoral
population. Some of that spend might go on Fish, but Olive Oil fuel was more common than Wax Candles.
more likely to Dairy and more Starches or Drinks (Ale

A
or Beer for the vast majority of people).
Wood 64%
Charcoal 16%
Bread & Pottage* 85% Coal (mostly ‘Sea Coal’ 20%
Barley
Oats/Oatmeal
Peas
5%
5%
5%
Coal was rarely used outside of areas where it could
be found either washed up on beaches, washed off
C
E
sea-coast outcroppings, or where there were easily
For most of the period, Pottage was much more accessed surface outcroppings.
common – and the bread was mostly Rye rather than
Wheat (Rye was cheaper, Wheat was normally sold as
a cash crop to pay taxes, dues and rents). It is Though not directly included in the Cost of Living
doubtful the Bread/Pottage percentage was as high as figures provided, Rents, Dues and Taxes are estimat-
listed – Herbs (Vegetables) and Legumes certainly ed to have consumed 60% of a Serf or Peasant’s
formed a larger portion of the diet of the poor. income … of course, Townsmen were exempt from
local Taxes and Dues (though not national ones)
while the Gentry and Nobility would have only paid
Beef/Cattle 40% Dues and Taxes, and not all of them due to their
Mutton/Sheep 30% special status.
75
 SELECTED PRICE SERIES
To supplement the data on Wages and Cost of Living
the following Tables provide a series of averaged
prices for select commodities in decadal chunks for
the period from the beginning of the 13th to the end of
the 14th century for English markets.
While there will obviously be variations on mainland
Europe, you can assume that these prices are generally
indicative – though not always in direct sync as famines
could be very regional.
Food prices are especially problematic as there wasn’t
enough shipping to move large quantities around even if
there was a surplus in one area and a famine in another
(it was often easier to simply flee the famine afflicted
area and head for one which was unaffected … though
most common people obviously couldn’t do that).
These can be, depending on how much detail you
want, used to modify the prices given in the following
sections which mostly (unless otherwise noted) come
from the mid to late 14th century so they are more
accurate for other periods within the range covered.
MAJOR DISRUPTORS
There are two extended periods of major disruption in
the series –
Even though the years of Famine were nominally only
1315-1317 you can see prices often remained high in
the following decade as the ‘hit’ from famine deaths
reduced the workforce and consumption of capital (in
the form of seed stock) for survival meant recovery
took a lot longer than it would in the modern world.
76
The Black Death didn’t reach England until 1349, so
the price ‘hit’ from the huge die-back in the popu-
lation and the agricultural workforce doesn’t have a
significant decadal impact until the 1350-1359 series.
The disruption to the economy resulting from the
shortage of labour the die back created meant Food
prices remained higher than the norm for that decade
and the two decades following.
The obvious exception is the initial drop in the price of
Meat – as livestock weren’t hit by the disease and didn’t
require as much labour as crops, there was, initially,
more meat available than people to buy it, so prices
actually dropped before rising again.
MEASUREMENT
All prices are in Sterling based on the Avoirdupois
Pound … even though the English coinage of the
period was based on the Tower Pound.
Other measurements are all those standard in
England during the period unless otherwise specified
and, where there might be more than one measure-
ment of the same or similar name, the one(s) used are
indicated.
Tower & Troy: Unless otherwise specified, all weights
and measures are given (ultimately) in terms of the
English Tower Pound of ~350 grams or the Troy
Pound of ~373¼ grams (compared to the Imperial
Pound, which is ~453½ grams).
The Tower Pound is used for most common goods, the
Troy Pound is used for high value goods often sold by
the ounce.
Both the Tower and the Troy Pound have only twelve
ounces rather than the 16 ounces of the Imperial
Pound.
A ton is 20 Hundredweight, using the Standard Hund-
redweight of 108 Tower pounds … so it is much less
than a modern Ton ((2160 Tower Pounds (~756 kilos or
~1667 Imperial Pounds).
The Avoirdupois (16 ounce) pound was originally used
to weigh Wool (and was often called the Wool Pound as
a result) and did not replace the Tower pound until
Tudor times and, with 112 pound Hundredweights,
gave us the modern Ton of 2240 Avoirdupois (aka
Imperial) pounds.
SELECTED PRICE SERIES: 1200-1399
CEREALS & LEGUMES
THE ASSIZE OF BREAD (1266?)
According to the Assize of Bread & Ale (a 13th century
English law of uncertain date, but reflecting ‘ancient
practise’), the weights of various types of commercially
baked loaves were set according to the price of wheat
(The price remained the same, you just got less for it).
= Wastel –37g (~2.503 kg, ~5lbs 8¼oz, ~6lbs 8½oz
Troy, ~7lbs 2oz Tower).
T
Wholewheat Loaves = 1½ Cocket Loaves (~3.866 kilos,
~8lbs 81/3oz, ~10lbs 4¼oz Troy, ~11lbs ½oz Tower).
H
E
A Treet (Sifted Bran) loaf = 2 Wastel Loaves (~5.08 kilos,
~11lbs 3¼oz, ~13lbs 7¼oz Troy, ~14lbs 6¼oz Tower).

Bread of Common Wheat (Unsifted Bran) = two Cocket

“When a quarter of Wheat sells for 1/- (12d) a Farthing Loaves (~5.274 kilos, ~11lbs 10oz, ~14lbs 1½oz Troy,
(¼d) Loaf of Wastel (Good quality) Bread weighs ~2.54 ~15lbs 1oz Tower).”
kilos (~5lbs 9½oz, ~6lbs 9¾oz Troy, ~7lbs 3oz Tower).

A Farthing Loaf of Cocket (Cheaper quality) Bread =

Wastel + 37g (~2.577 kilos, ~5lbs 11oz, ~6lbs 11¾oz
Troy, ~7lbs 41/3oz Tower).
Confusing? I know, but some of the prices are given in
terms of Tower Pounds, some in terms of Troy Pounds –
M
A
and converting them to modern (Imperial) Pounds and
Kilos seemed a good idea so most people can get a
handle on the modern equivalents.

A Farthing Loaf of Cocket made of grain of lower price
= Wastel + 93g (~2.637 kg, ~6lbs 13oz, ~7lbs ¼oz Troy,
~7lbs 64/10oz Tower).
Bread made into a Symnel Loaf (very fine white Flour)
Years
R
Price Variation Triggers: Though the Assize doesn’t
indicate this, evidence from a variety of jurisdictions
(London and in Regional Towns) that the local Coun-
cils insisted that an actual change in the weight of a
K

1200-09
Bread (lb/d)

11
Wheat (d/bu)

–
Barley (d/bu)

2½
Oats (d/bu)

–
Oatmeal (lb/d)

13¼
Peas (d/cwt)

2¾ E
T
1210-19 8¼ – 3 – 10¾ 4
1220-29 7¼ – 3¾ – 8¾ 5¼
1230-39 7¾ – 3¼ – 7½ 4¾
1240-49
1250-59
7¼
6¾
–
–
3½
4¼
–
–
7¼
6¾
5
5¾ P
L
1260-69 7 – 4 – 6½ 5
1270-79 4.8 – 5¾ – 5¼ 7¾
1280-89 5¾ – 4½ – 5½ 5¾
1290-99
1300-09
4½
5½
9
6¾
6
4¾
2¾
2¾
5¼
5¾
8
6 A
C
1310-19 3½ 11 7¾ 4¼ 4¼ 9½
1320-29 4¼ 9¼ 5¾ 3½ 4½ 7½
1330-39 5½ 7¼ 4½ 2¾ 5½ 6¾
1340-49
1350-59
1360-69
5¾
4¼
4
7
9½
9½
4¾
7
8¼
2¾
4¼
3¾
6¼
4¼
4¾
5¾
7¾
7¾
E
1370-79 3¾ 10¼ 7 3½ 5 7¾
1380-89 5½ 7 6¾ 2¼ 4¾ 5¾
1390-99 5¼ 7½ 5¼ 3¼ 4½ 6½
Bread & Oatmeal: Tower Pounds per Penny.
Wheat, Barley & Oats: Pennies per Bushel of 64 Tower Pounds.
Peas: Pennies per Hundredweight (either the Standard Hundredweight (108 Tower Pounds) or the Short
Hundredweight (100 Tower Pounds). 77
 loaf only be allowed when the price of wheat varied
by +/-6d a Quarter. Beef Cattle Mutton Eggs Hens
Years
(lb/d) (d/ea) (lb/d) (d/doz) (d/ea)
The evidence suggests that Town Councils selected a
Jury of respected locals to enquire into the actual prices 1200-09 5¾ 65 5¾ ¼ 1¾
(investigating if there was any price manipulation, for 1210-19 5¼ 72¼ 5½ ¼ 2½
example), and that these probably met only once, 1220-29 4½ 86 4¼ ¼ 1¾
perhaps twice, a year (typically after the harvest was in 1230-39 4¼ 87 3¾ ½ 2¼
and, therefore, a good estimate of a ‘fair’ price could be
calculated … or, in other words, the weight of a loaf of 1240-49 3½ 105½ 4 ½ 2½
bread was generally stable for most of the year, once 1250-59 4 96 4½ ½ 2¼
fixed, rather than varying on a monthly or weekly basis. 1260-69 3½ 111 4 ½ 2½
1270-79 3 128½ 3¼ ½ 2½
Cost of doing Business: The law allowed 1/- (12d) for
the Baker’s costs … 4½d for three Journeymen, 1d for 1280-89 3¼ 171¼ 3½ ½ 2¾
an Apprentice, 2d for Wood, ½d for Yeast, ½d for 1290-99 3½ 176¼ 3½ ½ 3
Salt, ½d for Sieving, ¼d for Candles and, though it 1300-09 3 151¼ 3½ ½ 3¼
isn’t specified, ¾d worth of bread for their own use.
1310-19 2¼ 171¼ 2¾ ¾ 3½
Barley Bread: This was uncommon commercially in 1320-29 2¼ 176¼ 2½ ¾ 3¾
England, where Wheaten bread (the various types 1330-39 2½ 151¼ 3½ ½ 3½
described in the Assize, above, were all grades of 1340-49 2½ 128½ 3¾ ½ 3¼
Wheat Bread) was preferred by City dwellers. If it
1350-59 2¾ 138 3¼ ¾ 3¾
were baked it was generally expected that A loaf of
Barley Bread would weigh in at 1½ times that of an 1360-69 2¼ 173¾ 2½ ¾ 4
equivalent Wheaten loaf. 1370-79 1 96 2¼ ¾ 4¾
1380-89 2½ 159¾ 2¾ ¾ 4¾
Enforcement: The Assize was intermittently and 1390-99 2½ 163½ 3 ¾ 4¾
incompletely enforced – both local and national auth-
orities might entertain prosecutions however there Beef & Mutton: Tower Pounds per Penny.
seems to have been an almost laissez faire attitude Cattle & Chickens: Average price in Pennies.
towards prices as long as they were reasonably close to Eggs: Pennies per dozen.
the standard and as long as the local situation wasn’t
too ‘delicate.’ The Assize mainly applied in the Towns and Cities –
in the countryside most households made their own
bread, usually from Barley as any wheat they produc-
There were very similar laws on the Continent – ed was largely a cash crop sold to pay feudal dues and
regulating the weight of the loaves that were sold at a taxes (or for whatever discretionary purchases they
fixed price in the same was as the English law. These were able to make).
laws were, however, often regional rather than nation-
al, though they all set similar price/weight variations The high cost of fuel, however, meant that there was
based on the quality and type of flour used. often a ‘Baker’ and householders would pay a small
fee to have their bread (and other meals) baked
together in the one firing. This oven was often either
owned directly by the Manorial Lord, and the cost of
using it another feudal due, or was leased out (or the
right to run one was leased out) to a private Baker
who would collect the fees on a regular basis.

Even in the Towns and Cities, some householders still

held with rural custom and prepared their own Bread
dough to be baked at a nearby Baker, and this seems
to have been especially common in France and,
possibly, elsewhere on the Continent.

Obviously the rules of the Assize didn’t apply to these

‘privately’ baked loaves, which could have been of
handier sizes and weights than the rule-based ones …
78 depending on the size of the household.
MEAT, DAIRY & POULTRY
MEDIEVAL LIVESTOCK
Cattle: Varied from 250-750 lbs live weight, but only
T
~75% was usable and only ~50% was normally edible.

Modern breeds run to 500-900 kilos for Cows and 800-

H
E
1200 kilos for Bulls.

Chickens: Laid ~1-2 eggs per week, rather than the

~0.81 per day of modern breeds and weighed in at a
modest 1½ lbs on average (~2/3rds edible). They only
laid eggs for, at most, six months, none in winter.

Low light levels (such as in Late Autumn and Winter)

stops Hens laying. Modern Chickens are kept in well lit
Barns and lay all year round as a result – on top of their
M
A
more prolific rate of laying.

Medieval Sheep: Varied in weight from 20-120 lbs,

R
but the most common breeds were 40-70 lbs. About
45% of the live weight was edible. Fresh Meat & Poultry: Most meat and poultry was
consumed the day the animal was killed – Butchers
Medieval Pigs: Varied in weight from 30-140 lbs, but and Poulterers bought live animals at the Market in
the most common breeds,were 35-70 lbs. About 70%
was usable and about 45% was normally edible.
Suckling Pigs were usually around 18 lbs
the early morning and then slaughtered it at their
premises, selling the meat for the rest of the day.
K
E
Bacon & Ham: Preserved by salt curing (Bacon) or
smoking, salting and curing (Ham) by other means,
Cheese Butter Milk Herring Cod
Years (d/100)
and quite popular because it would last longer than
(lb/d) (lb/d) (gal/d) (d/ea)

T
fresh meat in a period without refrigeration.
1200-09 2½ – – 3¼ –
1210-19 2½ – – 6 – Salt Meat & Fish: The other common way of preserv-
ation was salting – placing it in brine (salty water) for

P
1220-29 2½ – – – –
Meat and bedding Fish in layers of salt. For meat, this
1230-39 2 – – – – was most commonly done with Beef and Pork, less so
1240-49 2¼ – – 6¼ – with Mutton, for fish this was most common with Cod.

L
1250-59 2¼ – – 6 –
1260-69 1½ 1¼ – 6¼ – Smoked & Dried Meat & Fish: Smoking and drying
fish was very common and Stockfish (cold air dried,
1270-79 1¾ 1 – 5½ –

A
often Cod) was a widely traded commodity. Both
1280-89 2 1¼ 1 7¾ – methods were less common with Meat and Poultry,
1290-99 1¾ 1¼ – 8 – but were used occasionally … Smoked Sausage was
particularly popular with travellers, for example.

C
1300-09 1¾ 1¼ ¾ 9 –
1310-19 1½ ¾ ½ 10¼ –
Stockfish and Smoked Cod were popular with sea-
1320-29 1½ ¾ ¾ 10½ – farers and large military expeditions (eg the Crusades)

E
1330-39 1¾ 1 ¾ 10 – as they provided maximum edible food for minimum
1340-49 2 1 ¾ 10¾ – bulk, unlike Meat salted in Brine (water is heavy).
1350-59 1½ 1 ¾ 16 –
Smoked/Dried Meats/Fish last anywhere from a day for
1360-69 1½ ¾ ¾ 14¼ – those still somewhat ‘wet’ dried/smoked for flavour
1370-79 2 ¾ ¾ 14 12 through to several years for those dried or smoked hard
1380-89 2 1 – 13½ – for preservation (Stockfish, for example, or Hams).
1390-99 1¾ 1 1 17¼ –
MEDIEVAL DAIRY PRODUCTS
Cheese: Average of all varieties, Tower Pounds per Penny.
Butter: Like Milk(see below), Butter had to be con-
Butter: Tower Pounds per Penny.
sumed quickly – usually a day or two, perhaps three
Milk: Wine Gallons (~3.67 litres) per Penny.
Herring: Pennies per 100.
at most if the butter is stored in an airtight container
79
 or covered dish and kept out of the direct sunlight.
Even Salted Butter will only last about a week before
it goes rancid. Years Cider (d/gal) Ale(d/gal) Wine (d/gal)

1200-09 – – 2¼
Cheese: Because cheese can last for a long time if
wrapped carefully and stored in a dry, coolish, place, 1210-19 ½ – 2
it was a popular way of preserving food and there 1220-29 ½ – 3
were as many varieties of cheese (made from Cow, 1230-39 ½ – 4
Ewe and Goat’s milk) as there were regions. Soft,
1240-49 ½ – 2½
hard, smoked, salted.
1250-59 ½ – 1¾
Hard cheeses will last for many months even if unpack- 1260-69 ½ – 3½
ed if not exposed to high temperatures. If stored in 1270-79 ¾ – 4
cheesecloth or other wrappings they will last for several
1280-89 ¾ – 3¼
years – indeed, that is part of the maturation process.
1290-99 ¾ – 3¾
Really soft cheeses should be consumed within a day or 1300-09 1 ½ 4¼
two of being unpacked and, of course, take less time to 1310-19 1 – 5
make in the first place.
1320-29 1 – 4¼
Milk: This wasn’t pasteurised so it was possible to get 1330-39 ¾ 1 6
diseases passed on through it. Without refrigeration it 1340-49 ½ – 7½
had to be used pretty much on the day it was milked. 1350-59 ¾ – 9¼
Medievals quite happily drank milk from Sheep and 1360-69 1 – 9
Goats as well as from Cows … indeed, in some places
and times during the period Ewe’s milk was regarded 1370-79 1 – 9¼
as being superior to Cow’s milk. 1380-89 ¾ – 7¼
1390-99 ¾ – 7

MEDIEVAL BEVERAGES
ASSIZE OF BEER & ALE
Issued at around the same time as the Assize of Bread
(qv) some time during the 13th century and was prob-
ably just as ‘ancient’ as the former, this shows the
formula for determining the price of Ale depending
on the price of cereal grains.
All Beverages: Pennies per Wine Gallon (~3.67 liters)
quarter of Oats for 1/4 (16d) then Brewers in Cities
should sell 2 [wine] gallons of Beer or Ale for 1d, and
out of cities should sell 3 [or 4?] gallons for 1d.
As with Bread, the amount of Ale (or Beer) that could be
purchased with 1d varied, not the cost.

Price Variation Triggers: As with Bread, the Assize

When a quarter of Wheat is sold for 3/- to 3/4 (36- doesn’t make it clear, but local ordinances indicate
40d), a quarter of Barley for 1/8 - 2/- (20-24d) and a that the price was set by a local Jury, usually meeting
once a year, after the harvest was in, and determining
a ‘fair price.’

Presumably a minimum +/- 6d variation was required

before any variation in the amount of Beer or Ale sold
for 1d was allowed.

WINE, CIDER AND OTHER DRINKS

Ale (and, later, Beer) was the most common alcoholic
drink in England and much of Europe – even in the
Wine growing regions, as they produced much less
quantity of wine back in the day. Neither were yet
made with Hops.

Popular at the beginning of the period, but becoming

rarer and more rustic as time passed, was Mead,
made by fermenting honey.

80 Cider, an alcoholic drink made from apples, and

 T
Perry, a similar drink made from pears, were also
Cones of Coarse Sugar
popular – the latter especially in Normandy (and
therefore popular in early post-Conquest England).

Wine was transported, stored, and sold from wooden

Casks which, however, were incompletely airtight – so
H
E
about 10% of wine transported any distance was
expected to sour during transport.

Even if it survived shipping medieval Wine rarely

lasted a whole year … so there was no such thing as a
modern ‘vintage’, though various regional varieties
had varying reputations and degrees of popularity.

England: Even though Wine was grown in England,

at least before the Little Ice Age, it was on a small scale
and almost entirely for prestige consumption by the
owner of the vineyard.
1353, 1381 and 1387 … a sure sign that the whole idea
was unenforceable in practical terms .
M
A
The 5/- (60d) price is also completely out of whack with
the Series prices for Wine – so presumably the Assize
price was the maximum price for premium wine while

There was an Assize of Wine in England, dating back
to the late 12th century, but it seems to have been
largely ineffectual as Wine was almost entirely import-
ed and of varying (perceived) qualities and types.
R
the Series averages were for all types of Wine.
There is also clear evidence that this was specifically a
London price, and that the price in regional areas,

According to the Assize (late 12th century) Wine prices

were fixed at 5/- (60d) per Wine Gallon – but the Assize
had to be restated in 1315 and again in 1330, 1342,
especially those a considerable distance from a Sea or
River port, were allowably higher. For example, in 1331
the price of Wine in Oxford was legally set to be no more
K
E
than 2d per Gallon more than in London.

Town and City authorities seem to have, at least some

Currants &

T
Years Honey (d/gal) Sugar (d/lb) of the time, set prices as part of their regulation of
Raisins (d/lb)
Taverns (probably rather like modern Licensing
1200-09 12 – 24 laws), and these attempts were mostly aimed at pre-
1210-19 – – – venting the selling of low quality as premium, or
1220-29
1230-39
6
–
–
–
–
–
selling the dregs from a cask at all.

Bordeaux and Rhenish varieties were well regarded

P
L
1240-49 – – – and, by the early 14th century, regular imports for
1250-59 – – – widespread and common consumption, selling for
1260-69 6½ 6½ 16½ ~8d per (wine) gallon, though it dropped to half that

A
1270-79 7¾ – – by the end of the century.
1280-89 6¾ 1¾ 8¾ Wine from Gascony, however, also widely imported,
1290-99 8 – 17¼ was less well regarded and sold for ~4d per (wine)
1300-09
1310-19
7
8
5¼
–
11¼
6
gallon – again, roughly halving in price by the end of
the century.
C
E
1320-29 7¾ – 9¼
1330-39 7 3¼ 9 SUGAR, SWEETENERS ETC
1340-49 9 ¾ 11½ HONEY
1350-59 11½ – 30 This was the sweetener for the bulk of the population
for the entire period – as, expensive as it was, it was
1360-69 12 – 13¼
far cheaper than sugar.
1370-79 13½ 2¾ 14¼
1380-89 10½ 3 11¾ Though beekeeping was an important pursuit as both
1390-99 11¾ 2¾ 19½ the Honey and the Beeswax were valuable commodit-
Honey: Pennies per Wine Gallon (~3.67 litres). ies, the problem was the nature of the Hives and the
Currants/Raisins: Pennies per Tower Pound. way they had to be harvested. Medieval Hives were
Sugar: Pennies per Avoirdupois Pound (~ 373 grams) made of clay (probably unfired) or of wood, but there
81
 was no internal structure and the only way to
‘harvest’ the Honey and Beeswax was to break them Ginger Mace Cinnamon Pepper
open … which often led to the destruction of the hive, Years (d/lb)
(d/lb) (d/lb) (d/lb)
which was rather counterproductive.
1200-09 – – – –
Modern movable comb Hives don’t start to appear until 1210-19 – – – 6
the late 18th century. 1220-29 – – – 9
1230-39 – – – –
It was recommended that a Hive be harvested three
times a year – at the beginning of May, then at high 1240-49 – – – 14½
Summer, taking 90% of the hive in each cull, and 1250-59 – – – 6¾
then around October, when only one third was taken. 1260-69 24 – 9 9
1270-79 – – – 10½
Many Hives did not survive such treatment so it was
preferable to harvest Hives where a new Queen had 1280-89 18¾ 20¼ – 9¼
recently left to start a new colony, hopefully in a pre- 1290-99 – 30 – 12¾
prepared manufacture Hive in the Beekeeper’s estate. 1300-09 – – – 11
1310-19 14 – – 11¼
Honey was widely used as the basis for all sorts of 1320-29 16 – 19¼ 12½
medical concoctions – building on a long tradition 1330-39 19½ 26 21½ 12½
going back to Neolithic times. It was also recognised 1340-49 30½ – 16¾ 13½
as an important healing component in making wound
1350-59 18 – – 22¾
plasters or washes (mixed with Wine or Vinegar in the
latter case) or for wrapping wounds and for ointments 1360-69 16 – – 14
used to treat wounds directly. 1370-79 18¼ 50 – 16¾
1380-89 17 – – 11
SUGAR 1390-99 16½ – 2 14
Sugar Cane was first domesticated in New Guinea
(~8000 BC) and spread slowly to SE Asia and China All Spices Listed: Pennies per Troy Pound.
(where crystallised sugar was first developed) and cane was grown and sugar produced was in Muslim
reached Persia by the 6th century AD … al-Andalus (i.e. Muslim Iberia), though the Crusaders
controlled (for a while) sugar cultivation in the Holy
The Muslim Arab expansion was then responsible for Land and it was also grown on the islands of Cyprus,
the spread of Sugar Cane cultivation throughout the Crete and Sicily.
Muslim world and, by the 10th century, Muslim Egypt
was a major exporter to the medieval West. Sugar was, therefore, expensive. Fine white sugar cost
around 20 times as much as Honey (coarser grades,
The only place on mainland Europe where sugar including brown sugar, were less expensive) when
imported into England and was regarded mainly as a
Spice and, to a degree, as a medicinal … though the
very wealthy were already using it as confectionary
(sculptures as an edible, visual, centrepiece at their
Banquets) and Rock Candy was known of, if expensive.

Most Sugar was imported through Venice (mainly from

Cyprus, Crete and Sicily – though Egypt and, while
under Crusader control, the Holy Lands were always an
alternative source) or through Spain (from al-Andalus
mainly – but also from the southern Mediterranean
littoral, mainly Tunisia and Morocco).

Sugar was increasingly used as a medicinal, though

its expense meant it never replaced Honey, and was
especially mixed with bitter ingredients to mask their
taste … it was preferred because the finely processed
crystals gave medieval Physicians and Surgeons a
82 more accurately measurable dosage.
SPICES & HERBS
T
Beeswax Candles
First, a reminder, when period sources refer to ‘herbs’
they are often (but not always) referring to vegetables.
This particular section, however, is about Spices and
what we refer to as Herbs … actual Herbs.
H
E
Not all modern authors, especially in non-academic
works (especially in websites) get this – and some of their
conclusions may be at variance with reality as a result.

Probably the biggest driver of trade activity, and

certainly the most profitable, during the 12th-17th
centuries was the Spice trade … eventually driving the
European ‘Age of Discovery’ from the late 15th
century. Even limiting any examination of the matter
to the 12th-14th centuries shows its economic, social M
A
and political impact on the medieval world.

WHAT SPICES?
THE SPICE TRADE

R
Just as herbs are often what we would call vegetables,
not all medieval ‘spices’ were what we would call The main imported Spices (at least those still widely
spices – the medieval ‘spice trade’ was a term that, used today, there were others which have declined in
back in the day, included the trading in dyes, medic- importance) were, in a rough order of importance and
inal materials and perfumes, so, again, in this section
we are mainly examining what we would call ‘spices’
in the modern day.
value, Pepper, Cinnamon, Ginger, Cloves.

Other spices (or Herbs, depending on how you define K

E
them) were available locally or, at least, in the Medi-
Tallow Wax
terranean region, included Anise, Caraway, Coriand-
Firewood Charcoal Coal
Years (d/ton) (d/bu) Candles Candles er (seeds), Cumin, Dill, Fennel (seeds), Lovage (seeds),
(d/ton) (d/lb) (d/lb)

T
Mustard (?), Oregano and Saffron (which was always
1200-09 – – – – – the most expensive Spice … and remains so today).
1210-19 – – – – –

P
1220-29 – – – – 3.57
For imported Spices, it was all about transport and
1230-39 – – – – – transactional costs – they had to come a long way,
1240-49 – – – – 4.15 often mostly, or even entirely, by land (the Spice

L
1250-59 27½ 3½ – – – Route from Constantinople to China is estimated to
1260-69 31½ – – – 4 have required ~200 travel days … when you include
rest days and delays it means spices coming along
1270-79 47 7¼ – – 3¾

A
that route probably took the best part of a year to
1280-89 33½ 5½ 17 1¼ 3¼ traverse it) and land transport was expensive.
1290-99 36 7 17½ 1½ 4¼
Even where they came wholly or partly by sea they

C
1300-09 37 6½ 17 1¾ 4
had to come through Muslim dominated lands – and
1310-19 41 8 19 2 3¾
transactional costs (taxes, customs dues, bribes, mid-
1320-29 35¾ 8½ 18¼ 2¼ 3¾ dleman profits etc.) were potentially very high – and

E
1330-39 36½ 8 22½ 1¾ 4 completely unpredictable as politics (local and inter-
1340-49 30¼ 7½ 17¼ 1¾ 3½ national) played a big role in determining them. In
any case, the shipping tonnage available and longer
1350-59 55½ 22¾ 26¾ 2 3½
than modern shipping times limited the volume that
1360-69 50½ 16¾ 20½ 2¼ 4¼ could be shipped by sea.
1370-79 52½ 17 19¾ 2¼ 2¾
1380-89 48¾ 12½ 13¾ 2 4 In fact, both shipping methods had limited capacity –
and, coupled with sky-high, and increasing, demand,
1390-99 52½ 12¾ 19 1¾ 3½
well, you get the picture. High demand, low volume
Firewood & Coal: Pennies per Ton (2160 Tower Pounds equals sky high prices.
(~756 kilos or ~1667 Imperial Pounds).
Charcoal: Pennies per Bushel (64 Tower Pounds).
Tallow & Wax Candles: Pennies per Tower Pound.
Worse, the prices could vary wildly as new shipments
arrived … or anticipated shipments were delayed. 83
 No. They were not used to disguise the taste of rotten Lamp Oil Wool Cloth Linen Cloth
meat (eating rotten meat will make you sick, and Years
(d/gal) (d/Ell) (d/Ell)
medieval cooks knew this as well as we do today) and,
no, they weren’t used to disguise the fact that preserv- 1200-09 – – 53¾
ed meats were heavily salted (they were used in rec- 1210-19 – – 53½
ipes which used fresh meat and, in any case, medieval 1220-29 – – 49¾
cooks typically boiled or parboiled salted meat to 1230-39 – – 45¾
remove the saltiness).
1240-49 – 36¼ 58¾
So why were they used? The best guess anyone has 1250-59 – 38¼ 51¾
come up with that makes any sense, and which isn’t 1260-69 – 36½ 56¾
easily countered as the rotten/salty meat hypotheses, 1270-79 5½ 36¼ 56¼
is that spiced food simply tasted nicer.
1280-89 – 41¼ 51¾
Even the poor used locally available, cheap, herbs 1290-99 10½ 31½ 62¾
and spices to flavour their meals when they were 1300-09 5¾ 41 66
available – the well-to-do and rich could afford the 1310-19 8¾ 49 70¼
more exotic, expensive, and, therefore, prestigious
imported spices. 1320-29 8½ 41 69
1330-39 7 35½ 69¼
1340-49 9 32½ 61¼
FUEL & LIGHTING 1350-59 11 43½ 125
There were limited choices available to medieval
1360-69 11¼ 41 138¼
people when it came to fuel for cooking, warmth and
for industry and lighting for night or in the dark – 1370-79 12 43¾ 132½
wood, charcoal, coal, peat and dung were the main 1380-89 11½ 41 130¾
cooking and heating fuels while wax and tallow were 1390-99 10¾ 37¾ 123
the main lighting fuels.
Lamp Oil: Pennies per Wine Gallon (~3.67 litres).
Cloth (Linen & Wool): Pennies per Ell (45”)
Yes, a price is given for Lamp Oil starting with the
1270-70 Decade – this is probably for Olive Oil, which WOOD
would have been an import. Before that (and well after The main fuel and light source for most people – it
it as well) most ‘oil’ lamps in North and NW Europe was used for cooking and heating and the light it gave
burnt animal fat … typically the oil gained by off as a byproduct was often one of the stronger light
rendering tallow. This would probably have cost ¼d to sources in most homes at night.
½d per pound and actually gave out less light than
tallow candles while remaining just as smelly!
The prices given for a load of wood are those paid in
a large Town such as London, where it was plentiful
all year round … if you had the price.

Remember, land always belongs to someone – so

anything growing there is also property. You can’t just
go and gather firewood – either you have the feudal
right (part of the feudal dues and rents you pay) to
gather it or you still have to pay … someone.

In rural areas that means buying it from a villager

who has some to spare or, more commonly, buying it
from the estate Manager … either pre-cut or buying
the right to gather a predetermined quantity.

Exceptions: The verges of the Royal Highways and

most important roads were ‘common’ land and it was
acceptable to gather firewood (from bushes or fallen
branches), though probably not to cut down trees for
84 firewood, on such land. But not beyond the verge!
CHARCOAL

This was mainly used for industry – especially the Iron
industry, but also Brewing. It could be, as it had been
in classical times, be used in portably Braziers to
provide spot heating for the well-to-do, but this seems
to have been relatively rare.
Burning charcoal in an poorly ventilated space is
potentially fatal – it generates a lot of carbon monoxide,
which is lethal in too high quantities. Whether this was
the reason for its relative lack of use domestically or
whether it was simply too expensive is not certain.
T
coppicing or woodlands to support with wood and
charcoal …which, in England, meant London, and so
coal was brought by sea from the Tyne.
Newcastle/Tyne sourced coal was being sold in London
in quantity from as early as the first quarter of the 13th
and ‘several thousand’ tons were being exported by the H
E
beginning of the 14th century. Interestingly, a coal trade
from the region with the wood-poor Low Countries
across the Channel developed and perhaps 7000 tons a
year were being exported to that region by the last
quarter of the 14th century.

COAL CANDLES – TALLOW & WAX

This was mostly gathered as ‘sea coal’ from bits
washed up on beaches near to coastal outcroppings
(and broken off by wave action) or ‘mined’ from
surface outcroppings. It was rarely mined, and, where
it was, the mines were quite shallow.
The collapse of the western half of the Roman Empire
led to (and was partly caused by) a collapse in trade
links which, amongst other things, had made Olive M
A
Oil a commonplace throughout North and NW
Europe, both as a food and as a fuel for lighting. In
its place, the successor states fell back on Candles

It couldn’t be used to smelt iron, the sulphur (and
other) impurities ruined the bloom, nor could it be
used in Brewing/Cooking, as the sulphurous stench
fouled the taste of the Beer or Food. In a domestic
heating situation, the smell was also unpleasant.
R
made of either Tallow or Beeswax … though in Iberia,
Italy, North Africa and the East where Olive Oil
remained common, Lamps fuelled by such remained
dominant.

It was a fourth choice fuel after wood and charcoal Fat from animals – Pigs and Sheep preferably, Cows K
E
(there was not third choice) – and was only used in as a last choice. While you could gather fat from
areas which had outgrown the capacity of local cooking in your own household and use it to make

Years

1200-09
Silver (d/oz)

23.8
Pewter (d/lb)

–
Brass (d/lb)

–
Nails (d/lb)

1¾
Iron Ingots
(d/lb)
–
Spades & Shovels
(d/ea)

–
T
1210-19
1220-29
23.8
23.8
–
1¾
–
–
–
3
–
–
–
1½ P
L
1230-39 23.8 – – 3½ – 1
1240-49 23.8 – – 3¼ – 1½
1250-59 23.8 – – 2¾ – 1¾
1260-69
1270-79
23.8
23.8
1¾
1¾
–
2½
2¾
2¼
1¼
1
1¾
1½ A
C
1280-89 23.9 2¼ 2¼ 2¼ 1 2
1290-99 23.9 2¼ 2¼ 2¼ 1 2
1300-09 23.9 2¼ 2 2½ 1 2½

E
1310-19 23.9 3 3 2¾ 1¼ 3¼
1320-29 23.9 2¾ 2½ 2½ 1 2½
1330-39 24.3 2¾ 3 2½ 1¼ 8¾
1340-49 25.6 2½ 2½ 2½ 1¼ 2½
1350-59 29.2 3½ 2¾ 5 1¾ 5
1360-69 29.5 3½ 3 5¼ 1¾ 5½
1370-79 29.5 3½ 3½ 4½ 2 6¾
1380-89 29.5 3½ 3¾ 4 2¼ 5
1390-99 29.5 3¼ 3¾ 4¼ 1½ 3½
All Metal Prices: Pennies per Tower Pound. 85
 candles domestically, manufactured Tallow candles
were, for the most part, made ‘pure’ fat taken directly Rope Paper Paint Bricks Window
from slaughtered animals before their carcasses (free Years
(d/lb) (d/quire) (d/lb) (d/100) Glass (d/ft2)
of most fat) were sold to (or cut up for sale by) Butchers.
1200-09 – – – – –
Commercially made Tallow candles weren’t as smelly 1210-19 – – – – –
as those made from leftover cooking fat. Unfortunat- 1220-29 – – – – –
ely, the manufacturing process was smelly – so much
1230-39 – – – – –
so that most urban centres banned Tallow-makers
from inside the city walls or to restricted areas inside. 1240-49 – – – – –
1250-59 – – – – –
1260-69 – – – – –
As noted in the section on Honey (qv), the way in
1270-79 – – 2¾ – –
which Beehives were harvested during the medieval
period led to a huge portion being destroyed in the 1280-89 – – 3½ 50¾ –
process, making Honey … and Wax from the honey- 1290-99 1¼ – 2¼ 54¼ –
comb, much more expensive than Tallow. 1300-09 ½ – 3 57¾ 5
1310-19 1 – 3½ 52½ 7¼
Still, it offered a cleaner, brighter, and more sweetly
smelling burn and so remained popular with the 1320-29 ¾ – 4 43½ 4¼
Church and with the well-to-do. 1330-39 ¾ – 4¾ 46½ –
1340-49 ½ – 2½ 46 2½
LAMP OIL
1350-59 1 8 4¼ 81¾ –
As noted in the introduction, this is imported Olive Oil
– rendered Tallow could be used, but gave out less 1360-69 1¾ 10¼ 2¾ 102¾ 13
light than Tallow candles. 1370-79 1¼ 9¾ 5 95 –
1380-89 1¾ – 5 87 8
1390-99 – 7½ 4¾ 95½ 9
Neither Olive Oil nor rendered Tallow are notably
flammable – they are of no use in or as incendiaries. Rope & Paint: Pennies per Tower Pound.
They most certainly aren’t anything like Napalm, or Paper: Pennies per Quire (of 8 Quarto sheets). The size of
even like Greek Fire. the sheet varied from 11¼-12½” high and 8¾-10” wide.

But Incendiaries were occasionally used in Sieges, even CLOTH

in Europe. So what did they use? Mostly Pitch … Pine
or Birch Tar, not petroleum based … and neither are
suitable for candle making or burning in lamps.
Using Pitch soaked absorbent cloth as Torches is a bad
idea as they tend to drip when burning … and the Pitch
itself is sticky enough and burns hot enough to actually
burn through leather … so medieval Torches, such as
they were, had pitch soaked balls of waste cloth or
similar material placed in a cup at the top of the Torch
to prevent this.
Wool and Linen were the most common types of cloth
used, with Hemp and Nettle based cloths were
probably runners up – Cotton was not, as is noted
elsewhere, grown in Europe during most of the period
and was an expensive import, mostly from the Islamic
world … even when it was, eventually, grown in parts
of southern Europe it remained expensive, as the fibre
had to be separated from the boll by hand (as, indeed,
it had to by right through to the invention of the
Cotton Gin in the 18th century).
Silk, of course, was an outright luxury and was priced
accordingly for all its variations.

Hemp and Nettle (a non-stinging variety which grows

wild and doesn’t need much in the way of cultivation)
cannot be differentiated from Linen without chemical
testing – so Archaeologists tend to label any cloth woven
from plant fibres ‘linen’ when it may not be so.

These were not high prestige materials and tended to be

used for coarser materials as Nettle fibres are longer and
stronger than the Flax fibres used to make Linen.

86 The prices given here are averages for a wide variety


of different sub-types of varying fineness, closeness of
weave, quality and mix and are, of course, prices in
the English markets.
Since they are prices for English markets, they are
probably given in English Ells of 45” … but if they were
imports, different countries, even different cities within
a country, often used Ells of different lengths!
METALS
IRON
The best Iron came from Spain, but Swedish Iron was
also well regarded (and was often reprocessed in
Danzig before shipping to England) – so Ingots could
varying in weight depending on their origin.
Spanish ingots would have nominally been in units of
the old Roman Libra (~328 grams) as would those of
Danzig. Swedish ingots were ~300 grams. English
domestic ingots would have been nominally in Tower
Pounds.
Iron Ingots and Bar Iron were shipped in wooden
Barrels, so that would have placed a limit on the size
and weight. Probably they were all around whatever
the local equivalent of a ‘Pound’ was …
OTHER METALS
Since these could be cast, Ingots were often larger – in
some places the older, classical era, ‘Oxhide’ Ingots
were still used, and these could vary in weight from
60-90 pounds (depending on whose pounds you were
using, perhaps more or less than that).
However, there was a growing preference for smaller
Loaf Ingots which were also shipped in Barrels and,
like Iron Ingots, were probably all approximately one
Pound in weight (whatever the pound weight was at
their point of origin).
T
H
E
MISCELLANEOUS GOODS
PAPER M
A
This was still a niche product for the most part -
cheaper than Parchment but also regarded as cheap
(i.e. inferior) … and the price was still quite high. It
R
was, of course, handmade and made from rag.
The use of woodpulp paper in Europe on begins in the
19th century, and only became common after 1840).
BRICK
Because of the need to use expensive wood to fire the K
E
Bricks, these were a prestige product in those parts of
Europe where stone was more readily available, and
only widely used in areas where stone was either not
T
cheap or where what stone that was available was of
inferior quality.
It’s not that they didn’t exist at all elsewhere, but that
they were used sparingly even by the elite – for emphas-
is or as a part of decorative elements rather than as the
sole (or even main) means of construction. P
L
WINDOW GLASS
Though the price quoted is per square foot, glass for
A
windows was cut from flattened, hand blown, spheres,
and windows had to be pieced together from dozens,
more likely scores, and possibly hundreds of smaller,
pieces using lead framing.
Sheets of window glass simply did not exist.
C
USING THESE TABLES
The prices provided in the following sections of The
Marketplace are price corrected for the last quarter of
E
the 14th century, unless otherwise indicated (e.g. for
items noted to be obsolete by that time) on average. If
you wish to price correct them for other periods, or to see
how they fluctuated from year to year within the period
they are drawn from (or corrected to), then you can use
the variation between the most relevant priced goods in
these tables.
87
 ALCHEMISTS & ALCHEMY
In the real Medieval period there were three different
types of Alchemist, two of which are hinted at in the
OM2 Core Book and one which can be inferred –
Mystical Alchemists (see ‘What Alchemists thought they
could do’ and ‘Impractical Alchemy’), Practical Alch-
emists (see ‘What Alchemists actually could do’ and
‘Non-Alchemists & Alchemy’) and Charlatans.
MYSTICAL ALCHEMISTS
This is the sort of Alchemist that most people picture
when they consider alchemy – someone pursuing the
impractical (and impossible). Things like turning
Lead into Gold, creating magical medical elixirs and
cures and mystical compounds such as the universal
solvent … and, in a role-playing game context, often
actually being able to create real magic potions.
Insofar as an Alchemist pursued these things in the real
world, they were either well meaning, but ultimately
delusional, self-serving charlatans, or a combination of
both. Depending on the game system you use, they may
still be these things or they may be actual magic users,
or the skill may be a subset of regular magic use.
Historically, they almost always possessed a degree of
what passed for formal education (usually some years
at a University, at the very least and most likely at
least a Bachelor’s degree) though this would only give
them the basic grounding for developing Alchemical
knowledge through research (reading abstruse and
arcane texts more than anything practical) and prac-
tise rather than a formal Degree or Apprenticeship.
Mystical Alchemists almost always worked alone, often
not even with an assistant (let alone an apprentice)
not wanting anyone to gain access to their ‘secrets,’
and they usually worked on a small scale … mixing or
processing no more than a few ounces, and probably
less, at any one time of any of the materials involved.
PRACTICAL ALCHEMISTS
In the real world, while they believed in some of the
delusional clap-trap the Mystical Alchemist did, they
were more involved in what would eventually develop
into Chemistry and/or Industrial Chemistry over the
next several centuries. Any ‘mystical’ stuff tended to
be a sideline, if that.
They weren’t proper Chemists or Industrial Chemists –
they were simply moving in that direction. They tended
to produce practical materials in moderate quantities –
often materials or compounds that were the raw mater-
88 ials for others to use in actual ‘industrial’ processes –
rather than producing the ‘industrial end products’
themselves. For example, they might purify or concen-
trate raw dyes, but the actual mixing of the dyestuffs to
get a particular colour or shade would be done by
someone else.
Practical Alchemists might have the same academic
background as their Mystical fellows, but as they were
less entranced by the mystical and esoteric and learn-
ed as much by doing and by practical application of
their skills and knowledge (not quite the ‘Experiment-
al Method,’ but a step in that direction).
They still believed in a lot of the same mumbo-jumbo
and this hindered their abilities and general overall
progress, but they were not completely blinded by
beliefs that proved to be unsupported by practical
applications as Mystical Alchemists were.
They were also far less secretive and would very likely
take on ‘apprentices,’ mostly those of similar back-
ground who were just starting on their alchemical
studies … and, in some cases, would train those with-
out that academic background in a limited subset of
their skills applicable to a trade or profession.
Less secretive doesn’t mean they didn’t have, or keep,
secrets – they were just less paranoid about them.
Since they were pursuing practical applications their
work could involve the mixing or processing of small
amounts (ounces) through to large ones (pounds).
CHARLATANS
Con men. They know enough of the mystical patter to
try and fool the gullible and take them down for all
they can over as long a period as they can manage.
Most Mystical Alchemists had at least a touch of
Charlatan about them.
ALCHEMISTS & MAGIC
Depending on the nature of the game rules and
background you are using, Alchemists might have no
connection with magic at all – in which case Mystical
Alchemists have only limited practical skills encased
in a lot of clap-trap and Practical Alchemists are
simply somewhat effective chemists.
If, however, Alchemists do have some magical
abilities, then Mystical Alchemists will be the ones who
will normally have them in a fully blown form (what-
ever that may be) and Practical Alchemists will have
them either in a very limited form or not at all.
ALCHEMISTS & ALCHEMY – GOODS & SERVICES
Alchemists were the ancient and medieval precursors
to true chemists and can extract/purify elements and
LABORATORY EQUIPMENT
Availability. This is LT:SO (Large Town/Special
T
extract/purify/synthesise basic chemical compounds.

Precious metals could be refined to around 96-98%

Order) for all items unless noted in the individual
item descriptions.
H
E
purity, but not consistently or reliably.
Alchemical Furnace, Fixed 10/- (120d)
For chemical and biochemicals the main problem was Alchemical Furnace, Table 7/6d (90d)
that Alchemists had no testing regime to allow them to
determine actual purity and also did not understand the Alembic, Copper, 5 gallons 15/- (180d)
possible interactions between the tools they used and the Alembic, Copper, 1 gallon 5/- (60d)
materials they processed with them meant that Alembic, Glass, 1 gallon 10/- (120d)
contaminants could easily be added at each step.

To make things worse, their concept of ‘purity’ had

Alembic, Glass, 1 pint

Aludel, Earthenware
3/6d (42d)

9d
M
A
more to do with the spiritual purity of the material (for Aludel, Glass 3/- (36d)
practical alchemists) or the spiritual purity of the
alchemist for the mystical ones. Ampoule, Single Dose, Glass 2½d

R
Ampoule, Double Dose, Glass 3¼d
In their attempts to ‘perfect’ the spiritually ‘impure’
matter they produced (or had produced) entirely new Athanor, Fixed 12/6 (150d)
substances. Distilling Alum and Saltpeter gave them Athanor, Table 6/3d (75d)
Nitric Acid – which would completely dissolve Silver.

But distilling Alum could not be done until they learnt

Beaker, Glass, Small
Beaker, Glass, Large
1½d
3d
K
E
to use glass vessels, as the Sulphuric Acid produced in
the process damaged metal ones (and contaminated the Bottle, Small, Earthenware (S) 3d
product with metal salts as well!). Bottle, Medium, Earthenware (S) 6d

Distilling Salt and Alum together and passing the

vapour through water produced Hydrochloric Acid
which, with Nitric Acid, created Aqua Regia which
Bottle, Small, Glass (R)
Bottle, Medium, Glass (R)
1/- (12d)
2/6d (30d) T
would dissolve even Gold.

Alchemists can also distill liquids and, therefore,

Crucible, Small
Crucible, Medium
1/- (12d)
1/6d (18d)
P
L
could be involved in the distillation of alcohol from Glass, Clear, 1 lb x1.5
wine or beer or concentrating natural essences. Glassware, 1 lb 9d

A
Lab Consumables £1/6/- to £2/12/- (312-624d)
“Some sophists have tried to squeeze out a fixed oil from Lab Equipment £3 to £6 (720-1440d)
Mercury seven times sublimed and as often dissolved by
means of aquafortis. In this way they attempt to bring Mortar & Pestle, Small, Stone 9d
imperfect metals to perfection: but they have been
obliged to relinquish their vain endeavour.
Mortar & Pestle, Small, Brass

Pelican, Copper, 1 gallon

1/6d (18d)

7/6d (90d)
C
E
“Some have purged vitriol seven times by calcination, Pelican, Glass, 1 pint 5/3d (63d)
solution, and coagulation, [with] … two parts of sal
ammoniac, and by sublimation, so it might be resolved Phial, Single Dose, Copper (R) 1½d
into a white water, to which they have added a third Phial, Single Dose, Glass 5d
part of quicksilver, that it might be coagulated by water. Phial, Single Dose, Silver 1/- (12d)
Phial, Double Dose x2 base
… [A]fterwards they have sublimated the Mercury
several times from the vitriol and sal ammoniac so it Vas Hermeticum, Ceramic, 1 gallon 5/- (60d)
became a stone. This stone they affirmed … to be the Vas Hermeticum, Glass, 1 pint 10/6d (126d)
Red Sulphur of the philosophers”
Mystical Laboratory £10 (2400d)
– Theophrastus Paracelsus (1493-1591). Practical Laboratory £30 (7200d
89

Alchemical Furnaces. Comes in two sizes, fixed (i.e.
large) and table (small-medium). The former needs to
be based on the ground or a solid floor (it is made of
fireclay or fire brick) and is used to heat larger items
of equipment (such as the 5 gallon Alembic and the 1
gallon Pelican or Vas Hermeticum) the latter (small
and light enough to be placed on a solid table) can
only be used with smaller items.
Such a furnace needs constant tending (someone
needs to be in the same room and be able to check it
at least half hourly) to ensure an even heat is achiev-
ed, very important in some key alchemical processes,
and also so it doesn’t run out of fuel.
Alembic. A very early form of what eventually
became the Pot Still. At its simplest it is a pot
(Curcubit) with an extended cap (Ambix) into which
the vapours rise when the material in the pot is
heated and, from the cap, a tube (Soleen) down which
the condensed liquid runs into a second, usually
open, container (Angos).
The Copper version cannot be used to distill corrosive
liquids while the Glass version can.
The 1 gallon Glass Alembic weighs ~10 lbs and the 1
pint one ~4 lbs. A 1 Gallon Copper Alembic weighs ~5
lbs, a 5 Gallon one ~10 lbs.
The 5 gallon Copper Alembic is used almost exclusive-
ly by practical Alchemists and is the smallest size able
to produce commercial quantities of whatever.
Larger models were available but rarely used by Alch-
emists, not even pratical ones, they were of more use to
specialist producers of distilled products … usually
various forms Alcohol beverages from the 12th century.
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A 10 gallon Alembic weighed ~15 lbs (and cost £1/5/-
or 300d; Availability, LT:SO) and a 20 gallon one ~22
lbs (£1/17/6d or 420d; Availability, LT:SO).
Medieval Distillers got around 20% of the capacity of
the Still at around 80 Proof (40% ABV) for drinkables
(so, a 5 gallon Alembic could produce 1 gallon of Whisk-
ey or Brandy), Alchemists could get twice that Proof, but
only roughly half the volume and some built in variab-
ility (so, a 5 gallon Alembic could produce ~½ gallon of
~160 proof (80% ABC) alcohol.
A typical ‘run’ for an 80 Proof product takes ~ 2-6
hours, depending on the size and design of the still and
the skill of the operator. For a 160 Proof run it takes
anywhere from 1½-2 times as long.
Aludel. This is a set of nestled pots used for conden-
sing the sublimate of certain materials – especially
Mercury, Orpiment and Sulphur. The material to be
processed is placed inside the (lower) pot and the
upper (pear shaped) open bottomed pot (perhaps
several, depending on the material) is placed over the
top, then the lower pot is heated and material sub-
limates (i.e. the desired product goes straight to
gaseous state) and condenses at (or towards) the top
of the upper pots, either running down into a collect-
ion pot (if liquid) or forming crystals or other solid
materials (‘flowers’) on the inner surface.
The price listed is for a set of three pots – a base pot
and two pear-shaped bottomless upper pots and a lid.
Glass Aludels are multi-purpose as they can be easily
cleaned between uses so that they can be used for
processing different materials. Earthenware Aludels,
however, are harder to clean completely and, if used to
process different materials later on, the remnants of
previous sublimates can contaminate the process.
Ampoule, Glass. These are heat sealed glass tubes
containing materials that are particularly air sensit-
ive, hygroscopic or reactive. Historically they were
used mainly for holding the blood of deceased rela-
tives, as a momento – or of Saints, as a relic.
If your campaign world allows Alchemists to create
magic potions, some of them may actually form a gas-
eous cloud/area of effect when ‘used’ (exposed to the
air) rather than being consumed (drunk or eaten) –
Ampoules are perfect for this purpose. Such ampoules
are strong enough to be stored, but break easily for use.
You may also allow Alchemists to turn otherwise non-
gaseous ‘potions’ into reactive ones – usually at the cost
of two ‘doses’ of the basic potion to make the con-
centrate needed for a single dose of the new, more
reactive, version which is then sealed in a glass ampoule.

Athanor. This is a specialised alchemical furnace
designed to give a steady heat without the need for
constant tending – as there were several compart-
ments that could be filled with charcoal, only the
bottom of which was set to burn, as the fuel burnt,
charcoal ‘self fed’ into the burning chamber.
It is often called either the Slow Henry (‘Piger Hen-
ricus’) or, sometimes, the Tower Furnace.
Some (non-practical) Alchemical operations notionally
required the material to be heated for up to 40 weeks –
but the Athanor had more practical uses as well.
Like the Alchemical Furnace, the Athanor comes in two
sizes, Fixed, for heating large items, and Table for the
smaller ones.
Beaker. These are not so much Beakers as they are
generic open-topped glass containers of various
shapes for holding, mixing and heating the materials
they contain, solid or liquid. They are made of the
best quality glass available, but they aren’t Pyrex, and
are much more prone to breakage than modern day
glassware as a result. A basic laboratory will need at
least a half a dozen of each.
Bottle, Earthenware. Cheaper than glass, less prone
to break, but heavier. The Bottles listed are glazed
inside and so are non-porous – perfect for storing
metallic Mercury and liquids that might be affected
by oxidation (such as medicines and [spell or alchem-
ical] ‘potions’ if they exist in your game world).
Earthenware Bottles may either be semi-spherical with
a flat base and short or medium length neck or be
cylindrical with a flat bottom and a hemispherical or
flattish head and very short neck.
Small Bottles (~1½ lb empty) can hold a ½ Pint (6
doses) of liquid, Large Bottles (~2 lb empty) can
contain a full Pint (12 doses).
Potions stored in Earthenware Bottles have a chance of
losing potency depending on how long they’ve been in
storage – 10% after a week, 20% after a month, 30%
after 3 months, 40% after a year and +10% for each
additional year … to a maximum of 90%). Consequen-
ces of lost potency are up to the GM (and depend on the
game system, and whether it has rules for such or not)
but, typically, effects would include shorter duration;
lessened, delayed or partial effect; random, reversed or
unfavourable effect, or even no effect at all.
Unglazed Earthenware Bottles (ST:S or Small Town
& Scarce availability) are also available, at half the
cost for their size (1½d Small, 3d Large), but are
porous and liquids/potions stored in them will oxidise
or lose of potency (assuming they can be so affected.
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Potions stored in Unglazed Earthenware have a 20%
chance of loss of potency after one week, 40% after two,
80% after three and 1d3% per day thereafter until a
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maximum of 99% is reached.
Bottle, Glass. These are made for use with medicinals
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or alchemical materials – so they use thickish (think
something like an old fashioned Milk Bottle) green
tinted glass. They are naturally air-tight when proper-
ly sealed and they are normally non-reactive with any
contents … so there is a much reduced chance of the
materials stored in them going ‘bad’ or and no in-
creased chance of potions losing potency over normal.
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A Small Bottle weighs ~8 oz. (6 dose capacity) and a
Large Bottle weighs ~1 lb (12 dose capacity) empty.
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Crucible. Thin-walled ceramic bowls (with optional
lids for processes that needed to be sealed away from
air) made for holding materials or processes that
needed to be heated to extremely high temperatures.
Most alchemical processes that required the use of a
crucible were ultimately destructive of the crucible,
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either through the material (or slag) bonding to it or
being hot enough to bond the lid to the bowl … in
both cases requiring the crucible to be broken apart
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to get to the material inside.
Alchemical crucibles had a flat bottom so they could be
placed directly into a furnace – though they could be
held with wooden handled metal Tongs over a small
furnace for processes that required only a short period
of being heated (these Tongs could also be used to place
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a crucible into, or lift it out of, a furnace).
A Small Crucible could hold 1 oz. of material and a
Medium one would 4 oz. Larger ones exist, but were
rarely used by Alchemists.
Glass, Clear. While Alchemists prefer greenish tinged
glass for storage purposes, as it tends to be more
protective of the contents and because it is cheaper,
they also use clear glass from time to time – especially
where visual observation of ongoing processes is im-
portant. Where this is the case, multiply the basic
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 price by 1.5, rounding fractions to the nearest ¼d if
the Alchemist is a regular customer of the Glassmak-
er, or up if not.
Increase the difficulty of the process by one level if the
Alchemist attempts it with standard green glass wares.
Glassware. This category includes all the glassware
an Alchemist needs that is otherwise not specifically
described … a small (solo) Laboratory will typically
need 2-6 pounds and a larger Laboratory requires
1d3 pounds per assistant.
Mystical Alchemists are rarely trusting enough to have
assistants in a non-magical setting (if Alchemists can
make magic, treat them as Practical) while Practical
Alchemists usually have at least one apprentice.
Laboratory Consumables. This category includes all
items needed in a working Alchemical Laboratory –
chemicals and reagents, common materials, common
tools all too numerous to describe individually but
which are consumed (used up, break or wear out) over
the course of a year’s laboratory activities.
Basic Consumables (required by Mystical Alchemists)
cost 6d/week (£1/6/- or 512d a year) while Standard
Consumables (required by Practical Alchemists) cost
1/- (12d) a week (£2/12/- or 1024d a year).
‘Consumables’ include non-specific materials and tools
– a Mystical Alchemist pursuing the ‘Great Work’ (turn-
ing lead into gold) or making potions (in campaigns
where they are able to do so) or a Practical Alchemist
making Dyes or Medicinals needs to pay for the addit-
ional materials needed for these pursuits in addition.
In many (perhaps most) situations, Alchemists only
have a limited supply of consumables on hand, per-
haps 1d3+1 weeks worth, and only purchase addition-
al materials as the work demands … so, for example,
if they make a large batch of dyes they may sell this
off gradually over the course of several weeks during
which their Laboratory remains idle.
This is of importance mainly to any Player Character
Alchemists who will, presumably, be off adventuring
(and away from their Lab) for considerable periods of
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time – so they don’t need to pay for consumables for the
period when they are absent.
For NPC Alchemists it is a perfect plot-hook for PCs who
desperately need something from them – only to find the
Alchemist hasn’t got the materials on hand!
Laboratory Equipment. This category includes all
the items needed to carry out Alchemical works but
which are not mentioned as separate items here.
A Mystical Alchemist require £3 (720d) worth of
equipment while a Practical Alchemist requires at
least £6 (1440d) worth.
Mortar & Pestle. These are small ones, suitable for
grinding no more than a couple of ounces at a time –
which is all a Mystical Alchemist will need. Larger
ones, with a capacity of ½ lb or 1 lb of material at a
time are available for 1/6 (18d) and 2/- (24d) and will
be of most use to Practical Alchemists.
Even larger grinding mechanisms are used in some large
scale ‘industrial’ applications, but are beyond the scope
of the typical Alchemist’s needs. Also note that Iron
versions are available – at 6d each, but they are not
favoured as they tend to be more reactive with some
materials (and using them to grind Black Powder
(Gunpowder) is a bad idea as, unlike stone or brass, they
can strike a spark, which would be … unfortunate.
Pelican. This is a variant of the Alembic, however,
instead of feeding the condensate off to a collecting
flask, a Pelican has two tubes running off the side of
the condensing cap which feed the condensate back
into the main pot … creating the effect of almost
continuous distillation to allow high levels of purity
to be achieved.
When used to distill alcohol it allows 160 proof (80%
ABV) to be produced in a single run of 2-4 hours.
Phial. A small container used for storing medicinals
or potions, normally they contain a single dose but
two dose versions can be found … for larger quantities
you need to use a Bottle. In the medieval period they
typically have a flat bottomed, otherwise spherical
base where the bulk of the contents will sit with a
short to medium length neck (1-2 times the height of
the base) which can be stoppered.
Potions stored in Copper Phials have a chance of losing
potency depending on how long they’ve been in storage
– 5% after a week, 10% after a month, 20% after 3
months, 40% after a year and +10% for each additional
year … to a maximum of 90%).
Consequences of lost potency are up to the GM (as
mentioned elsewhere on Bottles).
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Glass Phials are non-reactive and potions stored in them
have little chance of losing potency if sealed properly.
They are breakable – though it would require an unfort-
unate degree of rough handling (combat? falling from a
height?) for this to happen by ‘accident.’`.

Silver Phials are as non-reactive with potions (but not

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with some acids!) as glass ones and are used where a
better protection against possible breakage is required.

Vas Hermeticum. A spherical or egg-shaped contain-

er into which the components of a desired alchemet-
ical product are placed and hermetically sealed before
being placed into an Alchemical Furnace or an Athan-
or for an extended period.

These are more commonly used by Mystical Alchemists

Alcohol, Medicinal, 1 oz. (S)
Alkali, 1 oz. 1d/2d
3d
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for the preparation of mystical (aka delusional) works Alum, 1 oz. 4d
or, if Alchemists in your campaign can make potions Antimony, 1 oz. 8d
or other magical items, for either making such or Aqua Regia, 1 oz. 1/6 (18d)

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creating the raw materials needed for making such. Aqua Vitae, 1 oz. (R) 1/- (12d)

Ceramic ones are used for standard potions, glass ones Balm of Gilead, 1 oz. 10/- (120d)
are used for the various stages of the ‘Great Work’ … the Balsam, 1 oz. (S) 1/- (12d)
‘Magnum Opus.’

Mystical Laboratory. This is simply a grab bag of all

Cinnabar, 1 oz. 1/- (12d)
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the equipment and other gear needed by a Mystical Hydrochloric Acid, 1 oz. 4d
Alchemist and includes a year’s worth of consumables
and rent on a workshop. Mercury, 1 oz 2/- (24d)

A Mystical Lab will have Small versions of major items.

Practical Laboratory. This is a grab bag of all the

Nitric Acid, 1 oz.

Orpiment, 1 oz.
8d

6d
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equipment and other gear needed by a Practical
Alchemist and includes a year’s worth of consumables
and rent on a workshop.
Sal Ammoniac, 1 oz.
Saltpeter, 1 oz.
1d
1½d to 2d
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Sulphur, 1 oz. 1d
A Practical Lab will have Large versions of major items. Sulphuric Acid, 1 oz. 5d

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SELECT PRODUCTS & RAW MATERIALS Verdigris, 1 oz. 1½d
Availability. This is LT:SO (Large Town/Special
Order) for all items unless noted in item descriptions. White Lead, 1 oz. 1d.

This is a very limited list covering real world products or

raw materials that were likely to have been available
from Alchemists (though not always exclusively, and not
All items are listed in quantities of one ounce (1/12th
of a Troy pound in this case, ~31 grams), both for
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always as cheaply as from other sources). liquids and solids.

Magical Potions or Mystical works are not included as
the ways in which these are costed varies hugely (and
entirely arbitrarily) from one game system to the next …
the best you can do for something approaching ‘reality’
for pricing those items is to base the price on the select
items below and the likely return on capital invested the
Alchemist would need to make producing them worth
their while (perhaps a 200-300% markup … unless the
PC botches their Haggling/Streetwise Check, in which
case it will be much more!).
This is notionally equal to one dose (unless otherwise
specified) when the material is used as a potion or as
the basis for or as part of an alchemical process.
Also note these prices are not necessarily the cheapest
… they’re for gear purchased in boutique, not bulk,
quantities and sold by a retailer rather than a whole-
saler. Likewise, it may be the case that some items are
actually more widely available at other Merchants or
in the Town (or Fair) Market for similar reasons.
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 Alcohol, Medicinal (~80 proof). When first discover-
ed, distilled alcohol was often used either directly as
a medicinal (due to the warm, pleasant, feeling it gave
on imbibing … not too much) or was mixed with herbs
and spices or was used as the base for some of the
medical concoctions of the time. This is exactly what
this is intended to be.
In reality it doesn’t really offer medical effects of any
value (except as an antiseptic, see below) – unless you
want it to, in which case it might offer a minor boost to
healing or easing of the pain of mild fevers and the like.
Alcohol (even Wine or Beer) was occasionally used as a
cleansing agent – though no-one understood why it
worked (and wouldn’t, not until the 19th century), so it
wasn’t always used, or used effectively. If you wish to
allow medical types in your game to use it this way, how
effective it is in preventing infection is entirely up to you
… unless the game system you use has rules for it!
Alkali. In medieval times ‘alkali’ was generally Po-
tash (1d, mostly Potassium carbonate) or in a concen-
trated (more alkaline) form, Caustic Potash (2d, Po-
tassium hydroxide) and was used widely for industrial
processes such as bleaching fabric, glass making (used
instead of Natron) and to turn fats into liquid soap.
It may be acquired either as a liquid or as a powder
(at no difference in cost).
Alum (aka ‘Potash Alum’). Alum (or what was called
‘alum’ back in the day – which may have been any of
several quite different chemical compounds) was an
important mordant (dye fixative), a minor astringent
(helps stop bleeding/seal wounds) and water purific-
ation agent. Imported from western Anatolia (from
the region around Phocaea, modern Foça) during the
medieval period, control of its export by Genoa (and,
later, Venice) ensured it was relatively costly.
Alum amounting to 8-10% of the weight of the cloth
being dyed is needed to ‘fix’ the colour (so it won’t ‘run’
when washed and so fading is slowed down) … around
3 oz. of dye was required per ounce of cloth for dyeing.
94
Antimony. This was used in the preparation of some
cosmetics (eye shadow – and as a salve for eye
diseases) as well as as an emetic/purgative and for the
treatment (as a powder) for some skin conditions and
(as a tincture) for some venereal infections.
Antimony is also quite toxic – which no-one at the time
knew. However, for it to be lethal, one would have to be
dosed with it over many months, perhaps years (it is
thought this may be the reason why Mozart died) – it is
not a quick acting poison!
Aqua Regia. A mixture of Hydrochloric and Nitric
Acids (preferably 3:1), this is the only acid known
(during the medieval period) that could dissolve Gold
(but not glass). It quickly decomposes when mixed
and, though it remains a strong acid, loses the ability
to dissolve gold (the initial reaction between the two
acids is what makes it effective).
Transporting Aqua Regia in the medieval period would
require the use of glass stoppered bottles, which were
rare, if they existed at all. Mostly it would be mixed on
the spot just prior to use.
The Nitric Acid must be added (slowly!) to the Hydro-
chloric Acid! Doing it the other way around can cause a
violent explosion!
Aqua Vitae (~160 proof). Sometimes called Spirits of
Wine (as it was almost always distilled from Wine –
and, sometimes, what would eventually be called
Brandy was called by this name though, technically,
that was incorrect until the 15th century), this level is
about as concentrated as medieval alchemy could
make alcohol. As with Medicinal Alcohol, its main uses
were as a medicinal.
As with Medicinal Alcohol, this really doesn’t have any
medical effects of any value – except for a slightly
improved effect as an antiseptic, assuming you allow it
to be used that way.
However, if your Alchemists have the ability to produce
potions and the like, Aqua Vitae should be required as a
base for producing any sort of healing or curative
potions or spells (if spells require material components.
Balm of Gilead. This is a specific aromatic plant resin
(rather than generic Balsam, see below) gathered
from either the Terebinth tree (Pistacia Palaestina) or
the Arabian Balsam Tree (Commiphora Gileadensis)
both of which are native to the Levant and/or Arab-
ian peninsula.
The resin can be processed to form a resinous, sweet
smelling (lemony) incense; a volatile (and extremely
flammable) aromatic perfume and had several supp-
osedly medicinal properties.

According to classical and medieval treatises the Balm
of Gilead could be used as an abortifacient, an antidote
for snakebite and a general treatment for all sorts of
respiratory ailments amongst other things. When used
medicinally, it was normally applied as an ointment.
When applied as an ointment or perfume, 1 ounce =
10 doses. As the basis for liquid medicinals or
potions, 1 ounce = 6 doses.
Balsam. The aromatic resin extracted from a variety
of other trees and shrubs, had similar uses to the Balm
of Gilead, but were less efficacious. When applied as
an ointment or perfume, 1 ounce = 6 doses. As the
basis for liquid medicinals/potions, 1 ounce = 3 doses.
Exactly what medicinal effect the Balm of Gilead or
Balsam may have is entirely at the GM’s discretion –
but it is reasonable to assume it adds slightly to overall
medical checks and, if your campaign world allows for
magic potions, then you could reasonably require the
use of the Balm as a possible component in such.
Cinnabar. The red sulphide of Mercury, this was the
commonest source of metallic Mercury (crushed ore is
roasted in a furnace) and very important in alchemic-
al operations because of its ability to form an amal-
gam with gold and silver.
During the classical and medieval periods powdered
Cinnabar was often used as the base for a variety of red
pigments in paint and cosmetics … and, though the
shorter life expectancy of those who mined or processed
it was known, its long term toxic effects for those using
the end products was not (or not well) understood at all.
Hydrochloric Acid. Made by mixing Sulphuric Acid
with Salt and usually made on the spot rather than
stored for long periods … though, unlike Aqua Regio,
it does not noticeably decompose in any game rele-
vant period of time. One of the fundamental acids
used in Alchemical operations.
Difficult to store safely in medieval times (a glass
stoppered bottle was needed (and they first appear some
time in the 17th century), and, as noted elsewhere, they
didn’t exist), especially in concentrated solutions – the
reason it was usually made only as needed.
Mercury. Usually extracted from Cinnabar (see
above) and used widely in alchemical and industrial
processes because of its ability to form amalgams with
silver and gold (and for other reasons).
Used to treat of some venereal diseases (which did exist
in Europe before the outbreak of what was probably
Syphilis in 1494), some parasites and skin diseases. If
you seemed to recover, then got sicker, it was obvious the
disease was worsening … so use more mercury!
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Nitric Acid. Early recipes for making Nitric Acid
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involved Alum, Saltpetre and Sulphuric Acid and so
the end product was unlikely to be pure, and was
probably a mix of Sulphuric, Nitric and possibly even
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Hydrochloric Acid! Still, it was an important part of
the alchemical repertoire and especially useful in
aspects of the ‘Great Work’ … and, of course, as a
component of Aqua Regia.
As with the other acids, it was almost always mixed on
the spot, very close to the time of use – as storing it safely
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(yes, it, too, really required glass bottles with glass
stoppers, which didn’t exist) was problematic.
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Orpiment. A yellowish Arsenic Sulphide used by
Alchemists in parts of the ‘Great Work,’ by Artists as
the basis of strong yellow pignments, as a depilatory
and in tanning hides … despite its known toxicity.
Sal Ammoniac. A form of Ammonium Chloride used
in the refining of precious metals and, therefore, of
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interest to Alchemists undertaking aspects of the
‘Great Work.’ It was also found to be particularly
useful in cleaning soldering irons and in preparing
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the iron frames for leaded glass windows.
Saltpeter. First known to have been refined in the
13th century in connection with the arrival of Black
Powder formulae (probably from China), it was
known of much earlier – certainly in Graeco-Roman
times and almost certainly by the Israelites and
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Egyptians before them.
It was widely used in the preparation of tinder (mak-
ing it more flammable and giving a more even burn)
and in the process of salting meat since at least the
Middle Ages. It was also, almost certainly, an import-
ant component of one of the several different recipes
for creating the Greek Fire used by the East Romans.
Sulphur. Alchemists and Apothecaries used Sulphur
for a variety of purposes – as the basis for a variety of
purification methods (burnt sulphur was supposed to
95
 drive away vermin and insects, as a medicinal de- SELECT ALCHEMICAL SERVICES
worming agent and as the basis for a whole range of Availability. If there is an Alchemist in Town, then
chemical reactions important in Practical and some or all of these services will be available – but
Mystical Alchemy. some negotiation may be needed as to the time frame.

Sulphuric Acid. Known as Oil of Vitriol in medieval

times as it was made by roasting Green Vitriol (Iron II Concentrating a Potion +25%
Sulphate) in an iron retort. Used in small quantities
in metallurgy (releasing gold from ores, for example, Daily Hire, Practical Alchemist 5/- (60d)
or etching) and in many alchemical processes. Daily Hire, Mystical Alchemist 2/6- (30d)

As with Hydrochloric and Nitric Acids, Sulphuric Acid Gas to Liquid (Potion) +50%
was prepared only as needed, though the process took Gas to Powder (Potion) +75%
longer and ‘as needed’ was probably a day earlier, Gas to Smoke (Potion) +25%
rather than an hour or two. Again, storing it was prob-
lematic as a glass stoppered glass bottle was really de Liquid to Gas (Potion) +50%
rigeur … and they didn’t exist. Liquid to Powder (Potion) +25%
Liquid to Smoke (Potion) +10%
Verdigris. Any one of a variety of copper compounds
used as the basis for green pigments in artworks. It Mix Known Compound £1/10/- (360d)
was also used in some antiseptic ointments and and Mix Unknown Compound 15/- (180d)
ointments used for treatment of eye diseases.
Powder to Gas (Potion) +75%
White Lead. A white coloured mixture of Lead Carb- Powder to Liquid (Potion) +10%
onate and Lead Hydroxide used as the base for a Powder to Smoke (Potion) +25%
white pigment in artworks and in some antiseptic
ointments (it was probably not used as a cosmetic Purify Materials +25%
[Cerusine] until the 16th century).
Weekly Hire, Practical Alchemist 5 Days
Weekly Hire, Mystical Alchemist 5 Days
As noted, Alchemists sell retail – and aren’t the cheapest
people to buy supplies from. However, that said, it may
be the case that, sometimes, they have the only supplies Concentrate a Potion. This allows a standard dose
on hand. to be reduced, mostly from 1 ounce, down to what will
fit nicely in a Phial. Cost is 25% of the base cost of the
Mystical Alchemists typically have 6+3d6 Troy Ounces Potion, rounding fractions to the nearest ¼d.
of any given material on hand, and will sell a 6 ounces
for the price of 5½ and 12 ounces for the price of 10. Depending on what Alchemists can do in the game
system this may include Magic Potions or any other
Practical Alchemists typically have 3+1d6 Troy Pounds chemical or medicinal they can create. Mystical Al-
of any given material on hand, and will sell 6 ounces for chemists can concentrate 6 doses or magical potions per
the price of 5 and 12 ounces for the price of 9. day and Practical Alchemists can concentrate twice that
amount of non-magical compounds.
This is the amount they are willing to sell, no more than
a half to three-quarters of what they have on hand If the game system doesn’t differentiate between the two
types, an Alchemist can concentrate up to six magic
potions or twelve non-magic potions per day).

The Player character needs to provide the Potions, or

pay the Alchemist for them separately.

Daily Hire. This is to hire the Alchemist and his Lab

facilities – if you just want to rent his facilities, cost is
3/4 (40d) for a Practical Alchemist’s Lab and 1/8
(20d) for a Mystical Alchemist’s Lab. The cost of raw
materials/ingredients are not included.

A Mystical Alchemist can produce 1d6+1 dose equival-

96 ents of any Potion/Compound they are capable of

making per hour for an 8 hour day. Practical Alchem-
ists can produce 1d6+1 (Troy) pounds of any compound
they can producing per hour for an 8 hour day.
If the game system you use doesn’t differentiate between
types, an Alchemist can produce either 1d6+1 dose
equivalents or 1d6+1 Troy Pounds of material per hour
(or any combination thereof).
In both cases, production includes any combination of
Concentration or base state for no added time. The
Player Character must either provide the Potions or Raw
materials or buy them from the Alchemist.
Gas to Liquid, Powder or Smoke. The Alchemist
changes the activated state of a magic Potion. Cost is
rounded up to the next ¼d.
Each transition takes an hour to set up the Lab and
then, for Gas Liquid, 4 doses/hour; for Gas
Powder, 1 dose/hour; for Gas Smoke, 2 doses/hour.
An Alchemist can do one set of transitions per day
unless they are hired at a daily or weekly rate, in which
case they are available for eight full hours per day.
Liquid to Gas, Powder or Smoke. The Alchemist
changes the activated state of a magic Potion. Cost is
rounded up to the next ¼d.
Each transition takes an hour to set up the Lab and
then, for Liquid Gas, 4 doses/hr; for Liquid
Powder, 8 doses/hr; for Liquid Smoke, 6 doses/hr.
An Alchemist is available for one set of transitions per
day unless hired at a daily or weekly rate, in which case
they are available for eight full hours per day.
Mix Known Compound. A Mystical Alchemist can
mix 1d6+1 ounces of Known Compound (i.e. once
known both to them and to local ‘science’), Practical
Alchemist can mix 6+2d6 ounces.
If hired by the day or week, the rate is 6 ounces and
12 ounces per hour, respectively.
Mix Unknown Compound. A Mystical Alchemist can
mix a single ounce of an Unknown Compound (i.e.
one unknown to them – whether it has to be known to
local ‘science’ or not is up to the GM) while a Practical
Alchemist can mix 2 ounces.
If hired by the day/week it take a day to mix the first
batch of 3/6 ounces, thereafter they can mix 3 ounces
and 6 ounces per hour, respectively.
Powder to Gas, Liquid or Smoke. The Alchemist
changes the activated state of a magic Potion. Cost is
rounded up to the next ¼d.
T
Each transition takes an hour to set up then, for Powder
Gas, 2 doses/hr; for Powder Liquid, 12 doses/hr;
for Powder Smoke, 8 doses/hr.
An Alchemist is available for one set of transitions per
day unless they are hired at a daily or weekly rate, in
which case they are available for 8 full hours per day.
H
E
Purify Materials. A Mystical Alchemist can purify 12
ounces and a Practical Alchemist can purify 2-3 (Troy)
pounds.
If hired on a Daily or Weekly rate, this is the amount
they can purify per hour.
Weekly Hire. This is to hire the Alchemist and his
Lab facilities – if you just want to rent his facilities, it
M
A
costs £1 (240d) for a Practical Alchemist’s Lab and
10/- (120d) for a Mystical Alchemist’s Lab.
R
The Alchemist hires himself out for the whole week – six
working days using the production rates for Daily Hire.
Magic Potions (assuming Alchemists can make such, or
that you allow them to modify Potions made by others)
can present in different forms –
K
E
Gas. These have to be sealed in an Ampoule and will
immediately present as a gas if the container is broken.
T
If breathed in the effect is immediate, if thrown at a
location there is a 1:6 chance one (random) person
within that square/hex (5’) will be affected per dose.
GMs may allow, at their discretion, for Gases to be
stored in wax or tar sealed Phials, but these have a 20%
of leaking, per week, rolled for each dose contained.
P
Liquid. Liquid Potions may be stored in Phials or
Ampoules (even Bottles) and need to be drunk by the L
A
target to take effect. Merely splashing someone with a
liquid rarely has any effect (unless the potion’s descript-
ion states otherwise).
Powder. Powdered Potions can be breathed in like a
Gas – but there is only a 1:10 chance per dose of one
person within the target square or hex (5’) being
C
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affected per dose thrown.
Smoke. The ‘potion’ comes in the form of a Candle or
Incense Stick which must be lit – each dose instilled into
it will fill a 5’ square/hex (one dose per hex) at the rate
of one hex/square per dose every Turn/Phase for [1d3
+ number of doses] Turns/Phases (assuming 5-6 seconds
per) … anyone passing through the smoke cloud has a
1:3 chance of being affected by the Potion, which then
consumes the ‘dose’ for that hex/square.
97
 THE ARMOURY
One important problem with Role Playing Games set
in a medieval or pseudo-medieval setting is that the
weapons and armour available show a close correlat-
ion between cost and protection (for armour) or cost
and damage/range (for weapons) … but, in the real
world, such correlation(s) simply didn’t exist. This
situation May be a result of level-based character
advancement or may be due to the anachronistic
mixing of weapons and armour types.
In reality, there was a constant dance between better
armour protection and the development of weapons
able to penetrate (or cause damage without penetrat-
ing) the armour types in use … not all armour types
and all weapon types existed at the same time.
ARMOUR
Armour types available in OM2 are those types which
were available during the 11th-14th centuries … the
absolute best armour, for example, is Partial Plate
(aka Mail & Plate or, quite incorrectly, Platemail) and
even that is rare as a full set. Even most Knights still
wear Mail, supplemented by a Brigandine, Coat of
Plates, Jack of Plates or similar … which provided
similar levels of protection to Partial Plate but which
also had significant disadvantages (more on this issue
below). Why? The most common of all reasons for
making one choice over another … cost.
Partial Plate was, for the period, ‘high tech’ … and
expensive. Mail was often hand-me-downs rather than
new and the Brigandines, Coats of Plates and Jacks of
Plates and could be made more quickly, and by less
skilled, armourers … and so were cheaper as well.
Far, far cheaper than a full set of Partial Plate.
98
NSA (AKA ‘NO SUCH ARMOUR’)
There is no such thing as Chainmail – the correct term
is simply Mail. Likewise, Scalemail and Platemail do
not exist – they are Scale (maybe Lamellar if, as seems
often to be the case, the game designer or historian
doesn’t have a clue that there is a difference, let alone
know what the difference was) or Partial Plate (or
Plate & Mail).
Much of the confusion arises from historians (and game
designers) misinterpreting medieval and ancient efforts
to depict armour in a formulaic but often inconsistent
way rather than looking at the direct archaeological
finds and re-enactment attempts to interpret them.
Ringmail, Mail armour where the rings are simply
butted together rather than riveted closed, is another
matter entirely. In Europe and the Mediterranean
world it simply doesn’t exist AT ALL.
The confusion comes from people looking at modern
reproduction Mail armour which often isn’t riveted for
reasons of cost – it might look OK, but it would be ripped
apart by real weapons on a real battlefield.
Yes. It is a favourite trope of pretty much all Fantasy
RPGs – but how common was it in the real world?
How much utility did it have in real combat? That’s a
much more difficult question to answer.
Most serious works on medieval European Armour
don’t mention Leather Armour as such. They might
note some bits and bobs of equipment made use of
leather … straps and buckles securing Brigandines
(and their predecessors, for example), forearm bracers
for Bowmen etc, but that’s as far as it goes.
The short answer is that there are no surviving period
examples of complete sets of Leather Armour (or even
major pieces, like a Curiass) from Europe … only a few
isolated smaller pieces, often from later periods …
and some (contradictory) descriptions of how to make
toughened leather (Cuirboilli).
One of the issues here is, again, incorrect interpretation
of surviving artistic representations – some older works,
for example, insist that Roman Imperial Legionaries
wore leather armour, based on sculpture and relief work
which shows smooth armour coats.
As most modern works understand (but don’t always
explain) this was because such statuary and relief work
showed the armour either with layered on plaster
 T
worked and painted to more accurately represent
armour or used directly painted representations.

Similar representational problems exist with medieval

representations – there were a number of common ways
in which mail could be shown in illuminated manu-
scripts, for example, which have been misinterpreted by H
E
older historians as Leather … and, of course, some later
styles of armour did incorporate some leather (read on).

Yes, leather was used – but rarely, if ever, as primary

armour or, indeed, as armour.

A Bowman might wear a leather jerkin, for example, not

because it was armour (it would provide about as much
protection as a modern Motorcycle Jacket … not much at
all), but simply because it was common rural wear for the M
A
somewhat better off Yeoman who could afford a Bow.

There were forms of armour that incorporated actual

R
leather … the Brigadine (and earlier Coat of Plates or
Jack of Plates) might have the plates inside sewn onto
a supple leather backing, and might be covered with
a supple (often dyed) outer layer as well.

Also, the Stiffened Linen Aketon seems to have, at least

towards the end of the 14th century, included a leather
outer layer on top of the padded/glued line under-
layers (again, this was often dyed). This was more to
protect the fabric base from everyday abrasion than
Leather or Plate? A full suit of 14th century Italian Ar-
mour. It consists of an early Bascinet Helmet with Aven- K
E
tail, a Mail Shirt worn under a Brigandine covered in
green dyed leather. Additional Shoulder, Elbow, Knee and
Hand protection of plate is worn plus transitional ar-
rangements of metal splints on a leather or canvas back-

T
as a stand-alone armour layer. ing cover the thigh and lower legs as well as the forearm.

Studded Leather never existed – it’s a misinterpretation

of representations of Brigandines etc. where, often, the
metal rivets holding the metal plates in place between the
leather or cloth sleeves poked through the outer layer
and were often polished, perhaps even silvered or gilded.
Studs even in stiff and thick leather would provide no
added protection and would actually weaken what little
protection the leather itself represented!
These are rarely even vaguely realistic … especially the
ones that buckle (or otherwise fasten) down the front, an
obvious and lethal no-no against real weapons.
P
L
They have the advantage of being cheap … and that’s
about as far as it goes advantage wise … and they work,
even without much under-padding, well enough against

Oh, and forget Buff Coats as worn in the 17th century –
they were intended to be worn under armour for the most
part, and provided somewhat better (barely) than mini-
mal protection otherwise.
Leather was used as armour by a number of societies,
often those which were metal poor, but fared poorly
against opponents who came from wealthier, metal
rich (or relatively so) societies who possessed weapons
designed to routinely penetrate metal armour.
It is possible that some leather armour was used by
societies on the periphery of Europe, but not by any-
one who had any choice at all … so, you might find
some very few of the Baltics opposing the Teutonic
Order in its drang nach osten in leather because they
had nothing better, but their leaders would have had
a Mail shirt at least.
A
the padded/blunted wood/rattan/plastic weapons that
they’ll be worn to protect against.
Against real medieval weapons?
Wouldn’t last a single blow against a real sword wielded
with serious life-threatening intent let alone Axes, C
E
Spears, assorted Pole Arms and crushing weapons like a
Maul or War Hammer … and, despite some YouTube
videos ‘testing’ them against low-draw weight Bows that
are way way less powerful than the ~120 lb draw weight
Longbow or Crossbow typically used on the medieval
battlefield, they wouldn’t perform any better against
missile weapons either.
Total non-starters.
Would any claimed ‘agility’ or ‘speed’ bonus make a
difference? Maybe, but almost certainly not enough,
and certainly not enough in a battlefield situation. 99
 THE LONGEVITY OF ARMOUR (TYPES)
Armour was expensive. It was also, with minimal care,
long lasting. The evidence strongly suggests that not
only could individual bits of armour remain in use for
centuries, whole suits could … and this applies as much
to the classical as to the medieval world.
Yes, there would always be a number of combatants
on a given battlefield wearing the latest and greatest –
generally the wealthiest ones, of course. However, even
well-to-do combatants couldn’t afford to simply dis-
card older armour – which is why Mail was mostly
supplemented by Brigandines, Coats and Jacks of
Plates rather than the additional extremely expensive
elements of Partial Plate.
For less well off combatants, hand me downs were
evidently quite common and, for example, some types
of supplementary armour were often worn as main
armour by mid-range combatants. So it was not
uncommon for a non-noble foot soldier to be found
wearing a Coat of Plates over a Padded Aketon while
a small number of his better off fellows would be
wearing a Brigandine over Mail.
SHIELDS & HELMETS – THE FIRST LINE OF DEFENSE
The most common type of armour used on a regular
medieval battlefield was a simple Shield and nothing
else. One step up from that would be the combination
of a Shield and a simple Helmet – and, in the case of
more selective call outs (especially later in the period),
a Shield, Helmet, and a Mail Shirt.
Brigandine
100
This assumes the force is part of an organised group
constituted for a particular military or political purpose
beyond immediate local self-defense and under the
nominal control of some organised authority – an ‘org-
anised’ army. Something slightly more selective than a
general levy – as, in that case, the most common ‘arm-
our’ would be … nothing.
The most common helmets in the period were simple
Round or Conical Helmets, often made of sections of
iron riveted together, perhaps with reinforcing bands,
and, later, perhaps of a single piece hand hammered
into shape such as the Cervelliere.
Before the 11th century you might find Round or
Conical Helmets (the latter type especially) with an iron
criss-cross frame into which rawhide or hardened leather
(perhaps several layers) might be inserted instead of iron
… but these were probably very rare, if they existed at
all. By the beginning of the 11th century they seem to
have disappeared in practical use.
These are inevitably poorly handled by the majority
of RPGs which tend to concentrate on the ‘sexy’ body
armour worn by those who could afford such.
The reality was that the first line of defence, even for
a fully armoured knight, was not any body armour
they might wear, but their shield.
As much as possible, you tried to intercept blows
directed against you with your Shield (actively or
passively). Any Body armour worn was, in a very real
sense, backup protection against blows you couldn’t
intercept with the shield.
Obviously, even the best trained warrior couldn’t hope
to protect himself against all possible attacks in the
chaos that was the typical battlefield – which is why
body armour was used by those who could afford it.
Like Body Armour and Helmets, Shields underwent a
developmental progression during the four centuries
covered by OM2 – but, being so much cheaper, that
progression resulted in older styles being far more
quickly and completely replaced.
Important Note. Shields (in Europe) were universally
constructed either of wood planks or laminated strips
of wood, normally covered with layers of glued linen
or leather and edged in rawhide or, occasionally, thin
metal strips. There were no metal shields.
Some very large Shields (such as Pavises typically used
by Archers or Crossbowmen in sieges) might be made of
wicker, but still covered in linen or leather, to cut down
on the weight.
ARMOUR – WHAT’S AVAILABLE
There really aren’t all that many different types of
armour, despite what many (most?) Role Playing
Games (and their designers) would have you believe
… and many are quite anachronistic
Anachronistic in the sense used they only start to appear
in the 15th century or later (usually) as a result of the
growing dominance of gunpowder on the battlefield or
were largely out of use before the 10th century.
QUANTIFYING ARMOUR
It is also important to note that weight estimates given
in most modern works are based either on surviving
pieces from well after the 14th century or modern
reproductions. In both cases we cannot be certain
that the materials used are/were equivalent to those
used back in the day … but there is evidence to suggest
that the originals were probably heavier than some
sources suggest.
For example, the majority of the surviving Mail is from
the 15th century or later when it was mostly used as a
supplement to Plate armour, and only covered those
areas which the plates couldn’t … and which were
unlikely to be hit by most direct full strength blows in
battle … and such Mail is often made of smaller, lighter,
rings than the surviving bits of pre-1400 mail.
Reproduction armour is even more problematic, as it
tends to use non-standard materials and methods … or
copy later sets of armour.
So, for example, commercial reproduction Mail is some-
times made of Aluminium, which didn’t exist in the
period; Steel, which allows the same degree of protect-
ion for a lighter weight; or even Titanium in some cases
… also not available back in the 11th-14th centuries. And
home-made Mail is often made with far thicker wire
than was used … and butted rather than riveted.
An Aketon (Arming
Doublet type) with a
round collar – it was
more common for there
to be an vertical slit (for
ventilation) at the front
running down to the
upper chest and which
could be tied shut with
linen ties.
Common Soldiers in Aketons
T
H
E
M
A
R
Armour costs are inversely proportional to weight – and
production time is directly proportional. That is, if you
pay the cheaper price it weighs more and takes less time
to produce – and if you pay the dearer price it weighs
less but takes longer to produce.
K
E
For example, an Aketon (Arming Doublet) costs 5/- to
7/- (60-72d) and weighs 4-5 lbs … the cheap one weighs
T
5 lbs and takes 2 days to make while the expensive one
weighs 4 lbs and takes 4 days.
Express Production
You can throw money at the project to hire more crafts-
men (but probably not get them to work more hours as
Guild rules would prevent that) so that the job takes less
P
L
time. For 50% more, you can reduce the time by 25% …
for 100% more you can reduce it by 50% (no greater
reduction is possible). Round fractional days up.
A
For example, if you need an Aketon (Arming Doublet)
quickly, you could pay 10/6 (126d) for a 4 lb model and
get it in 3 days, or 14/- (168d) and get it in 2 days.
BODY ARMOUR & HELMETS C
E
There were two versions, one intended to be worn
under other (usually metal) Armour (referred to here
as an Arming Doublet, though the term is anachron-
istic) as padding against blunt force and the other
intended to be worn as Armour (referred to here as
Stiffened Linen) by soldiers who could afford no better.
There is much confusion between Aketons, Gambesons
and Padded Jacks, as they were in constant develop-
ment from before to after the period covered by OM2 –
the Aketon described here is specifically those intended
to be worn under or as stand alone armour.
101
 Arming Doublet. A padded and quilted garment
worn under other forms of metal armour to cushion
against blunt force from blows that did not actually
penetrate. It often extended beyond the area(s) cover-
ed by any metal armour to provide extended, if lesser,
protection.
Stuffing material could be of wool or cloth scraps or
horsehair quilted between two layers of tough linen.
The sections at the waist, shoulders and elbows were less
heavily padded to allow more flexibility of manoeuvre
by the wearer.
Protection was down to the mid upper arm or elbow and
mid thigh for 11th century versions, gradually extending
to the elbow, the wrist, and down to the knees (split front
and back to allow freedom of movement and to sit on a
horse) by the 12th and 13th centuries.
The Doublet was fastened with linen ties or leather
thongs down the middle of the back and required
assistance to fasten. Modern reproductions that have
fastenings (often with buttons!) down the front are simp-
ly wrong – those openings would be easily exploited
weak spots in real combat!
It was usually worn all the time by those who would
normally wear better armour as a precaution against
ambush or surprise attack in areas where combat was
expected since metal armour(s) took so long to equip.
Availability: ST:S. Cost: 11th-12th Centuries, ~2/6 to
3/6 (30-42d); 13th-14th Centuries, 5/- to 7/- (60-84d).
Weight: ~4-5 lbs. Production: 2-4 days.
Stiffened Linen. These were intended specifically for
soldiers who could afford no better armour and were
constructed by gluing and sewing dozens of layers of
tough linen together, often with a single outer layer of
light leather. They had high padded collars from
around the neck to underneath the chin, providing
protection for the side/rear of the neck and the throat.
Exactly how many layers of linen were involved varied,
but it could be up to 36 layers by the 15th century. It
Bascinet Helmet
102
Early Visored
Bascinet
seems that only one layer of leather was ever used, and
that not always – and the outermost later was often
dyed rather than plain, unbleached, linen or leather.
Like the Arming Doublet, the sections at the waist,
shoulders and elbows were less thick, just lightly quilted
and padded, to allow more flexibility for the wearer.
Protection coverage was the same as for an Arming
Doublet of the approximate period (to elbow and mid
thing early on, then to wrist and knee later) and fasten-
ing was, likewise, down the middle of the back with
linen ties or leather thongs and so the suit required the
assistance of another person to don.
Again, modern reproductions which have fastenings
down the front are simply wrong, even more so than
with the Arming Doublet (where the fastenings would be
invisible), as those fastenings would be an obvious weak
point and easily targetted!
Availability: ST:S. Cost: 12th-mid 13th Centuries, 4/- to
5/- (48-60d); Mid 13th-14th Centuries, 7/6 to 10/- (90-
120d). Weight: ~8-10 lbs. Production: 3-5 days.
This helmet design begins to appear in the late 13th
century and was probably a development of the
Round Helmet (qv) – a Bascinet was more conical with
a point slightly to the rear of the top, a longer nape
and sides for neck protection and an attached mail
Aventail to protect the face and go over the shoulder-
neck joint (removing the need to wear a Mail Coif [a
Padded Coif would still have to be worn] and putting
part of the weight of the Mail on the shoulders rather
than all on the head as with the Mail Coif).
Early versions, such as the one shown below, sometimes
had a detachable nasal (nose protector) and these devel-
oped into removeable (and, eventually, hinged) full face
visors during the 14th century.

Availability: LT:SO. Cost: Helm, 6/8 to 15/- (80-
180d); Visor, 1/8d to 2/6d (20-30d). Weight: Helm,
~4-4½ lbs; Visor, +¾ lb; Integral Aventail, +4-4½ lbs.
Production: Helm, 2-4 days; Visor, 1-2 days; Helm
with Aventail, 4-6 days.
A development of the Coat of Plates (qv), a Brigandine
(mid 13th century on) was made with many (as much
as 100) small metal plates riveted between two layers
of heavy canvas. The smaller plates used meant it was
much more flexible than the earlier Coat of Plates (qv)
or the Jack of Plates (qv) and typically flared out over
the hips providing extended protection down to the
groin and upper legs.
The rivets securing the plates were often polished and,
for expensive versions, silvered or gilded. and the outer
canvas layer covered with expensive coloured cloth or
even velvet. An OM2 Brigandine covers chest and back,
flares over the waist and hips down to the groin, possibly
to the the upper thigh and is relatively flexible.
Brigandines (or what we are calling such for the purpos-
es of OM2) were secured by lacing up the middle of the
back during the period, like Aketons and were, there-
fore, impossible to don without assistance.
After that period (possibly right at the end of the 14th
century) some started to appear that were fastened at
the front or side, but overlapped at the join (right over
left) and this became the standard in the 15th and later
centuries.
Modern reproductions, especially commercial ones, are
often so ahistorical as to be bad jokes – especially those
aimed at the Ren Faire or SCA crowd. Brigandines made
with leather ‘plates’ simply never existed, for example.
Likewise, a large number of modern repros are buckled
down the front with no overlap, and, also frequently,
with no armour under the buckles and thongs on either
side of the opening … simply butting together.
Such designs would, I hope obviously, be horribly inad-
equate on the battlefield
Availability: LT:R. Cost: Basic, 6/8 to 10/- (80- 120d);
Fancy, £1 and up (240d or more). Weight: ~18 to 25
lbs. Production: Basic, 7-10 days; Fancy, 12-18+ days.
Cervelliere Helmet – with Rivets for mail aventail
T
Footsoldiers in Brigandines
H
E
Red (left), Blue (above)
M
A
A development of the Round Helmet appearing in the
late 12th century, this is a simple one piece design
R
which can be worn as a stand-alone helmet by those
unable to afford better, with a padded coif protecting
the sides/back of the neck/throat, or it could have a
mail extension (Aventail) riveted to the rim to do the
same (and with the padded coif underneath, of
course), though this was uncommon.Hel
K
E
For those somewhat better off it could also be worn,
with padding and mail coif, underneath a Great Helm
to provide additional protection.
T
Popular with many of the Crusaders, even Knights –
possibly because it allowed better ventilation, but also
possibly because it was commonly worn when only
lightly armoured and before putting on a Great Helm.
Beware, some modern reproductions claiming to be
P
L
Cervellieres are, in fact, elaborate versions of the older
Round Helm (qv), often with an attached face guard.
A
Availability: ST:R. Cost: 2/6 to 5/- (30-60d). Weight:
~3 to 3½ lbs. Production: 1-2 days.
These consisted of large plates of iron riveted between
two layers of heavy canvas and were probably model-
led on central Asian armour styles. They began to
C
E
appear in the late 12th century and were gradually
replaced by the Jack of Plates and then the Brigan-
dine during the 13th century.
Less flexible than the later Brigandine (qv), it norm-
ally covered only the chest and back down to the waist
(with only limited protection for the shoulders), but
no further, though some (of the heavier) versions had
relatively narrow (armoured) extension flaps that
extended down from the waist, front and back, pro-
viding limited coverage for the lower torso/groin and
lower back/buttocks to just above the knees.
103
 Coats of Plates were always worn over other armour,
normally Mail (qv) and/or an Aketon (qv).
Unlike the Brigandine the Coat of Plates always seems
to have been fastened down the back and was, there-
fore, impossible to don without assistance.
Modern commercial reproduction Brigandines (espec-
ially those aimed at the Ren Faire and SCA) are, more
often than not, much more like Coats of Plates.
Availability: LT:R (LT:SH from mid 13th century).
Cost: Basic, 7/6 to 12/6 (90 to 150d); Fancy, £1/10/-
and up (360d); Second Hand (from mid 13th century),
4/- to 6/- (48-72d). Weight: ~18 to 25 lbs. Production:
Basic, 5-7 days; Fancy, 9-12 days.
This is the military Coif, which existed from at least
the 10th century – either of padded linen (a develop-
ment of the civilian Coif [the infantry wearing Aketons
above are wearing this type], which was identical in
design, but of unpadded linen) or of Mail worn (natu-
rally) over a padded linen Coif!
They might be worn under a helmet, though they were
being replaced by the 14th century with Aventails or,
in the case of Padded Linen versions, worn by poorer
infantry in lieu of a proper helmet.
The padded linen ones were normally worn all the time
when on the march or in an area where a degree of
danger might be expected – for much the same reason
that Aketons were (they provided immediate protection
if ambushed or surprised).
Availability: LT:R. Cost: Padded Linen, 3-6d; Mail,
2/6 to 3/6 (30-42d). Weight: Padded Linen, ~1-2 lbs;
Mail, ~5-7 lbs (w. Padded Linen Coif). Production:
Padded Linen, 1 day or less; Mail, 4-7 days.
A lineal development of the late Imperial Spangen-
helm but ditched the hinged cheek flaps. Prior to the
10th century they were constructed from criss-crossed
iron strips with the spaces between filled with metal
plates welded or riveted to them but, by the 11th
century, the weakness of this arrangement had led to
Conical Hel-
met & Nasal
104 Bar Great Helm
a once piece design hammered from a single iron
sheet becoming dominant. Like all Helmets they were
worn with a Coif, padded and, possibly, Mail.
Both versions often had a nasal (nose guard) and
might have a mail aventail/camail riveted on to protect
the sides/back of the neck and throat (or may have
simply been worn with the aforementioned mail coif).
Availability: 11th Century, LT:SO; 12th-13th Centuries,
ST:SH, LV:R; 14th Century. ST:SH, LV:UC. Cost: 11th
Century, 5/- to 7/6d (60-90d); 12th-13th Centuries, new,
3/- to 6/- (36-72d) or, second hand, 2/- to 3/- (24-36d).
Weight: 2½-3 lb w/o Aventail. Production: 2-4 days.
A padded, quilted, linen garment which, for the pur-
poses of OM2, was worn over other (metal) armour as
added protection. Otherwise they were virtually ident-
ical to Stiffened Linen variants of the basic Aketon (qv).
Yes, this would have been worn with an Arming
Doublet, then the metal armour – making the combinat-
ion heavy and hot. Obviously not something you’d want
to wear, in toto, for extended periods, say, in the Holy
Lands … but providing improved protection nonetheless.
Like all armour, it’s a trade-off.
Because they were always intended to be worn as outer
covering for someone with better armour underneath,
the outer layer tended to be of better quality (and more
expensive) cloth dyed with richer (more expensive) col-
ours – so a typical Gambeson was more expensive than
a Stiffened Linen Aketon.
Availability: ST:SO. Cost: 12th-mid 13th Centuries, 5/-
to 6/- (60-72d); Mid 13th-14th Centuries, 9/- to 12/-
(108-144d). Weight: ~8-10 lbs. Production: 4-7 days.
Sometimes called the Pot Helm or by other, similar,
names, began to appear in the early 13th century and
remained in widespread use until the middle of the
14th century when it fell out of favour because of the
considerable weight with Cervelliere and Mail Coif.

It was basically a cylinder (though it might flare
outwards in front of the eyes and nose, with a vision
slit and holes on either side of the lower front for
ventilation (often more on the right side than the left,
at least in the surviving period examples).
Wearing the full get-up (i.e. with a Padded and Mail Coif
plus a Cervelliere underneath would have been extreme-
ly exhausting, especially with the poor ventilation, and
it is likely the Great Helm was only put on immediately
before battle.
Construction was normally from five or more pieces
of hand hammered iron riveted together – two for the
lower half, two for the upper, and one for the top.
One problem with this mode of construction was that
it was relatively weak against direct, heavy, blows,
and it was not unknown for such to smash open the
helmet, especially at the top – so most users wore a
Cervelliere with Mail Coif and, of course, a Padded
Coif underneath all that, for additional protection.
Availability: 13th-mid 14th Century, LT:SO; Late 14th
Century, ST:SH. Cost: 13th-mid 14th Century, £1 to £2
(240-480d); Late14th Century, 10/- to 15/-- (120-180d).
Weight: ~5 lbs (Helm only). Production: 3-5 days.
A very late 14th century development of the Bascinet
with a fully hinged visor. The conical point of the
helm is much pointier and rearward pointing than in
the Bascinet and the visor has a pointy face piece.
This design only really became widespread during the
15th century – during the period it was often called a
‘Dog-faced’ Helm … only modern sources refer to it as
‘Pig-faced.’
Either the interior of the Helmet was padded or they
were worn with padded linen Coifs … most later models
had Mail Aventails riveted to the lower edge to provide
protection at the join between the torso armour and the
helmet (these were arranged so they would sit on the
shoulders of the wearer, over the body armour, therefore
taking some of the weight off the head and neck).
Boyar in Lamellar Armour with entourage
T
Hounskull Helmet
with rivet holes for
Mail Aventail
H
E
M
A
Availability: LT:SO. Cost: £2 to £2/10/- (480-600d),
stand-alone; £2/10/- to £3 (600 to 720d), with
R
Aventail. Weight: 5-6 lb stand-alone; ~ 9lb with Mail
Aventail. Production: 5-7 days, stand-alone; 8-10
days with Mail Aventail.
This was made of smaller metal plates than those of
the Coat of Plates (qv) but not as small or placed as
K
E
well as those used in the Brigandine (qv) – as a result,
the Jack was flexible enough to flare out and cover
down to the upper hips, but no further.
T
In general, materials and construction were of lesser
quality to the contemporaneous Brigandine and it was
less likely to be worn over Mail as a reinforcement.
Availability: LT:R. Cost: Basic, 6/8 to 10/- (80- 120d);
Fancy, £1 and up (240d plus). Weight: ~18 to 25 lbs.
P
L
Production: Basic, 6-8 days; Fancy, 10-12 days.
A
Lamellar consisted of rectangular plates of metal
laced onto heavy cloth or leather and overlapping
(normally right over left, and often, but not always,
bottom over top) on all four sides (unlike Scale).
Closure was probably on the left, where it would have
been protected by the Shield, and was probably wrap
around, probably secured with a leather breast strap.
C
E
Lamellar armour was rarely, if ever, found in use in
most of Western Europe, but was common in parts of
Eastern Europe (especially Muscovy) and in the East
Roman Empire and the Middle East in general (and
even Crusaders ended up wearing it on occasion).
Technically speaking, the lames (the rectangular pieces)
could be of any material (bone, leather, even wood) –
however, in the period covered, and in Europe, the
material of choice was overwhelmingly metal (normally
iron) … and that is what is represented here.
105
 Note that pretty much all widely available commercial
SCA, Renaissance Faire and LARP style reproductions
are nothing at all like actual Lamellar armour. Presum-
ably for cost reasons they often do not overlap at all,
leaving lethal gaps between the lames, and, if they do,
often overlap only side to side rather than on all edges,
making them Scale rather than Lamellar (even though
marketed as the latter).
Others use a Japanese style lacing pattern exposing far
more of the lacing than with European styles. Worst of
all, some of these designs have the lames overlap down-
wards, creating lethal traps for edged weapons – real
lamellar overlaps upwards so the edge will skitter off.
Some reproduction armour intended for serious his-
torical re-enactors seems closer to the historical actuality
… especially those representing Eastern European types.
In Eastern Europe, Lamellar Armour was most com-
monly used with Mail, while in the Eastern Empire and
Middle East it was often worn either with Stiffened
Linen (Aketon) or as stand-alone armour. In the latter
case an Aketon (Arming Doublet) had to be worn for
protection against blunt force blows.
Note: The prices and weights below are only for the
bare Lamellar armour, they do not include an Aketon,
Mail or any other armour they might be worn over.
Lamellar, Cuirass
Availability: ST:SO (Eastern Europe, Eastern Empire
and Middle East only). Cost: £5 to £6 (1200-1440d).
Weight: ~10-15 lbs. Production: 8-12 days.
Lamellar, ¾, Light
Availability: ST:SO (Eastern Europe, Eastern Empire
and Middle East only). Cost: £6 to £7 (1440-1680d).
Weight: ~20-25 lbs. Production: 12-15 days.
106 Lamellar lacing pattern
Mail Armour showing the rivets
Lamellar, ¾, Heavy
Availability: ST:SO (Eastern Europe, Eastern Empire
& Middle East only). Cost: £7 to £8 (1680-1920d).
Weight: ~25-30 lbs. Production: 16-20 days.
Cuirass armour covered only the chest and torso down
to the hips. Wealthier warriors would occasionally wear
more complete (¾ length) suits which had a skirt that
went down to mid-thigh or just above the knees – and
versions were made for mounted warriors where the skirt
was split down the middle, front and back, to allow them
to sit astride a horse. Rus Lamellar was intended to be
worn with Mail, Eastern European was stand-alone.
Made from thousands of small rings of wire that are
linked together to those above and below as well as to
either side – European Mail armour consisted of rows
of solid rings punched from metal plates alternating
with riveted rings until the early 14th century when
armourers began to use all-riveted rings.
While it is possible to link mail rings six to six, it makes
the armour too inflexible – and is also rare, if, indeed,
not nonexistent, in the period in Europe … and rarely
found outside of Asia in any period.
In European Mail, the rings are normally linked 4 to 4
(see the photo opposite). If better protection was needed,
then you wore two layers over areas that needed it …
usually the shoulders, chest and the back of the neck.
Mail was, by far, the most common armour worn
during the period – and even at the very end, many
Knights still wore Mail armour and nothing else. As
noted elsewhere, those who wore ‘something better’,
the ‘better’ was additional to Mail under-armour.
Until the 10th century the most common style of Mail
armour was a Mail Shirt, which extended from neck
to down to the groin and buttocks and also down to
the mid-upper arm or elbow.
By the 11th century ¾ Mail was appearing, with the
armour now reaching down to the knees and, for both

Infantry and Cavalry, split to just above the groin,
front and back, to allow freedom of movement or
simply to sit astride a horse.
This remained the best armour to the late 12th
century when Early Full Mail began to appear – now
armoured all the way to the wrists, and possibly even
with integral mitten-like protection for the hands.
In addition to improved upper armour, some soldiers
also wore Mail Chausses (stockings) to protect the legs
from mid thigh to the ankle … individual pieces
attached to a belt underneath the upper armour.
In the early 13th century, Improved Full Mail begins
to appear – the Mail leggings now extending down to
cover the feet (the uppers, at least) and mittens
become standard parts of the arm protection.
During the later part of the century the first supplement-
al plate pieces appear … usually knee protections or
greaves and soldiers start to wear supplemental armour
over the Mail … Brigandines, Coats and Jacks of Plates.
Mail Shirt/Cuirass
Availability: 11th Century, LT:SO; 12th Century, LT:R
or ST:SH; 13th Century, LT:S or LT:SH or ST:SH.
Cost: New (11th Century), £2/10/- to £5 (600-1200d);
New (12th Century), £2 to £4 (480-960d); Second Hand
Eastern European Boyar wearing ¾
Mail under a Lamellar Curaiss with
Lamellar Pauldrons, strap on Greaves
and Forearm protection topped off
with a Conical Helm with Aventail and
Face protection
T
(11th-12th Centuries), £1 to £2 (240-480d); Second Hand
(13th Century), 12/6 to £1/5/- (150-300d). Weight:
~15-20 lbs. Production: 15-20 days.
¾ Mail
Availability: 11th Century, C:SO; 12th Century, LT:SO;
13th Century, LT:SH or ST:SO; 14th Century, ST:SH.
H
E
Cost: New (11th Century), £6 to £8 (1440-1920d); New
(12th–13th Century), £4/10/- to £6 (960-1440d); Second
Hand (13th Century), £2/10/- to £3/10/- (600-840d);
New (14th Century), £2 to £3 (480-720d); Second Hand
(14th Century), £1 to £2 (240-480d). Weight: ~20-25
lbs. Production: 20-25 days.
Early Full Mail
Availability: 12th Century, C:SO; 13th Century, LT:SO;
14th Century, ST:SH. Cost: New (12th Century), £6 to
M
A
£8 (1440-1920d); New (13th Century), £5 to £7 (1200-
1680d); Second Hand (14th Century), £3 to £4/5/-
(720-1020d). Wt: ~25-30 lbs. Production: 30-35 days.
R
Improved Full Mail
Availability: 13th Century, C:SO; 14th Century, LT:SO
Cost: New (13th Century), £6/10/- to £9 (1560-2160d);
New (14th Century), £5 to £7 (1200-1680d). Weight:
~30-35 lbs. Production: 35-40 days.
K
E
The best armour money could buy at the end of the
14th century though bits and pieces of iron add-ons
T
had been used to supplement Mail armour since the
mid 13th century. The basic armour was a full Mail
suit supplemented with metal plates (or a Brigandine
in some cases) carefully shaped and fitted to each
specific body part.
Metal additions could include (in roughly chronolog-
P
L
ical appearance) – Poleyns (Knees), Couter (Elbows),
Cuisses (Thighs), Greaves (Lower legs, soon combined
with the Poleyn), Sabatons (Feet), Rerebrace (Upper
A
arms), Vambrace (Forearms), Besagues (Upper Shoulder
and outside of the Elbow) and Breastplate (first multi-
piece, then one piece).
These additions made ‘knightly’ armour much more
expensive – and, even at the end of the 14th century, few
Knights would have had a complete set of all the above.
C
Some Knights, trading off protection for cost, wore a
Brigandine in lieu of the Breastplate. E
Western European Partial Plate
Availability: C:SO (Breastplate); LT:SO (Brigandine).
Cost: With Breastplate, £15-20 or more (3600-4800d);
With Brigandine, £7/10/- to £11/5/- (1800-2700d).
Weight: ~35-50 lbs. Production: With Breastplate,
60-90 days; With Brigandine, 45-60 days.
Since relatively few RPGs break down armour protect-
107
 ion by actual hit location on the body and use a combin-
ed overall rating, there is no point in breaking down
Partial Plate to its individual components – the data
above assumes that the set worn includes most, if not all,
of the additional bits and pieces.
In Eastern Europe in the 13th-14th centuries local
armourers started to supplement full Mail with added
protection of Lamellar … which was more like Partial
Plate than the earlier use of Lamellar worn in addit-
ion to Mail which proved to be overly heavy.
Eastern European Lamellar & Mail
Availability: C:SO. Cost: £8-12 (1920-2880d). Wt:
~30-45 lbs. Production: 30-45 days.
A design otherwise similar to the Conical Helm, but
with a rounded shape – and differing from the Cerv-
elliere in that it often had a nasal bar and was made
of riveted plates rather than a single hand-hammered
sheet of iron.
Availability: 11th Century, LT:SO; 12th-13th Centuries,
ST:SH, LV:R; 14th Century. ST:SH, LV:UC. Cost: 11th
Century, 3/9 to 4/6d (45-54d); 12th-13th Centuries, new,
3/- to 4/- (36-48d) or, second hand, 1/9 to 2/6 (21-
30d). Weight: 2-2½ lb. Production: 2-3 days.
Constructed from plates of metal laced together on a
base of heavy cloth or leather, but the plates are often
often curved along the bottom edge (resembling fish
scales). They overlap top to bottom and side to side
but are laced together only along the top edge.
Cheaper to make than Lamellar, but more vulnerable to
anything other than downward and sideward strikes.
Rarely found in anything larger than a Cuirass by the
11th century – and pretty much confined to Eastern
Europe (mainly the Rus) and the Eastern Empire.
Scale Cuirass
Availability: ST:SO (Eastern Europe & Eastern
Empire only). Cost: £3/15/- to £4/10/- (900-1020d).
Weight: ~10-15 lbs. Production: 4-6 days.
108
SHIELDS
Dealing with Shields is problematic – because they
are made of organic materials few have survived and
so it is difficult to say anything certain about them.
As far as can be told it seems the thickness varied to
keep the weight down, being thicker at the centre,
around the Boss (if any) and thinner towards the edge
… and, in some cases the shield was merely a metal
edged wooden rim over which layers of glued linen
and leather were stretched to keep the weight down.
A development of the Kite Shield, with a flat top and
curved sides coming to a point – the same design used
for the displaying ‘Coats of Arms’) even today.
Construction was of laminated wood covered with
glued linen or leather and protected from shoulder to
groin. It had the same leather strap arrangement as
the Kite Shield to allow it to be slung over the should-
ers and back when not in use.
Availability: ST:SO. Cost: 4/- to 5/6 (48-66d). Weight:
~6-10 lbs. Production: 2-4 days.
RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d4. Size: L. Reach: S. Cbt Effects: Bash,
Stun Location. AD/HP: 6/12. Traits: Ranged Parry,
Passive Blocks 3 Locations.
Appearing in the 11th century it was shaped like an
tear-drop with a rounded top and sides coming down
to a point, covering from chin down to upper leg.
Older books suggest it was constructed entirely from
laminated wood covered with leather – but at least
some had a wooden frame over which layers of
hardened leather/glued cloth were stretched.
It was held by two leather straps on the back, one
through which the upper arm was placed, the other

serving as a hand grip. There was, like the Round
Shield, a strap to go around the neck and shoulders to
for support and to allow it to be slung over the back.
Availability: ST:SO (10th-11th Century). Cost: 5/- to 7/6
(60-90d). Weight: ~8-15 lbs. Production: 3-5 days.]
RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d4. Size: H. Reach: S. Cbt Effects: Bash,
Stun Location. AD/HP: 4/15. Traits: Ranged Parry,
Passive Blocks 4 Locations.
These were common up to the 10th century, typically
32-36” (occasionally up to 40”) in diameter and con-
structed from thin (~¼–½”) wood planks faced with
glued linen or leather and bound at the edges with
rawhide or metal. A central metal Boss covered a hole
where there was a bar for the wielder to grasp.
There was also a leather strap that went over the
shoulders to provide support while the bar allowed
fine manoeuvering … the strap also allowed the shield
to be slung over the back when not in combat.
Availability: ST:SO (10th-11th Century). Cost: 2/6 to 5/-
(30-60d). Weight: ~5-10 lbs. Production: 2-4 days.
RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d4. Size: L. Reach: S. Cbt Effects: Bash,
Stun Location. AD/HP: 4/12. Traits: Ranged Parry,
Passive Blocks 3 Locations.
SAMPLE INFANTRY ARMOUR SETS
The general Levy – everyone with a military service
obligation. The very poorest probably had no armour
at all and only agricultural tools as weapons and were
generally called only in a real, usually localised,
emergency after the 10th-11th centuries.
Slightly better off Militia had some sort of Helmet
(Round or Cervelliere with Padded Coif) and a Shield
(Round or Heater) unless they were Archers in which
case they probably had a Stiffened Linen Aketon.
T
H
E
M
A
Some few Militia not already nominated as part of the
R
Select Fyrd/Levy (see below) would have a Helmet
(with Mail Coif), Stiffened Linen Aketon and Shield.
Militia Levy (Shield)
Cost: 5/9 to 6/9 (69-81d), Round Helm/Shield (11th-
12th centuries); 5/3 to 8/- (63-96d), Cervelliere, Round
Shield (late 12th century); 6/9 to 11 (81-132d), Cer-
K
E
velliere, Heater Shield (late 13th century). Wt: Round
Helm/Shield, 8-14½ lbs; Cervelliere, Round Shield,
9-15½ lbs; Cervelliere, Heater Shield, 10-15½ lbs.
T
Militia Levy (Stiffened Linen Aketon only)
Cost: 7/3 to 9/6 (87-114d), Round Helm (12th century);
10/3 to 15/6 (123-186d), Cervelliere (13th century). Wt:
Round Helm, 11-14½ lbs; Cervelliere, 12-15½ lbs
Militia Levy (Stiffened Linen Aketon, Shield)
P
L
Cost: 9/9 to 14/6 (117-174d), Round Helm/Shield (13th
century); 14/3 to £1/1/- (171-252d), Cervelliere Helm,
Heater Shield (13th century). Weight: Round Helm,
A
16-24½ lbs; Cervelliere Helm, 18-25½ lbs
Typically worn by a member of the Select Fyrd, Select
(Feudal) Levy (usually 1 fyrdsman per 4-5 households)
or Mercenary Infantry (10th-13th centuries) – usually an
Aketon (Arming Doublet), Mail Shirt, Conical Helm (or
C
E
Cervelliere) with Coif and a Shield (various).
It was common for Mail armour to be passed down so
the ‘cost’ was usually spread across several generations.
10th-11th Centuries
Cost (Round Shield): £3/2/9 (753d) w. Padded Coif;
£6/2/6 (1470d) w. Mail Coif. Weight: 27½-47 lbs.
12th Century
Cost (Kite Shield): £2/11/- (612d) w. Padded Coif;
£5/1/- (1212d) w. Mail Coif. Weight: 30½ to 52 lbs.
109
 13th Century
Cost (with Heater Shield): £1/12/3 (387d) w. Padded
Coif; £3/2/6 (750d) w. Mail & Padded Coif; less 6d to
1/- (6-12d) with a Cervelliere. Weight: 28½ to 47 lbs.
Armour worn by an English Huscarl (Bodyguard or
Household troops supported by richer Freemen and
the Nobility) or similar, aka Men-at-Arms (on the Cont-
inent before 1066) from the 10th-13th centuries, or by
moderately well off Mercenaries at any period.
Huscarls were often Mounted Infantry (rode to the
Battle, fought on foot) and Men-at-Arms were often be
fielded in a like manner (or, at the very least, had a Pack
animal, possibly shared).
Such armour consists of an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
¾ Mail, Conical Helm (or Round Helm) with Coif
(Padded & Mail) and a Shield (various).
As with any Mail armour a lot was handed down, spread
actual costs across several generations.
10th-11th Centuries
Cost (with Round Helm & Round Shield): £6/12/5
to £8/16/6 (1589-2118d). Weight: 36-49½ lbs.
11th-12th Centuries
Cost (with Conical Helm & Kite Shield): £5/8/- to
£7/6/- (1296-1755d). Weight: 39-54½ lbs.
13thCentury
Cost (with Conical Helm & Heater Shield): £5/7/- to
£7/3/6 (1284-1725d). Weight: 37-49½ lbs.
The Eastern European equivalent of the Huscarl, the
retinue of a Knyaz (Major) or Boyar (Minor Noble)
though wealthy freemen were probably similarly
equipped.
Like the Huscarls, Druzhina often (though not always)
fought as Mounted Infantry – or, at the very least, they
would have had a pack animal (possibly one shared
between several) to carry their heavier equipment.
110
Such armour consists of an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
Mail or Lamellar or Scale Cuirass, Conical or Round
Helm with Coif (Mail) and a Round Shield.
Lamellar Cuirass, Round Helm
Cost: £5/10/3 to £6/18/- (1323-1656d). Weight: 26-
39½ lbs.
Lamellar Cuirass, Conical Helm
Cost: £5/10/9 to £6/16/- (1329-1632d). Weight: 26½-
40 lbs.
Mail Cuirass, Round Helm (11th-12th Centuries)
Cost: £3/3/3 to £5/16/6 (751-1398d), 11th century;
£2/10/6to £4/16/- (606-1152d), 12th century. Weight:
31-44½ lbs.
Mail Cuirass, Conical Helm (12th-13th Cenuries)
Cost: £2/10/6 to £4/18/- (606-1176d). Wt: 31½-45 lbs.
Scale Cuirass, Round Helm
Cost: £4/6/3 to £5/8/- (1035-1296d). Wt: 24-33 lbs.
Scale Cuirass, Conical Helm
Cost: £4/6/3 to £5/10/- (1035-1320d). Wt: 24-33 lbs.
Russian could be anything from a senior Druzhina
through to a minor noble – this represents the former.
They are better armoured than a Druzhina and might
be Mounted Infantry – and might occasionally fight
mounted, though not really trained for such.
Armour for a Boyar of this class consists of an Aketon
(Arming Doublet), Mail Shirt with Lamellar or Scale
Cuirass at the bottom end ranging up to ¾ Mail with a
Lamellar or Scale Cuirass, Conical or Round Helm
with Coif (Mail) and a Round Shield.
Mail Shirt & Lamellar Cuirass, Round Helm
Cost: £8/1/- to £11/17/- (1935-2844d). Wt: 36-54½ lbs.
Mail Shirt & Lamellar Cuirass, Conical Helm
Cost: £7/10/6 to £10/16/- (1806-2592d). Weight:
36½-55 lbs.

Mail Shirt & Scale Cuirass, Round Helm
Cost: £6/16/3 to £9/6/- (1635-2232d). Wt: 34-48 lbs.
Mail Shirt & Scale Cuirass, Conical Helm
Cost: £6/15/6 to £9/8/- (1624-2256d). Weight: 34½-
48½ lbs.
¾ Mail & Lamellar Cuirass, Conical Helm
Cost: £10/0/6 to £12/18/- (2406-3096d). Weight:
44½-65 lbs.
¾ Mail & Scale Cuirass, Conical Helm
Cost: £9/1/- to £11/8/- (2172-2736d). Wt: 44½-65 lbs.
This is an actual noble, though a minor one. They are
better armoured than a senior Druzhina and still
mostly operate as Mounted Infantry – however, they
can operate as supporting Cavalry for the more senior
Boyars in the Mounted Troops section following.
The thing that prevents these Boyars from performing as
true cavalry is that they can only afford a single riding
horse and a pack horse or two, not a proper war horse.
Armour for a Boyar of this class consists of an Aketon
(Arming Doublet), ¾ Lamellar (Light), Mail Shirt, a
Conical Helm, Coif (Mail) and a Round Shield.
Cost: £7/13/- to £10/1/6 (1836-2418d). Weight: 50½-
70 lbs
Armour worn by the better class of mid to late 13th and
early 14th century infantry – typically Foot Serjeants
(well-to-do Rural Freeholders or Urban Guildsmen) or
Men-at-Arms (Noble Bodyguards/Household Troops)
and better equipped Mercenaries.
They often rode to Battle but dismounted to fight … or
had a pack animal to carry their heavy equipment.
Such armour consists of an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
Early Full Mail, Helm (Conical or Bascinet with Face
Plate) with Coif (Padded & Mail or integral with Basc-
T
H
E
M
A
inet) and a Shield (Heater). Some few might wear a
Coat or Jack of Plates instead of Early Full Mail.
Conical Helmet, Heater Shield, Mail
Cost: £5/14/6 to £8/0/6 (1374-1926d). Wt: 42½-55 lbs. R
Conical Helmet, Heater Shield, Coat of Plates
Cost: 14/6 to £1/5/- (170-1300d). Weight: 35½-50 lbs.
K
E
Bascinet Helmet, Heater Shield
Cost: £4/3/- to £6/5/- (996-1500d). Wt: 43¾-54¾ lbs.
T
Bascinet Helmet, Heater Shield, Jack of Plates
Cost: £1/4/3 to £2 (291-480d). Weight: 35¾-49¾ lbs.
Armour worn better infantry, Foot Serjeants, of the
mid to late 14th century) – well-to-do (rural) Freehold-
ers or (urban) Guildsmen, Men-at-Arms (Bodyguards
P
L
or Household Troops of the nobility or even royalty).
These were still likely either Mounted Infantry or have
A
a (shared?) pack animal to carry their heavier gear.
Such armour consists of an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
Improved Full Mail, Bascinet (with Face Plate and
Aventail) and a Shield (Heater). Some few might wear
a Brigandine instead of the Improved Full Mail.
C
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Improved Full Mail
Cost: £5/15/8 to £8/7/- (1388-2004d). Weight: 48¾-
59¾ lbs.
Brigandine
Cost: £1/2/4 to £1/5/8 (268-308d). Wt: 36¾-49¾ lbs.
SAMPLE CAVALRY ARMOUR SETS
Russian major nobility. They are heavily armoured,
though in the Eastern tradition of lamellar and mail
and mostly fight mounted.
111
 Armour for a Boyar of this class consists of an Aketon
(Arming Doublet), Lamellar & Mail, Conical Helm with
Coif (Mail) and a Kite Shield.
Cost: £8/15/6 to £13/4/- (2226-3168d). Weight: 49½-
75 lbs.
These appeared in Anglo-Irish armies from the late
13th century and could perform as either light to
medium cavalry or as mounted infantry. As Cavalry
they were mostly skirmishers and raiders, though they
could be used on the battlefield.
Similarly employed and armed troops were employed
all over Europe under different titles. One of the main
differences between a Hobelar and Knights was not the
armour as much as that Hobelars normally had only
one (riding) horse, whereas Knights would typically
have a string of several (for battle, riding plus and as
pack animals).
Turcopoles could be either Light (Skirmisher) Cavalry
(which see) or something more like a Hobelar (as
Cavalry, not Mounted Infantry), though they appear-
ed in the early 12th century in the Crusader states,
somewhat earlier than the latter.
Armour was minimally an Aketon, Mail Cuirass or ¾
Mail Hauberk, Helm (Conical or Bascinet, with Mail
Coif) and Round Shield or, for some (especially those
used in English overseas forces), Aketon, Coat or Jack
of Plates, Bascinet and a Heater Shield.
Mail Cuirass, Conical Helm (13th century)
Cost: £1/13/- to £3/3/- (396-756d). Wt: 31½-45 lbs.
¾ Mail, Conical Helm (13th century)
Cost: £5/3/- to £7/3/- (1236-1512d). Wt: 36½-50 lbs.
¾ Mail, Bascinet Helm (14th
century)
Cost: £2/5/10 to £4/-/6 (610-966d). Wt: 31½-45 lbs.
Coat of Plates, Bascinet Helm (13th century)
Cost: £1/12/4 to £2/2/6 (388-510d). Wt: 37¾-49¾ lbs.
Jack of Plates, Bascinet Helm (14th century)
Cost: £1/9/6 to £2 (354-480d). Weight: 37¾-49¾ lbs.
112
The iconic mounted soldier of the medieval period,
first appearing in a recognisable form in the 11th
century and remaining an important part of any
army to the end of the 14th (and beyond), though the
appearance of gunpowder weapons and professional
infantry in the 14th century meant they were no longer
a dominant force and more and more of those fielded
as ‘Knights’ were serving in a paid, professional,
capacity rather than as feudal levies.
11th Century
Armour was minimally an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
Mail Shirt, Round or Conical Helm with either a
Padded or Mail Coif and a Kite Shield.
Cost: Round Helm, Padded Coif, £3/1/6 to £5/16/-
(738-1392d); Conical Helm, Mail Coif, £3/5/- to £6/2/-
(780-1464d). Weight: Round Helm, Padded Coif, 30-
44½ lbs; Conical Helm, Mail Coif, 34½-50 lbs.
Better off Knights would have ¾ Mail instead of a
simple Mail Shirt.
Cost (with Conical Helm): £6/15/- to £9/2/- (1620-
2184d). Weight: 39½-55 lbs.
12th Century
Armour was minimally Aketon (Arming Doublet), ¾
Mail, Conical Helm, Mail Coif and a Kite Shield.
Cost: £5/5/- to £7/2/- (1260-2004d). Wt: 39½-55 lbs.
Better off Knights would have Early Full Mail instead
of ¾ Mail.
Cost: £6/15/- to £9/2/- (1620-2184d). Wt: 44½-60 lbs.
Really well-off Knights would have a Coat of Plates in
addition to Early Full Mail.
Cost: £8/5/- to £10/12/- (1980-2544d). Wt: 62½-85 lbs.
13th Century
Armour was minimally an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
Improved Full Mail, Bascinet (with Visor), Mail Coif
and a Kite or Heater Shield.

Cost: With Kite Shield, £7/8/4 to £10/5/4 (1380-
2464d); With Heater Shield, £7/7/4 to £10/3/4 (1368-
2440d). Weight: With Kite Shield, 41¾-67¼ lbs; With
Heater Shield, 39¾-62¼ lbs.
Better off Knights would have an Aketon (Arming
Doublet), Improved Full Mail with a Coat of Plates or
Brigandine, a Bascinet (with Visor and Aventail) or a
Great Helm with Cervelliere and Mail Coif and a
Heater Shield.
Cost: With Coat of Plates & Bascinet, £9/6/6 to £12
(2238-2880d); with Brigandine, Great Helm-Cervelliere
combo, £9/4/6 to £12/15/6 (2214-3066d). Weight:
With Coat of Plates & Bascinet, 66¾-84¾ lbs; with
Brigandine, Great Helm-Cervelliere combo, 71-90½ lbs.
14th Century
Armour was minimally an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
Improved Full Mail with a Brigandine, Hounskull
Helmet and a Heater Shield.
Cost: £8/19/- to £11/12/6 (2148-2790d). Weight:
67-84 lbs.
Better off Knights would have an Aketon (Arming
Doublet) with either Partial Plate with Breastplate or
Brigandine & Plate, a Hounskull Helmet and a Heater
Shield.
Cost: Partial Plate (Breastplate), £17/19/- to £23/12/6
(4308-5670d). Weight: 54-74lbs.
As the period progressed social and economic changes
meant fewer Knights could (or did not care to) afford
even minimal up-to-date equipment. Some had mini-
mal equipment from the previous century, while real-
ly hard up cases had minimal equipment from the
century before that.
12th Century
Armour was Aketon (Arming Doublet), a 2nd Hand Mail
Shirt, Round or Conical Helm with either a Padded or
Mail Coif and a Kite Shield.
T
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Cost: Round Helm, Padded Coif, £1/10/9 to £2/15/-
(369-660d); Conical Helm, Mail Coif, £2/13/- to £5/-/6
(636-1206d). Weight: Round Helm, Padded Coif, 30-
44½ lbs; Conical Helm, Mail Coif, 34½-50 lbs.
13th Century
M
A
Armour was an Aketon (Arming Doublet), ¾ Mail or 2nd
Hand Mail Shirt and 2nd Hand Coat of Plates, Conical
Helm, Mail Coif and a Kite Shield.
R
Cost: ¾ Mail, £3/4/- to £4/9/- (768-1068d); Mail Shirt,
Coat of Plates, £1/11/- to £2/10/- (372-600d). Wt: ¾
Mail, 39½-55 lbs; Mail Shirt/Coat of Plates, 52½-75 lbs.
Really poor Knights might have impoverished equip-
ment from the 12th Century, second hand where poss-
K
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ible, now costing £1/2/- to £1/18/6 (264-450d).
14th Century
T
Armour was minimally an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
2nd Hand Early Full Mail or 2nd Hand ¾ Mail and a
Jack of Plates, Bascinet (with Visor), Mail Coif and a
Heater Shield.
Cost: Early Full Mail, £2/10/- to £3/13/6 (600-882d);
¾ Mail, Jack of Plates, £1/17/4 to £3/3/4 (448-760d).
P
L
Weight: Early Full Mail, 34¾-57¼ lbs; ¾ Mail, Jack of
Plates, 42¾-67¼ lbs.
A
Really poor Knights might have impoverished equip-
ment from the 13th Century (¾ Mail, Heater Shield)
and second hand where possible, but now costing
£1/16/6 to £2/14/- (420-648d).
The Eastern Imperial and Islamic-Turkic-Arab tradit-
C
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ion was to use Mail with Lamellar or Lamellar with a
stiffened Linen Aketon.
Medium Cavalry armour was a Stiffened Linen Aket-
on, ¾ Lamellar (Light), Conical Helm, Mail Coif and
a Round or Kite Shield.
Medium Cavalry
Cost: To mid-13th century, £6/12/- to £8/1/- (1584-
1932d); From late-13th century, £6/15/6 to £8/6/-
(1628-1992d); add 2/6 (30d) for Kite Shield. Weight:
40½-55lbs, add 8-15 lbs for Kite Shield.
113
 Heavy Cavalry armour was a Stiffened Linen Aketon,
¾ Lamellar (Heavy) or Lamellar & Mail, Conical
Helm, Mail Coif and Round or Kite Shield.

Heavy Cavalry, ¾ Lamellar

Cost: To mid-13th century, £7/12/- to £9/4/6 (1824-
2214d); From late-13th century, £7/15/6 to £9/9/6
(1670-2036d); add 2/6 (30d) for Kite Shield. Weight:
45½-60lbs, add 8-15 lbs for Kite Shield.

Heavy Cavalry, Lamellar & Mail

Cost: To mid-13th century, £8/12/- to £13/4/6 (2064-
3174d); From late-13th century, £8/14/6 to £13/9/6
(1700-2096d); add 2/6 (30d) for Kite Shield. Weight:
50½-75lbs, add 8-15 lbs for Kite Shield.

Light Cavalry was virtually nonexistent in most of

Western Europe until right at the end of the period –
the English Hobelar was the closest thing that existed,
and they were more like Medium Cavalry.
There were exceptions, but they existed largely on the
peripheries – the Jinete (Spanish, or Genete, Portu-
guese), who copied the Light Cavalry traditions of the
invading Muslims, or the Turcopoles (in the Crusader
States,) who could perform as Medium (see Hobelars
& Turcopoles) or, as described here, Light Cavalry
and, of course, there was the Arab-Turkish-Muslim
tradition of Light Cavalry in Iberia, North Africa and
the Middle East.
Armour was typically a Conical Helm, with either a
Padded or Mail Coif and a Round Shield, perhaps
with a Stiffened Linen Aketon.
Light Cavalry
Cost: To mid-13th century, 7/9 to 13/- (93-156d); From
late-13th century, 5/9 to 11/6 (69-138d); add 2/3 to 3/-
(27-36d) for Mail Coif. Weight: 8½-15lbs, add 4-5 lb
for Mail Coif.
From the second quarter of the 14th century Hobelars
were mostly superseded by Mounted Archers in
English service on the Continent – representing a
move away from shock to missile use on the battlefield.
Armour was minimally an Aketon (Arming Doublet),
Mail Shirt or Brigandine, Bascinet Helm, with Mail
Coif.
Mounted Archer, Mail Shirt
Cost: £1/6/- to £2/9/6 (312-594d). Wt: 28-36½ lbs.
Mounted Archer, Brigandine
Cost: £1/0/2 to £1/14/6 (242-514d). Wt: 21-31½ lbs.
A mounted soldier with land (a feudal dues) worth
less than a Knight’s fee – technically, a Serjeant had
half a Knight’s Fee, but had to serve for the same
length of time. The major difference was that they
had fewer horses – one for battle/riding and a pack
horse, possibly a separate riding horse if better off.

Light Cavalry with Aketon 11th Century

Cost: To mid-13th century, 14/- to £1/1/- (141-252d); Armour was an Aketon (Arming Doublet), Mail Shirt,
From late-13th century, 15/6 to £1/4/6 (186-282d). Wt: Round Helm, Padded Coif and a Round Shield.
20½-30lbs.
Cost: £3/1/6 to £5/12/- (738-1324d). Wt: 27-39½ lbs.

12th Century
Armour was minimally Aketon (Arming Doublet), Mail
Shirt, Conical Helm, Mail Coif and a Kite Shield.

Cost: £2/13/- to £5/0/6 (636-1206d). Wt: 34½-50 lbs.

13th Century
Armour was an Aketon (Arming Doublet), ¾ Mail,
Conical Helm, Mail Coif and a Heater Shield.

114 Cost: £5/4/6 to £7/5/- (1254-1540d). Wt: 37½-50 lbs.


14th Century
Armour was an Aketon (Arming Doublet), ¾ Mail
possibly with a Brigandine, Bascinet Helmet, Mail
Coif and a Heater Shield.
Cost: £1/18/4 to £3/11/- (458-852d); add 6/8 to 10/-
(80-120d) for a Brigandine. Wt: 39-51½ lbs; add 8-15
lbs with a Brigandine.
Asking “How much does a suit of armour cost?” is just
like asking “How long is a piece of string?” The answer
to both is “it depends.”
As better types of armour became available, and as the
cost of mining, refining and working metal dropped,
there was a tendency to simply sell older suits of armour
for whatever they would bring. This increased the
overall stock of armour available and reduced the price
at the lower end – in many cases, armour types listed
have a second hand price for periods after they have
started to be replaced.
However, even for ‘current model’ armour types it might
be possible to find bits and bobs for sale second hand
(often battlefield salvage – repair those Mail links, knock
out the dents in the Bascinet or replace the cloven
Lamellae and it will be fine!) … but note the sample
Armour sets are (unless otherwise specified) priced with
new components only.
There is armour, and then there is armour. Even basic
armour, newly made, is expensive – the better the
Parthian Horse
Archer – Saracen
Horse Archers
would have looked
very similar
T
H
E
degree of protection, the more expensive. This means
that rich people are the target market – in the medieval
period, just as today, such a market demanded more
M
A
features, better finish, greater decoration and the like.
The sky is, almost literally, the limit.
R
In a sense, armour suits are like clothing. There is often
a perceived need for the wealthy to display their wealth
through their armour – making them works of art as
much as protective items.
While there is generally no shame in a person of high
K
E
social class wearing plain, basic price, armour, there is
a social cachet in wearing armour that is more indicative
of your standing in society.
T
Coats of Arms didn’t start to appear on Shields until the
mid to late 12th century … for those who had been
granted such. Before then shield decoration tended to
be single colours or simple geometric shapes or patterns.
P
L
After Coats of Arms started to appear, those who did not
possess such continued to use either solid colours or
simple geometric patterns, especially if they were part of
A
the Feudal Levy. Those in the service of powerful nobles
or the crown would often have simplified variants of
their employer’s Coat of Arms or some specific heraldic
symbol associated with them.
C
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115
 ARMOUR – PRACTICALITIES
Just as most RPGs handle the various types of armour
available in a medieval setting badly, they are gener-
ally even worse at handling how armour works in a
real world sense. This section has a look at some of the
issues they handle poorly and also suggests ways in
which you can make armour usage more realistic …
Because of the proliferation of RPG rules out there a lot
of what is included below is, perforce, generic … but
rules for AD&D, D&D 3.5, Pathfinder and Runequest (or
Mythras) are included and will probably give a good
handle on how you can deal with things in other systems.
ARMOUR
As you can see from the weight ranges given for the
selected sets of Infantry and Cavalry armour on the
previous pages, armour is anything but light. Knights
could end up wearing 70-90 pounds (~32-41 kilos) of
armour alone – and then have to carry another 15-20
or more pounds (7-9 kilos) of weaponry – at least as
much, and probably more, than the maximum load a
modern infantryman are equipped with.
Modern infantry don’t carry that amount for very long,
if at all – a lot is carried in unit transport, and a lot of
what isn’t isn’t carried into combat. And a lot of what is
on them when combat is started is immediately ditched
– pretty much everything but weapons and ammo. So
claims that they routinely carry 80lbs or so are, well, not
entirely true.
Medieval soldiers were no more enamoured of carry-
ing lots of heavy equipment long distances on their
backs any more than modern soldiers are – and this
had a direct impact on how armour was worn.
Mostly it wasn’t.
Or, perhaps more accurately, mostly most of it wasn’t
most of the time.
Most of the time, most soldiers wore minimal armour
– an Aketon (Arming Doublet) and some sort of Helmet
were most likely. Anything more? Only when there
116
was a more immediate potential threat … depending
on how many layers of armour they had, they might
only put on a little more until battle was imminent.
So a 12th century Knight might put on his Full Mail, but
without the separate leggings, making it the equivalent
of ¾ Mail, and only his Mail Coif and Cervelliere. Only
when battle seems more immediate will he don his Mail
Leggings, Coat of Plates and Great Helm.
Lots of RPGs make the point that it is socially un-
acceptable PCs to wear full armour (of any sort) in
non-combat settings (though there might not have
been any actual laws prohibiting it) what they don’t
get is the simple fact that armour was generally too
heavy for people to want to wear any longer than they
actually had to – even in a nominal war-zone because
it is simply far too exhausting to do so.
Most RPGs either overestimate or underestimate the
actual weight of armour – even for armour types that
actually existed. They compound the issue by using
some generally pretty unrealistic ways of dealing with
actual weight versus the intersection between dead
weight and distributed weight.
Actual Weight. What is says. The objectively measured
weight of the set of armour in pounds or kilos.
Dead Weight. This is the perceived weight of the set
of armour when carried as luggage.
Distributed Weight. This is the perceived weight of
the set of armour when worn.
A 15 lb Mail Cuirass always weighs 15 lbs (i.e. this is the
actual weight). However, when it is properly worn and
fitted, it seems to weigh less (the distributed weight)
than if merely being carried in a sack (the dead weight).
Theoretically you’ll tire just as quickly or suffer the
same weight based penalties regardless of whether
you’re carrying or wearing armour … and that’s true,
to a point.
The reality is that a poorly distributed load is actually
more tiring to carry than a properly balanced one.
Most RPGs fudge this … usually quite a lot, at least
partly because their armour types and the weights of
those sets of armour are all over the range from far
too light to far too heavy even for those few of the sets
that actually existed.
Unless the system you use has rules for fatigue based on
Encumbrance it falls into this category – but there are
ways around it, see the end of this section.

The reality is that anyone wearing most metal body
armour won’t be unaffected – but what will the effects
on them be?
They can’t run, or can’t run as fast, they can’t move
as fast and moving and fighting is much more ex-
hausting – heck, doing anything but simply standing
still in armour is exhausting (and when you consider
the layers you’re wearing, it’s going to be hot and
sweaty as well).
So, the really heavily armoured guys mostly ride
horses, if not in battle, then to battle – so they are,
mostly, sitting there.
Anyone in significant armour and who is on foot
won’t be running around (advancing at speed, for
example) for very long – and combat itself will be in
slow motion for all involved after a very short period
of time, at least in melee.
Encumbrance rules rarely deal with this – but, as long
as all parties to a melee are roughly equally exhausted
it probably balances out. If fresh participants arrive,
however, you might want to change things somewhat
(see Armour Rules, later).
The bigger issue with armour, one that is almost
entirely ignored, is how limiting it is to the Agility (or
Dexterity, or whatever your system calls the ability to
manoeuvre freely) of the wearer. Yet most systems
ignore it completely or gloss over it or (misleadingly)
connect it to the weight of the armour – when, in
reality, encumbrance is a relatively minor factor in
the equation.
There are basically three types of armour – flexible,
rigid and a combination of the two and each of them
has a different effect on the wearer’s agility.
T
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M
Flexible Armour. Isn’t always (or all) that flexible. It A
R
can be fabric (Aketon, Gambeson etc.) or metal (Mail).
Arming Doublets are reasonably unrestrictive as they
are not meant to be stand-alone armour, but to be
worn under other armour … and are, in any case,
quite light in weight.
K
E
Stiffened Linen Aketons and Gambesons, however, has
to be, well, stiff, to work – and so can be restrictive
even though it is only stiffened over those parts of the
T
body that don’t need to bend. The waist, shoulder
and elbow sections are padded rather than glued.
Still, these separate sections are normally all part of the
one piece of armour, so the stiffening tends to impact on
the padded parts and on Agility
P
L
Mail is the most problematic of all armour types in
relation to its impact on agility – because it is flexible.
Far more flexible than an Aketon or Gambeson. Mail
A
sags – all over the place, and as the wearer moves.
To get around this, mail armour was secured at strategic
points to minimise sag – some of it was pulled up and
over the belt (at the waist), suits often included a breast
strap for the same reason. Arm sections were secured
around the upper and lower arms, as were Leg sections,
C
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with leather ties as well.
Unsecured Mail causes big Agility penalties – properly
secured Mail causes lesser penalties.
Rigid Armour. Isn’t rigid everywhere – since, in this
period, it doesn’t cover everywhere (and, even outside
of the period, it doesn’t). However, depending on
type, it can hamper agility to a greater or lesser degree.
All types of rigid armour have to either be flexible at
those points where the wearer needs to bend or twist
117
 (degree of flexibility can vary widely), simply not cover
those areas or be a part of combination armour.
In the 10th-14th centuries stand-alone rigid armour
(without anything other than either type of Aketon) is
either confined to the chest (a Cuirass) or consists of
separate sections (¾ Lamellar, for example, a Cuirass
which covers to the groin plus separate shoulder, and,
possibly the upper or even upper and lower, arm and
leg, pieces) all worn over an Aketon.
Scale tends to be a bit saggy, but nowhere near as bad
as unsecured Mail. Lamellar is potentially different –
a Lamellar Cuirass is not particularly confining, and
has an even lesser effect on agility than Scale – but ¾
Lamellar has a greater impact than Scale, especially
if worn with a Stiffened Linen Aketon.
Combination Armour. Basically everything else, and
the most common sets overall. They consist of Rigid
armour where you don’t need to bend or twist and
Flexible armour elsewhere.
The rigid armour bits rest directly on the body part
they protect which minimises any penalty they might
otherwise cause – though the flexible components
tend to retain the penalties of their base form.
The only two examples of this type, appearing in the
mid to late 14th century, are Partial Plate (in Western
Europe) and Lamellar & Plate (in Eastern Europe).
How long does it take to put on (and take off) armour?
A lot longer than any existing RPG allows is the short
answer, and the long answer is …
Armour Closure. Apart from Mail, Lamellar and,
possibly, Scale armour and Arming Doublets (see be-
low) the existing evidence strongly suggests that arm-
our closures were at the rear … so it would have been
impossible to put them on without assistance.
118
This is one reason why most soldiers would wear an
Arming Doublet/Stiffened Linen Aketon or Gambeson
all the time in a moderate to high threat environment …
it’s one less step towards putting on one’s better armour.
Mail. You can actually put on Mail unassisted
(though not the Aketon you’ll be wearing underneath)
– not particularly easily, especially for the larger sets
(¾ and Full Mail), but it can be done. You roll it up
like a woolly jumper and pull it over your head while
bending over, then stand upright and gravity does the
rest … at least if you’ve done the preparation well.
The real problem is that, as noted above in Agility,
Mail then has to be secured around the waist, prob-
ably the chest, and certainly the arms and legs (and
the legs are two separate pieces hanging from a belt
under the upper body armour) … all of which adds
time to the process.
Lamellar. There are no surviving (intact) sets of
Lamellar from the period – the best guess is that they
had a side closure, probably the left (protected by the
Shield), and probably overlapped, secured by a
leather strap (or straps) around the chest. It is possible
that leather ties or buckles could have been used.
Assuming a side rather than rear closure, it would
have been possible to put on and fasten Lamellar
armour without assistance … but, as with Mail, you’ll
still need to get into your Aketon with its rear closure.
Scale. No-one really knows how this was secured …
probably the same way Lamellar was is a good guess.
Partial Plate, Lamellar & Mail. The Mail parts are,
of course, put on as per Mail, above – and each of the
additional individual Plate or Lamellar units has to
be strapped on one by one. This would, of course, be
a time consuming process and almost certainly would
have required assistance.
Later period (15th century plus) Plate Armour was often
made of interconnected pieces, making it easier and
faster to put on than the individual pieces of the Partial
Plate available at the end of the 14th century.
ARMOUR RULES – OPTIONAL & OTHERWISE
ENCUMBRANCE
Most RPGs have some sort of system to penalise
anyone who is carrying too much weight – though
they don’t always do this in a realistic way, partly as
they handle armour (in pretty much all its various
aspects) unrealistically and partly because they often
ignore the whole idea of ongoing Fatigue resulting
from both encumbrance and from ongoing effort.
The following subsections look at the way in which
real world armour interacts with things such as Agility
& Dexterity (yes, they’re different, even if your RPG
system of choice doesn’t treat them as different),
Encumbrance (because armour classifications and
weights in many systems don’t bear the even slightest
passing resemblance to reality), Fatigue (since many
systems pretend it doesn’t exist) and Time to Equip
(since some systems ignore it and others don’t base
their times, again, on anything even vaguely resembl-
ing reality).
AGILITY & DEXTERITY
Armour most commonly has an effect on how agile a
character is – that is, how freely they are able to move
their whole body, which is unusually (even vitally)
important in melee combat. It may also have an effect
on how dextrous they are – that is, how freely they are
able to manipulate things, usually with their hands.
Think of Dexterity (or whatever it may be called in your
preferred game system) representing fine motor skills
while Agility (again, whatever it may be called in your
preferred game system) represents gross motor skills.
Many types of armour restrict the free movement of at
least some parts of the wearer’s body – sometimes
(and only sometimes) this is because of the absolute
weight, more often it is due to how well the weight is
distributed or how well that distribution is secured.
AD&D, D&D 3-5, Pathfinder. These systems are
identical in the way they ‘work’ armour – they don’t
at all for Melee attacks and, for Missile attacks, they
only reduce the Dexterity Bonus. There are also pen-
alties applying to Skill use and increased chances of
Spells cast while wearing armour failing.
Note the changes to the categorisation of Armour in the
Encumbrance section, below.
This completely misunderstands (or simply poorly
represents) the likely problems that go with wearing
armour. Unfortunately, the nature of the system
makes it difficult to implement significant changes …
but some things can be done.
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· Apply the Armour Check Penalty to Initiative and
in conjunction with the Maximum Dexterity Bonus.
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For example, if a character had a DEX Bonus of +4
and is wearing Armour with a Check Penalty of -6,
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you would apply an overall -1 to their Initiative roll.
· Apply a Maximum Strength Bonus to Melee attacks
that is the same as the Maximum Dexterity Bonus
applying to Missile attacks.
Armour with a Max DEX Bonus of +6 would have a
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Max STR Bonus of +6 also.
Runequest/Mythras. The Strike Rank mechanic in
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the game is a fair representation of the drawbacks of
wearing armour.
As a representation of fine motor skills, this character-
istic works well as most armour types/sets do not
directly limit a character’s abilities in this area … that
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is, for non-combat skill use.
The one important proviso is that Full Mail includes
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armoured mittens that would need to be removed
(there was a slit in the palm that the hand could be
poked through, only the outer surface of the hand
and fingers being protected) while Partial Plate or
Lamellar & Mail either incorporates similar mittens
or some sort of armoured gauntlet – so, if a character
wearing those types of armour has to make a skill
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check involving a non-combat skill they would have to
pull back the mittens or remove the gauntlets.
COVERAGE
As you’ll have seen from the armour descriptions and
the sample armour sets, a lot of armour doesn’t cover
everywhere – but many systems do not model this well,
or at all, unless they have a Hit location system (and,
even then, these often have logical problems). There
are, however, some simple (and simply applied) ways
of dealing with this issue in AD&D/D&D 3-5/Path-
finder/OGL and Runequest/Mythras
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 Armour Values: Runequest/Mythras
The reduction in protection for less than full coverage
Armour Type AP armour is indicated in the Table opposite, below – No
Arming Doublet +1/+1 Helmet, -1; Cuirass, -2; ¾ Armour, -1.
Stiffened Linen +2/+1
Gambeson +2/+1 The reduction in protection for less than full coverage
Mail, Secured 5 armour is shown in the Table opposite – No Helmet,
Mail, Unsecured 4 -1; Cuirass, -2; ¾ Armour, -1. Or you can use the Hit
Location system, which is a bit klunky.
Lamellar 5
Lamellar & Mail 6 ENCUMBRANCE
Partial Plate 6 They key issue is the touching assumption that, as
Coat of Plates +1 armour gets heavier, protection improves but
drawbacks (whatever they may be) also increase in
Jack of Plates +1 direct proportion … something not at all supportable
Brigandine +1 by the nature real world armour types and sets.
No Helmet -1
The reality is that there is not necessarily any direct
Cuirass -2
link between armour weight, the degree of protection
¾ Armour -1 provided, and any drawbacks resulting from those.
Value x/y. ‘x’ applies when worn as stand-alone
armour, ‘y’ applies when worn under other armour. AD&D, D&D 3-5 and Pathfinder (and most OGL
Shields. RQ/Mythras uses Shields actively. Use the based games) place armour into one of three categ-
standard rule/values (other than ENC) for them. ories, Light, Medium and Heavy, based on the cat-
egories used to define troop types in Miniatures rules
Armour Values: AD&D, D&D 3-5, Pathfinder & OGL at around the time original D&D was written (since
OD&D was a direct development of Chainmail, a set
Armour Max DEX/STR Spell
Armour Type of miniatures rules).
Bonus Bonus Failure
Arming Doublet +1/+1 (1) +10 5% Runequest/Mythras, on the other hand, categorise
Stiffened Linen +2/+1 (1) +8 10% armour types/sets as being either Rigid or Flexible.
(1)
Gambeson +2/+1 +6 10%
Both methods have their drawbacks – as most of the
Scale +2 +4 15%
armour types they categorise simply never ever existed
Mail, Secured +4 +3 20% and because the weights (and other factors) linked
Mail, Unsecured +3 +2 25% with them are all over the place in terms of what they
Lamellar +4 +4 20% are probably meant to represent in terms of real
world armour types/sets.
Lamellar & Mail +5/+4 (2) +3/+2 (2) 25%
(2)
Partial Plate +5/+4 +1 25%
(1)
Coat of Plates +4/+2 0 +20% In these rules, armour is divided into three groups,
Jack of Plates +4/+2 (1) 0 +15% each usually covered by a separate Proficiency –
(1)
Brigandine +4/+2 0 +10%
Light Armour. Padded (10 lbs), Leather (15 lbs),
Cuirass -2 – – Studded Leather (20 lbs) and Chain Shirt (25 lbs).
¾ Armour -1 – –
No Helmet -1 – – · Medium Armour. Hide (25 lbs), Scale Mail (30
Round Shield +1 -1 (3) +10% lbs), Chainmail (40 lbs), Breastplate (30 lbs).
(3)
Heater Shield +2 -2 +10%
· Heavy Armour. Splint Mail (45 lbs), Banded Mail
Kite Shield +3 -3 (3) 20% (35 lbs), Half Plate (50 lbs), Full Plate (50 lbs).
(1) Value x/y. ‘x’ is for stand alone and ‘y’ is added
to the bonus of other armour when worn with it. Armour types in Green Bold simply do not exist or are
(2) Value x/y. ‘x’ applies when the Mail component confused (and grossly over-valued) misinterpretations of
is secured, ‘y’ applies when it is unsecured. real world armour types.
(3) This value is subtracted from the base Maximum
DEX/STR Bonus for the armour the shield is used in Those which are underlined do exist, but are rated
120 conjunction with. incorrectly, usually too light or too heavy or DEX/STR
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Bonus related matters … or, in the case of Full Plate, do Encumbrance: AD&D, D&D 3-5, Pathfinder & OGL
not exist yet, and won’t for another 50 or more years
(depending on exactly what you believe it represents). Max DEX/STR Check Move
Weight %age Bonus Penalty (30’/20’/Run)
The idea of dividing up armour by weight has some
(limited) merit – but the weight categories specifically
for armour really don’t make any sense as they stand
10%
20%
Unlimited
+12
0
0 30’/20’/x4 H
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– and some of the relevant factors aren’t directly 30% +10 -1
connected with the armour weight in any case 40% +8 -2
50% +6 -3 25’/15’/x3
A better approximation would be, firstly, to strip out
those factors which are not directly related to weight 60% +4 -4
and show them separately, which means Armour 70% +2 -5
Bonus, Maximum DEX/STR Bonus and Spell Failure

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80% 0 -6 20’/10’/x2
percentage, see the Table left, below.
90% -2 -7
Then, secondly, to subsume factors which are weight 100% plus -4 -8 5’/0’/x1

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related all into overall Encumbrance, which would Maximum DEX/STR Bonus. At 90% and 100% plus
need to be more granular, and for the now somewhat a character not only loses all their DEX/STR Bonus
redundant Armour Proficiencies to be linked to the they also take a penalty to their To Hit chances.

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weight of armour worn rather than a ‘class.’
However, see Armour Proficiency as that rule takes
Armour Bonus. This works, more or less, as in the precedence for Encumbrance when wearing Armour.
basic rules (whichever version you use) – but does so
with some wrinkles.

Scale, Mail (Secured & Unsecured), Lamellar, Lamell-

ar & Mail, Partial Plate, Coats of Plates, Jacks of
Plates and Brigandines all require padding be worn
with them … this will normally be an Aketon (Arming
Encumbrance. A more granular Encumbrance pro-
gression is provided in the Table above, rating
according to the percentage of the character’s capac-
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ity being carried as this makes more sense for the OM2
system where armour types/sets are not classified as
‘Light–Medium–Heavy’, but by weight.

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Doublet or Stiffened Linen). The Armour Bonus listed
applies if they are worn without padding. Armour Proficiency. Since OM2 doesn’t classify
armour by a nebulous Light–Medium–Heavy group-
For example, Mail (Secured) has a +4 Armour Bonus ing, but by weight, these need to be rejigged to con-
when worn without padding. When worn (as it normally
would be) with an Arming Doublet it adds the +1 Bonus
for the latter for an overall Bonus of +5.
form to that.

· Light Armour Proficiency. This allows wearing of

A Coat or Jack of Plates or a Brigandine may be worn
as stand alone armour (in which case it needs a
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Armour/Armour Sets of up to 30% of a Character’s
carrying capacity in weight at Armour rather than
Encumbrance modifiers. Otherwise it remains the

padded undergarment, as noted above) or may be
worn over other types of armour … when this is the
case, add the second value to the overall Armour Bonus.
For example, a Coat of Plates is worn over Mail (which,
in turn, is worn with an Arming Doublet) – the Armour
Bonus is +4 (Secured Mail), +1 (Arming Doublet) and +2
(Coat of Plates) for a total of +7.
Maximum DEX/STR Bonus. See Agility, above, for
how this is handled, somewhat differently, for OM2.
Arcane Spell Failure. How this plays out depends on
what you deem to be the underlying issue here – is it
because Armour restricts the ability to make required
gestures or is it because it often consists of big chunks
of iron, which interferes with the magical forces? The
values given here assume it is a combination of both
these factors.
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same as in the base rule set being used.
· Medium Armour Proficiency. This allows the
wearing of Armour/Armour Sets of up to 50% of a
Character’s carrying capacity in weight in weight
at Armour rather than Encumbrance modifiers.
Otherwise it remains the same as in the base rules.
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· Heavy Armour Proficiency. This allows the
wearing of Armour/Armour Sets of up to 70% of a
Character’s carrying capacity in weight at Armour
rather than Encumbrance modifiers. Otherwise it
remains the same as in the base rules.
In all cases where the Armour Proficiency weight %age
is exceded standard (non-Armour) modifiers apply only
if they are worse than those applicable for the Armour
or Armour Set being worn. Sometimes Armour is less
wieldy than the absolute weight indicates.
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RQ/Mythras uses a system which rates everything in
ENC(umbrance) points rather than actual weights. For
the purposes of converting real world armour values
to ENC points, assume 1 lb = 1 ENC.
FATIGUE
RPGs tend to ignore fatigue - the closest they often
come to dealing with the issue is to have Encumbrance
rules which are usually an all or nothing thing and
rarely handle the fatigue part of the equation (or
don’t handle it well).
If you’re satisfied with the way your favourite system
handles things, the read no further. If you think it
might be an issue worth dealing with, then consider
the following …
All these handle things the same way – Encumbrance
is an all or nothing matter, you’re either carrying too
much weight or not. There is no cumulative effect over
time as tin real life (you could run all day, nonstop,
up hill, in Full Plate, with no additional effect).
Apart from the lack of additional effects, these are not
bad rules, per se … and not wanting to deal with the
cumulative effects of fatigue is understandable, as it
adds another layer of record keeping to keep track of.
The rules relating to Encumbrance are dealt with in
Encumbrance & Related Matters above – the rules here
are specifically about Fatigue.
Dealing with Fatigue. Is there a simple, but
reasonably realistic way? Probably. Most situations
where Fatigue could be an issue are for Combat – and,
mostly, the parties involved are involved from the get
go and will tend to be equally fatigued … they’ll slow
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down to a more or less equal degree. This means you
don’t need to track things.
It is only if someone enters combat from the ‘outside,’
someone who is still ‘fresh’ (or significantly less fat-
igued) than those already engaged that it becomes an
issue that you might want to deal with.
The most obvious difference will be in the rate of
attacks made – those already involved will have slow-
ed down at the same rate, but the fresher combatants
will be acting more frequently.
This is where it comes down to the discretion of
individual GMs rather than a hard and fast rule. I
would suggest that the fresher side should initially get
a 3:2 attack rate (i.e. 3 attacks for every 2 of their
fatigued opponents … starting with their first attack
against them) and that this would drop down to 4:3
after a number of Attacks equal to their Constitution
and then to 1:1 attack equivalency after a further
number of Attacks equal to CON at this lesser rate.
These handle Encumbrance and Fatigue quite well
and require no modification – except any that will
result from the changed weights of the relevant types
and sets of armour.
TIME TO EQUIP
Remembering that rear closure armour cannot be
self-equipped, and assuming an Aketon (which is rear
closure) is already worn, evidence from modern re-
enactors suggests the following times –
Stiffened Linen Aketon/Gambeson * 2-3 minutes
Coat/Jack of Plates or Brigandine * 3-5 minutes
Mail Cuirass, secured 3-4 minutes
Mail Cuirass, unsecured 2-3 minutes
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¾ Mail, secured 5-6 minutes
¾ Mail, unsecured 3-4 minutes
Full Mail, secured 7-8 minutes
Full Mail, unsecured 4-5 minutes
Lamellar or Scale Cuirass
¾ Lamellar
2-3 minutes
3-4 minutes
Partial Plate, Lamellar & Mail *12-15 minutes
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Full (15th Century) Plate ** 20-30 minutes
Any Helm 1 minute

* These types of armour have rear closures.

** Not available, of course, but provided for purposes
of comparison – this is Knight’s armour, not Infantry
Plate, which would be more like Partial Plate.

Armour was rarely worn as a stand-alone item (Partial

Plate and Lamellar & Mail being obvious exceptions)
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but as part of an Armour set and consisted of several
layers of armour, each of which must be equipped
separately (and, of course, in the correct order).

So, to put on Full Mail, secured, and then a Brigan-

dine would require 10-13 minutes plus another min-
ute for a Helmet (including Coif) … two minutes for a
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Cervelliere and Great Helm combo.

DAMAGE & MAINTENANCE

In real life, armour (as with anything else) needs to be
looked after – it needs regular maintenance even if it
Cloth (and organics in general). Cloth needs to be
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kept as clean and dry as possible. If they are not in a
form that is easily washed, then they should be
regularly sponged down and/or any dirt brushed off.

isn’t being actively used in battle. But virtually no
role playing game system takes either maintenance
requirements or the possibility of battle damage into
account … they simply pretend neither of them exist
or have any actual effect.
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Fraying seams need to be re-sewn, thin spots or holes
patched, torn or missing closure ties replaced. Any
parts that are glued together will need to be carefully

If you wish to do that as well, fine and good – read no

further!If, however, you do want (at least occasionally)
to include some realism in dealing with these issues,
then some suggestions follow –
watched to make sure that glues used in their man-
ufacture do not loosen or, worse, the layers separate/
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The type of glue, if any, used is not known, as no
examples of glued linen armour have survived. Animal
glues are water soluble and, therefore, something would

MAINTENANCE OR,
Entropy. It gets everything. Armour is no exception –
regardless of what it may be made of, it requires
continuous attention to remain in usable condition.
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have had to have been done to waterproof them – sizing
them with animal fat is one possibility.
Another possibility is that such armour was not so much

Cloth, Leather and Organic components will attract

mould, insect infestations, dry out and crack and just
generally rot even if not worn. If worn, they will fray
and wear. Padded armours are hot to wear and will,
shortly, be soaked in sweat … and being wet will
shorten their lifespan.
Metal components are mostly iron (no, not Steel) and
are prone to rust – lack of maintenance can render
mail a rusted and useless mass quite quickly and even
metal plates are not immune, though they tend to rust
more slowly being larger chunks and generally easier
to clean and keep dry.
glued as many layers were sewn together, which would
have been more resistant to water related damage.
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Aketons and Gambesons would have to be dried out
where possible – however, since the campaign season
was typically spring and summer, and they had to be
worn constantly during the day in areas where threats
were likely, this would be difficult … and even taking
them off to allow them to dry overnight might not be
anywhere near enough.
Any point where other materials are attached by
sewing, rivets or wire (as in Lamellar, Scale, Coats &
Jacks of Plates and Brigandines) need to be monitored
to ensure the attachments don’t tear or come loose.
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 Leather. Mostly found in buckles and closures, it
needs to be kept oiled and regularly examined for
wear. If used as an outer layer of of Gambeson, it
needs to be oiled and whatever means used to fasten
it to the under-layers of linen or canvas (probably
stitching, but possibly gluing) regularly examined.
As with Cloth, above, any point where other materials
are attached need to be monitored to ensure they
don’t come loose.
Metal. The fight against rust was a constant struggle.
Mail was the most problematic – it needed to be oiled
or greased, and, in the field, this would be difficult to
keep going. It is likely that the armour was carried in
a canvas or sheepskin (wool side in) bag and oil,
probably linseed, regularly added.
Even so, Mail armour needed to be regularly de-rusted
– normally by placing it in a barrel with a quantity of
fine sand mixed with vinegar which was then rolled
around vigorously for an extended period. This did,
indeed, remove any rust … but, over time, it wore
away at the links and rivets.
Any armour made of metal plates (Helmets for the
most part) was, certainly by the 12th century, painted
to protect it against rust, but still had to be regularly
inspected to find areas where the paint had worn off
or was not doing its job.
Surviving armour from the period (well, usually from the
15th century or later) are almost always bare shiny metal
… not because they were kept that way, but partly
because 18th and 19th century collectors preferred nice
124
shiny armour and partly because later plate armour was
made of steel rather than iron, and was more resistant
to rust. There are, however, a small number of surviving
examples which still have traces of the protective paint
– sometimes plain or with simple designs, sometimes
with more ornate and complex designs.
The easiest way to handle maintenance requirements
is to load it into an ongoing ‘cost of living’ budget for
a PC … assuming you or the game system you prefer
has such a system.
The assumption is that the owner spends the required
amount of time each book-keeping period doing the
preventive maintenance and that the cost of this is a
part of the character’s cost of living.
The problem is that this breaks down fairly quickly if
the characters have little or no downtime between
their adventures – and, more importantly, if they
acquire armour that is more costly than their basic
cost of living would realistically support.
Acquiring better armour, which usually means more
expensive armour, either by purchase or as the spoils of
battle, is, as we all know, a significant driving force for
all types of characters in all role playing systems.
Cost. Base maintenance cost is ¼d or 1% of the cost
of the armour per maintenance period (see Time,
immediately below), whichever is the greater.
For ease of calculation use the combined value of all
separate armour components forming your armour set
to determine cost.
Armour Bonus/Armour Value Recovery. If lack
of maintenance has reduced these values it costs
(9+1d6)% of the base cost to repair each level –
and this supersedes the normal base cost.
It also requires the skill of a Tailor or Leatherwork-
er for Organics and a Blacksmith or Armourer for
Metal armours.
Wages for any experts are part of listed cost, the real
penalty is accessibility – are the experts on hand
and can they fit your armour into their schedule?
· Extreme Conditions. Maintenance costs for
armour that has been used in Extreme conditions
(see Time, immediately below) cost double (i.e. to
the greater of ½d or 2% of the cost of the armour).
· Magical & Enchanted Armour. Maintenance
costs are based on the cost of an unenchanted set
of the same type … and requires no special mater-
ials and no magical expertise.
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Skill. No particular skill is required to maintain
armour up to the 50% level for Organics, the 25% level
for Mail or Lamellar and the 15% level for Plate.

Beyond those levels, Organics require a Tailor or

Leatherworker while Mail, Lamellar or Plate require a
Blacksmith. Beyond 50% Plate requires an Armourer.
H
Time. The amount of time required to keep armour
in usable condition depends on how it is being used
and the environment in which is being being used.
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Always use the dominant component of the armour or
armour set to determine the time requirement – so even
though Plate/Lamellar armour has leather fastenings or
may be sandwiched between (Coats/Jacks of Plate and
Brigandines) or attached to layers of leather, linen or
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A
canvas, you don’t treat the two parts separately.

· Long Term Storage. Assumes storage in optimal

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conditions and not used for anything – even so,
Organics/Mail armour must be examined at least
once a month and Plate/Lamellar once a quarter.
· If the modified Check result is equal to or less than
· Training. Assumes regular use for training –
Organics require examination once a month, Plate
or Lamellar once a fortnight (two weeks) and Mail
the Armour Bonus or Armour Value of the armour,
increase time and cost for the next period by one
time period and 1d/1% of the armour cost.
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once a week.
· Whenever the cumulative cost reaches 10d or 10%
· Combat Zone. Assumes use in a combat zone but (or multiple of 10%) of make a Maintenance Check

where the armour is not actually used in a combat
(if it is, see the – Battle Damage section, overleaf).
Organics require examination once a fortnight,
Plate/Lamellar once a week and Mail twice a week.
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at the current penalty – if it is failed then the
Armour Bonus or Armour Value drops by one.
The Armour Bonus/Value for layered armour is

· Adverse Conditions. This modifies the Training

and Combat Zone factors. For moderately adverse
conditions (normally the worst that applies to
Training), halve maintenance interval; for extreme
conditions all armour requires daily checks.
reduced by an overall factor, and for each individ-
ual piece except the Arming Doublet if they are worn
individually.
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Armour that has a higher value for stand-alone use
compared to layered use (which only applies in

Consequences. Lack of maintenance has a slow, but
cumulative, effect. Every missed maintenance ele-
ment (time or cost) requires a Maintenance Check.
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AD&D, D&D 3-5, Pathfinder and OGL systems)
suffers no reduction to the layered use value until the
stand-alone value is reduced to less than the layered
value of the armour.

For Armour Sets (eg Arming Doublet + Mail + Coat of

Plates) it is easier to apply an overall reduction to the
Armour Bonus or Armour Value. But what if you decide
to wear parts of the armour separately?
In the above example, assume the Arming Doublet is the
very last item to suffer any reduction – but apply the full
reduction to the other two items individually rather than
halving them.
· Roll 1d20, with a -1 modifier for each missed
period/cost.
If you’ve missed two periods, apply -2 to the Check.
For example, a Coat of Plates has +4/+2 protection
– the layered value (+2) won’t be reduced until the
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stand alone value (+4) is reduced to +1.
Magic/Enchanted Armour. Magic armour has a
maintenance period of double normal and mainten-
ance costs of 1% of the base value – and doesn’t
require any magical skill.
· Subtract the magical Armour Bonus/Value from the
base Armour Bonus/Value for Check purposes.
Magic armour is resistant to maintenance deficits –
but not entirely immune.
125
 Treasure & Loot. But what about armour found as
treasure? Or taken as battlefield loot?
· If it is formal treasure – that is, if it was properly
stored in a treasury, armoury, or properly built
tomb or similar, then it will have a cumulative
maintenance deficit of (10 + 1d20)% … and roll for
Armour Bonus or Armour Value reduction for each
full 10% deficit.
Magical Armour found as formal treasure is found
with 1d10% maintenance deficit – and requires a
Check for Armour Bonus/Value reduction only if a
full 10% deficit is rolled.
· If it is random treasure – that is, it has ended up
where it is without being properly stored, then it
will have a (1d10 x 10)% cumulative maintenance
deficit … and roll for Armour Bonus or Armour
Value reduction for each 10% deficit.
Magical Armour found as random treasure will
have a cumulative maintenance deficit of (10 +
1d20)% … and roll for Armour Bonus or Armour
Value reduction for each full 10% deficit.
· If it is battlefield loot then use the Battle Damage
rules in the following section.
BATTLE DAMAGE
If you believe the unspoken assumption underlying
most any game system nothing, not even multiple
strikes that do the wearer damage (no, not even Critic-
al Hits), can damage the armour – only the wearer.
As far as regular damage in Melee or Missile Combat,
armour lasts forever.
126
Magic, on the other hand may have some effect, if it
triggers a Saving Throw and that is failed – in which
case the armour is normally totally destroyed. Also,
some specialised weapons or attacks may also trigger
Saving Throws with similar possible effects.
If you think about this at all, it simply doesn’t stand
up to a basic reality check. Even if some (heck, even
if the majority) of the strikes represent glancing blows
which do not actually penetrate, even the best avail-
able armour isn’t going to be completely immune.
Padded armours can be ripped and torn, and the
padding will start to come out.
Mail links can be ripped open, leaving gaps. The lacing
that holds Scale and Lamellar armour together can be
cut or come loose.
Rivets holding the plates in Coats, Jacks of Plates and
Brigandines can be torn from the backing and the cloth
or leather holding them in place slashed, exposing/loos-
ening them.
Lamellar & Mail has the vulnerabilities of both Mail
and Lamellar. Partial Plate has the vulnerabilities of
Mail and the Plate bits can have buckles and ties that
hold them in place damaged, or even torn loose.
The easiest way of detailing Battle Damage is to plug
it into the Maintenance system.
Full Damage (AD&D, D&D 3-5, Pathfinder &
OGL). Any attack which Hits and does Full
Damage for the weapon adds +1% of the Armour’s
value (minimum of ¼d) to the Maintenance cost
at the next Maintenance Interval.
Penetration & Full Damage (RQ/Mythras). An
attack which penetrates armour and also does Full
Damage for the weapon adds +1% of the Armour’s
value (minimum of ¼d) to the Maintenance cost
at the next Maintenance Interval.
· Combat & Maintenance Interval. When armour
is worn in a battle the Maintenance Interval for all
types becomes the longer of either end of battle or
end of day.
· Critical Hits (All Systems). A Critical Hit adds
+1d3+1% to the cost of the next Maintenance
Interval. If the armour has taken a number of
Critical Hits equal to or greater than its Armour
Bonus/Value an immediate Maintenance Check is
required to determine if it loses a point of AB/AV.
The better the AB/AV the less likely this threshold is
to be achieved.
WEAPONS
Weapon types available in OM2 are those types which
were available at the beginning of the 10th century
T
and which were developed, usually to deal with im-
proved armour protection, through to the end of the
14th century. There are actually relatively few designs H
E
and the difference between variants of the same basic
pattern are surprisingly small.

Most importantly, there is no correlation between the

cost of a weapon, the damage it does, or how difficult
it is to master – likewise, there aren’t enough differen-
ces between basically similar weapon types to require
markedly different class based skills to learn to use
them effectively.
M
A
A SWORD IS A SWORD IS A SWORD . . .
Some roleplaying systems go completely overboard
with classifying weapon types and the skills needed to

use them effectively … and not just with swords, either.
There aren’t actually a great diversity of weapon types
in the real world.
R
Most edged weapons available in the period could be
used in all three ways, though they were often better
for one or two of them … a few were optimised for one

Bows. Short or Long, Self or Composite are the basic

of the three attack modes.

Slings. These had fallen out of favour for combat use, K

E
type divisions. Drawn to the ear or to the chest are the and even as civilian hunting weapons, throughout the
basic usage divisions. Mediterranean world.

In the medieval West the main type used was the Self
Bow (i.e. made from a single piece of wood), which was
simple and cheap; in the East, the Composite Bow (i.e.
made of a mixture of materials selected for maximum
draw strength) was dominant – more expensive than a
Self Bow but still a cheap weapon overall.
T
Spears & Polearms. There simply weren’t all that
many different types of Polearms around until the
15th century and later … virtually all of the multitudes
listed in most RPGs were developed to deal with Plate
Armour or with changed battlefield conditions.

These were mostly intended to be thrusting weapons, P

L
Using a Bow effectively on the battlefield requires a and to be used as part of a mass formation rather than
great deal of training and skill (many years, in fact) – as an individual combat weapon. Spear or Polearm
and much more than using it as a hunting weapon. armed infantry would invariably have a long Knife or

A
Overall, the real cost of a trained Archer is not the a Chopping Sword as a backup weapon for one on one
weapon, but the training. melee use.

Crossbows. These stocked missile weapons included Thrown Weapons. While you could, theoretically,
Crossbows, which had simple self bows; and Arbalests,
which had steel bows. These were slightly (Crossbows)
or considerably (Arbalests) more expensive up front
throw a Spear, this was unusual except as a desperat-
ion measure. Javelins were still in occasional use in
the 10th-11th centuries but remained uncommon and C
E
than Bows, but the training required to use them generally disappeared as the period progressed.
effectively was on the order of months rather than the
years required for a competent Bowman. Knives could, of course, be thrown – or those which
were properly balanced could be, but it was not a
Crushing Weapons. Clubs (improvised or manufact- common battlefield use and rare in civilian life
ured), Maces and Hammers are the main types – except as some sort of entertainment or parlour trick.
though the latter were only beginning to appear in the
late 14th century and only became common with the
development of Full Plate armour in the 15th century.

Edged Weapons. This usually means Swords, Long

Knives and Daggers … which can be used to slash, stab
or chop. 127
 WEAPONRY – WHAT’S AVAILABLE
The weapons listed in the following pages are those
which were commonly available in Western and
Eastern Europe and areas on their peripheries, and
in the Mediterranean world in general, in the period
from the 10th through to the 14th centuries.
Many weapons included in RPGs are anachronistic –
they hearken back to the Dark Ages or even the
Classical (Graeco-Roman) world or are developments
which only occur after the end of the 14th century.
QUANTIFYING WEAPONS
It is important to note that weight estimates given in
modern works are based (as is the case with Armour)
either on the relatively few surviving pieces, a large
proportion of which are from well after the 14th
century, or modern reproductions.
Metallurgical and weapon-related technologies imp-
roved greatly between the 10th and 14th centuries, so
comparing otherwise similar weapons made at differ-
ent times within those centuries is difficult.
The quality of the materials used in construction can
be wildly different … making the effectiveness and
survivability quite different as well, especially when
against improved armour types that did not exist
when the earliest versions came into use.
Reproduction weapons are even more problematic, as
they tend to use modern materials and methods …
which are likely to be vastly better (and weigh signific-
antly less) than anything available back in the day.
Weapon costs and durability are inversely proportional
to weight – and production time is directly proportional.
128
That is, if you pay the cheaper price it weighs more,
takes less time to produce and is less robust – and if you
pay more it weighs less, takes longer to produce and is
more robust.
For example, an Arbalest weighs 15-18 lbs, costs 14/- to
£1 and does 1d10/1d10+1 damage – so a 15 lb Arbalest
would cost £1 and would do 1d10+1 damage, while a
14/- model would weigh 18 lbs and do 1d10 damage.
Express Production: You can throw money at the
project to hire more craftsmen (but probably not get
them to work more hours as Guild rules would prevent
that) so that the job takes less time.
For 50% more, you can reduce the time by 25% … for
100% more you can reduce it by 50% (no greater
reduction is possible). Round fractional days up.
AXES
An axe designed to be thrown or used in melee, lineal
developments of the Francisca and used by the Anglo-
Saxons and Franks as late as the 9th century, after
which it seems to have fallen out of favour, probably
due to improvements in armour technology.
THROWING AXE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1; Slashing. Critical: x3, Melee;
x2, Thrown. Range: 20’. RoF: 1 Throw/2 rounds. Wt:
~1-1½ lbs. Prod: 6-8 per day. Avail: LV:SO. Cost: 3-4d.
Pin Shield: If the attack does full damage, then roll
again – if the second attack roll is a success, the defend-
er’s Shield has been fouled and rendered useless. Either
they throw it away or any attacks against them are at
+1d2 (roll per attack) To Hit.
THROWING AXE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1; Bleed, Pin Shield*. Size: S.
Reach: S. Damage Mod: Yes. Force: S. AP/HP: 4/6.
Range: 10/20/40’. RoF: 1 Throw/2 rounds. Wt: ~1-
1½ lbs. Prod: 6-8 per day. Avail: LV:SO. Cost: 3-4d.
*Pin Shield: Only when thrown.
Two versions exist, a Light Axe, descendant of the
Roman Securis, and more of a utility tool, and the
heavier War Axe which was popular with some foot
soldiers early on, but which became more and more
uncommon as armour technology improved.
LIGHT AXE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1; Slashing. Critical: x2. Weight:
~1½-2 lbs. Production: 6-8 per day. Availability:
SV:CM. Cost: 2-3d.
 T
LIGHT AXE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1; Bleed. Size: S. Reach: S.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 3/6. Wt: ~1½-2 lbs.
Production: 6-8 per day. Avail: SV:CM. Cost: 2-3d.

WAR AXE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL

Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, One Handed or Thrown;
H
E
2d4/2d4+1, Two Handed; Slashing. To Hit: -1 when
Thrown. Critical: x3. Range: 5’. RoF: 1 Throw/2
rounds. Weight: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 3-4 per day.
Avail: LV:SO. Cost: 6-8d.

Pin Shield: If the attack does full damage, then roll

again – if the second attack roll is a success, the defend-
er’s Shield has been fouled and rendered useless. Either
they throw it away or any attacks against them are at
+1d2 (roll per attack) To Hit.
M
WAR AXE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, One Handed or Thrown; A
R
2d4/2d4+1, Two Handed; Bleed, Pin Shield. Size: M.
Reach: M. Damage Mod: Yes. Force: H. Range:
2/5/10’. RoF: 1 Throw/2 rounds. AP/HP: 4/8.
Weight: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 3-4 per day. Avail-
ability: LV:SO. Cost: 6-8d.

Pin Shield: Only when thrown.

A longer hafted version of the War Axe (qv) – almost
long enough to qualify as a polearm. Almost. It is long
and heavy enough to be unwieldy to use one handed
and, while reasonably common in the 10th-11th
centuries, especially in parts of Scandinavia and by
the famous Varangian Guardsmen of the East Roman
Empire, fell out of favour elsewhere quit early on.
TWO HANDED AXE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d12/1d12+1, Two Handed; 1d6+1/2d3,
One Handed; Slashing. To Hit: -2 One Handed.
K
E
T
They are so powerful that to recock it was very slow,
and required both a strong man and both hands
(which is why there is usually a stirrup at the front of
an Arbalest – so they can steady it with their foot).
Mechanical Windlasses (attached to the firer’s belt or
the end of the stock) were available from the mid to late
P
L
13th century and the Cranequin (a cog-and-toothed bar
arrangement) appeared in the early to mid 14th century,
though they were not common until much more power-

Critical: 19-20/x3, Two Handed; x2, One Handed. Wt:
~5-7 lbs. Production: ½ to 1 day. Availability: ST:SO.
Cost: 2/- to 3/6 (24-42d).
TWO HANDED AXE – RW/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d12/1d12+1, Two Handed; 1d6+1/2d3,
One Handed; Bleed, Impale, Sunder. Size: L. Reach:
L. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/10. Weight: ~5-7 lbs.
Production: ½ to 1 day. Availability: LST:SO. Cost:
2/- to 3/6 (24-42d).
BOWS
A powerful Crossbow with steel bowstave, appearing
in the 14th century but remained a specialist weapon
because of their expense and the slow rate of fire.
They only became common in the mid 15th century and
did not become popular till late in that century.
A
ful Arbalests appeared in the 15th century.
ARBALEST – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Dam: 1d10/1d10+1; Piercing. Crit: 19-20/x3. Range:
150’. RoF: see below. Wt: 15-18 lbs. Production: 5-7
days. Availability: LT:SO. Cost: 14/- to £1 (168-240d);
Windlass, 5/- (60d); Cranequin, 10/- (120d).
C
E
ARBALEST – RQ/MYTHRAS
Dam: 1d10/1d10+1; Piercing. Damage Modifier: No.
Force: H. Range: 20/150/300’. RoF: see below. Wt:
15-18 lbs; Windlass, 3-5 lbs; Cranequin, 2-3 lbs. Prod:
5-7 days. Avail: LT:SO Cost: 14/- to £1 (168-240d);
Windlass, 5/- (60d); Cranequin, 10/- (120d).
Rate of Fire: It is possible to span an Arbalest (at least
those available in the 14th century) by hand, but it takes
around a minute (10 rounds in D&D/Pathfinder or 12
rounds in RQ/Mythras) for a complete load & fire cycle.
129
 With a Windlass, a load-fire cycle is five rounds (four
rounds if permanently attached to the Stock), but
requires both hands; a Cranequin requires 5-6 rounds
(D&D-Pathfinder vs RQ Mythras), but two hands are
required only for the first (hooking up the mechanism)
and it can be used while mounted.
There were two main types of arrows used in the
period were what can loosely be called Flight arrows
(intended to achieve maximum range) and Heavy
Sheaf arrows (intended for battlefield use).
Either type could come tipped with a Bodkin Point, a
Leaf head or a Broadhead.
In the period in question, Bodkin Point arrows were
made with iron and, despite many claims, have not
been shown to be any better at penetrating Plate
Armour than Broadheads … in fact, some trials have
shown they were more likely to shatter against Plate if
they struck at the wrong angle. They seem to have
been mainly used for practise and for hunting, as they
were cheaper than Broadheads.
Leaf Head arrows were most commonly used for
hunting and were simply forged in a flattened leaf or
teardrop shape.
Broadhead arrows had 3-4 blades spaced equidistant-
ly around the head and were designed to cause mass-
ive wounds.
They were not capable of penetrating later (15th
century) Full Plate armour – possibly because it was
thicker and equally possibly because it was face
hardened steel rather than iron.
Archer with Conical Helm
and Gambeson
130
BODKIN POINT
To Hit: -1 vs. Partial Plate, Coat/Jack of Plates or
Brigandine. Dam: +1. Prod: 3+ Sheaves per day.
Avail: LV: CM; ST:OTC. Cost: 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
LEAF POINT
To Hit: -1 vs. Metal Armour. Dam: unmodified. Prod:
5+ Sheaves per day. Avail: SV:CM; ST:OTC Cost: 9d
to 1/- (9-12d).
BROADHEAD
To Hit: -1 vs Partial Plate, Coat/Jack of Plates or
Brigandine. Dam: +2. Prod: 1-2 Sheaves per day.
Avail: ST: CM; C:OTC. Cost: 2/- to 2/6 (24-30d).
Cost is per Sheaf of 24 arrows, sold in bundles tied
together with cord rather than in Quivers. The lower of
the two prices listed are for bulk purchases (20+ Sheaves
at once) – the higher is for lesser amounts. Weight is very
similar for all, between 3-3.2 lbs per sheaf.
Longbow vs. Shortbow Arrows: Longbow arrows
average 30” while those used in Shortbows average only
24”. Cost/weight are similar but firing a Shortbow arrow
from a Longbow causes a -1 Damage* and -10% Range
penalty while firing a Longbow arrow from a Shortbow
causes a -1 Damage* and -20% Range penalty.
Note that the penalty can never reduce Damage done to
zero (0) or less.
Quivers were not used in the Medieval West – Archers
carried a Sheaf of arrows tied in a bundle. They
would plant them point first in the ground alongside
them and pluck them up one by one as they fired.
In the East, and wherever Composite Bows were used,
Bowcases used to protect the Bows from the weather
were often dual purpose cases/quivers. Assume the
cost of such are included in the purchase price.
Bolts (aka Quarrels) are shorter, heavier and more
rigid than arrows, have only two (parchment) fletch-
ings and a tip similar to a Bodkin point. Most were
iron, but face hardened steel Bolts were available.
IRON CROSSBOW BOLT
To Hit: -1 vs. Partial Plate, Coat/Jack of Plates or
Brigandine. Dam: +1. Production: 40-60 per day.
Availability: ST:CM; C:OTC. Cost: 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
STEEL CROSSBOW BOLT
To Hit: unmodified. Dam: +2. Prod: 20-30 per day.
Availability: C:CM; MC:OTC. Cost: 2/- to 2/6 (24-30d).
IRON ARBALEST BOLT
To Hit: unmodified. Dam: +1. Prod: 30-45 per day.
Availability: C:CM; MC:OTC. Cost: 2/6 to 3/- (30-36d).

STEEL ARBALEST BOLT
To Hit: unmodified. Dam: +2. Prod: 15-30 per day.
Avail: C:CM; MC:OTC. Cost: 3/6 to 4/6 (42-54d).
Cost is per 10 Bolts. The lower of the two prices listed
are for bulk purchases (100+ Bolts at once) – the higher
is for lesser amounts. Weight is very similar for all,
between 3-3.2 lbs per sheaf. Weight was 1½-1¾ per 10
Crossbow Bolts and 2-2½ lbs 10 Arbalest Bolts.
BOLT/QUARREL CASE
Crossbow Bolts were carried in a leather Case attach-
ed to the belt. Capacity was either 10 or 20 Bolts. Wt:
~1 lb (empty). Production: ½ to 1 day. Availability:
For sale, where Crossbows are available; For order,
V:SO. Cost: 6d to 1/- (6-12d).
Composite Bows are made from a mixture of woods,
horn and sinew soaked in animal glue on the back.
Composite Bows found on the peripheries of Western
Europe (Hungary, the Steppes, parts of the Arab world)
used several types of Horn/Sinew (the Horn and sinew
from almost all breeds of Cattle are entirely unsuitable).
Despite claims in older works, range and penetration
for Composite Bows are marginally better than a Self
Bow of the same draw weight – their main advantage
is that they are shorter, which is of considerable
importance for mounted archers.
The glue used to construct Composite Bows is suscept-
ible to damp, losing strength if exposed and requiring
days to weeks to dry out.
As a result they are normally carried (unstrung) in a
waterproofed leather Bow Case which doubles as a
Quiver (a basic one is always included in the price).
Composite Longbows are for infantry archers and are
too long to use on horseback. Composite Shortbows
are short enough to use on horseback and are mostly
used by cavalry. The main difference is range rather
than damage – Horse Archers were always at a disad-
vantage when going up against infantry archers.
For greater realism, using a Composite Shortbow when
mounted reduce range by 20’ (D&D/Pathfinder) or to
10/80/160 (RQ/Mythras) – as Horse Archers historically
had to dismounted to achieve the maximum possible
range for their weapons.
COMPOSITE BOW, LONG – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1; Piercing. Critical: x3. Range:
120’, Flight; 100’, Heavy Sheaf. RoF: 1 Arrow/2
rounds. Weight: ~3-4 lbs. Production: see below.
Availability: ST:UC, Eastern Med, North Africa and
Muslim Spain only. Cost: 10/- to 12/- (120-144d).
T
H
E
M
A
R
COMPOSITE BOW, LONG – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1. Damage Mod: Yes. Force: H.
Range: 15/120/250’, Flight; 15/100/200, Heavy
Sheaf. RoF: 1 Arrow/2 rounds. Weight: ~3-4 lbs.
Production: see below. Availability: ST:UC, Eastern
Med, North Africa and Muslim Spain only. Cost: 10/-
to 12/- (120-144d).
K
E
COMPOSITE BOW, SHORT – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1; Piercing. Critical: x3. Range:
T
100’, Flight; 80’, Heavy Sheaf. RoF: 1 Arrow/2
rounds. Weight: ~3-4 lbs. Production: see below.
Availability: ST:UC, Eastern Med, North Africa and
Muslim Spain only. Cost: 8/- to 10/- (96-120d).
COMPOSITE BOW, SHORT – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1. Damage Mod: Yes. Force: H.
P
L
Range: 15/100/200’, Flight; 15/80/160, Heavy Sheaf.
RoF: 1 Arrow/2 rounds. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Production: see
below. Availability: ST:UC, Eastern Med, North Africa
A
and Muslim Spain only. Cost: 8/- to 10/- (96-120d).
Production: The natural glues used take a long time to
dry – 7-9 months. The actual construction of the Bow
takes maybe 3-7 days spread out over the whole period.
The wait time is long, but cost is only minimally affected.
C
E
Damp Effects: Damage is reduced to 1d6, Range to 60’
(D&D/OGL), 10/60/120 (RQ/Mythras). The Bow takes
2d3+1 days to recover.
Wet Effects: Damage is reduced to 1d4, range to 30’
(D&D/OGL) or 10/30/60’ for RQ/Mythras. The Bow
takes 2d3+1 weeks to recover, but recovers to Damp
levels (above) in half that time.
Extended exposure to Damp or repeated exposure to
Wet weather can have permanent effects – all this is
entirely at the discretion of the GM.
131

A Crossbow is a bow-stave mounted transversely at
the front of a wooden stock (the Tiller) with a groove
along the top for the Bolt. The bowstring is held by a
rotating, grooved, nut which is released by a ‘z’ shap-
ed trigger inserted into a slot at the rear of the stock
(these might be hardwood or metal).
The gun-like shape of the Crossbow made training
easier, while the fact it could be held ready without
effort once cocked made aiming easier … but the comp-
lex reloading steps meant a slower Rate of Fire.
Early Crossbows had a simple wooden (self) bowstave
but, by the early 14th century, these were replaced by
more powerful composite staves which remained the
standard into the 15th century … metal bowstaves
were reserved for the heavier Arbalest (see above).
Cocking even the most powerful self-stave Crossbow can
be done by hand. Cocking a composite stave Crossbow
requires at least a belt hook/stirrup or a Goatsfoot lever.
Being able to hold it cocked/loaded indefinitely and to
fire it prone, meant it (and the Arbalest) was popular as
a sniping weapon in sieges. It is possible, but awkward
and slower than normal, to reload a Self- or Composite-
Stave Crossbow while in the prone position.
Light Crossbows represent hunting weapons – popu-
lar as they could be fired one handed while mounted.
Medium Crossbows are battlefield weapons.
Self-stave models had draw weights similar to a Long-
bow while Composite stave ones were on the higher end
of that range as did Steel bowstaves in the 15th century
Higher draw weight did not increase range or penetrat-
ion … the short power stroke (shorter bow-stave arms),
negated the advantage vis-a-vis a typical Longbow.
When Steel bowstaves started to become common this
didn’t change – the short staves remained the limiting
factor. But steel wasn’t affected by wet or damp.
132
LIGHT CROSSBOW – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Dam: 1d6/1d6+1 Piercing. Crit: x2. Range: 50’. RoF:
One Bolt per 2 rounds. Wt: 3-5 lb. Prod: ½-1 day.
Availability: ST:SO; C:UN. Cost: 3/- to 5/- (36-60d).
LIGHT CROSSBOW – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1 Piercing. Damage Mod: No.
Force: L. Range: 10/50/100’. RoF: One Bolt per 2
rounds. Wt: 3-5 lb. Prod: 1 day. Avail: ST:SO; C:UN.
Cost: 3/- to 5/- (36-60d).
MEDIUM CROSSBOW – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Self; 1d10/1d10+1, Composite;
Piercing. Crit: x3. Range: 100’, Self; 120’, Composite.
RoF: see below. Wt: 8-9 lb; Goatsfoot Lever, 1-2 lb.
Prod: 2-3 days. Availability: ST:SO; C:UN. Cost: 6/-
to 7/- (72-84d), Self; 7/- to 10/- (84-120d), Composite;
2/- (24d), Goatsfoot Lever.
MEDIUM CROSSBOW – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Self, 1d10/1d10+1, Composite;
Piercing. Damage Mod: No. Force: H. Range:
20/100/200’, Self; 20/125/250’, Composite. RoF: see
below. Wt: 8-9 lb; Goatsfoot Lever, 1-2 lbs. Availabil-
ity: ST:SO; C:UN. Production: 2-3 days. Cost: 6/- to
7/- (72-84d), Self; 7/- to 10/- (84-120d), Composite; 2/-
(24d), Goatsfoot Lever.
Rate of Fire: Self Crossbow, 1 Bolt/3 Rounds; Compo-
site Crossbow, 1/4 Rounds with a Goatsfoot lever; 1/5
Rounds with a Stirrup and Belt hook.
A Self Bow (i.e. made from a single piece of wood),
Longbows are about the same height as the wielder,
allowing for a long, powerful, draw and the arrows
they fire average around 30” in length.
They were preferentially made from Yew … though
Wych Elm, Hazel and Ash were often substituted due to
demand. Length was from ~6’ (1.82 m) to ~6’4” (1.9 m).
There were notches at either end, usually reinforced, for
the bowstring and the center of the stave was wrapped
with yarn for about a foot (30 cm) to improve the grip.
The ‘pull’ of a Longbow (power to draw, or nock, it to
the ear) varied, but was probably around 80 lb.
LONGBOW – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1; Piercing. Critical: x3. Range:
120’, Flight; 100’, Heavy Sheaf. RoF: 1 Arrow/2
rounds. Weight: ~3-4 lbs. Production: see below.
Availability: LV:CM. Cost: 1/- to 2/- (12-24d).
LONGBOW – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Impale. Dam Mod: Yes. Force:
H. Range: 15/120/250’, Flight; 15/100/200, Heavy
Sheaf. RoF: 1 Arrow/2 rounds. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Prod: see
below. Avail: LV: CM. Cost: 1/- to 2/- (12-24d).

Production: Drying the wood took at least two, possibly
as long as four, years. It is assumed the Bowyer has the
requisite cured wood on hand and the shaping and
other construction takes ~3-7 days from the cured wood.
A Self Bow shorter than the Longbow (qv) around ~4’
(1.2 m) firing ~24” (60-61 cm) arrows. Unlike
Longbows, which were drawn to the ear, Shortbows
were drawn to the Chest only and so had had a much
lesser draw weight and were harder to aim effectively.
SHORTBOW – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Piercing. Critical: x2. Range: 80’,
Flight; 60’, Heavy Sheaf. RoF: 1 Arrow/2 rounds. Wt:
~2-3 lbs. Production: see below. Availability: LV:CM.
Cost: 6-9d.
SHORTBOW – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d5/1d6, Impale. Damage Mod: Yes.
Force: L. Range: 10/80/160’, Flight; 10/60/120,
Heavy Sheaf. RoF: 1 Arrow/2 rounds. Wt: ~2-3 lbs.
Production: see below. Availability: LV:CM. Cost:
1/- to 2/- (12-24d).
Production: Inferior woods (compared to the Longbow)
were usually used, and drying the wood took around
two years. It is assumed the Bowyer has the requisite
cured wood on hand and that the shaping and other
construction takes around 2-5 days from the cured wood.
CLUBS & MACES
A stout stick, usually with a knob at one end, used as
a dual purpose walking stick/staff and for self-defence
by most peasants in the medieval period.
CUDGEL – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Bludgeoning. Critical: x2.
Weight: ~2-3 lbs. Production: 2-3/hour. Availability:
SV:CM. Cost: ¼-½d.
CUDGEL – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Bash, Stun Location. Size: M.
Reach: S. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/4. Weight:
~2-3 lbs. Production: 2-3/hour. Availability: SV:CM.
Cost: ¼-½d.
The most common types of Mace during the Middle
Ages were those with a knobbed or pear shaped head
(common in Eastern Europe) and those with a flanged
head (common in Western Europe and the Eastern
Mediterranean) – in both cases they were probably in
use from the 9th century but only became popular
some time in the 12th century. Relatively rare were the
Spiked Mace (aka ‘Morningstar’) which had a ball
head with spikes protruding and, usually, a single,
longer, spike at the tip.
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LIGHT MACE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1; Bludgeoning. Critical: x2.
Weight: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 4/day. Availability:
ST:SO. Cost: 2-4d.
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LIGHT MACE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1; Bash, Stun Location. Size: M. A
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Reach: S. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/6. Weight:
~3-4 lbs. Production: 4/day. Availability: ST:SO.
Cost: 2-4d.
HEAVY MACE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1; Bludgeoning. Critical: x2.
Weight: ~5-6 lbs. Production: 4/day. Availability:
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ST:SO. Cost: 3-6d.
HEAVY MACE – RQ/MYTHRAS
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Damage: 1d8/1d8+1; Bash, Stun Location. Size: M.
Reach: S. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 5/5. Weight:
~5-6 lbs. Production: 3/day. Availability: ST:SO.
Cost: 3-6d.
MORNINGSTAR – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/2d4; Bludgeoning, Piercing. Critical:
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x2. Weight: ~5-6 lbs. Production: 2/day. Availabil-
ity: ST:SO. Cost: 6d to 1/- (6-12d).
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HEAVY MACE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/2d4; Bash, Impale, Stun Location. Size:
M. Reach: S. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 5/5.
Weight: ~5-6 lbs. Production: 2/day. Availability:
ST:SO. Cost: 6d to 1/- (6-12d).
DAGGERS
C
A long dagger with a unique ‘I’ shaped hilt and a
long, tapered blade, it was developed from the Quillon
Dagger (qv). Length-wise they were longer than the
E
former and shorter than a sword and were a common
choice as a sidearm for both Knights and mounted
troops and as a backup weapon for Archers.
BASELARD DAGGER – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Piercing. Critical: 19-20, x2.
Weight: ~2-3 lbs. Production: 2/day. Availability:
ST:SO; C:CM. Cost: 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).
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 BASELARD DAGGER – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach: S.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/8. Weight: ~2-3 lbs.
Production: 2/day. Availability: ST:SO; C:CM. Cost:
1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).
A long, narrow, blade intended to deliver a mercy
blow to a dying soldier (or dispatch a wounded
animal). It was not intended for combat though it
could pierce Mail or be thrust through the visor of a
helmet or into less (or un-) protected parts of the body.
MISERICORDE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d4/1d4+1; Piercing. Critical: x2 or x3 (see
notes). Weight: ~1-2 lbs. Production: 3/day. Availab-
ility: ST:SO; C:CM. Cost: 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
Critical Hits: Against Mail, Organic, Scale and Lamell-
ar Armour (including Lamellar & Mail) or for aimed
shots at Open Faced Helmets, x3. Against Coats/Jacks
of Plates, Brigandines and Partial Plate, x2.
MISERICORDE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d4/1d4+1; Bleed, Impale. Size: S. Reach:
S. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/8. Weight: ~1-2 lbs.
Production: 3/day. Availability: ST:SO; C:CM. Cost:
1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
Rondel Daggers had a round/octagonal grip and
pommel (differing from the Baselard, which had a
flattened one) with a diamond shaped or flattened,
sharp sided, oval cross sectioned blade that tapered
to a point.
The long, thin, blade and sharp point were excellent
for punching through mail or slid into the eye-slits of
a helmet. They were often used as an alternative to a
(short) sword by Archers/Light infantry or as a side-
arm by Knights and Mounted troops.
RONDEL DAGGER – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Piercing. Critical: x2 or x3 (see
notes). Weight: ~2-3 lbs. Production: 2/day. Availab-
ility: ST:SO; C:CM. Cost: 2/- to 2/6 (24-30d).
Critical Hits: Versus Mail, Organic, Scale and Lamellar
(including Lamellar & Mail) or aimed shots at Open
Face Helms, x3; vs. Coats/Jacks of Plates, Brigandines
and Partial Plate, x2.
Rondel Dagger, original (top), reproduction (below)
134
RONDEL DAGGER – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach: S.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/8. Weight: ~2-3 lbs.
Production: 2/day. Availability: ST:SO; C:CM. Cost:
2/- to 2/6 (24-30d).
The earliest twin-edged Quillon daggers resemble
small swords and were evidently intended to be a
secondary or backup weapon for Knights and Mount-
ed Serjeants.
QUILLON DAGGER – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d4/1d5; Piercing. Critical: x2. Weight:
~2-3 lbs. Production: 2/day. Availability: ST:SO;
C:CM. Cost: 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).
QUILLON DAGGER – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d5/1d6; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach: S.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/8. Weight: ~2-3 lbs.
Production: 1/day. Availability: ST:SO; C:CM. Cost:
1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).
SWORDS
An alternative name for the Knight’s Sword (qv) and,
later, for the Hand-and-a-Half Sword (qv) … hinting at
its purpose in ‘arming’ a member of the Gentry.
A straight bladed, single edged, sword which began to
appear in the 14th century, the Backsword sometimes
had a so-called ‘false edge’ sharpened along the top
third of the backside of the cutting edge. It could be
used in either as a chopping, slashing or stabbing
weapon … unlike the Falchion, which could only
manage the first two modes.
Later (post 14th century, as the style continued to be
used well into the 18th century)) versions had knuckle
guards, but the medieval versions had a standard
straight grip with cross-guards.
BACKSWORD – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1, Slashing, Piercing. Critical: 19-
20/x2. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 3-5 days. Avail-
ability: ST:SO. Cost: 2/- to 3/- (24-36d).
BACKSWORD – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach:
M. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/10. Wt: ~3-4 lbs.
Production: 3-5 days. Availability: ST:SO. Cost: 2/-
to 3/- (24-36d).
The Estoc was developed as a response to the use of
Plate Armour. They were thrusting swords intended to
be aimed at chinks in an opponent’s armour and were
a (heavier) precursor to the (much) later Rapier.

Contemporary representations show them being held at
shoulder height, blade parallel to the ground, like a
mini-spear … ready to be thrust at less heavily armoured
or unarmoured, parts of an opponent’s gear.
The earliest versions had sharp edges however, by the
late 14th century some had no sharpened edges and by
the early 15th century this was the dominant design.
Though common enough during the period, the Estoc
never replaced the standard Arming or Knight’s
Sword (or the Hand-and-a-Half sword) in popular use.
EARLY (EDGED) ESTOC – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Slashing; 1d6+1/2d3+1, Pierc-
ing. To Hit: Piercing, -1. Critical: x2, Slashing; x3,
Piercing. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 3-5 days. Availab-
ility: LT:SO; C:UC. Cost: 10/- to 15/- (120-180d).
EARLY (EDGED) ESTOC – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Bleed; 1d6+1/2d3+1, Impale.
Size: M. Reach: L. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 8/10.
Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 3-5 days. Availability:
LT:SO; C:UC. Cost: 10/- to 15/- (120-180d).
LATE ESTOC – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Piercing. Critical: 19-20/x3. Wt:
~3-4 lbs. Production: 2-3 days. Availability: LT:SO;
C:UC. Cost: 7/6 to 10/- (90-120d).
LATE ESTOC – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Impale. Size: M. Reach: L. Dam-
age Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/8. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Production:
3-5 days. Availability: LT:SO; C:UC. Cost: 10/- to 15/-
(120-180d).
This was probably a development of the Seax or other
types of very long knives (surviving examples are
35-38” long) and were a common infantry weapon.
They were single-edged and the blade curved upward
like a Machete, concentrating weight toward the tip to
enhance a chopping strike, and were thinner and
lighter than a standard sword probably intended for
use against those with no or only cloth armour.
The Backsword (qv) is a similarly purposed, but slightly
later (14th century) and more expensive infantry sword
designed for chopping, slashing and thrusting.
FALCHION – D&D/PATHFINER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Slashing. To Hit: -1 vs any metal
armour. Critical: 19-20/x2, see notes. Wt: ~2-3 lbs.
Production: ½ to 1 day. Availability: ST:SO; LT:UC.
Cost: 1/- to 2/- (12-24d).
Critical: If the confirming roll for a Critical Hit against
Partial Plate or Lamellar & Mail armour and fails roll
a third time – if this roll is failed the blade breaks.
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M
FALCHION – RQ/MYTHRAS A
R
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Bleed. Size: M. Reach: M. Dam-
age Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/8. Wt: ~2-3 lbs. Prod: ½ to
1 day. Avail: ST:SO; LT:UC. Cost: 1/- to 2/- (12-24d).
The main type of sword used in Western Europe and
surrounding areas during this period, though not
K
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specifically (or always) called a ‘Knight’s’ sword (see
Arming Sword, above, for example) even though
many (mostly later) sources refer to it as such and
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often claim (without much, if any, evidence) that its
use was restricted to the Gentry or Nobility.
They were about 33-36” (83-92 cm) long, tapered very
slightly from hilt to point with a crossguard (the tips
often bent downwards) to protect the wielder’s hand,
especially during the 13th century).
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The tang might have a pommel, welded or screwed
on, often a flat wheel shape by the end of the 13th
A
century … but earlier in the period it might simply be
the end of the tang split and hammered over the grip.
KNIGHT’S SWORD – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Slashing. Critical: 19-20/x2.
Wt: ~2½-3 lbs. Production: 5-7 days (10th-11th cent-
uries), 3-5 days (12th century on). Availability: MT:SO;
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C:UC. Cost: £1-2 (240-480d, 10th century), 15/- to £1
(180-240d, 11th-12th centuries), 10/- to 15/- (120-180d,
13th century), 7/6 to 10/- (90-120d, 14th century).
KNIGHT’S SWORD – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach:
L. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/12. Wt: ~2½-3 lbs.
Production: 5-7 days (10th-11th centuries), 3-5 days
(12th century on). Availability: MT:SO; C:UC. Cost:
£1-2 (240-480d, 10th century), 15/- to £1 (180-240d,
11th-12th centuries), 10/- to 15/- (120-180d, 13th
century), 7/6 to 10/- (90-120d, 14th century).
135

A longer, heavier, sword to better defeat Partial Plate
armour. Contemporary sources refer to them as
‘Long’ Swords or as ‘Swords of War’, the ‘Hand and
a Half’ designation is a modern conceit.
It was generally around 4’ (121-122 cm) with a pro-
nounced taper, a longer tang/grip to allow them to be
wielded with either one or two hands and a largish
triangular pommel to balance the longer blade.
HAND & A HALF SWORD – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d10/1d10+1, Slashing. Critical: 19-20/x2.
Wt: ~3-3½ lbs. Production: 5-7 days. Availability:
LT:SO; C:UC. Cost: 10/- to 15/- (120-180d).
HAND & A HALF SWORD – RW/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d10/1d10+1; Bleed, Impale. Size: M.
Reach: L. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 8/12. Weight:
~3-4 lbs. Production: 5-7 days. Availability: MT:SO;
C:UC. Cost: 10/- to 15/- (120-180d).
A curved bladed single edged sword with the charact-
eristic hooked pommel found in the Shamshir as well,
it was designed for use by cavalry. It was very
probably developed from the Late East Roman
Paramerion (qv) via Seljuk influence. It coexisted with
the Shamshir (Arab Sword) until the 13th century when
it quickly became the dominant weapon in most
Islamic countries.
MAHADDAB – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Slashing. Critical: 19-20/x2, Foot;
18-20/x3, Mounted. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 3-5
days. Availability: ST:CM (Eastern Empire, Arab
Lands only). Cost: 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d).
MAHADDAB – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/2d4; Bleed. Size: M. Reach: M. Dam-
age Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/10. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Product-
ion: 3-5 days. Availability: ST:CM (Eastern Empire,
Arab Lands only). Cost: 7/6 to 12/- (90-144d).
The Paramerion was originally a two edged sword with
a slightly curved back edge but, by the 11th century it
was slowly transforming into a straight blade with a
curved tip which had a full cutting edge only on one
side and a half-length cutting edge on the reverse,
immediately behind the curved point, rather like the
later western Backsword (qv).
Early Paramerion
136
From there it developed into something more like the
later Sabre or Backsword with either a slight or no
curve and one cutting edge – it was used by both
cavalry and infantry, even the later versions.
All versions had a straight hilt rather than the curved
one common in the Shamshir (qv) and the curvature
of the blade was much less pronounced.
EARLY PARAMERION – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6/2d3, Slashing, Piercing. Critical: 19-
20/x2. Wt: ~2½-3 lbs. Production: 3-5 days. Avail-
ability: ST:CM (Eastern Empire, Arab Lands only).
Cost: 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d).
EARLY PARAMERION – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/2d3; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach: M.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/8. Wt: ~2½-3 lbs.
Production: 3-5 days. Availability: ST:CM (Eastern
Empire, Arab Lands only). Cost: 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d).
LATE PARAMERION – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Slashing. Critical: 19-20/x2, Foot.
Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Production: 3-5 days. Availability:
ST:CM (Eastern Empire, Arab Lands only). Cost: 5/- to
7/6 (60-90d).
LATE PARAMERION – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/2d4; Bleed. Size: M. Reach: M. Dam-
age Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/10. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Product-
ion: 3-5 days. Availability: ST:CM (Eastern Empire,
Arab Lands only). Cost: 7/6 to 12/- (90-144d).
This long straight bladed double edged sword appear-
ed in the 7th century in Arabia and remained popular
into the 13th century when the Mongols destroyed
most of the cities that produced the best versions. It is
functionally identical to a Knight’s Sword (qv),
differing only in that it has a hooked pommel.
The appearance of a true two-handed sword can only
be traced to the mid-14th century and is, as with the
Hand-and-a-Half sword, was a response to the devel-
opment of Partial Plate armour, but it may have
appeared somewhat earlier.
The blades were either the same length or slightly
longer than a Hand-and-a-Half Sword but the grip
was large enough for both hands side by side and the
weapon was unwieldy if used one-handed.
TWO HANDED SWORD – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d12/2d6, Two Handed; 1d8/1d8+1, One
Handed; Slashing. To Hit: -2 One Handed. Critical:
19-20/x3, Two Handed; x2, One Handed. Wt: ~4-5 lbs.
Production: 5-7 days. Availability: LT:SO; C:UC.
Cost: 12/- to 17/6 (144-210d).
 T
TWO HANDED SWORD – RW/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d12/2d6, Two Handed; 1d8/1d8+1, One
Handed; Bleed, Impale, Sunder. Size: L. Reach: L.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 6/12. Weight: ~4-5 lbs.
Production: 5-7 days. Availability: LT:SO; C:UC.
Cost: 12/- to 17/6 (144-210d).
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SPEARS & POLEARMS

This had a barbed leaf-shaped spearhead and, like

the Pilum, was designed to lodge in shields, fouling
them and hindering their wielder. The shank was
around 21” long – long enough to make them difficult
to cut off when used to ‘fence’ in melee. Average
length was 7-9’ (2.13-2.75 meters), but they could be
as short as 5’3” (1.6 meters) for the thrown version.
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ANGON – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Held; 1d6/1d6+1, Thrown;
Piercing. Critical: x3, Held; x2, Thrown. Range: 15’.

R
RoF: 1 Throw/2 rounds. Wt: ~4-5 lbs. Production:
4-6 per day. Availability: LV:SO (10th-11th century).
Cost: 4-8d, Held; 3d-6d, Held-Thrown.

ANGON – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Held; 1d6/1d6+1, Thrown;
Impale, Pin Shield (Thrown). Size: L. Reach: M.
Damage Mod: Yes. Force: H. AP/HP: 4/6. Range:
10/15/30’. RoF: 1 Throw/2 rounds. Wt: ~4-5 lbs.
Production: see below. Availability: LV: SO. Cost:
Spears of this type continued in use with non-Knightly
cavalry throughout the period and beyond, never being
replaced by Lances.
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CAVALRY SPEAR – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1, One Handed; 1d8/1d8+1, Two

4-8d, Held; 3d-6d, Held-Thrown.
Similar to a Halberd (qv), based on the agricultural
Bill Hook, it has a curved blade off one side of the
spearhead, often with a hook on the base of the side
opposite. Firmly dated only to the 15th century they
may have been used earlier. Length was between 5-6’
(1.5-1.8 meters) and 8-9’ (2.4-2.7 meters).
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Handed; Piercing; 1d8/1d8+1, Slashing. To Hit: +1,
One Handed. Critical: x3, Two Handed; x2, One
Handed. Wt: ~5-8 lbs. Production: 4-6 per day.
Availability: ST:SO. Cost: 6-8d.
CAVALRY SPEAR – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1, One Handed; 1d8/1d8+1, Two
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Handed; Impale; 1d8/1d8+1, Slashing. Size: L.
Reach: L. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 5/10. Wt:
~8-12 lbs. Production: 4-6 per day. Availability:

BILL – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d10/1d10+1, Piercing; 1d8/1d8+1, Slash-
ing. To Hit: +1, Slashing. Critical: x3, Piercing; x2,
Slashing. Wt: ~8-12 lbs. Production: 4-6 per day.
Availability: LV:SO. Cost: 8-10d.
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ST:SO. Cost: 6-8d.
When couched in a Charge, Damage is 1d8/1d8+1 for
a Light Horse, 1d10/1d10+1 for Medium Horse and

BILL – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d10/1d10+1, Impale; 1d8/1d8+1, Slash-
ing. Size: L. Reach: L to VL. Damage Mod: Yes.
AP/HP: 5/10. Wt: ~8-12 lbs. Production: 4-6 per day.
Availability: LV:SO. Cost: 8-10d.
1d12/2d6 for a Heavy Horse. Criticals are 19-20/x3.
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These are shown in a limited number of pictorial
sources dated to the 13th and 14th centuries, but no
actual examples survive from the period (the term
Glaive may have been applied to them – it certainly
was applied to similar, later, weapons).

There was little difference between early Cavalry and
Infantry spears as they were both able to be used in a
similar way, two handed, as for the infantry, but, for
the cavalry, mostly one handed, overhead, for thrust-
ing and, very occasionally, couched under the arm for
a charge.
They are, seemingly, Falchion blades mounted on a
wooden haft around 1-2’ (30-60 cm) long and are
shown being used by both Cavalry and Infantry.
Are they a long sword or a short polearm? Or something
in between? They certainly required two hands to use.
137
 Apart from that, the classification probably doesn’t
matter all that much.
HAFTED FALCHION – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1, Slashing. To Hit: -1 vs any metal
armour. Critical: 19-20/x2, see notes. Wt: ~3-4 lbs.
Production: ½ to 1 day. Availability: ST:SO; LT:UC.
Cost: 1/- to 2/- (12-24d).
Critical: For a Critical Hit against Partial Plate or
Lamellar & Mail and the second confirming roll fails,
roll again – the blade breaks on a failure.
HAFTED FALCHION – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1, Bleed. Size: M. Reach: L.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/8. Wt: ~3-4 lbs. Prod:
½ to 1 day. Avail: ST:SO; LT:UC. Cost: 1/- to 2/-
(12-24d).
Specifically designed for use against cavalry, the Hal-
berd has an axe blade on one side, a hook (to catch
limbs or pull enemies off their steeds) on the reverse
and a spike projecting from the top to allow it to be
used as a spear. They were usually 1.5-1.8 meters
(5-6’) long during the period.
HALBERD – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d5/2d5+1, Piercing; 2d4/2d4+1, Slashing.
To Hit: +1, Slashing. Critical: x3, Piercing; x2,
Slashing. Optionally, dismount target (possible falling
and collision damage). Wt: ~12-15 lbs. Production:
4-6 per day. Availability: LV:SO. Cost: 8-10d.
HALBERD – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 2d5/2d5+1, Impale; 2d4/2d4+1, Bleed;
Entangle, Sunder. Size: L. Reach: L. Damage Mod:
Yes. AP/HP: 4/10. Wt: ~12-15 lbs. Production: 4-6
per day. Availability: LV:SO. Cost: 8-10d.
A development of the Cavalry Spear (qv) which
became popular with Knights from the 12th century,
but mainly from the mid 13th. Length was 12-14’
138
(3.17-3.7 meters) and a metal ring (the Graper) was
added in front of the grip to prevent slippage down
the haft on impact).
The flared and extended Vamplate and thickened shaft
in front the Graper ‘normally’ shown did not develop
until the second quarter of the 15th century.
LANCE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Piercing. Critical: x3. Wt: ~8-
10 lbs. Production: 2-3 per day. Availability: ST:SO.
Cost: 1/-to 2/- (12-24d).
LANCE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/1d8+1, Impale. Size: L. Reach: L.
Dam Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/10. Wt: ~8-10 lbs. Prod:
2-3 per day. Avail: ST:SO. Cost: 1/-to 2/- (12-24d).
When couched in a Charge, Damage is 1d8/1d8+1 for
a Light Horse, 1d10/1d10+1 for Medium Horse and
1d12/2d6 for a Heavy Horse. Criticals for a Charge in
D&D, Pathfinder and OGL systems occur on A 19-20/x3.
These had a lugs or wings at the base of the spearhead
or at the base of the long shank either that to prevent
too deep penetration (therefore becoming difficult to
pull out) or to aid in spear-fencing on the battlefield.
Overall length was 6-8’ (1.8-2.5 meters).
By the 13th century they were developing along two
lines – one became the Spetum and the other the Part-
isan (qv). The basic design continued in civilian use,
mainly for hunting (eg Boar Spears).
LUGGED/WINGED SPEAR – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Two Hands, Piercing; 1d6/2d3,
One Hand, Slashing, Piercing. Crit: x3, Two Hands; x2,
One Hand. Wt: ~4-5 lbs. Production: 4-6 per day.
Availability: SV:CM. Cost: 3-6d.
LUGGED/WINGED SPEAR – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d8/2d4, Two Hands, Impale; 1d6/2d3, One
Hand, Bleed, Impale. Size: L. Reach: M. Damage
Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/6. Wt: ~4-5 lbs. Production: 4-6
per day. Availability: LV: SO. Cost: 3-6d.
A development of the Lugged or Winged Spear (qv)
with a pronounced, but still relatively small set of
‘wings,’ often slightly curved, that were now sharpen-
ed on both sides … see also the Spetum (qv), which is
also a development of the basic Spear design.
PARTISAN – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1, Two Hands, Piercing;
2d3/2d3+1, One Hand, Slashing, Piercing. Crit: x3,
Two Hands; x2, One Hand. Wt: ~4-5 lbs. Production:
4-6 per day. Availability: ST:SO. Cost: 4-8d.

PARTISAN – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 2d4/2d4+1, Two Hands, Impale;
2d3/2d3+1, One Hand, Bleed, Impale. Size: L. Reach:
M. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/6. Weight: ~4-5 lbs.
Production: 4-6 per day. Avail: ST:SO. Cost: 4-8d.
These very long spears began to reappear in the 12th
century in the hands of civic militias and levies. Pike
armed formations could be very effective when used
offensively, but was surprisingly vulnerable on the
defensive against smart opponents who would use a
combination of archery to thin the ranks of the Pike
block followed up by a charge by dismounted men at
arms … against less cunning opponents it was
essentially invulnerable against cavalry attacks, as
long as unit morale held.
As an individual melee weapon it is essentially useless
as it is far too long and unwieldy to effectively man-
oeuvre, and so no stats are given – and Pikemen had
to be armed with a short Sword (or long Dagger) or
similar backup weapon.
A development of the Lugged or Winged Spear (qv)
with a pair of angled blades projecting from the base
of the shank and about half the length of the blade
and sharpened on both sides. See also to Partisan
which is a development of the basic spear design.
SPETUM – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d4+1/2d4+2, Two Hands, Piercing;
2d3+1/2d3+2, One Hand, Slashing, Piercing. Crit: x3,
Two Hands; x2, One Hand. Wt: ~4-5 lbs. Production:
4-6 per day. Availability: ST:SO. Cost: 5-10d.
SPETUM – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 2d4+1/2d4+2, Two Hands, Impale;
2d3+1/2d3+2, One Hand, Bleed, Impale. Size: L.
Reach: M. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/6. Wt: ~4-5
lbs. Prod: 4-6 per day. Avail: ST:SO. Cost: 5-10d.
A walking staff favoured by travellers and pilgrims
which is usable as a weapon emergencies – rather like
a longer version of the Cudgel (qv). Makeshift versions
could easily be made by anyone with a sharp knife
and access to a straight sapling.
QUARTERSTAFF – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6/2d3; Bludgeoning. Critical: x2. Wt:
~3-4 lbs. Production: 6 or more/hour. Availability:
SV:CM. Cost: ½-¾d.
QUARTERSTAFF – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/2d3; Bash, Stun Location. Size: M.
Reach: L. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/8. Wt: ~3-4
lbs. Prod: 6 or more/hour. Avail: SV:CM. Cost: ½-¾d.
T
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WHAT’S NOT AVAILABLE/DOESN’T EXIST
A great many weapons found in medieval or pseudo-
medieval RPGs are either anachronistic (i.e. they
didn’t exist during the 10th-14th centuries) or simply
never existed, except in the fertile imaginations of 18th
and 19th century antiquarians determinedly misinter-
preting visual and written evidence.
M
Flails. Yes, they existed as agricultural implements
(to separate grain from the ears of Cereal crops), and, A
R
in a dire emergency they might have been used as an
improvised weapon … On the battlefield? They don’t
appear until the 15th century and, even then, were
pretty much limited to Central Europe.
Spiked Flails. No, they never existed – the few found
in museum collections have been shown to be fakes.
K
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Often referred to as Morningstars this is a complete
misnomer – as those were spiked Maces, and quite
rare during the period.
Hammers & Picks. These were not separate weapons
– they had a Hammer-head with a pointed Pick blade
on its reverse. They do not seem to have appeared
T
until after the development of full Plate Armour, and
probably not before the end of the 15th century.
P
L
Rapier (and Fencing Swords in general). The
Rapier doesn’t appear until c. 1500, in Spain, and
was originally a civilian weapon as it was useless
A
against the Plate Armour that was still widely worn on
the battlefield. It gradually developed into a military
weapon, in various guises and names, as gunpowder
weapons made Plate Armour increasingly obsolete.
Various Polearms. If it’s not included in ‘Spears &
Polearms’ here, it is either anachronistic or hasn’t yet
C
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been developed from one of the spears/polearms that
are listed. Many of the very long Polearms (such as the
Pike, qv) are essentially useless as individual melee
weapons, and are only useful in large formations, and
so are not listed here.
Oriental/Eastern Weapons. There wasn’t a lot of
cross pollination … especially for the more exotic
weapon types. So, no razor sharp Quoits or Repeating
Crossbows, sadly.
139
 WEAPON RULES – OPTIONAL & OTHERWISE
CLASS & PROFICIENCY
This obviously applies only to AD&D, D&D 3-5,
Pathfinder and those OGL systems where the various
Classes have weapon access divided into Proficiencies.
The main problem is that the three groups into which
the various types of weapons are divided are, well,
artificial … and ludicrous … and bear no resemblance
at all to the sort(s) of access that were available to the
various classes in real medieval Europe and the Medi-
terranean world (or anywhere else, for that matter).
‘Simple’, ‘Martial’ and ‘Exotic’ weapons indeed –
they simply don’t stand up to any serious examination.
For example, Handaxes, Saps, Scythes and agricultural
Flails and Picks (since combat versions don’t yet exist) –
as well as Shortbows and Longbows are supposedly
‘Martial’ weapons. Yet all of them were widely used by
huge swathes of the common peasantry … often as part
of their day to day toolkit.
WEAPON CLASSES & PROFICIENCIES
A more realistic functional division is –
Edged Weapons, Long Blades: Arming Sword
(Estoc), Backsword, Early & Late; Falchion*; Knight’s
Sword; Hand-and-a-half Sword; Mahaddab; Paramer-
ion, Early & Late; Two Handed Sword and Shamshir.
140
Edged Weapons, Short Blades: Baselard Dagger,
Falchion*, Misericorde, Rondel Dagger, Quillon
Dagger.
Missile Weapons, Crossbows: Arbalest, Light
Crossbow, Medium Crossbow.
Missile Weapons, Longbows or Composite Bows:
Composite Bow, Long and Short; Self Bow, Longbow.
Missile Weapons, Other Bows: Self Bow, Short.
Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous: Axe, Light or
Throwing or Two Handed or War; Cudgel; Mace,
Light & Heavy; Morningstar, Quarterstaff**.
Spears & Polearms: Angon, Bill, Cavalry Spear,
Hafted Falchion, Halberd, Lance, Lugged/Winged
Spear, Partisan, Spetum, Quarterstaff**.
* Falchions are sort of Swords and, certainly by the late
15th Century were widely used by nobles, but in the
period covered they were mainly intended for use by
non-nobles, and mainly used by Infantry as a backup
weapon for either their Bow or Spear.
** Yes, Quarterstaffs appear in two groups.
There’s really not enough difference between the
weapons in each category and they way they were
employed on the battlefield to apply any sort of long
term penalty to their use – except for Long/Composite
Bows, for which see Archers & Archery (qv).
CLASSES & PROFICIENCIES – D&D/PATHFINDER
Some suggested revised proficiencies for each Class in
Weapons and Armour are given below – which divide
the classes into historically functional groups.
These are real world ‘barbarians’ – which, by the 11th
century or so means peoples on the peripheries of the
medieval west, in the more isolated parts of central
and eastern Europe and in Scandinavia as well as the
more southerly parts of North Africa and a good
chunk of the more arid or mountainous parts of the
Middle East and the Arabian peninsula.
Archers: Are proficient with Missile Weapons, Other
Bows and Edged Weapons, Short Blades. They are
proficient with Light Armour.
Spearmen (or Non-Archers): Are proficient with
Spears & Polearms and with either Edged Weapons,
Short Blades or Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous. They
may be proficient with Light Armour (most commonly)
or Light and Medium Armour (less commonly).

Conan type Barbarian: These don’t really exist in
the medieval period – or, for that matter, at any time
at all outside of pulp-fantasy novels – but for the sake
of completeness, they are included here.
This ‘classic’ D&D type is proficient with two of
following three groups – Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous
and Edged Weapons, Short and Long Blades and
Spears & Polearms. They are proficient with Light and
Medium Armour as well.
These are generally the ‘barbarian’ elites (mainly
Mounted, Shock) or are representative of many Steppe
nomad tribes (originally) from central Asia (both
Mounted, Shock and Mounted, Missile).
Mounted, Shock: Are proficient with Edged Weap-
ons, Long and Short Blades and Spears & Polearms.
They are proficient with Light and Medium Armour.
Mounted, Missile: Are proficient with Are proficient
with Edged Weapons, Long and Short Blades and
Missile Weapons, Composite Bows. They may be profic-
ient with Light Armour (most commonly) or with Light
and Medium Armour (less commonly).
Bards are proficient with Edged Weapons, Short
Blades and Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous. Depending
on your concept and/or their national origin they
may choose one of the following – Edged Weapons,
Long Blades or Missile Weapon, Longbow or Missile
Weapon, Self Bow. They are usually proficient with
Light Armour if they chosen a Bow proficiency, or
with Light and Medium Armour if they have chosen
the Edged Weapon, Long Blades proficiency.
There’s not really a lot of difference between the two
classes in the period covered – the Druids represent
tribal Shamans or the Priests of various Pagan gods
of Barbarian tribes rather than classical era Druids.
Ordained-Ordinary: Clerics and Druids are profic-
ient with Edged Weapons, Short Blades or Melee Weap-
ons, Miscellaneous. They are proficient with Light
Armour – and you may wish to prohibit Druids from
wearing any metal armour.
Militant: Clerics belonging to one of the Military
Orders will be proficient with weapons and armour as
befits a Fighter (see below). Note: there was no his-
torical restriction against them using edged weapons.
While there are really no equivalents to this sub-group as
far as Druids go, you could allow as how it might
represent something like a group of Berserks or similar
‘holy’ fighters in some traditions.
T
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The way medieval soldiers were trained, or, actually,
not trained, means they are specialised into different
groups within the overall Class. Some are mounted,
M
A
most are foot soldiers.
Archers: Are proficient with one of the four following
R
Bow skills – Missile Weapons, Crossbows or Missile
Weapons, Longbow or Missile Weapons, Composite Bow
or Missile Weapons, Other Bows.
They are also proficient with Edged Weapons, Short
Blades. They are proficient with Light Armour for
most of the period but may add Medium Armour by
K
E
the 14th century.
See Archers & Archery (qv) for details on how to handle
T
the differences between the different types of Missile
Weapons ‘Archers’ (which includes Crossbowmen) may
be proficient with.
Spearmen: Are proficient with Spears & Polearms and
with either Edged Weapons, Short Blades or Melee
Weapons, Miscellaneous. They may be proficient with
P
L
Light Armour (most commonly) or Light and Medium
Armour (less commonly).
A
Medium or Heavy Infantry: Are proficient with
Edged Weapons, Short & Long Blades and Melee Weap-
ons, Miscellaneous or Spears & Polearms. Medium
Infantry are proficient with Light & Medium Armour
while Heavy Infantry are proficient with All types of
armour.
C
E
Light Cavalry: Are proficient with Edged Weapons,
Long Blades or Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous and
Edged Weapons, Short Blades as well as Spears &
Polearms. They are proficient with Light Armour.
Medium Cavalry: Are proficient with Edged Weap-
ons, Long Blades or Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous,
Edged Weapons, Short Blades and Spears & Polearms.
They are proficient with Light and Medium Armour.
Heavy Cavalry (Knights): Edged Weapons, Long
Blades or Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous and Edged
141
 Weapons, Short Blades as well as Spears & Polearms.
They are proficient with All types of armour.
The D&D Monk owes almost nothing to the medieval
Christian tradition – they are, rather, a depiction of
Asian, mostly Buddhist, Monks. As such, they are not
really suitable for a basically medieval european
background.
A medieval Paladin is, technically speaking, a special
type of Knight – so simply use the Heavy Cavalry
(Knights) proficiencies from Fighter (qv).
Insofar as this class ‘existed’ in medieval Europe, it is
really a special variant of the basic Fighter (qv) as far
as weapons and armour proficiencies go.
Rangers are proficient with Missile Weapons, Cross-
bows or Missile Weapons, Longbow or Missile Weapons,
Composite Bow or Missile Weapons, Other Bows and
also with Edged Weapons, Short Blades and Spears &
Polearms.
They are proficient with Light Armour for most of the
period but may add Medium Armour by the 14th
century.
These are best represented as Scouts (or, perhaps,
Skirmishers) – organised thievery on a scale to warrant
a special Class doesn’t exist in medieval Europe.
As such, they are best represented as having profic-
iency with with Missile Weapons, Other Bows or Missile
Weapons, Crossbows as well as Edged Weapons, Short
Blades and Edged Weapons, Long Blades or Melee
Weapons, Miscellaneous. They are typically proficient
with Light Armour.
A Sorcerer or Wizard will be proficient with one of the
following – Edged Weapons, Long Blades; Edged Weap-
ons, Short Blades or Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous.
You may also allow them proficiency with Missile
Weapons, Other Bows or Missile Weapons, Crossbows.
142
They may be proficient with Light Armour, but cannot
wear it and still make the gestures needed to cast
spells – but it can be done, at a chance of spell failure.
COMBAT STYLES – RQ/MYTHRAS
All Careers in RQ/Mythras will be familiar with
Edged Weapon, Short Blades at the very least.
An Agent or Thief is familiar with Edged Weapons,
Short Blades and either Missile Weapons, Other Bows
or Missile Weapons, Crossbow.
These careers are familiar with Edged Weapons, Short
Blades or Melee Weapons, Miscellaneous and either
Spears & Polearms or Missile Weapon, Longbow or
Missile Weapon, Other.
A Sailor is familiar with Edged Weapons, Short Blades
and either Edged Weapons, Long Blades or Melee
Weapons, Miscellaneous.
A Scout is familiar with Edged Weapons, Short Blades
and either Edged Weapons, Long Blades or Melee
Weapons, Miscellaneous as well as any one Missile
Weapon group.
See the Fighter Class in D&D-Pathfinder section
above for a breakdown of what each type of Warrior
is familiar with.
ARCHERS & ARCHERY
Or, more specifically, Archers & Longbows/Composite
Bows. Learning to use such a Bow effectively was
extremely time consuming. It took many, many years
– around 6-8 years, starting at a very young age.
The big issue was the draw weight of the Bow and the
need to hold it while aiming – and the training was was
to develop the muscles needed.
Unless your class allows you to start off with a profic-
iency in Missile Weapons, Longbows or Missile Weap-
ons, Composite Bows to represent the additional diffic-
ulty involved in picking up the skill Characters should
be required to devote four Feats (12 levels) to doing so.
The Proficiencies of Longbow and Composite Bow are
listed as being separate – but you could make a good
case for them being the same. If you prefer allow some-
one proficient with one to be proficient with the other
In the meantime, they may use such a Bow, but treat
it in all functional ways except Rate of Fire as a Short

Self Bow. Rate of Fire is 1 Arrow/4 Rounds for the first
Proficiencies spent, 1 Arrow/3 Rounds for the second
and 1 Arrow per 2 rounds for the third.
This represents, initially, the need to draw the Bow to
the Ear rather than merely to the chest and, at the
second Proficiency, the greater draw strength required
to hold the bow at full extension while aiming.
Two Experience Rolls must be expended for each
attempt to increase these skills, and the increase is
1d2+1% on a success rather than the normal 1d4+1%
– a failed roll still increases the skill by 1%.
MAINTENANCE & DAMAGE
Like anything else, weapons need to be maintained
and can be damaged in use – the consequences of
skimping on the former and of suffering from the
latter (often increased due to a lack of proper main-
tenance) are potentially worse than for most items.
BOWS
Bows and Crossbows are never carried strung – this
will damage the natural materials used in the Bow (or
Bow arms for a Crossbow) as well as stretch the gut
bowstrings that were commonly used in all but the
Arbalest. This will reduce range and damage.
Other than that, maintenance is normally to keep the
stave in a place where the humidity is low and the
temperature isn’t wildly variable. It should preferably
be hung vertically from a loop around the stringing
notch or laid horizontally.
The Bow Stave will have been finished by rubbing in
linseed oil. If this shows signs of wear it needs to be
reapplied – be careful not to get oil on the string or
leather grip (if this is worn, it needs to be replaced).
METAL WEAPONS
Metal weapons, or weapons where the business end is
of metal, tend to suffer from the same problems that
metal armour does – they’re susceptible to rust and
need to be protected against that.
This may be done in three different ways – carefully
oiling and storing in oiled cloth wrappings in the ong
term; if in day to day use (training or combat) it
should be inspected and cleaned every day; and if
carried in a scabbard that needs to checked to ensure
the lining hasn’t dried out (they are commonly lined
with greasy wool to keep the weapon lightly oiled).
Frayed or slippery hilt wrappings, any pins holding
the pommel to the tang of a sword or knife need to be
replaced, dried, secured or tightened.
T
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M
A
Edged weapons are not normally sharpened unless
being readied to be carried into a situation or area
R
where combat is expected. This doesn’t mean they are
blunt, just that they are not repeatedly sharpened …
which will slowly wear away (and weaken) the blade.
Edges tend to dull fairly quickly – and they should be
sharpened after each period of extended combat. If
they haven’t been, then, at the discretion of the GM,
K
E
apply a -1 penalty to any Slashing/Bleed/Sunder type
damage they do (for a minimum of 1 point).
T
It is possible to sharpen any blade using a whetstone,
but the longer it is the longer it takes – so, where
possible, sharpening is done on a Grindstone, and
armies were often accompanied by Smiths with
portable models to keep their metal weapons sharp.
MIXED WOOD & METAL WEAPONS
P
L
The metal parts need to be maintained in the same
way as for Metal Weapons (qv) while the wood parts
need to be examined for any cracking or warping.
This is the same as for Metal Weapons (qv) for the
metal parts. For the wooden parts, the pins, rivets,
A
wedges or other attachment points need to be checked
to see they are still secure while the wooden parts
need to be rubbed down with linseed oil or varnished
C
E
and stored in a dry place to ensure they don’t warp.
The metal bit(s) need to be sharpened as for Metal
Weapons (qv) or suffer the same penalty to damage.
The point where the head of a spear or polearm is
attached to its haft and any wedges holding an Axe to
its handle need to be inspected and replaced, tighten-
ed or driven in more firmly.
143
 CAMPING GEAR
Medieval people were surprisingly widely travelled –
or, at least, some of them were. And not always just the
wealthy or well-to-do, either … even commoners might
under the right circumstances. What circumstances?
Pleasure (sight-seeing), shopping (or simply seeing
what passed for a ‘big city’) or business, trade and
commerce, pursuing or following employment, meet-
ing feudal obligations and making a pilgrimage to a
Holy place were just some of the possibilities.
Those who could afford to stayed at an Inn (which is
covered elsewhere) – or, if of an appropriate social
class, would seek hospitality with someone of similar
(if the landowner was in residence, they could seek it
personally, while if they were elsewhere, they would
seek it in the person of the Steward or Bailiff).
Hospitality was taken very seriously – especially if those
seeking it out were of a higher social class than those
they were seeking it from. There were limits, however –
depending on the size of the estate and the size of the
party seeking shelter.
A small party would be easily accommodated even at a
small Manor, but for larger parties only the core group
might be accommodated and the rest directed to a the
Barns, Stables or even part of the Commons to camp on.
Also, while a small, core, group would probably be fed
at the Lord’s expense, the bulk of larger groups would
be expected to either subsist on whatever rations they
had with them or to buy it locally.
Note that in the case of a Liege Lord seeking hospitality
for himself and his party the Estate would, especially by
144
the 13th century or later, have a specific obligation as to
how many were to be accommodated and/or fed which
formed part of their feudal dues.
Or if they had news or were able to provide entertain-
ment they might seek a meal and a place on the floor
in front of the fire, at the very least, in return for their
efforts … perhaps a small gift or payment if they were
especially entertaining or brought important news.
This would apply to commoners, mostly – ordinary
travellers, merchants, or perhaps itinerant entertainers.
CAMPING FOR PLEASURE
In some circumstances travellers might not find any
accommodation available – either because it was full
already when they arrived, or because there was none
in the area (perhaps a wilderness, or simply sparsely
populated … or possibly because whatever had been
available had been destroyed in recent or current
fighting and raiding).
It is important to note that medieval people did not
camp for pleasure – they did so purely because they
had no choice, as a last resort.
Of course they wanted to make the experience as
pleasant as possible (or, at least, to reduce the level of
unpleasantness as much as possible) and, as far as
their limited means and the limits of the materials
technology available they did so … but they’d rather
not have had to for the most part.
And the technology and materials available to them
were severely limiting … heavy and clumsy, awkward to
use or erect, leaky in wet weather and often far too
expensive for the level of comfort they provided.
WHERE TO CAMP?
Remember, land generally belongs to someone –
which means, for example, that the trees on the land
do as well, so you can’t cut them down for firewood,
or even pull down live branches to make a mattress to
sleep on. Even pitching a tent without permission
might be regarded as trespassing.
Most land, except as noted below, was private
property and you would need to get the permission of
the landowner to camp on it … though in wild and
remote regions it might be acceptable to camp with-
out permission if travelling across country (but
beware of the game laws).
However, laws in England especially, but even on the
Continent, were not welcoming to anyone deemed a
Vagrant – so poorer travellers without any obvious
means of support were always at the risk of being
accused of being such.
The typical punishment was being beaten or whipped
and driven away from the Manor or Village (remem-
ber, imprisonment was not usually used as a pun-
ishment in the period) – though vagrants were often
targets for accusations of theft or, indeed, any recent
unsolved crime in the locality.
One potential place to camp was on the verge of a
right of way (a Highway, Road or Track) which might
have enough space to allow for it, depending depend-
ing on the time and place.
Royal Highways. In post Conquest England (the late
11th century), Royal Highways were supposed to be
~80-100 feet wide and with enough open space for two
carts or 16 fully equipped Knights to ride side-by-side
(a development of the old Roman Imperial standard)
… and by the late 13th century the right of way was
supposed to be 400’ wide, and cleared of brush (but
not large trees).
Highways: These were, somewhat after the period,
defined under English law as roads running between
Market Towns. The width of such rights-of-way varied
according to the antiquity of the Market Towns
involved (many were created during the period) but
would have been at least the width of the earlier Royal
Highways (i.e. 80-100’).
Roads & Tracks: The width of the rights-of-way
associated with these varied wildly … Roads were
supposed to be wide enough for a single cart to travel
along unimpeded, but may not necessarily have had
much (if anything) in the way of a cleared verge.
Tracks were narrower – more like footpaths, with
enough room only for foot traffic and, possibly, de-
Knocking food from Trees in a Forest was
generally OK – such as Acorns for Pig feed
pending on the density of the local vegetation, pack
or riding animals as well. Again, their probably was
very little, if anything, in the way of a cleared verge.
Along most routes, and near many villages, there were
usually sites that had traditionally been used by
travellers or herders to camp and graze their live-
stock. These were not part of a Village or Manor’s
Commons, but were usually unimproved wasteland.
With few exceptions, hunting, trapping or fishing
(even the river or stream under a bridge might be
private property, and fishing from it without permiss-
ion deemed theft) on private land was a criminal
offence – as was chopping down trees or parts of trees.
Gathering wild foods, such as Nuts, Berries and
assorted Herbs and Greens, was, however, generally
permissible.
Game: Most game found on a right-of-way was fair
game … though manorial or royal officials might not
see it that way if they took it into their heads that
you’d actually trapped it illegally and were merely
consuming it there.
Nobles had greater leeway, of course. They even had
the right to hunt a limited number of Royal Deer – the
number was never specified, but probably one or two
would have been acceptable, depending on the size of
the party.
Firewood: It was permissible to collect dead branches
that had fallen to the ground – even to chop up fallen
trees. Pulling down dead branches that were still in
live trees or cutting down dead trees was a grey area
and, like Game (see above) the social status of the
person or group doing the pulling down or chopping
up would have a considerably impact on the attitudes
of any officials coming onto the scene.
Wild Foods: Generally, the fruits and nuts from wild
trees in woods or forests were OK to gather, though
not if it would damage the wider wood or forest
environ (i.e. not on a clear felling or industrial level)
as were greens, wild vegetables and wild herbs …
though manorial officials would be wary of anyone
using it as a front to hunt or trap game illegally.
145
 CAMPING GEAR – WHAT’S AVAILABLE
ACCESSORIES

Cauldron, Small 10 lb 2/- to 3/-

24-36d. Capacity of 2-3 Wine Gallons (7-10 litres)

Flint & Steel neg. ½-1d

This was the main method used for lighting fires in the
medieval period – friction methods were rarely used and
few people would have been familiar with them.

Folding/Collapsible Chair 5-15 lb 1/- to 5/- Flint, Steel & Tinder

Wood & Canvas Chairs cost 1/- to 2/- (12-24d); Wood &
Leather 2/6 to 3/6 (30-42d). Wood & Wood 4/- to 5/- Flint & Steel (SV:CM): There are no matches (safety
(48-60d) or more if elaborately carved. or otherwise) in the medieval world. If you want to
start a fire you need to use Flint & Steel to strike a
Folding/Collapsible Table 20-40 lb 2/- to10/- spark into some tinder – at least if you can’t borrow a
Simple Trestle Tables cost 2/- to 4/- (24-48d) depending burning splint or some coals from someone else’s
on carving and decoration. Folding models are more already burning fire.
decorated, worth 5/- to 10/- (60-120d), perhaps more.
Using Flint & Steel to light a fire is a common skill – and
Hatchet 1-1½ lbs 1½-3d there should be no check needed to light a fire unless
there are adverse conditions such as high wind and/or
Mess Kit 1 lb 3-4d rain, snow or generally damp conditions. It is possible
to strike a light into dry tinder and get it burning in a
Pot 2 lb 8-12d minute or less under optimal conditions.
Capacity, roughly ½ Wine Gallon (~ 2 litres)
The Iron striker (most commonly a variant of the ‘C’
Spade & Shovel 3-4 lbs ¼-6d shape above, often with simple decorative flourishes)
All wood Spades and Shovels go for ¼d to ½d. Metal will last more or less forever, the flint not so much …
shod ones go for 3-6d, depending on the amount of iron. still, it should last for several months to a year’s worth
of use before needing replacement.
Tinderbox neg. 2-3d
From the mid 14th century these may contain sulphur Even in the best of conditions it will take several minutes
tipped splints (see explanatory text below). to get a self-sustaining fire alight and several more to
add progressively larger pieces of wood until you have
Tripod & Pot Holder 2-3 lbs 1/- to 2/6 a fire large enough for serious cooking or for warmth.
Cost varies according to how heavy a pot or cauldron
the Tripod can support. Folding/Collapsible Chair (ST:UN): These are not
just used for camping, but can be found in most
Cauldron (ST:SO): A pot with rounded bottom made households as well. Several varieties differentiated by
from riveted pieces of iron plate. Typically they have the material of the seat exist – canvas or cloth, leather
two loops through which a handle is inserted from or wood. Production: ½ to 3 per day.
which it is suspended over a cook fire or it may be
hung directly from the hanging chain(s). Production: These chairs could be of the scissor fold type (see photo
2-3 per day, from materials on hand. above) or could simply be disassembled in a similar way
to the collapsible bed(s) referred to on a previous page.

Those used for camping and travelling purposes were

mostly backless/armless early in the period (see the
example in the photo above) but arms and a low back
started to appear by the late 12th century.

A Cushion can be added for 1d to 1/- (ST:UN, 1-12d)

depending on the stuffing and case material.

Folding/Collapsible Table (ST:UN): Mostly simple

146 to disassemble wooden trestles, they can seat several
 T
people a side. Folding tables tend to be of a scissor
design (like the Folding Chairs, above) and tend to be
smaller, and intended for use only one or two people.
Production: ½ to 4 per day.

Travel Chests and the like (see below) were often used
as makeshift seating when camping.
H
Hatchet: A small on-handed hand-axe suitable for
utility work such chopping up kindling but also serv-
ing as a general utility blade in lieu of a knife while
A mid-range Collapsible Bed
E
the reverse of the blade can be used as a hammer It All wood Spades/Shovels break off at the end of the
can be used as a weapon in a pinch. handle of a Critical Hit confirmation roll is failed.

HATCHET – D&D/PATHFINDER
Damage: 1d4/1d3+1; Slashing. Critical: x2. Wt: ~1-
1½ lbs. Prod: 6 per day. Avail: LV:SO.
HATCHET – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d4/1d3+1; Bleed. Size: S. Reach: S.
Tinderbox (ST:CM): A small wood or bone Box con-
taining Flint(s) & Steel and tinder. Very late (mid 14th)
you might find sulphur dipped wood splints which
M
A
could be lit from the tinder and then used to light a
candle. Production: 8-10 per day.

Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/6. Wt: ~1-1½ lbs. Prod:
6 per day. Avail: LV:SO.
Pot (ST:SO): A bronze of brass pot with a handle and,
possibly, integral legs to allow it to be placed directly
into or alongside a cookfire. Production: 4-6 per day.
Mess Kit (ST:UN): A small bronze or brass pot with a
long handle, large enough to hold & cook enough
pottage, soup or stew for one person as well as a bone
R
The best tinder is dry hemp fibre, rotten wood or char-
red cloth. Sulphur tipped splints can be acquired from
an Apothecary or Alchemist (ST:UN) for ¼d a dozen.
Tripod & Pot Holder (LV:SO): A metal tripod and
chain to stand over a fire and hold a pot or cauldron.
Most common types range from 1-2 to 6-7 (Wine)
K
E
gallons in capacity … larger versions do exist, but are
rarely used by travellers. Production: 3-6 per day.

T
spoon. Production: 6 per day. BEDS & BEDDING

Spade & Shovel: Mostly wood, usually carved in one Bed, Collapsible, Canvas 15 lbs 2/6 to 5/-
piece at the start of the period though occasionally 30-60d for the Basic to Mid-range versions.
tipped with iron. As smelting tech improved more
were so tipped, though the rest was still usually one
piece. Both can be used as an improvised weapon.
Bed, Collapsible, Leather 20 lbs
42-84d for the Basic to Mid-range versions.
Bed, Collapsible, Wooden 40 lbs
3/6 to 7/-

10/- to 15/-
P
L
120-180d for the Basic to Mid-range versions.
The handle was either straight and or had a ‘T’ shape –
the modern looped shape is a later development. Bedroll or Swag – –

A
See the text below for further information.
SPADE/SHOVEL – D&D/PATHFINDER
Damage: 1d4/1d3+1, Iron tipped. Slashing; 1d3, All Blanket (Camp), Light 2-3 lbs 6-9d
wood, Bashing. Critical: x2. Wt: ~2-3 lbs. Prod: 8-12 Blanket (Camp), Heavy 4-5 lbs 1/- to 1/6
per day. Avail: SV:SO, Wood; LV:SO, Iron tipped.

SPADE/SHOVEL – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1, Iron tipped, Bleed; 1d3, All
wood, Bashing. Size: M. Reach: M. Damage Mod:
Yes. AP/HP: 3/6. Wt: ~2-3 lbs. Production: 7-12 per
day. Avail: SV:SO, Wood; LV:SO, Iron tipped.
Base price is for coarse/scratchy wool weave, fine/soft
wool weave costs double or more, and may be patterned
and/or coloured. Heavy Blankets = 12-18d
C
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Canvas Sheet 2-3 lbs ½d to 1½d
Made from hemp, it can be used as a blanket-substitute
or a makeshift windbreak or tarpaulin.

Furs, Sleeping 4-5 3d-6d-2/-

Providing a green hide to be worked, cost is 3d. A
finished hide can cost 6d to 2/- (24d) or more depending
on how common source animals are locally.

Iron-shod wooden Spade Mosquito Netting neg. 3-6d

Only available in or near mosquito rich environments.
147
 Oilcloth Sheet 3-4 lbs 6d to 1/-
Basic Oilcloth Sheets costs 6-12d, Painted (decorated)
Sheets cost 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).
Palliasse – 1-2d
This is the empty case. Scrap cloth or wool filling for
camp use weighs in at ~10 lbs and costs 1-1½d.
Beds, Collapsible: These have a simple wood head
and foot connected by two poles on either edge,
running through the sewn sides of a sheet of canvas or
leather (LV:SO) for the lighter versions and having
wood slats between the poles for the more ornate ones
(ST:SO). Cost is for the bed frame only.
They are relatively bulky even when taken down for
travel and are mostly used by those who have pack
animals to carry such things.
The price variation indicates the degree of carved or
other decoration incorporated in the design but only
the low end (plain, unadorned, but probably oiled,
wood) and mid range (a limited degree of carving or
decoration on an otherwise utilitarian frame types
(the lower and higher prices, respectively).
Extensively carved and decorated beds with all sorts
of fanciful additions and additional pieces are avail-
able, in all three variants (though mostly the wooden
slat version) and can cost two or more times the mid
range price. Production: 2-3 per day (Canvas &
Leather), ½ to 1 per day (Wood or Carved Wood)
All of these Collapsible Beds require a Pack Horse, Cart
or Waggon or some other form of transport to be moved.
Bedroll or Swag: There is no evidence that the Bedroll
(US) or Swag (Australian) existed during medieval
times – but it is reasonable to assume travellers who
did not have a tent would have created something
similar in function by folding a Canvas or Oilcloth
sheet around a Blanket/Sleeping Furs (probably
carrying it rolled up as in the photo below).
Canvas/Oilcloth Sheet folded for travel
148
Travelling Light
These would mostly have been used by individuals or
small groups without pack animals to carry larger,
heavier, gear (eg transhumance herders).
Blankets, Camp (ST:CM): Blankets are normally
woven wool in either heavy (winter) or light (summer)
weight – though most people would layer them rather
than have different sets for each season.
A single light blanket will suffice for most nights from
mid Spring through to early Autumn, though colder
ones might require two … or a heavy blanket instead.
During early Spring and late Autumn two light or one
heavy blanket will be enough for most nights, though
colder ones might require two heavy blankets.
During Winter two or more blankets will be needed,
perhaps with Sleeping Furs on top … and, preferably, a
banked fire nearby.
They vary in quality from coarse/scratchy (base price)
to fine/soft (double price or more) and are not water-
proof – even the heavier weave ones aren’t windproof,
either. Production: 2-4/day from available material.
Second hand blankets are available for half the base
price (ST:UN), but will be worn and threadbare and,
possibly, stained and dirty.
Note that only the well-to-do and wealthy sleep with
sheets, most people simply sleep in their underclothes
directly beneath the blanket(s) … and, of course, only
those with many, many, servants will have blankets and
sheets on their collapsible bed when ‘camping.’
Canvas Sheet (LV:UN): A heavy cloth substitute for a
woollen blanket or an actual sheet-substitute for use
with such. It is heavy enough to provide protection
against the wind, and can shed water in the same way
a Canvas tent does – but it is not waterproof as such.
Like the Oilcloth (qv), it is used by travellers who are
forced to tarry overnight away from regular shelter
 T
and is large enough to wrap around the user (see
Small Wooden Coffer
Bedroll/Swag above). Production: 2-4 per day.

Canvas Sheets are commonly grey, cream or off-white,

but the more expensive versions (half again as much in
cost) might be dyed a simple, solid, colour.
H
E
Furs, Sleeping (Any Settlement:SO): The soft-cured
hide, usually of a wild animal such as a Wolf or Bear,
used instead of or with a Blanket. They may either be
a status symbol in elite dwellings, especially if the fur
came from an animal killed by a member of the
household, or simply a cheaper alternative to wool
blankets in some wilder areas. Production: 3-4 days.

Sleeping Furs are rarely found for sale – they have to be

special ordered from a hunter … or a raw animal hide
from an animal killed by a player character needs to be
presented to a leatherworker for processing.
These sheets were often wrapped around a blanket,
spare clothing and other small items to keep them dry
then tied into a roll which would be slung over the
M
A
traveller’s shoulder, tied to his belt or attached to a
Carry Frame. (See Bedroll/Swag above)

R
Mosquito Netting (Infested Areas:R): Uncommon Palliasse (SV:SO): A linen or canvas bag containing
outside of Southern Europe, parts of North Africa bedstraw (not ordinary straw) or stuffed with cloth
and the Middle East, something like Mosquito netting scraps or raw wool used as a mattress. The traveller’s
has been known since at least Egyptian times and was version is more likely to be stuffed with cloth or wool
widely used by the Roman elites. This is enough
netting for a single bed, a larger bed requires netting
worth 50% more. Production: 1-2 per day.
which can be compacted more easily without damage.
Production: 4-6 per day.
K
E
CONTAINERS & LOAD CARRYING
Oilcloth (ST:SO): Linen (or Canvas) treated with
boiled linseed oil as an alternative to leather for a Backpack, Canvas n.a. 1-3d

T
waterproof material. This represents a sheet/blanket Backpack, Leather n.a. 3-6d
which could be used as a waterproof cover or ground- Backpack, Oilcloth n.a. 2-4d
sheet or as a makeshift, if small, tarpaulin or as a Backpack, Wicker n.a. ¼ to ¾d
windproof shelter. Production: 4-6 per day. Price is for a Small Backpack (25 lbs capacity). Medium

The sheet is one piece without closures, simply folded

over at the edges. It is a neutral cream or brown in but
(50 lbs) ones are +50% more and Large (75 lbs) +100%.

Bucket, Canvas 1-1½ lbs 2-3d

P
L
it could be painted with patterns (at double the base Small (2d) contains 3½, Large (3d) 5 gallons (Imperial)
cost) … however, these will wear off gradually with use.
Canteen, Metal n.a. 2-3d

A
Canteen, Pottery n.a. ½-1d
Canteen, Wood n.a. ¼-½d
Small ones contain ~2 pints, larger ones ~4 pints.

Carry Frame

Coffer, Leather & Wood

5 lb

5 lb
½ to 2d

2/6 to 5/-
C
E
This costs 30-60d an can carry 5 lb of coin or bullion.
Coffer, Wood 5 lb 5/- to 7/6
This costs 60-90d and can carry 10 lbs of coin or bullion.

Pole, load carrying n.a. ¼d

Maximum practical weight, 35 lbs.

Sack, Canvas n.a. ½-1d

A Small Sack (10 lbs capacity) is ½d. Medium (20 lbs)
ones are ¾d and Large (30 lbs) are 1d.
Sack, Leather n.a. 1½-4½d
Medieval Pack Frame Rear (left) and front (right) A Small Sack (10 lbs capacity) is 1½d. Medium (20 lbs)
149
 ones are 2¼d and Large (30 lbs) are 4½d.
Sack, Oilcloth n.a. 1-2d
A Small Sack (10 lbs capacity) is 1d. Medium (20 lbs)
ones are 1½d and Large (30 lbs) are 2d.

Satchel, Canvas n.a. 1-2d

A Small Satchel (10 lbs capacity) is 1d, Medium (15 lbs)
ones are 1½d and Large (20 lbs) are 2d.
Satchel, Leather n.a. 3-6d
A Small Satchel (10 lbs capacity) is 3d, Medium (15 lbs)
ones are 4½d and Large (20 lbs) are 6d.
Satchel, Oilcloth n.a. 2-4d
A Small Satchel (10 lbs capacity) is 2d, Medium (15 lbs)
ones are 3d and Large (20 lbs) are 4d. Wicker Backpack

Trunk, Leather & Wood 7½-12 lbs 1/6 to 2/- Backpacks can only carry reduced amounts of dense
Trunk, Wood 15-20 lbs 2/- to 3/- materials (coin and bullion, metal ingots etc.). Small =
Two sizes are available – 50 lb and 75 lb capacity. 10 lbs; Medium = 20 lbs and Large = 40 lbs.

Waterskin n.a. 1½-2d
Standard models contain around a Quart (2 pints, ~1
litre) of liquid – larger versions around 2 Quarts (~2 litres)
Wrappings, Leather n.a. ½d
Wrappings, Oilcloth n.a. ¼d
Enough material to double wrap a two small items or a
single medium item. Enough to single wrap a large item.
Backpacks (ST:UN): These are frameless, packs
(though the Wicker one are inherently framed) with
straps (rope, cloth or leather) to allow them to be
carried on the back rather than slung over the
shoulder. Production: 5-6 per day (Wicker), 2-4 per
day (Canvas, Oilcloth), 1-2 per day (Leather).
They have a single compartment with folding flap
secured by buckles (uncommon) or ties (mostly) and
even Leather and Oilcloth models are not waterproof
if immersed though they will keep the contents dry
during rain or storms. They may have external loops
to allow other items to be tied to or hung from them.
Waterproofing the contents would require they be wrap-
ped in Oilskin or Leather and tied tightly … one layer
will protect for ~1 hour, double wrapping, indefinitely.
Bucket, Collapsible (ST:SO): Made from double lay-
ered heavyweight canvas they have a stiff leather lip
and carry handle and come in two sizes. Production:
12 or more per day.

Framed types do not seem to have existed, though
Satchels, Sacks, Bags and Bundles combined with Pack
Frames are functionally the same.
Wicker Backpacks were usually woven from willow but
any flexible, thin branches or strips of bark could be
used. They could be entirely woven with a separate
woven lid attached with ties or they could be woven on
a wooden base with a wooden or woven lid.
Backpacks in OM2 come in three sizes purely for game
purposes – Small, 25 lb; Medium, 50 lb; and Large,
75 lb respectively.
Pottery Canteen Pottery
Canteen
Canteen: Wood Canteens (LV:UN) can be made
anywhere, Pottery ones are simply pottery jugs in a
net bag (ST:CM) and Metal ones (ST:R) are quite rare.
Production: 2-4/day (Wood), any number per firing
(usually once or twice a week, Pottery); ½-1/day (Metal).
Wood Canteens are turned and fitted together after
being lined with pitch (preferentially Birch), which
flavours the water and allows it to stagnate if stored
for more than 3-4 days. They are prone to rot and are
unlikely to last more than 3-4 months.
Pottery Canteens do not affect the contents – but are
fragile. Roll every 1d6 days or every time the carrier’s
actions might compromise them to see if they break
(~10% chance, more in adverse circumstances – roll
breakage check first, then roll 1d6 to see how many
days into the future before they break).

Metal Canteens are the most robust and the most

expensive. If damaged a leak can easily be repaired
by a Blacksmith or Tinker, and makeshift repairs in
the field can be done by applying pitch along the
150 Wood Canteen leaky seam or pitch and a wood plug in a hole.

Carry Frame (SV:SO): A wood frame with shoulder
straps and some padding, they come in a variety of
shapes and sizes. They carry a variable weight of
goods/gear strapped/tied tied to or hung from them.
Production: 8-12 per day.
For game purposes their capacity can be rated in four
steps, ½d, 25 lb; 1d, 50 lb; 1½d, 75 lb and 2d, 100 lb.
The 25 lb and 50 lb types can be made for free with a
knife or hatchet and some rope, cord or leather thongs
but have a limited life expectancy – typically a week.
Alternatively a character can pay half the purchase
price for materials and construct one which will last at
least a month … and if they have an appropriate craft-
ing skill it will last as long as a ‘store bought’ one.
If they aren’t overloaded they will last about a year or
so, with minor running repairs maybe twice as long.
They can be used to carry more than their rated capac-
ity, but this will damage them – for each threshold they
exceed (i.e. 25-50-75-100 lbs and for each 25 lb incre-
ment thereafter) the usable life expectancy is reduced
from … indefinite to one month to one week to one day.
If it is reduced to less than one day’s duration through
overloading, the frame simply breaks under the strain of
the excessive load and is rendered unusable.
Coffer (ST:SO): Small chests, with simple key locks,
for valuables. Capacity is in terms of the bullion or
coin they can hold – less compact items take up more
space for less weight. Price is based on the amount of
decorative metalwork or wood carving. Production:
3-4 days (Leather & Wood), 4-5 days (Wood)
The Leather & Wood Coffer can is physically larger
and actually has around twice the internal volume
(nominally 20 lbs) of the Wood Coffer (which cannot
carry more than 10 lbs no matter what is packed inside),
but cannot carry as much dense material (i.e. bullion).
Pole, Load Carrying aka ‘Furca’ (Anywhere: CM):
A simple traveller’s solution to load carrying – simply
A Furca/Pole Carrier
T
Leather Satchel
H
E
take a pole about as long as a Quarterstaff with a
cross staff around a foot or so from one end and tie
M
A
your gear to it, then sling it over a shoulder (see Photo).
The listed cost assumes purchase of a finished pole –
R
one can be cut from a coppice, but remember these
are private property, or shaped from a fallen branch.
These are not suitable for use as a Quarterstaff though
you can use a Quarterstaff as a carrying Pole by
strapping a short cross-bar to it.
The practical load is around 35 lb before it becomes too
K
E
uncomfortable – up to 50 lbs can be carried, but is tiring.
Sacks: These are for personal use, for storing smaller
T
items or small amounts of items rather than carrying
cargo, hence the smaller capacities than Backpacks
(qv). These are what are often tied to Carry Frames
(qv) or Carry Poles (qv).
Canvas (SV:CM) and Oilcloth (ST:UN) Sacks are good
for a season (~3-4 months) and the latter is water-
P
L
proof. Leather Sacks (ST:UN) are also waterproof and
last ~12 months. Production: 8-12/day (Canvas,
Oilcloth), 4-5/day (Leather)
A
Sacks can carry only half the rated weight of dense
materials – coin or bullion, metal ingots etc. The same
caveats as for Backpacks apply to their waterproofing.
Satchel: These are much more common than Back-
packs (qv), used by those who do not mean to do much
C
E
actual camping. They have a single strap long enough
to allow them to be held across the body or over a
single shoulder and have a single compartment with
a generous flap closure to allow them to be packed
full – held shut by ties or, uncommonly, buckles.
Add ¼d for a single buckle and ½d for a double buckle.
The most common is the Canvas (ST:CM) followed by
Oilcloth (ST:UN) and Leather (ST:R). The latter two
are waterproof – but not watertight. They will keep the
contents dry in even the worst of storms but not from
151
 even a short dunking. Production: 4-6 per day
(Canvas, Oilcloth), 2-3 per day (Leather).
As with Backpacks, the only way to protect the contents
from being immersed in water is to wrap them in
Oilcloth or Leather Wraps, see below).
Trunk (Travel): A wood or leather and wood box with
a hinged lid and a latch closure, but usually with no
lock. Mostly used for clothing and common items –
the smaller Coffers (qv) are mostly what are used to
store valuables. Production: 2-3 per day.
A simple warded lock can be added for +1/6d. Two sizes
are available, 50 lb capacity and 75 lb capacity.
Waterskin (LV:UN): A Leather canteen, very similar
to the Spanish Bota Bag. Commonly made of goat-
skins sewn together and turned inside out to be water-
proofed with pitch (Pine or Birch), then a horn nozzle
attached when turned out. With care they will last for
many years. Production: 8-12 per day.
In Spain and Portugal these are more commonly used to
carry Wine which is squeezed through a narrow nozzle
in a stream directly into the mouth. Elsewhere they tend
to have a standard neck and stopper arrangement and
are more commonly used to carry water.
Wraps: These are sections of leather (LV:CM) or
oilcloth (ST:CM) which can be used to more securely
waterproof items.
These wraps can be sealed more securely with Pine or
Beech tar, a pot of which costs ½d (SV:UN) and which
will seal 1d3+1 individual wraps
No weights are given for many items above – if so, it is
assumed that the nominal weight is subsumed in the
weight of whatever it is the gear is being used to carry.
If, for some reason, it becomes important to know what
the carrying items actually weigh (if they are the cargo
carried, for example), assume oilcloth and canvas
weigh ~2½% of their carrying capacity, leather ~5%
and wood ~7½%.
152
Waterskin
TENTS & SHELTER
Tarpaulin see text see text
Tent, Conical varies 2-4d
Tent, Saxon (‘Geteld’) varies 1-2d
Tent, Marquee varies 1½-3d
Tent, Pavilion (‘Umbrella’) varies 3-6d
Tent, Wood Framed varies 1-2d
Cost is per square yard of Canvas – see text for example
tent sizes.
Tarpaulin: These are simple square or oblong pieces
of canvas which have double sewn edging, perhaps
with ties or eyelets, to allow them to be used as
awnings for existing tents, as tent extensions or as the
basis for a Wood Framed (qv) tent.
Canvas tentcloth (ST:CM) weighed roughly 1¼ lbs and
cost 1-2d per square yard during the period. Product-
ion: 24 square yards per day.
For example, a 4x8’ (32 square foot) Tarpaulin would
weigh in at ~4.45 lb and cost 3½d to 7d.
Tent, Conical or Bell (ST:SO): A canvas tent similar
to modern Bell tents. They require guy ropes and tent
stakes as well as a central pole to hold them erect.
Conical tents are mostly special order items, but it is
possible some may be available on the second hand
market in Small Towns or larger settlements (ST:SH).
Production: 18 Square Yards per day.
2-4 People: A tent suitable for up to 2 people and a some
comfort gear (3 with basic gear) requires ~36 square
yards of canvas and weighs ~45 lbs + 10 lbs for a tent
pole. Floor space is ~9 square yards. Cost: 6/- to 12/-
plus 1½d per pound of frame for frame, guy ropes and
pegs.
3-6 People: A tent large enough for 3 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (6 with basic gear)
requires ~44 square yards of canvas and weighs ~55 lbs
+ 12½lbs for a tent pole. Floor space is ~15 square
yards. Cost: 7/4 to 14/8 plus 1½d per pound of frame
for frame, guy ropes and pegs.

4-8 People: A tent large enough for 4 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (8 with basic gear)
requires ~60 square yards of canvas and weighs ~75 lbs
+ 15 lbs for tent poles. Floor space is ~25 square yards.
Cost: 10/- to £1 plus 1½d per pound of frame for frame,
guy ropes and pegs.
Plain Canvas is grey or brown. Dyed canvas, usually in
differently coloured strips, or canvas with painted on
designs costs at least double the base cost.
Saxon ‘Geteld’ Tent (ST:SO): These tents have an
internal frame (an upside down ‘U’) of wood and
require no guy ropes – the canvas is staked directly to
the ground. The main body of the tent has an ‘A’
cross section but the ends are sloped half-cones –
access may be through a slit in one or other of the
ends or one side, and in some cases one side may be
designed to fold out into an integral tent fly (see
opposite). Production: 20 Square Yards per day.
2-4 People: A tent large enough for 1-2 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (2-3 people with
basic gear) requires 40 square yards of canvas and
weighs ~50 lbs + 15 lbs for ‘U’ frame. Floor space is ~12
square yards. Cost: 3/4 to 6/8 plus 1½ pound of frame
for frame, guy ropes and pegs.
4-6 People: A tent large enough for 3-4 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (5-6 people with
basic gear) requires 60 square yards of canvas and
weighs ~75 lbs + 20 lbs for ‘U’ frame. Floor space is ~24
square yards. Cost 5/- to 10/- plus 1½d per pound of
frame for frame, guy ropes and pegs.
Marquee Tent (ST:SO): A standard square or oblong
tent with a pyramidal top. They have a heavy central
pole (very long ones may have two or more) and
lighter corner and wall poles. Larger ones may have
separate roof and wall sections
4-8 People: A tent large enough for 4 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (8 with basic gear)
requires 60 square yards of canvas and weighs ~75 lbs
+ 25 lbs tent poles. Floor space is ~12 square yards.
Cost: 7/6 to 16/- plus 1½d per pound of frame for frame,
guy ropes and pegs.
Wood Framed Tent
T
Geteld Tent
H
E
8-20 People: A tent large enough for 8 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (20 with basic
gear) requires 60 square yards of canvas and weighs
~145 lbs (80 lbs for the Wall section and 65 lbs for the
M
A
roof section) + 35 lbs tent poles. Floor space is ~30
square yards. Cost: 14/6 to £1/9/- plus 1½d per pound
of frame for frame, guy ropes and pegs.
As with other tents, the basic model comes in grey or
brown canvas – dyed (usually in coloured strips) or
painted canvas costs at least double the base cost.
R
Pavilion (Umbrella) Tent (ST:SO): A round tent with
slightly sloping sides and a shallow conical top. The
K
E
tent is held up by a central pole to which a wheel-like
series of struts projects to support the lower edge of
the cone– supporting guy ropes attach to the points
T
where the struts meet the edge of the cone – the walls
are directly staked to the ground (see illustration,
previous page). Production: 16 square yards per day.
4-6 People: A tent large enough for 2-3 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (or 4-6 people with
basic gear) requires 48 square yards of canvas and
P
L
weighs ~60 lbs without tent poles (Poles & Guys ~12 lbs).
It has a floor space of ~33 square yards. Plain canvas
would cost 14/6 to £1/6/6 (painted or dyed canvas is
A
double that or more) including poles & guys.
8-12 People: A tent large enough for 4-6 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (or 8-12 people
with basic gear) requires 104 square yards of canvas
and weighs ~130 lbs without tent poles (Poles & Guys
~30 lbs). It has a floor space of ~112 square yards. Plain
C
E
canvas would cost £1/12/- to £2/18/- (painted or dyed
canvas is double that or more) including poles & guys.
Wood Framed Tent (ST:SO): A simple ‘A’ frame tent
with triangular external frame at each end connected
by an internal or external ridge pole and two side
poles at ground level creating a self-supporting frame
that requires no guy ropes, only tent pegs along the
sides. Production: 24 square yards/day.
1-2 Person: A tent large enough for 4 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (8 with basic gear)
153
 requires 24 square yards of canvas and weighs ~18 lbs
+ 9 lbs tent poles. Floor space is ~8 square yards. Cost:
2/- to 4/- plus 1½d per pound of frame for frame, guy
ropes and pegs (or 2d per pound if the frame ends are
elaborately carved).
2-4 Person: A tent large enough for 2 people with a
considerable amount of comfort gear (4 with basic gear)
requires 48 square yards of canvas and weighs ~60 lbs
+ 20 lbs tent poles. Floor space is ~12 square yards.
Cost: 4/- to 8/- plus 1½d per pound of frame for frame,
guy ropes and pegs (or 2d per pound if the frame ends
are elaborately carved).
Canvas: Virtually all medieval tents were made of
canvas – but medieval canvas was mostly made from
hemp, and only sometimes from linen.
Some sources claim that tents were made from cotton
from the mid-13th century – conflating conquest of
muslim Sicily, where cotton was grown, by the Normans
c. 1250 and its subsequent slow spread with it somehow
becoming cheap and ubiquitous.
Nothing could be further from the truth – remember,
one reason slavery became economic in the southern US
was because of the invention of the Cotton Gin by Eli
Whitney which quickly and cheaply separated the fiber
from the seeds and pod material. Prior to this the
separation had to be done by hand and was slow and,
therefore, expensive.
In fact, the first commonly available cotton cloth was
Fustian (yes, later this was what silk/linen cloth was
called – 15th century at least), which began to appear in
the early 14th century and was a cotton and linen mix
and an expensive luxury …
Oh, and, as far as can be told, leather tents went out
with the Romans.
Interior Fitout: None of the tents described here come
with a fitted internal groundsheet – but it was probably
common for those who had the transport to have cloths
154
to spread on the floor – probably oilcloth, rather than
carpet (which was far too expensive – except for the
ultra-rich, of course), though this could easily have been
painted decoratively.
Some possible items of furniture and bedding have been
listed in this section, but the truly wealthy routinely
travelled from manor to manor with the bulk of their
possessions – and at least some of these would have been
unpacked for use even if only for an overnight stop.
After all, that was what servants were for, wasn’t it!?
Player Characters probably can’t afford that level of
luxury – nor the servants to support it.
Waterproofing: The heavy canvas used in tents was of a
thick enough weave that, along with at least a slightly
sloped side, it would get wet in the rain but, thereafter,
surface tension would ensure the water would simply
run down the sides as long as you didn’t touch the
material (if you did, it would usually leak at that point,
at least for a while).
Modern re-enactor tents are sometimes (depending on
how authentic they want to be vs. how dry they want to
be) waterproofed with Paraffin or other petrochemical
or synthetic wax … and obviously didn’t exist in
medieval times. Beeswax could have been used – but it
was expensive … almost certainly far too expensive to
use for waterproofing tents.
There is no evidence for Oilcloth being used for tents in
the period – but it theoretically could have been. If
deem it available, weight is 25% more and cost is double
(and, no, it doesn’t smell – or not notably – as the
linseed has been boiled and bonds with the fabric,
leaving little in the way of smell).
Finally, painting (probably with an oil based paint) was
another way of waterproofing – and is mentioned in the
text descriptions.
 CLOTHES & FASHION T
Medieval fashion changed more slowly than fashion
does today – but change it did. The information and
prices provided in this chapter cover the 14th century
Huntsman in
Cote Hardie H
E
– which is a transitional period, fashion-wise.

The information below is meant purely as an overview

… refer to the Orbis Mundi Core Book for more (but still
limited) information.

AT THE BEGINNING
MEN’S CLOTHING
At the beginning of the century it was still common to M
A
see men of all classes wearing a Tunic (still reaching
down to just above the knees) mainly different in
detail, especially in being more form fitting for the

R
most part, from those worn in earlier centuries.

A Doublet (a padded undergarment) was worn under-

neath the Tunic, and a Shirt (reaching down to the
knees) and Braies were worn as underwear. A Cowl,
and a Quarter Cloak (often just covering the shoulders)
was worn as head covering.
Stockings only went to mid-thigh (and not always),
attached to a belt under the Tunic, and might be
K
E
actual clothing has survived, so we can only guess.
Experts, however, some of them, are of the opinion that
the exaggerated sleeves are just artistic license … I tend

footless or, occasionally, have an integral sock. If they
did not have a sock, then Socks might also be worn.
Shoes were still sole-less, but buckles were becoming
common, replacing leather ties except for the poor.
T
to agree, but it is not a universally held position.
Hooded Cowls continued to be worn as head covering,
with the pointy end extending considerably … for

WOMEN’S CLOTHING
Women’s fashion remained similar to early centuries
those who could afford it.

A padded Doublet was worn underneath and, under P

L
as well – a long Tunic, more closely fitted than in the that, a long Shirt which, by mid century, had shorten-
past, possibly worn with a shorter Over-Tunic, usually ed to mid-thigh, and, of course, Braies.
of more expensive material, with a Chemise and the

A
usual underwear (knickers and some form of breast Shoes remained unchanged, but Stockings were now
bag or breast strap). long enough to be attached to the lower end of the
Doublet with ties rather than to a belt under the tunic.

DEVELOPMENTS
MEN’S CLOTHING
Clothing becomes more and more form fitting overall
WOMEN’S CLOTHING
The Over Tunic was increasingly common, and now
extended to cover the Under Tunic almost completely, C
E
and the Tunic is slowly replaced by the Cote-Hardie, except, perhaps, at the very bottom. The Over Tunic
which was fastened down the front or pulled over the became more decorative in general and might be cut
head and flared at the waist, where it split to either to resemble a mail Coat-Hardie. Underwear remained
side of the groin. The sleeves were elongated and, if the same as far as can be told.
especially fashionable, be long enough to hang down
in exaggerate flaps … though how exaggerated is a
matter of some debate.

How accurate are the surviving artistic representations of

fashion? We know that the colours they show for cloth
are misleading – more coloured cloth, especially expen-
sively dyed, is shown than even most nobles wore based
on surviving household Accounts and Wills – but no 155
 CLOTHES & FASHION – WHAT’S AVAILABLE
PRACTICALITIES
Even though we know relatively little about many
aspects of the fashions and clothing worn during the
medieval period, we do have a fair idea of some of the
more important factors and, therefore, can make a
fairly good guess about pricing and availability …
within broad parameters.
WARDROBE
How many sets of clothes did medieval people own?
It depended on their wealth and social class, of course
– but, compared to what people of similar status
would own today, they owned relatively few.
The poor, including day labourers (urban and rural)
and most Serfs and Peasants (or their civic equivalent)
owned only one or two sets of clothes … or, most likely,
one set, but with additional bits and pieces they
would add in inclement weather and during winter.
They will have a single pair of leather shoes, possibly
with leggings.
Some or all of their garments (and their footwear)
would be well worn and patched or repaired but still,
for the most part, well cared for. They will also have
at least two sets of underwear, possibly more.
The extremely poor (Beggars, Itinerants etc.) were
likely to have only the clothes they stood up in (and
the underwear they have on, if any), and those were
likely to be ragged, though very likely as well cared for
as could be managed with their limited means.
This group would include Serfs or Peasants who were
fortunate enough to have acquired significant land
holdings or other property, rural craftsmen such as
the Baker, Smith or Miller; urban Journeymen and
Shop owners or small Traders.
They would likely have two or three sets of clothes as
a minimum, one for Best (Church or important Social
occasions) and one or two for everyday use – they
156
would, additionally, be very likely to have additional
clothing items to extend the climatic range of their
basic clothing (cloaks, for example, for winter). They
may have more than one set of footwear and they may
own a pair of boots instead of or in addition to a pair
of shoes if they do.
Their clothing is likely to be in good to excellent
repair and it is likely that they will actually discard
(sell second hand, hand down to servants or even to
the poor) clothing that has become too worn even for
workwear for someone even of their moderate status.
They are likely to have several sets of underwear and
may own separate nightwear.
This group includes rural Freeholders (‘Gentry’),
poorer Knights, Urban Tradesmen (Masters) and
moderately successful Merchants and Shopowners.
They are likely to own several sets of clothes, at least
two of which will be for different levels of ‘Best’ (one
for Church and similar regular or semi-regular events,
one for social events of greater importance), two or
more sets of everyday clothing and, additionally,
accessories to extend the climatic range (i.e. cloaks for
winter or for inclement weather).
They will have more than one set of footwear, one for
everyday wear and one to go with their ‘best’ outfits
and will probably have a set of boots for riding as well.
Their clothing will be in good to excellent repair as
for the ‘Better Off’ (above) and likely own enough sets
of underwear to change every day (assuming weekly
laundry) and very likely own separate nightwear.
This group includes better off Knights, Barons and
the Upper Nobility (and Royalty) as well as wealthy
urban Tradesmen (wealthy Masters and Guildmemb-
ers) and exceptionally successful Merchants.
They will own many sets of clothes, at least several of
which will be for ‘Best’ – simply to show their wealth
and status rather than, necessarily, for gradations of
special occasions. They will likely possess several sets
of ‘everyday’ clothes, though these may be ‘Best’
outfits that are worn enough to be relegated … though
some may have a more practical purposes, such as
outfits specifically for travelling or hunting (or war).
They are likely to have several sets of footwear, some
for wear with their more fashionable clothes, some for
everyday use, and at least a couple of sets of Boots, for
hunting, riding or travel. As for the ‘Better Off’ they
will own enough underwear to change every day and,
possibly, more than once a day – certainly more than
 T
enough to last between laundry days, even if on
extended travel. They will certainly have nightwear,
probably several sets, and these may be as elaborate
as their ‘Best’ outfits, in a more restrained way.

OUTFITS & CLOTH

Estimates from re-enactors suggest the following H
E
amounts of cloth are needed for period style clothing.

· Loose Tunics (Men): ~ 3-4 yards.

· Loose (Short) Tunics (Women): ~3-4 yards.
· Loose (Under) Shirts (Men): ~2½ yards.
· Loose Under Tunics (Women): ~4-5 yards.
· Lined Tunics or Doublets (Men): ~5-6 yards.

M
· Fitted Tunic/Undertunic (Women): ~6-7 yards
· Fitted Shirts (Men): ~2 yards
· Braies (Men): ~2 yards

A
· Underwear (Women): ~2 yards (Knickers)
· Breast Bag/Band (Women): ~1 yard

CLOTH PRICES
Blanchet 1/- to 2/3 woven from naturally black, brown or white wool –
R
K
Cost = 12-27d. medieval flocks not having been culled of all non-white
fleece sheep as is the case in modern day sheep-farm-
Damask (Silk) 12/- to 15/- ing), and as you progress to the dearer end you go

E
Cost = 144-180d. Pattern woven silk. through generally muddy (i.e. using cheap, natural,
dyes) and light or washed out colours to richer, darker,
Fustian, Average 2/9 to 3/9 but still muddy (still using cheap, natural, dyes, but

T
Cost = 33-45d. more concentrated) at the top end.
Fustian, Fine 5/6 to 7/-
Cost = 66-84d. For Silk and Velvet, the cost assumes they are dyed with
expensive dyes, but not the most expensive (Scarlet or

P
Hemp 2-4d Tyrian Purple) dyes or other enhancements (for which,
see below).
Linen, Average 3/6 to 4/6

L
Cost = 42-54d. Blanchet (LV:CM, ST:OTC): A thick weave wool cloth
Linen, Cheap 1/6 to 3/- which, although still worn by the poor in the late 14th
Cost = 18-36d. century, was increasingly relegated to its original use

A
Linen, Fine 7/- to 9/- (which the term hints at) as Blanket material.
Cost = 84-108d.
To completely confuse things it is, by the latter part
Nettle 1-3d of the 14th century, sometimes referred to as (cheap)

C
Fustian (qv) … though it was all wool.
Silk 8/- to 10/-
Cost = 96-120d per yard. Damask (ST:R, LT:UN): Pattern woven silk cloth –

E
the term doesn’t appear until the 14th century but the
Velvet £1-£1/10/- style of silk cloth was originally imported from the
Cost = 240-360d per yard Middle East, especially Damascus (hence the name).
It was quickly adopted by early Italian silk-weavers.
Wool, Average 2/- to 3/-
Cost = 24-36d per yard. Fustian (ST:CM, LT:OTC): Medieval Fustian was a
Wool, Cheap 8d to 1/3 twilled cloth (i.e. with diagonal parallel ribs) woven
Cost = 8-15d per yard. with a woolen weft and linen warp … at this period it
Wool, Fine 4/- to 5/- is a moderately to really expensive cloth.
Cost = 48-60d per yard.
It is only post Renaissance that this had changed to a
For Hemp, Linen and Wool cloth, these prices assume
that at the cheaper end of the range it is undyed (or is
cotton weft and linen warp and gradually morphs into
a term for a cheap cloth (by the 19th century). 157
 Hemp (LV:CM, ST:OTC): Very similar to Linen, but tufted silk … in northern and northwestern Europe it
much cheaper and harder wearing, especially when is a luxury import for the entire period.
wet. It is somewhere in softness between linen and
wool, and generally less scratchy than the latter. Wool (ST:UN, LV:CM, ST:OTC): One of the two most
common cloth types found in medieval Europe it is
Medieval Canvas was mainly woven from Hemp and the normally worn only as outerwear as even the finest
Hemp plant was an important minor crop (and required weave of the finest quality wool cloth tends to be
less work to cultivate than Flax), especially as the oil scratchy next to the skin, especially in warm weather.
from the pressed seeds was often used as an alternative
to animal fats in cooking on fast days.
Cloth of Gold £3 to £5
Linen (LV:UN, ST:OTC): Linen and wool were the Cost = 720-1200d per yard.
two most common materials used in the medieval Cloth of Silver £1/10/- to £2/10/-
period and, surprisingly, Linen generally cost more Cost = 360-600d per yard.
than wool cloth. As it was less scratchy than even the
finest wool it was generally used where the item of Embroidery, Average 1/6 to 3/-
apparel had to be worn next to the skin, but could be Cost = 18-36d per yard.
worn as an outer garment by those well enough off to Embroidery, Elaborate 5/- to 7/6
be able to afford it. Cost = 60-90d per yard.
Embroidery, Gold £1 to £2
Nettle (SV:UN, LV:CM): Made from the stalk of the Cost = 240-480d per yard.
(wild) stinging nettle, this is also a surprisingly soft Embroidery, Silver 10/- to 15/-
cloth commonly used by the poor for clothing that Cost = 120-180d per yard.
had to worn next to the skin – and easily one of the Embroidery, Simple 8d to 1/-
cheapest available because the source plant grows so Cost = 8-12d per yard.
well in the wild.
Fur, Cheap 1/- to 1/6
Silk (ST:R, LT:UN): Only available as an import from Cost = 12-18d per yard.
the Eastern Empire until the 12th century, when the Fur, Average 5/- to 7/6
weaving of silk textiles begins in Spain and Italy and Cost = 60-90d per yard.
slowly spreads to southern France by the 13th or 14th Fur, Expensive 10/- to 15/-
centuries. Cost = 120-180d per yard.

In the rest of Europe it remains an import throughout Kermes (Scarlet) 5/- to 7/6
the period. It is the second most expensive cloth after Cost = 60-90d per yard in addition to basic Cloth price.
Velvet … which is a special weave of Silk in any case. Kermes (Scarlet), Double-dyed 12/- to 18/-
Cost = 144-216d per yard in addition to Cloth price.
Velvet (LT:R, C:R): The most expensive cloth in
medieval times, Velvet is basically a double thickness Tyrian Purple 2/- to 3/-
Cost = 24-36d per yard in addition to basic cloth prices.

Cloth of Gold (MC:IO): Silk warp and gold wrapped

silk or gold strip weft. The most expensive cloth avail-
able in medieval Europe by far and entirely imported
from the Eastern Empire or a small number of Italian
city states as far as the rest of Europe was concerned.
So expensive that it was often used only for decorative
edgings, highlights or panels on less expensive cloths.

Counts as C:SO in Italy or C:R in the Eastern Empire.

Cloth of Silver (MC:IO): Similar to Cloth of Gold, but

woven with silver wrapped silk or silver strip weft and
woven in the same places.

Counts as C:SO in Italy or C:R in the Eastern Empire.

Embroidery (ST:SO): Embroidery was a common

158 option for sprucing up the basic cloth type used in
medieval clothing … the grades, Simple, Average,
 T
Elaborate are a mixed measure of how much of the
existing is covered by the embroidery coupled with
how complex the design is.

H
Silver and Gold Embroidery is simply Elaborate grade
embroidery using some silver and gold thread.

E
If a character is part of a Noble or Gentry household
with a Mother/Sisters or, possibly, Wife/Ladies in
Waiting, they can embroider clothing on demand at not
additional cost except the time expended.

Fur (SV:R, ST:UN, C:CM): Furs were used both as a

lining and as a trim. Any fur, even cheap ones, could

M
be (and were) used to line clothes – though, of course,
such clothing would only be suitable for wear in cold
weather, which implies the owner had more than one

A
set of clothes and/or could afford to layer his clothes
which implies a level of wealth above that of poor.

R
Only expensive furs were used as a trim … though that
might mean ‘expensive for the social class of the
wearer’ … relative rather than absolute expense.

K
When used as lining, the fur makes up half of the
yardage required for outer clothing … when used as a
trim it takes up ~10% of the yardage. Fur could also

E
be used as both a lining and a trim on the same Kermes dye was actually cheaper, pound for pound,
garment, equalling to 60% of the total yardage. than Tyrian Purple, but to achieve the richest, most
vibrant, colours required 2-3 times as much dyestuff.

Very occasionally you might find someone wearing a fur
garment (usually a cloak or similar) with the fur on the
outside, usually lined with cloth on the inside … this
might be because the skin was from a particularly
T
Kermes, Double-Dyed (LT:R): The richest and most
expensive dye-job available – cloth dyed twice in
Scarlet. This was mostly done with white cloth, giving

P
dangerous wild animal (Wolves or Bears, for example) a particularly rich scarlet … but sometimes it was
and it was display of the wearer’s prowess as a hunter done with blue (woad) dyed cloth for a rich, dark,
or it might be a conspicuous display of wealth. almost iridescent, black.

Expensive Furs included Ermine (Stoat), Weasel and

Miniver (from the winter coat of the Red Squirrel in the
medieval period, not from that of the Stoat), Marten,
Mink and Sable.
Average Furs were often from different species of
Tyrian Purple (LT:R): The famous reddish-purple
dye extracted from eastern Mediterranean Sea Snails L
A
and used to dye cloth restricted to high-status individ-
uals from ancient times … until 1204 it was restricted
to Eastern Imperial sources and often used as a
diplomatic gift between the Eastern Emperors and

C
Squirrel (other than Miniver, of course) and some of the wannabe Western rulers, but the sack of Constantin-
more exotic species of Fox. ople by the 4th Crusade ended that and no succeeding
Eastern Emperor was able to kick-start a new Tyrian

Cheap Furs included Cat (the most expensive), Lamb
and Rabbit.
Kermes (‘Scarlet’, LT:R): A dyestuff made from the
dried bodies of the female Kermes Vermilio beetles
which, by itself, produces an extremely rich red with
excellent colour fastness.
Medieval cloth was normally dyed with Woad (blue)
when sold and before being dyed with Kermes, so the
actual colour of ‘Scarlet’ cloth (not a colour, merely
cloth dyed with Kermes) varied from a dark black
through grey, brown, dark red,, purple and red brown.
E
Purple industry.
Thereafter western Europe moved over almost entire-
ly to Kermes (Scarlet) and the use of Tyrian Purple
seems to have been largely confined to Egypt and
nearby areas (and restricted in use only by the high
cost) … though, theoretically, it could still have been
traded to the West (and may have been for a short
period, but in increasingly smaller quantities).
The dye was so valued because it was extremely colour
fast and the colour became richer as the fabric aged
rather than fading as would normally be expected. 159
 Cote Hardie, Linen, Cheap 3/9 to 4/6
CLOTHING PRICES (SAMPLES) Cost = 45-54d
Cote Hardie, Linen, Fine 15/- to 18/-
Belt, Leather, Average 6-9d Cost = 180-216d
Plain leather, plain two piece buckle.
Belt, Leather, Cheap 1-3d Cote Hardie, Nettlecloth 9d to 1/-
Plain leather, simple two ring buckle. Cost = 9-12d
Belt, Leather, Fine 1/- to 1/6
Cost = 12-18d. Embossed and/or with fancy metal Cote Hardie, Wool, Average 5/6 to 6/9
buckle and fittings. Cost = 66-81d
Cote Hardie, Wool, Cheap 2/6 to 3/3
Belt, Rope ¼d Cost = 30-39d
Or ‘home made’ for free! Cote Hardie, Wool, Fine 11/- to 13/6
Cost = 132-162d
Boots, Cheap 3-4d
Boots, Fine 1/- to 2/- Doublet, Linen, Average 6/- to 7/6
Cost = 12-24d. Typically embossed leather. Cost = 72-90d
Boots, Good 5-7d Doublet, Linen, Cheap 3/- to 3/9
Cost = 36-45d
Braies, Linen, Average 10d to 1/3 Doublet, Linen, Fine 9/- to 11/3
Cost = 10-15d Cost = 108-135d
Braies, Linen, Cheap 6-8d
Braies, Linen, Fine 1/6 to 2/3 Doublet, Nettlecloth 6-9d
Cost = 18-27d
Braies, Nettlecloth 2-3d Doublet, Wool, Average 3/9 to 4/6
Cost = 45-54d
Chemise, Linen, Average 7-9d Doublet, Wool, Cheap 1/8 to 2/2
Chemise, Linen, Cheap 4½-6d Cost = 20-26d
Chemise, Linen, Fine 1/2 to 1/4 Doublet, Wool, Fine 5/6 to 7/-
Cost = 14-16d Cost = 66-84d
Chemise, Nettlecloth 1½-2d
Hat/Cowl, Nettlecloth 2-3d
Cote Hardie, Linen, Average 7/6 to 9/-
Cost = 90-108d Hat/Cowl, Linen, Average 1/3 to 1/6
Cost = 15-18d
Hat/Cowl, Line, Cheap 6-8d
Hat/Cowl, Linen, Fine 2/2 to 2/6
Cost = 26-30d

Hat/Cowl, Wool, Average 10d to 1/2

Cost = 10-14d
Hat/Cowl, Wool, Cheap 4-6d
Hat/Cowl, Wool, Fine 1/6 to 2/3
Cost = 18-27d

Purse, Canvas ¼-½d

Purse, Leather, Average 1-2d
Purse, Leather, Fine 4-6d

Robe, Lined, Wool, Average 5/- to 7/6

Cost = 60-90d
Robe, Lined, Wool, Cheap 2/6 to 3/9
Cost = 30-45d
Robe, Lined, Wool, Fine 9/- to 13/6
Cost = 108-162d

Robe, Fur Lined, Wool, Average 15/- to £1/5/-

Cost = 180-300d
160 Robe, Fur Lined, Wool, Cheap
Cost = 60-90d
5/- to 7/6
Robe, Fur Lined, Fine £2 or more
Cost = 240d or more

Shirt, Linen, Average 6-8d

Shirt, Linen, Cheap 3-4d
Shirt, Linen, Fine 10d to 1/-
Cost = 10-12d

Shirt, Nettlecloth 1½-2d

Shoes, Basic 2-3d

Shoes, Good 4-6d
necessary fitments to attach to leather belts of any sort
Tabard, Basic 1/3 to 1/9 – but the extra weight of these usually mean that a
Cost = 15-21d second belt is used for them so they can be put on or
taken off more easily.
Tunic, Hemp 2-3d
Boots (LV:SO): These are simply shoes with a higher
Tunic, Linen, Average 4/- to 5/- upper reaching at least to the ankles. Like shoes they
Cost = 48-60d are of the turnover style … that is, they have no sole
Tunic, Linen, Cheap 2/- to 2/6 and are sewn from two pieces of leather. They fit more
Cost = 24-30d like a glove than modern shoes or boots – and it
Tunic, Linen, Fine 6/- to 9/- would be unwise to kick an armoured opponent and
Cost = 72-108d expect any protection! They may be secured by
Tunic, Nettlecloth 4-6d leather ties or, later in the period, simple buckles.
Production: ½ to 1 day.
Tunic, Wool, Average 2/6 to 3/6
Cost = 30-42d Braies (ST:SO): Male underpants, really thigh or
Tunic, Wool, Cheap 1/3 to 1/9 knee length shorts or short trousers. Usually made of
Cost = 15-21d Linen or, perhaps, Nettlecloth … Wool and Hemp
Tunic, Wool, Fine 3/9 to 5/3 were too scratchy close to the skin. Largely replaced
Cost = 45-63d the classical era Loincloth (think ‘adult diaper’) in
the role of underwear well before the 10th century.
Tunic, Wool, Fur Lined, Average 6/- to 7/6 Production: Several per day.
Cost = 72-90d
Tunic, Wool, Fur Lined, Cheap 2/6 to 3/9 Cote-Hardie (ST:SO): A more elaborately fitted tunic
Cost = 30-45d – often with (decorative not closure/fastening) buttons
Tunic, Wool, Fur Lined, Fine 12/- to 15/- down the front and, possibly, the arms. Production:
Cost = 144-180d One or two per day.

Under Tunic, Average 1/- to 1/6 Chemise (ST:SO): Technically speaking, both a male
Cost = 12-18d or female under-tunic during the medieval period
Under Tunic, Cheap 6-9d (with obvious differences for the two sexes). Purely for
Under Tunic, Fine 1/6 to 2/6 simplicity it is assumed, for this listing, to be a
Cost = 18-30d Woman’s slip worn beneath the two Tunics she would
normally wear, against the skin, over her underwear.
Underwear, Women’s, Linen, Average 6-9d As with Braies, these were normally made of Linen or
Underwear, Women’s, Linen, Cheap 3½-5½d Nettlecloth as Wool and Hemp were too scratchy to be
Underwear, Women’s, Linen, Fine 10d to 1/4 worn next to the skin. Production: Several per day.
Cost = 10-16d
Hat/Cowl (ST:SO): This covers a multitude of styles
Belt, Leather (ST:OTC): The Cheap belt has a simple and types for the sake of simplicity. At the beginning
two ring buckle through which the leather tongue is of the century, men were often bareheaded, but very
passed to keep closed by friction. The Average and quickly reverted to early styles of Hoods/Cowls,
Fine belts have a modern(ish) style two piece buckle usually combined with a shoulder covering or quarter
and pierced belts. Fine belts are of embossed leather cloak … the wealthier the wearer, the longer the tail
and/or have some metal furniture, usually brass, such on the cowl. Hats were also worn, especially broad
as rivets or bars, as decorative elements. brimmed ones, often with an upturned front brim to

Swords and Daggers come with Scabbards and the

designate the wearer as being on a pilgrimage.
Production: Several per day. 161
 Purse, Canvas (SV:SO, ST:CM): A drawstring bag
with loops or ties to allow it to be attached to the
wearer’s belt or girdle – pockets simply don’t exist –
used to carry money and small items.
Purse, Leather (LV:SO, ST:CM): As above, but up-
market and more durable.
These belt-hung purses give rise to the term cutpurse –
so, late in the 14th century, some tunics have slits cut into
their sides to allow the purse to be worn underneath
ones tunic, concealed, and suspended from a second
belt there (for both men and women).
either have no sleeves, or the sleeves are vestigial.
Production: 3-4 per day.
Tunic (LV:SO): Worn by men and women, the male
versions are the lower end of the price range, the
female versions are the higher since they contain
more cloth, being significantly longer. A sleeved
garment similar to a Tabard, but more fitted – even
in the early part of the period when fitting was looser
than it became later. Both men and women normally
wear two tunics, this represents the outermost one –
and by mid century it is being replaced by the Cote
Hardie for men. Production: 2-3 per day.

Robe (ST:SO): A more elaborate than usual over-
tunic for men and for women – worn only by the
well-to-do or better off. Production: 2-3 days for a
Cheap one, a week for an Average one and ten days for
a Fur Lined one.
Under Tunic (LV:SO): Same basic design as the
Tunic, but worn underneath that garment, over a Shirt
(for males) or Chemise (for females). As with th Tunic,
the low end price is for the Male version and the high
end is for the female version. Production: 2-3 per day.

Shirt (ST:SO): The other half of male undergarments
(along with Braies), made of Linen or Nettlecloth
rather than Wool or Hemp for reasons explained
elsewhere. Long sleeves down to the wrist, long tail
down to the mid-thigh or just above the knees.
Production: 2-3 per day.
Underwear, Women’s (SV:SO): A Breast Band (or
Bandeau in the older, pre-Brassiere, sense, of a band
of cloth without breast cups) or Breast Bags
(something like a modern Bra, in that there seems to
have been breast cups of soft material) and knickers.
Production: Several per day.

Shoes (ST:SO): These are turnover style – two pieces

of leather sewn together inside out, then turned over,
but going to the top of the foot, not over the ankle as
Boots do. They fit more like gloves, having no sole
and, as with Boots, kicking anyone wearing armour
with them is not a good idea! Production: 1-2 per day.

Tabard (ST:SO): An outer garment, sometimes worn

as an outer tunic by the poor … however, increasingly,
it is becoming a surcoat with colours, embroidery or
cloth patches showing military or political allegiance
of the wearer both on and off the battlefield (the
latter type is priced here). Either one piece of cloth
sewn down the sides with a hole for the head at the
top and holes for the arms at either side or two pieces
of cloth sewn together in a similar way – both version

162
 FARMS & FARMING
Medieval Society was basically an agricultural one –
around 95% of the population were farmers early in
the period, though, in some areas, this had fallen to
perhaps 90% by the end of the 14th Century. Those
farmers operated at little better than subsistence level
and their heavily taxed output supported all the non-
farming specialists – the Nobility and Gentry, the
Clergy, the skilled Craftsmen.
THE MANOR & ITS LANDS
There are several ways in which fields were organised
during the Middle Ages with the main differences
being in two areas – the layout of the fields and the
system of crop rotation.
Despite what most generalist books seem to claim, the
‘Open Field System’ was NOT universal. Not even in
places that were suited for three field crop rotation.
Open Field. The land is organised into two or three
large fields delineated with hedges or ditches. Each is
then subdivided into smaller strips (narrower than
they were long) divided from adjacent strips by
mounds of earth wide enough to walk along.
This was industrial farming – depending on the sources
you consult either every plot in each field was in the
same rotation cycle and sown with the same crop
(chosen by the Village community) or there might be
some leeway for individuals to grow different crops
that were still within the same rotational cycle.
Celtic Field. The land is a patchwork of more or less
square fields, rarely more than half an acre, farmed
by individual families … under either two or three
year crop rotation cycles as chosen by the owners.
This was the most common arrangement.
Latifundia. Mostly found in the Mediterranean areas
(Iberia, parts of Italy [especially Sicily] and some
estates in the south of France). The arrangement of
T
the fields is uncertain, but these were large estates
with a centralised workforce. In most places they ran
to the two field system of crop rotation. H
E
Unlike the other two systems, Latifundia could, and did,
specialise in non-cereal farming … vineyards, orchards
and olive groves, for example … and could often
specialise in stock raising for meat, wool or dairy.
Two Field System. The system up to early Medieval
times … only partly replaced by the three field system.
Half the farmland is cultivated each year, the rest left M
A
fallow. The next year, the two areas are reversed. This
ensures nutrients in the soil are not depleted, which
would depress crop yields if allowed.
R
Three Field System. Adopted in areas with suitable
climates – one field is sown with Rye or Wheat in
autumn, this germinates the next spring for an early
harvest, followed by a spring planting of Oats or
Barley. A second field is sown with Peas, Lentils or
Beans. The third field was left fallow. The fields are K
E
rotated through the sequence every year.
The system was unsuitable for Mediterranean climes
T
where unreliable or insufficient spring rains meant that
the autumn planting would likely fail.
With no specialised farm implements (other than
hand tools), the Plough was used for a wide variety of
purposes, not just ploughing before sowing seed. P
L
Fields would be cross-ploughed (that is, in one
direction then at right angles to that) at least twice
A
before actual planting and after the autumn crop was
harvested, they would be ploughed again … in
between, the second field also had to be ploughed.
After harvest and gleaning, but before the winter
snows came, the fields had to be ploughed again to
prevent them becoming waterlogged and damaging C
E
the seed sown in autumn field and to prevent flooding
in the other fields.
Even the Fallow field was ploughed, and cross plough-
ed, to turn the grass and other vegetable matter into
the soil as part of the replenishment process.
In fact, apart for about a month or so in the depths of
winter, ploughing, for one purpose or another, was
almost continuous.
163
 FARMS & FARMING – WHAT’S AVAILABLE
Digging Stick 4 lbs ¼d

Flail, Winnowing 4 lbs 2d to 1/-

With rope connections, 2-4d; with chain, 6d to 1/- (12d).

Harrow 50-100 lbs 3/- to 6/-

With wood tines, 3/- to 4/- (36-48d); with metal tines, 5/-
to 6/- (60-72d)

Hoe 4 lbs 3-8d One type of Harrow

Metal shod wood blade, 3-5d; full metal blade, 6-8d.
Digging Stick: Only the poorest and most backward
Pitchfork 4 lbs ½-1d peoples still use the Digging Stick instead of evan an
Medieval Pitchforks were of all wood construction. Ard plough. It has a sharp point at one end for
scratching seed holes and a flat portion at the other
Plough, Ard (‘Scratch’) 75-80 lbs 4/- to 5/- that acts as a not very good spade. Availability is
Without coulter, 4/- (48d); with coulter, 5/- (60d) SV:CM if they are used at all in a locality.
Plough, Carruca 100-130 lbs 8/- to 10/- Production: More than a dozen a day.
Without iron-rimmed wheels, 8/- (96d); with, 10/- (120d)
Plough, Mouldboard 130-150 lbs 16/- to £1 They can easily be made for no cost other than time
Without Iron-rimmed wheels & mouldboard, 16/- (192d): and may be used as a makeshift weapon.
with, £1 (240d)
Plough Blade 2 lbs 6-8d DIGGING STICK – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d4; Bludgeoning. Critical: x2.
Rake 4 lbs ½-1d
Medieval Rakes were of all wood construction. DIGGING STICK – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d4, Bash, Stun Location. Size: M. Reach:
Scythe 4-6 lbs 2/- to 3/6 S. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/4.
Light Scythes (4 lbs) had short handles, were for grass
cutting and cost 2/- to 2/6d (24-30d). Heavy Scythes (6 Flail (Agricultural): This consists of a handle and a
lbs) had long handles, were for reaping Barley and Oats rod attached by several links of metal chain (as few as
and cost 3/- to 3/6 (36-42d). possible) or rope (much more likely), and is used for
beating the stalks of harvested cereal crops to loosen
Spade & Shovel 3-4 lbs ¼-6d the grains from the ears/heads as part of the post-
All wood Spades and Shovels go for ¼d to ½d. Metal harvest processing. Production: 4-6 per day.
shod ones go for 3-6d, depending on the amount of iron.
It may be used as a makeshift weapon, but the weap-
Sickle 2 lbs 6-9d onised version so beloved of many RPG designers
simply isn’t available until the mid to late 15th century.
Wheelbarrow 20-50 lbs 1/6 to 3/-
Small (25 lbs) costs 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d) and has a 3 cubic FLAIL – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
foot capacity; Large (50 lbs) costs 2/6 to 3/- (30-36d) and Damage: 1d5; Bludgeoning. Critical: x2.
has a 6 cubic foot capacity.
FLAIL – RQ/MYTHRAS
A wooden agricultural Flail Damage: 1d5, Bash, Stun Location. Size: M. Reach:
M. Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/6.

Harrow: A frame with wood or metal prongs which is

intended to be dragged across a ploughed field to
break up the remaining clods of soil and provide a
‘finer’ finish. Production: 3-4 days (Wood), 6-7 (Metal)

Hoe: This implement has a wide flat blade at right

angles to the long handle and was used for tilling the
soil of gardens and small areas of cultivated land.
164 Production: 12+/day (Wood), 10-12/day (Metal)

Often used as an alternative to even the simple Scratch
Plough (and the Ox team it required) as a manpower
intensive, but less expensive of capital, method of
cultivation (yes, there were people who were that poor).
A step up from the Digging Stick, in effect.
Pitchfork (SV:CM): Medieval pitchforks, or those in
use during the 10th-14th centuries, were made entirely
of wood and could have anywhere from three tines
upwards. They are used for moving loose material,
especially hay or chaff, and are often home-made.
They are of little use as weapons – treat as a Flail (see
above). Production: a dozen or more a day.
Plough, Ard (‘Scratch Plough’, SV:CM): The Ard
was the most common type used early in the period
but was slowly replaced by the Mouldboard Plough in
the 14th century … except where the Two-Field crop
rotation system remained the norm (basically the
Iberian Peninsula and Southern Europe … and
probably Eastern Europe and Muscovy).
The Plough was mostly wood with a knifelike blade at
the business end and, possibly, a metal coulter in
front of the blade to allow it to dig deeper into the
soil. Production: 3-4 days.
A typical Ox team was 6-8 in the early medieval period
(when animals were much smaller than they were either
during classical times or later on) and four (4) much
larger beasts during the later medieval period. This was
inadequate for proper tilling, and normally a field
would have to be cross ploughed to break up the soil for
sowing – more than once for heavy soils (typically three
to five times, taking from 20-30 hours per acre).
Few peasants could afford the capital cost of a full team
of oxen and it is believed they co-operatively harnessed
teams between several families during the ploughing
season – or that may even have rented the lord’s team to
do their ploughing (horses and oxen could be harnessed
together if there were not enough of either).
In emergencies, an Ard Plough could be pulled by a
team of people as it doesn’t bite as deep into the soil
and doesn’t have the resistance of the Carruca or
Ard Plough with metal Coulter
T
Mouldboard Plough
H
E
Mouldboard plough – the “team” would often the
wife and older children.
The Plough Blade of a Scratch Plough must be regu-
larly replaced and/or sharpened, usually each year.
M
A
Plough Carruca (LV:SO): The Carruca Plough is a
much heavier plough than the Ard, with a larger,
stronger, deeper blade that eliminates the need for
R
cross-ploughing it appeared in the Western Empire as
early as the mid 7th century but was too expensive for
most peasants to use – both in the cost of the plough
itself and because it needed a team of at least eight
Oxen, which few peasant families could support by
themselves. Production: 5-6 days.
K
E
It was mainly used for bringing new land under
cultivation as it could easily break up heavy, clayey,
soils common in northern Europe. It never entirely
T
replaced the Ard until it gradually morphed into the
Mouldboard Plough (qv).
Prior to the 13th Century, a Carruca costs double the list
price – and is unavailable in the 14th century.
Mouldboard (Heavy) Plough (LV:SO): The Heavy
P
L
Plough was a development of the Carruca (qv) which
slowly appeared during the 12th-14th centuries and
proved more successful as this coincided with im-
A
provements in metallurgy and agriculture which
made the greater use of metal and the need for a
larger plough team, which was increasingly likely to
be of horses, less ruinous. Production: 5-6 days.
Double the price in the 12th century, increase it by 50%
in the 13th – use the listed price only for the 14th century.
C
E
Scythe (SV:SO): This has a larger blade and longer
handle than the Sickle (qv) and is used standing
upright, held in both hands, with the blade at right
angles to the ground and having a less pronounced
curve than a Sickle. Production: 1-2 per day.
Even though it is known to have been around from at
least Roman times and perhaps date back to 500 BC,
Scythes were normally confined to use in the mowing of
hay, cutting grass or, from the 13th century, for harvest-
ing Barley and Oats. It does not seem to have been used
165
 for reaping Wheat crops until the 16th century. Some
historians have suggested this may have been because
the wheat stalks so cut fell to the ground and a signific-
ant amount of the grain was knocked from the ears and
effectively lost.

Scythes could be converted into makeshift Polearms

by simply straightening the tang and attaching them
to long poles – something even a marginally compet-
ent village blacksmith could easily manage – but are
pretty much useless as a weapon in their normal form.

SCYTHE-POLEARM – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 2d4, Slashing. To Hit: -1 vs metal armour.
Critical: x2.

SCYTHE-POLEARM – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 2d4, Bleed. Size: M. Reach: M. Damage
Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 4/8.

Sickles (SV:CM): This is a handheld crescent shaped

blade at the end of a short handle. The Sickle was
used to harvest cereal grains during the medieval
(and earlier) period(s).

It is used single handed while stooped over (the other

hand grasps a bunch of stalks) with little of the grain
being lost in the process. Production: 3-4/day.
It is quite uncomfortable to use because you have to be
constantly stooped over – and no-one likes the process,
no matter how necessary it is.
Spade & Shovel (LV:SO, ST:CM: Early in the period
these were most commonly of all wood construction,
usually carved from a plank as all one piece, handle
and blade with an iron tip at the business end.
Improved tech drove down the price more were shod
with iron though the wood handle and blade were
still usually one piece. Both can be used as an
improvised weapon.
Production: 4-6 tipped with Iron, 2-3 mostly iron.
The handle was either straight and or had a ‘T’ shape –
the modern looped shape is a later development.
SPADE/SHOVEL – D&D/PATHFINDER
Damage: 1d4/1d3+1, Iron tipped. Slashing; 1d3, All
wood, Bashing. Critical: x2.
SPADE/SHOVEL – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6/1d6+1, Iron tipped, Bleed; 1d3, All
wood, Bashing. Size: M. Reach: M. Damage Mod:
Yes. AP/HP: 3/6.
All wood Spades/Shovels break off at the end of the
handle of a Critical Hit confirmation roll is failed.
Wheelbarrow (LV:SO): Wheelbarrows start to appear
in Europe some time during the mid to late 12th
century – but they seem to have remained unknown
outside of England, France and the Low Countries
(they don’t seem to have arrived in Muscovy until
some time in the 18th century, for example) and
remained relatively rare even where known until the
15th century. Production: 1-2 per day.

As a rule of thumb, halve the effective weight of any-

thing carried in a wheelbarrow for Encumbrance.

166 Scythe
 FOOD: FAST & OTHERWISE
Medieval people (obviously) needed to eat just as we
do today, though the level of technology available
back in the day meant there were differences as to
how (or whether, in what form and for how long) food
could be stored, prepared and eaten … not to mention
cyclical variations in supply (both seasonal and due to
anything from a minor shortfall in production to
widespread crop failure). All of which will have a great
potential impact on a RPG campaign.
As noted elsewhere, the prices for Food related products
in this section are price corrected for the last quarter of
the 14th century … if you wish to set your campaign in a
different (earlier) period and/or see how prices
fluctuated each year, consult the Average Crop Prices,
1200-1399 on page #77.
EATING IN : EATING OUT
Did Medieval people eat at in or out – and how often?
Like most things so far, the answer isn’t necessarily
what you think it is or what you might have been led
to believe … assuming the books you’ve consulted even
deal with the issue at all!
EATING AT HOME
Then, as now, most people ate meals at home most of
the time … they might even have prepared most of the
meals they at at home most of the time.
Because the available sources deal almost entirely
with the wealthy and well-to-do and these two groups
are shown eating at home (even inviting guests) the
unspoken assumption is that everyone largely prepar-
ed and cooked at home and ate at home most, if not
all, of the time.
But what about ordinary people? The Commons …
Peasants, Serfs, Day Labourers … even Journeymen
T
and not particularly well off Tradesmen? The picture
here is entirely different …
H
E
Fuel Costs: As has been noted in a number of places,
fuel (wood for the most part) was expensive … so poorer
people could not always afford the fuel to prepare
foods and recipes that required a lot of cooking. The
result was that they either ate meals that required
little or no fuel to prepare or they found some other,
cheaper, way of cooking their meals.
Griddle Cakes: If you had a fire for heating, perhaps
only a Brazier, you could cook simple Flatcakes or M
A
Flatbread on metal grid, or even on a stone at the
edge of the fireplace. All you needed was some flour,
water and salt and the heat from the fuel you were
R
probably going to burn anyway (Yep, just like King
Alfred – though hopefully without burning the result!).
The poor generally couldn’t afford a lot of fuel for mere
heating, but they could usually afford some as it did
double duty as a light source … so they would often keep
a fire burning for a little while after dark. K
E
Pottage & Porridge: These were the most common
cooked meals before the increasing popularity of
T
Bread in the late 13th century were simple concoctions
of cracked Oats or Barley mixed with whatever was
available – usually Beans, Peas, Greens and other
Vegetables with some Fat or Oil, possibly a little meat.
They took relatively little fuel to prepare and remain-
ed common even after Bread increased in popularity P
L
as they were cheaper in ingredients and fuel cost.
Using the Baker: The most common way of cooking
A
‘at home’ for most poorer people was evidently to
prepare the meal at home and take it along to the
Baker to have it baked/heated in his oven … typically
after the day’s Bread was baked.
This economised on fuel as a larger commercial oven
could support several changeovers of baked meals on C
E
the one firing – so the cost of space was quite small.
Recent research into people receiving some sort of
retirement pension or annuity has shown, however,
that many people actually bought pre-prepared meals
and brought them home … or, in some case, seem to
even have had them delivered.
This evidence also suggests this was common amongst
bachelors, those who lived alone and those who only
rented a room (or a part of a room) which may not
have included any cooking facilities. 167
 Cold Meals: Bread, Smoked or Cured Sausages and
Cheese were all possible components of cold meals as
were raw Onions and Leeks – washed down with Ale
(Beer later on).
Note that the famous Ploughman’s Lunch (Bread,
Cheese, Onion and a Pickle) is largely the invention of a
1950’s advertising campaign (though the term can be
traced back to the early 19th century) – but it seems very
likely that medieval householders would have prepared
something similar as both bread and cheese could last a
long time without refrigeration.
Pre-Prepared Meals: You could actually buy Pies,
Pasties and other filled pastries from some Bakers
and, of course, from Chop Shops and Ordinaries (see
below) and itinerant Pie Sellers were a not uncommon
sight in the streets, especially near marketplaces or
anywhere that was heavily travelled at near mealtimes.
The Poor: The houses of the poor often didn’t have a
separate Kitchen – indeed, their might not even be
separate rooms at all. Cooking in rural areas was often
done outside, at least in fine weather – and there was
often not even a table on which to set the food.
During the day, workers ate wherever they were for
Lunch – in the fields or at work, most often.
They would, of course, seek shelter in inclement weather
or, if they worked indoors, would probably eat where
they worked or, possibly, with their employer’s family or
in their kitchen (or Great Hall), especially if being fed
was part of their remuneration.
In the evening they would normally eat at home – but
often outdoors, at least in fine weather.
Breakfast, not a common formal meal, was probably
limited to leftovers from the previous night’s meal or
some bread & cheese and eating it on the way to work.
The Well-to-do: This class usually had a separate
cooking area, possibly in a separate room, and cooking
168
mostly took place indoors … though often the ‘kitchen’
was a separate building away from the main house.
Eating was more commonly around a table, possibly in
the Kitchen or, if not, in the main room of the house
(usually on the ground floor if multi-storey) and would
usually be eaten sitting around a table.
The Wealthy: Almost always had a separate Kitchen
or cooking area, depending on how modern their
housing was, and would eat their meals sitting around
tables as a matter of course.
Older dwellings which had a single multipurpose Great
Hall still very occasionally might not have a separate
Kitchen or cooking area … but such a situation was
increasingly rare.
The dining area was often so large in a wealthy, elite,
household that there might be a number of tables in
addition to the High Table where the family and
important guests would eat … other guests and even
servants would eat at the other tables, seated accord-
ing to their importance and social rank.
It was increasingly often the case towards the end of the
period, at least in wealthy/elite households, that there
would also be a smaller, private, dining area for those
occasions when the owner and/or his family wanted a
more intimate, private, dining experience.
EATING OUT
There were a number of ways people in medieval
times could eat out, or, at least, eat away from home.
– there were even the equivalent of fast food joints.
The first mention of a Cookshop or Ordinary in
London dates to the 1170’s and they were mostly
situated near or in the dockland area and there were
several dozen mentioned by the first decades of the
13th century.
York had 35 by 1304 … and it seems that most
(English) towns had a number proportional to their
population … and in many places the existence of a
Cook Street or similar shows where they would origin-
ally have been found.

“There eatables are to be found every day, according to
the season … [the menu includes] … dishes of meat, roast,
fried and boiled, great and small fish, coarser meats for
the poor, more delicate for the rich, of game, fowls, and
small birds …” – William Fitzstephen
An alternative to a Cookshop (qv) for the poor, or those
without cooking facilities at home, were the businesses
run by the three (loosely) related trades of Baker,
Pastrycook and Piemonger.
Bakers: Not only baked bread commercially, they also
rented space in their ovens to local householders to
have meals they had prepared cooked up. This was
common enough that many Town Councils regulated
the prices they could charge for this service.
In general, Bakers didn’t sell pre-prepared meals or
hot food other than Bread, that was the realm of the
Pastrycook and Piemonger (qv).
Pastrycooks & Piemongers: These were specialised
Bakery businesses and do not seem to have baked or
sold Bread as such – but they weren’t like Chophouses
(qv) as they specialised in food combined or contained
in bread or pastry whereas the latter used bread (or
buns) to wrap cuts of meat, poultry or fish.
The difference between Pastrycooks and Piemongers
seems to have been in their expected clientele – some
of the evidence suggests that they both produced Pies,
Pasties, Tarts and other Pastries, but that the Pastry-
cook used more expensive ingredients aimed at a
better off end of the takeaway market while the Pie-
monger used cheaper ingredients aimed at the same
market as Cookshops, and often on-sold their wares to
Hucksters (qv).
Menu: Pies, Pasties, Sausage Rolls (well, Sausages in
a split bun, anyway), Tarts (which could be sweet or
savoury). Since all these foods were intended to be
eaten either on the go or away from the place they
were bought it is likely that the pastries they were
baked in were soft and edible.
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Taverns were prohibited from providing lodging (for A
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transients anyway) – but were a cut above mere Cook-
shops (qv) and, unlike Ale Houses, were legally able to
sell food as well as drink (and allowed to sell Wine).
They might also appear in the guise of what would be
called, in later periods, Chop Houses or Ordinaries.
Chop Houses & Ordinaries: These names postdate K
E
the end of the 14th century, but the existing evidence
is that something very much like them existed at least
as early as the end of the 12th century, and probably
T
earlier than that. Both seem to have been upmarket
types of Cookshops (qv) and served better quality food
to a better off clientele – and there may have been a
crossover in the services they offered.
Chop Houses seem to have been mainly take-away
businesses. They usually had joints of meat being P
L
roasted from which they would cut off sections for a
customer … probably serving them wrapped in bread
or a bun of some sort. They also cooked meat to order,
A
presumably better cuts, and would also cook any meat
a customer brought to them. At least some of them
seem to have been open 24 hours a day, seven days a
week … even on Sundays!
Ordinaries were very similar to a Tavern, having a
room or rooms with common tables and seating, but C
E
specialised in the service of food and almost certainly
had a separate cooking area or kitchen. There was a
regular set menu (probably whatever was cheap but of
good quality at the Market that day) but some would
cook and serve food that the clients brought along.
Some may have been open 24/7 as were some Chop
Houses, though this may mean they operated as a
Chop House out of whatever their normal hours were.
Clientele: At Ordinaries and in Taverns this was
almost exclusively male. Both were, at least partly,
drinking establishments so it wouldn’t have been a
suitable place for even a low status female. 169
 The clientele would usually be better off than those
who frequented Alehouses since some Taverns and
Ordinaries sold Wine which was more expensive than
Ale or Beer … at least in England.

Since Chop Houses served a passing trade, their clients

could be of either sex.

Facilities (Taverns): Most commonly a Tavern would

have at least a single large open room with tables and
trestles on which the patrons could sit. There might be
a separate Kitchen (possibly in a detached building,
as was often the case for private homes) or food might
simply be prepared over a fireplace … which there
would be in any case, as a heat source in cold weather.

Food and Drink might be stored in the main room,

probably behind some sort of serving table (calling it
a ‘Bar’ would be too grand) to keep it separate from
the clients … or there might be separate storage off the
Kitchen or even in a Cellar.

The Tavern Keeper and his family would have their
own private room or rooms on the premises – perhaps
upstairs or, possibly, merely on the same block and to
the rear (with the Kitchen). Staff might also have
lodgings provided, simply sleep on the floor of the
Common room or Kitchen, or live off-site.
Menu: Ale, Beer and Wine, obviously – though in
some places Council ordinances might limit the pro-
prietor to the sale of one general type of Wine (typical-
ly Red or White, but better class Taverns and Ordinar-
ies might be licensed to sell more expensive wines
rather than cheap generics).
Tavern food was usually a cut above that sold in
Cookshops (qv) but was still fairly basic (well, most
medieval food was fairly basic!) – and of limited
variety for the most part. Cuts of meat, mostly Mutton
or Beef (Pork was for the poor), perhaps even Poultry
… often roast; Stews or Pottages (with Meat, usually).
As with Cookshops, Dairy, Bread and Vegetables were
probably served but aren’t mentioned in the surviving
civic regulations (the main source for menu inform-
ation) because they were not expensive ingredients.
Food in Ordinaries tended to be better than that
served in a Tavern simply because the establishment
specialised in serving food. Ordinances from various
English Towns refer to and regulate Fish, Chicken,
Geese, Wildfowl and Rabbits.
Based on the available evidence Cookshops existed in
most Towns from at least the 12th century, and prob-
ably earlier as tax records, where they exist, show that
no more than 15-20% of the poorer or single person
households (and they’re the ones paying any sort of
taxes) had a fireplace for cooking.
Clientele: These were not used by the well-to-do, nor
were they frequented by travellers … or not those of
any means. They were aimed at the poor … as the
Council records that survive make clear which control
the sort of ingredients, all cheap, that they were
allowed to use and also set the prices of the finished
meals, all dirt cheap, they were allowed to charge.

Facilities: The minimum requirement was access to

a Kitchen – food could be, and often was, simply sold
out of the door of the proprietor’s dwelling. At best
they might have a single room with a common table
and trestle seating for the patrons.

Cookshops were prohibited from providing Lodgings

and could not sell Beer or Ale … though there was no
prohibition for patrons bringing in their own drink
purchased from a nearby Alewife.
170 Menu: This was typically whatever was cheap. Some

known recipes include Stews or Pottages (made with
cheap cuts of meat), Beef Ribs, Hot Peas (usually in
the Pod), Hot Sheep’s Feet, Risshes (small round meat
pastries, rather like Rissoles).
Meat was mostly Pork, as this was the cheapest
available – those who were slightly better off (or who
were catering to such) might be able to afford Mutton.
Beef was usually reserved for the well-to-do.
These were wandering street merchants some of whom
specialised in selling food they had purchased else-
where to householders or passers-by willing to pay a
small premium for the privilege of having their hunger
(or other small needs) assuaged on the spot.
They often sold hot food purchased from Piemongers
or Cookshops, typically items such as Pies and Pastries
which could be easily transported and eaten on the
spot, but they might also sell Ale, Bread, Salt or Fresh
Fish and other food items.
Not all Hucksters sold food – some either specialised in
small household utensils, sewing necessities and other
small items or sold them in addition to food.
They were occasionally persecuted by the authorities for
breaching the laws against regrating (a law which
attempted to limit the number of middlemen involved in
selling staple foods in order to prevent excessive markups).
BUSINESS HOURS
Most medieval businesses opened at or just after
Dawn and closed around Dusk – these were the
official hours of any Markets and Fairs. Depending on
what goods they sold/services they provided, other
businesses might follow this rule as well.
Butchers, for example, were prohibited from selling
meat after Dusk – as it was all too easy to sell meat that
was on the turn by the weak artificial light that was all
that was available. Bakers were likewise prohibited
from firing their ovens before Dawn or after Dusk as
part of the curfew (qv) regulations.
Most Guilds prohibited Masters (i.e. business owners)
T
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from opening or working before Dawn or after Dusk
… mainly as a method of price control, preventing
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anyone from undercutting other guildmembers’ com-
petitiveness by working longer hours.
R
A topic that causes much confusion is the concept of
Curfew. Most books state straight out that the Curfew
law made it a criminal offense to be out much after
K
Dark or much before Dawn – and they’re wrong.
On the Continent: Curfew, or couvre feu (‘cover fire’)
E
was a fire safety measure first and foremost. It was a
warning, usually by a rung bell, for Householders to
bank over their fires, leaving the coals underneath but
T
not exposed so it could easily be restarted in the
morning by raking over the coals – it also limited the
chance of embers or sparks drifting off and starting a
devastating fire.
P
People out and about after Curfew were viewed with
suspicion unless carrying a light – but it wasn’t necess-
L
arily a criminal, or even arrestable, offense.
In England: Between 1066 and 1103 the Normans
A
imposed a criminal curfew to prevent dissident Anglo-
Saxons from gathering and plotting treason. The law
doesn’t seem to have applied to Normans.
C
Before and after this 37 year period the rule seems to
have been applied in much the same was as it was on
the Continent.
Curfew & Food Service: Outside of the period 1066-
1103 in England, Ordinaries and Chop Shops seem to
have been allowed to set their own hours – and some
E
are known to have remained open 24/7.
Curfew & Taverns: The situation with Taverns is less
clear – certainly laws were passed from time to time
to enjoin the licensee to enforce the Curfew, but the
need to repeatedly reissue these strictures are probab-
ly an indication of their relative lack of success.
171
 FOOD: FAST & OTHERWISE
AT THE MARKET Mallard: A single wild Duck with an average live
weight of 1½ pounds, about 55% of which is edible.
Beverage (Nutrition/Tankard) Quantity Cost
Ale or Beer Wine Gallon 1½d Partridge: Another common game bird, about 50% of
the live weight is edible.
Wine, Cretan or Provencal Wine Gallon 1/- (12d)
Wine, Red or Rhenish Wine Gallon 6d Pheasant: A prestigious Game Bird – and expensive
Wine, Tuscan (Red) Wine Gallon 2/- at Market because they are normally only available to
Called Vernage in period, 24d per Gallon. landowners who hunt them on their estates. About
60% of live weight is edible.
Fish Quantity Cost
Herring, Fresh 8 lb ¾-1d Pigeons: Yes, I know, rats with wings – but a desirable
alternative to Chicken in medieval times, especially in
Meat Quantity Cost years with a good harvest when they would be quite
Lamb 12-14 lbs 5-6d plump – weighing it at around a pound each, and
about 45% of the live weight is edible.
Rabbit 1½-2 lbs 3-4d
With the skin, 4d. Without, 3d. Rabbit: A wild rabbit produces around 45% of live
weight in edible meat. Rabbits may be purchased
Poultry Quantity Cost with or without the skin – if all you want it for is food,
Eggs 12 3-4d having a skinned rabbit is fine.

Hen 2-4 lbs 1-2d Wine: These varieties are not the common sort sold
in most eating establishments, they are at least a step
Mallard (Duck) 1½ lb 2½-3d or two (or more) above the ‘house’ varieties they serve.

Partridge 1¼ lb 3-4d DINING OUT

Pheasant 1½-2 lb 1/- (12d)
Pigeons 6 lb ¾-1d Beverage (Nutrition/Tankard) Quantity Cost
Ale or Beer (2C, 2P) Wine Gallon 1½d
For generic Meat and Poultry prices by the pound, see A Tankard (4 Pints, ½ Gallon) costs ¾d.
the table on page #79. Cider (Apple) (4C, 1P) Wine Gallon 1d
A Tankard (4 Pints, ½ Gallon) costs ½d.
Hen: About 65% of the live weight is edible. Save ¼d Perry (Pear Cider) (4C, 1P) Wine Gallon 1½d
if the Chicken has been plucked already … or sell the A Tankard (4 Pints, ½ Gallon) costs ¾d.
plucked feathers of two Chickens for ¼d. Wine, ‘House’ (4C, 1P) Wine Gallon 4d
A Cup or Goblet (1 Pint) costs ¼d.
Herring: Fresh and whole, ungutted, with the head
still on, a single Atlantic Herring weighs in at an Fish Quantity Cost
average of 1 lbs. About 50% of the live weight is edible. Baked Fish (Other) 1 lb 2-4d
Baked Fish (Prestige) 1 lb 6d to 1/-
Lamb: About 45% of the live weight is edible.
Fried Fish (Other) 1 lb 3-5d
Fried Fish (Prestige) 1 lb 8d to 1/3

Meat Quantity Cost

Baked Ham 1 lb 4½d

Roast Beef 1 lb 2½-3½d

Roast Lamb 1 lb 3-4d
Roast Mutton 1 lb 2-3d
Roast Pork 1 lb 1¾-2¼d
Roast Rabbit Whole 3-4d

Sausage, Beef ½ lb ¾-1¼d

172 Sausage, Mutton
Sausage, Pork
½ lb
½ lb
¼-¾d
½-1d
Pottage Weight Cost
Pottage with Fish
Pottage with Herbs
Pottage with Meat
1 lb
1 lb
1 lb
1¾-2d
1¼d
1½d
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Pottage with Poultry 1 lb 2½-3d
Served in a partly hollowed 2 lb loaf of Rye Bread, add
¼d. Ditto, Wheat Bread, add ½d.

Poultry
Roast Chicken (Capon)
Roast Chicken (Hen)
Quantity
Whole
Whole
Cost
6d
2½-4d
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Eggs, Boiled 3 1d

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Roast Game Bird, Common Whole 2-6d
Roast Game Bird, Prestige Whole 1/- to 2/6d Pottage: The varieties of Pottage served in an Inn or
Roast Goose 1 lb 7d Ordinary would be more akin to a thick Stew than a

A
Roast Partridge Whole 3½d thin, watery, porridge or gruel. All of the Meat, Fish
Roast Pigeons 3 2½d and Poultry options include Herbs (Vegetables).

Spices Quantity Cost Only one type of Pottage is likely to be on the menu in
Pepper, Garlic etc.

well as salt for seasoning.

a taste ¼d
Regular meals use common, locally available ‘herbs’ as
Nutrition: Unless otherwise indicated, a Meal provides
the equivalent of half the required nutrition for a day.
Ale, Beer & Wine: While diners might consume an
entire Wine Gallon of any of these beverages, it is more
a given day, though some Inns/Ordinaries might simply
keep a Vegetable Pottage simmering and add other
ingredients to order for the specific varieties.
R
Poultry: Chicken was a delicacy and Capons (castrat-
ed Cockerel specially fattened for eating) were bigger K
E
and tastier than mere Hens. Eggs were about the
same size as modern ones, but, as noted elsewhere,
were seasonal and medieval breeds of Hen laid many

likely they consumed only a fraction of that amount
– assume the cost of a Tankards (4 Pints, ¼ of a Gallon)
of Ale or Beer are included in the price of a Meal.
T
fewer than modern ones.
Game Birds are everything other than Chickens,
Geese, Partridge and Pigeons (the latter were chosen

P
Note that the amount of alcohol by volume in Medieval for separate listing as they are more familiar to mod-
Ale and Beer was much less than in most modern brews ern readers) … Common varieties included several
– only ~1-2% ABV (quality control was not an exact varieties of Duck while Prestige varieties included

science and they didn’t know of the existence of alcohol
until quite late!) compared to 4-7% today.
Medieval Wine had an ABV of 12-15% like most modern
unfortified wines.
L
Bittern, Heron and Pheasant.
Availability will depend on the time of year and other
random factors – these are Game (that is, wild) and it is

Dinners: The weight (or number) of the listed

ingredient is for that item alone. All the meals
described herein are served on a Trencher (a thick
slice of cheap bread, usually Rye) which is edible or a
likely that only a few types will be available at any time.
Pigeons then, as now, were almost ubiquitous. A
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Swans were reserved for Royal tables – you certainly
wouldn’t find them in an Ordinary, a Tavern or an Inn!

wooden plate, plus some Herbs (Vegetables) and a
large chunk of better quality bread (especially if not
served on a Trencher).
So, you have your own Chicken (or Capon) or other
meat, the Innkeeper or Proprietor can charge 1d to cook
it for you … and another 1-2d for the ‘meal deal’ (i.e. the
Trencher, Herbs and better quality bread).
Fish: Common ‘fish of the day’ from the local lake,
river or seaside port were generally cheap and could
include Eels and Oysters. Prestige Fish included Pike,
Salmon, Trout, Turbot.
E
Sausages: These come either in a split bun or wrap-
ped in bread plus a serving of Herbed Pottage.
Either 8 oz sausages or 8 oz of sausage sliced up in the
herbed Pottage they are served with in a the Bread or
Bun. Those sold in an Ordinary are better quality than
those in a Cookshop.
Spices: As noted, regular meals use locally available
herbs and spices (salt, of course, perhaps a taste of
Garlic or the ever popular ‘Mixed Dried Herbs’ –
really Herbs, not vegetables), this category represents
those that are less common or more expensive. 173
 For most common people it means Pepper or Garlic Pottage: A thick (or thicker than Gruel, anyway)
– but could include less common spices such as porridge or stew, depending on the ingredients. Cook-
Caraway, Cardamon, Cinnamon and/or Sugar (on or shop Pottage is made with cracked Rye or Oats.
in Fruit Pies), Nutmeg and others. Served in a Bowl or a thick slice of Rye Bread (a
Trencher) or, for an additional ¼d, in a hollowed out
2 lb loaf of Rye Bread (about ¾ lb left).
Dairy Weight Cost
Grilled Cheese (5C, 3F) 8 oz ¼d Onion & Herb (vegetables) Pottage is ~¼ vegetable,
Bread & Cheese (8C, 4F) 1 lb ¼d the Fish and Meat variants are built on that but have
a taste (maybe an ounce) of Fish or Meat added.
Gruel Weight Cost
Gruel & Water (8C) 1 lb ¼d The Fish or Meat used is the cheapest leftover bits –
Gruel & Milk (6C, 1F) 8 oz ¼d Cookshops were often (and often correctly) accused of
using Offal instead of ‘good’ meat in their ‘meat’ dishes.
Pottage Weight Cost
Pottage (5C, 1F) ½ lb ¼d Sausage & Bread: Sliced sausage (~2-3 oz of even
Pottage, Fish (4C, 1P, 1F) ½ lb ½d cheap meat plus lots of filler), gravy with some onions
Pottage, Meat (4C, 1P, 1F) ½ lb ½-¾d and herbs in a bun or chunk of the cheap bread.
Pottage, Onion/Herbs (5C, 1F) 8 oz ½d
As with Pottage, above, Cookshops are notorious for
Meat Weight Cost using Offal and other leftover bits as ‘meat’ in their Pies
Meat Pie (3C, 1P, 2F) ½ lb ¼d and Sausages – and are often recorded in prosecutions
Sausage & Bread (5C, 1P, 2F) 8 oz ¼d for the same in the record of Medieval town Courts.
What do you expect for a business serving the poor?
Nutrition: The value after each Meal indicates the
nutritional vale of the entire meal. BAKED GOODS – AT THE BAKERY

Bread & Cheese: As it says, often a soft cheese spread Bread Type Weight Cost
on a chunk of bread. About 3 oz of Cheese spread or Cheap Cocket 5 lb 8¼ oz ¼d
laid in chunks on cheap Rye bread. Cocket 5 lb 6½ oz ¼d
Common Wheat 14 lb 8 oz ¼d
Grilled Cheese: Depending on how you interpret this Symnel 5 lb 3½ oz ¼d
14th century recipe, it may be lightly grilled cheese on Treet 10 lb 9½ oz ¼d
a slice (or between two slices) of bread or it might be Wastel 5 lb 4¾ oz ¼d
melted cheese on a thick slice (almost like a Foccacia). Wholewheat 8 lb 6oz ¼d
About ½ lb of cheap Rye bread and 2 oz Cheese.
Rye, Sifted 12 lb ¼d
Gruel: A thin, watery, porridge made of cracked Rye Rye, Unsifted 20 lb 5¼ oz ¼d
or Oats, and as often drunk as eaten with a spoon.
Gruel with Milk is made with skim milk. The meal Cocket Bread: This is made of two lesser grades of
comes with a chunk of bread to sop up the dregs. white flour in comparison to Wastel (qv) or Symnel.
Typically comes as 2-3 Loaves or 20-24 Buns/Rolls for
Comes served in a hollowed out 1 lb Loaf of Cheap Rye this weight/price.
Bread for +¼d (+2C).
Common Wheat Bread: Made of completely unsifted
Meat Pie: Either a whole (small) pie made using the wheat flour still with some chaff in the mix, a rough
cheapest meat or a slice of a larger, slightly better, pie. Wholemeal bread. Typically comes as 5-7 Loaves or
Lots of filler, gravy, flour, cheap ‘herbs’ and barely 48-60 Buns/Rolls for this weight/price.
enough cheap cuts to allow it to be called ‘meat.’
Symnel Bread: Made from the finest quality sifted
white flour, boiled before being baked and more the
consistency of a very fine heavy cake than a bread.
Typically comes as 2-3 Loaves or 20-24 Buns/Rolls for
this weight/price.

Treet Bread: Made from partly sifted wheat flour –

with all the chaff removed. Typically comes as 4-5
Loaves or 40-48 Buns/Rolls for this weight/price.
174 Wastel Bread: Made from the finest quality sifted
 T
white flour, but baked like normal bread (unlike the
Symnel Loaf). Typically comes as 2-3 Loaves or 20-24
Buns/Rolls for this weight/price.

H
Wholewheat Bread: Made from a better quality
sifted flour than Treet (qv), but still not as fine as
sifted white flour. Typically comes as 3-4 Loaves or

E
30-40 Buns/Rolls for this weight/price.

Rye Bread, Sifted: Made from sifted Rye flour,

common bread for the rural Peasantry and better off
working classes in the Towns. Typically comes as 5-6
Loaves or 48-56 Buns/Rolls for this weight/price.

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Rye Bread, Unsifted: Made from complete unsifted
Rye flour, common bread for the serfs and the very
poor urban classes. Typically comes as 8-10 Loaves or

A
80-100 Buns/Rolls for this weight/price.

Candy Weight Cost

Candied Orange Peel (2C)
Candied Lemon Peel (2C)
1 oz
1 oz
1½d
1¾d
Biscuits (Nutrition/Biscuit) Weight Cost
R
K
Comfits, Almond (2C, 1P) 1 oz 2½d Gingerbread (3) (¾C) 1 oz ½d
Comfits, Fruit (2C) 1 oz 1½d One Dozen cost 1¾d
Comfits, Ginger (2C) 1 oz 2d Honey Biscuit (3) (1C) 1 oz ¼d

E
Comfits, Aniseed (2C) 1 oz 1¾d One Dozen cost ¾d
Lemon Biscuit (6) (½C) 1 oz ¼d
Marzipan (2C, 1P) 1 oz 3d For ½d you get 14 Biscuits

T
Milk Biscuit (12) (¼C) 1 oz ¼d
Candied Fruit Peel: Appears as early as the 11th For ½d you get 30 Biscuits
century, and possibly before that, when it was made
with Honey. Later made with refined white sugar. Buns (Nutrition/Bun) Weight Cost

P
Rather like modern Glace Fruit. Cinnamon Bun (3) (2C) 2 oz ½d
One Dozen cost 1¾d
Comfits: A nucleus of dried fruit, nuts or seeds coated Fruit Bun (3) (1½C) 2 oz ¼d

L
with sugar candy, they are known to have existed at One Dozen cost ¾d
least since the 14th century but almost certainly Spiced Bun (2) (2C) 2 oz ½d
existed in some form since the 13th. The sugar coating One Dozen cost 2½d

A
may be white or coloured (usually with spices).
Cakes (Nutrition/Cake) Weight Cost
Marzipan: A soft confectionery made from Honey or Almond Cake (6C, 2P) 4 oz ¾d
Sugar, colouring, Almond Meal and Almond Oil often Gingerbread (6C) 4 oz 1d

C
with spices added for colouring. Honey Cake (6C) 4 oz ½d

Very popular as the means for producing decorative, yet Oatmeal Biscuits & Cakes Weight Cost

E
edible, embellishments for sweet pies, tarts and pastries. Oatmeal & Honey Biscuits (12) 1 oz ¼d
Some confectioners might make small lozenges or round 30 Biscuits, ½d. Nutrition = ½C/Biscuit
‘lollies’ for travellers (ST:SO). Oatmeal & Honey Cakes 1 lb ½d
2 lb Cake, ¾d. Nutrition = 12C
It appeared in Eastern Europe and Iberia via Islamic
contacts (Turkey and al-Andalus, respectively) by the Pies & Tarts (Nutrition/each) Weight Cost
mid 12th century … and the Hanseatic League (esp- Apple Pie (6C, 1P, 1F) ½ lb ½d
ecially Konigsberg, Lubeck and Tallin) were export- Apple & Orange Tart (4C, ½P, ½F) 4 oz ¾d
ing Marzipan by the mid 13th century. Orange Pie (4C, ½P, ½F) 4 oz 1d
Plum Tart (6C, 1P, 1F) ½ lb ½d
One Pound of any of the above confectionery costs ½d Quince Tart (4C, ½P, ½F 4 oz ¾d
less than the cost of 12 ounces. Two Pounds costs 1¼d
less than the cost of 24 ounces. Biscuits: These are all made with the finest sifted 175
 white flour. All Biscuits weigh 1 ounce individually,
but you get the bracketed number for the price listed
(i.e. 12 x 1 ounce Milk Biscuits cost ¼d)..
Gingerbread Biscuits may be bought as Gingerbread
Balls, instead. Two Balls weigh about an ounce.
All are lightly dusted with powdered sugar, even the
Honey Biscuits, and some sugar is used to sweeten the
biscuit dough as well (except, obviously, for the Honey
Biscuits). Lemon Biscuits are made with lemon juice,
not with pieces of lemon.
Medieval Biscuits are what Americans and Canadians
will, some several hundred years after the end of the 14th
century, eventually call ‘Cookies’ … the closest Medieval
equivalent of what Americans and Canadians call a
‘Biscuit’ is a soft white Bread, perhaps halfway between
Symnel Bread (qv) and a cake .
Buns: These are made with white flour, but not as
high quality (nor as highly sifted) as that used for
Biscuits – they all weigh 2 ounces individually, but you
get the bracketed number for the listed price.
All have a small amount of Honey or Sugar (plus
Cinnamon for Cinnamon Buns) added to the dough
and are glazed with Honey and dusted with Sugar (or
Sugar and Cinnamon for Cinnamon Buns).
Fruit Buns have currants or pieces of dried fruit mix
included in the dough. Spice Buns are like modern
Hot Cross Buns, with currants/dried fruit bits plus
honey, cinnamon and other sweeteners.
A dozen Buns can be purchased for the price of eleven.
A half a dozen Cinnamon or Spiced Buns cost ¼d less
than six … but there is no discount for six Fruit Buns.
Cakes: These are made from the same fine, highly
sifted white flour as Biscuits, but use lots of oil or
butter to make them softer … though not as soft as a
modern cake mix (and not like Pannetone style cakes
– at least, not in England).
Gingerbread is usually round and loaf-like, and
heavier than the other cakes – so, even though they
176
weight around the same as the other, a Gingerbread
Cake is about two thirds the size.
Honey Cakes are made using a considerable amount
of honey worked into the dough, not merely as a
sweetener as in Honey Biscuits.
Almond Cakes are basically Honey Cakes with ground
Almonds or Almond Paste, Almond Oil and possibly
other nuts added to the mix and whole Almonds
pressed into the Honey-glazed top of the Cake.
Cakes are available in 1 lb (triple normal) weights,
costing ¼d less than triple the base price.
Oatmeal Biscuits & Cakes: These are the cheaper
part of a Pastrycook’s products … or the dearer range
of a Baker’s (and can be bought, or special ordered,
at both types of establishment). They are made from
good quality oatmeal worked into a dough with a
significant quantity of honey.
Each Oatmeal & Honey Biscuit individually weighs 1
ounce, but you get a dozen for the listed price.
Pies & Tarts: These are actually pie coffins (i.e. crusts)
filled with a fruit mix made from the named fruit(s).
This may be a mix of fruit pieces and a semi-solid
compote or simply the latter (Apple and Quinces tend
to the former, Oranges and Plums the latter). The
pastry may or may not be edible, your choice.
Apple & Orange Tarts have much more Apple than
Orange in them, including the Orange Peel, as the
latter are (relatively) expensive imports from Spain
and Portugal whereas Apples are grown locally in
England (and northern Europe in general).
Pies & Tarts are available in 1 lb (double/triple normal)
weights, cost is ¼d less than double/triple the base price.”
Savoury Pies may also be available from Pastrycooks,
see the prices for Takeaway & Fast Food – Pastries &
Pies (below) – Meat Pasties and Meat Pies are
available from Pastrycooks using better quality meats
and more spices for ¼d to ½d more than the listed
prices.
Beverages (Nutrition/Tankard) Quantity Cost
Ale or Beer (2C, 2P) Wine Gallon 1½d
A Tankard (4 Pints, ½ Gallon) costs ¾d.
Pastries & Pies (Nutrition/Pie) Weight Cost
Pastie, Beef (5C, 2P, 1F) 8 oz 1d
Pastie, Cheese & Onion (6C, 4P, 2F) 1 lb ½d
Pastie, Chicken (5C, 2P, 1F) 8 oz 1½d
Pastie, Pork (8C, 3P, 1F)
Pastie, Mutton (8C, 3P, 1F)
1 lb
1 lb
¼d
¾d
 T
Pastie, Herb & Onion (6C, 4P, 2F) 1 lb ¼d
Add spices for an additional ¼d (usually Pepper, but
possibly Garlic).

H
Pie, Apple (6C, 1P, 1F) ½ lb ¾d
Pie, Bean (7C, 4P, 1F) 1 lb ½d
Pie, Beef (5C, 2P, 1F) 8 oz 1½d

E
Pie, Beef & Bacon (3C, 2P, 1F) ½ lb 1¼d
Pie, Chicken (3C, 2P, 1F) ½ lb 1½d
Pie, Pork (6C, 4P, 2F) 1 lb ½d
Pie, Mutton (6C, 4P, 2F) 1 lb 1d
Pie, Herb & Onion (7C, 4P, 1F) 1 lb ½
Double size Pies for twice the price – double that for ¼d
less than four times the price. Add spices for an + ¼d.

Sausages (Nutrition/Sausage) Weight

Sausage, Beef (3C, 3P, 2F) 8 oz
Cost
¾d M
A
Sausage, Mutton (3C, 3P, 2F) 8 oz ½d
Sausage, Pork (3C, 2P, 2F) 8 oz ¼d
Add spices (usually Pepper or Garlic) for +¼d. found year round, though the price might be 1½-2

Sussex Sausages (12C, 3P, 3F) 1½ lb
Pasties: Based on the traditional Cornish meal, but
similar foods were available all over. Basically a
R
+¼d times as much in winter. Other types of fruit might be
used as a filling as well, in season, at similar prices.
The larger sized Pies, as well as those with added spices,

K
filling of vegetables (Rutabaga and Onion) with a generally have to be cooked to order – which must be
enough meat for a flavour placed in a circle of pastry done in advance, before the ovens are fired (twice daily,
that is folded over and sealed before being baked. early morning, early afternoon).

Though it is often claimed that the pastry was merely

a holder that was discarded after the filling was eaten
the evidence entirely contradicts this – they were
eaten entire, filling and pastry!
Upmarket versions filled with vegetables and game meat
Better quality meat Pies may be purchased from a
Pastrycook for ¼d to ½d more … and these Pies always E
T
have edible coffins.
Sausages: These are simply the Sausage component
of a sit down Sausage Meal at a Tavern or Ordinary –

P
such as venison existed and were widely consumed by either eaten from the hand, on a skewer or folded in
elite diners, but certainly wouldn’t have been available a slice of bread.
at the Cookshops, Ordinaries, Inns and Taverns which

L
sold these cheaper versions. Spiced Sausages are made in smaller quantities than
regular ones. In the morning they are ST:UN, but by the
It is possible that the pastry holding the contents of these afternoon they become ST:R. Elsewhere and it not ‘in

versions might have been designed to be discarded.
Better quality meat Pasties may be purchased from a
Pastrycook for ¼d to ½d more.
A
stock’ they may be special ordered and take about a
half an hour to prepare and cook.
Sussex Sausages: were probably an early version of

C
what we know today as the Sausage Roll – the main
Pies: Meat Pies were made with more meat than a difference being that they were actual sausages baked
Pastie, probably almost as much as would have been inside bread rather than a sausage filler baked inside

served in a sit down meat meal in an Ordinary, but
they were filled with lesser quality meat … as is still
the case today.
The pastry ‘coffin’ holding the filling of takeaway Pies
was probably intended to be eaten, though home-
made Pies often had hard crusts that were intended
as mere containers for the filling.
Save ¼d per Pie if the Coffin isn’t edible – but reduce
the Nutrition by -2C.
E
a pastry sheet rolled around them as is the case with
modern day Sausage Rolls (yes, these are still eaten in
Britain, Australia and New Zealand). They cost ¼d
more than the basic Sausage type used in them
(including those with spices added).
The date for this recipe is uncertain, and the exact
nature even more so … but it seems likely that it was
around in the 14th century, and probably earlier.
The ingredients were approximately 8 ounces of

Fruit Pies might also be found, and Apple Pies might

sausage (usually fairly good quality) and 10 ounces of
bread – probably cheap Wheat or Rye. 177
 PRESERVED FOODS a Cloth Bag, 4-6d.
Fish, Salted (1P, 1F) 30 lb 1/3 to 1/6
Barrels Weight Cost 15-18d per Barrel. One Pound = ¾-1d. Five Pounds in
30 Pound (8 gallon) Barrel 10 lbs 6d a Cloth Bag, 3-4½d.
Rations of 8 (Wine) Gallons or 30 lbs do not include Fish, Smoked (1P, 1F) 30 lb 2/- to 3/-
Barrels. Either have your own or purchase one of these. 24-36d per Barrel. One Pound = 1-1½d. Five Pounds in
a Cloth Bag, 4½-6¾d.
Beverages (Nutrition/Tankard) Wine Gallons Cost
Ale or Beer (2C, 2P) 8 10d Fruit (Nutrition/Ounce) Weight Cost
One Gallon = 1d. Only Beer before the 13th century as Apples, Straw Packed (2C) 30 lb 6-9d
Ale goes off too quickly to be worthwhile as a Field ration. One Pound = ¾-1d. 2-3 Apples per Pound.

Wine, Cheap (4C, 1P) 8 2/- Fruit, Sun-dried (3C) 5 lb 3-6d

24d per Barrel. One Gallon = 3½d. One Pound = ¾-1½d. Comes in a Cloth Bags.
Wine, Better (4C, 1P) 8 4/-
48d per Barrel. One Gallon = 6½d Lemons (in a String Bag) (2C) 5 lb 2½d
Two Pounds = 1¼d. 4-5 Lemons per Pound.
Bread (Nutrition/Ounce) Weight Cost Oranges (in a String Bag) (2C) 5 lb 3d
Bread, Black (1C, 1P) 30 lb 3¾d One Pound = ¾d. 3-4 Oranges per Pound.
Two Pounds = ¼d. Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag, 1½d. Raisins & Currants (3C) 5 lb 1¾d
Bread, Double Baked (1C, 1P) 30 lb 9d One Pound = ½d. Two Pounds = ¾d. All in Cloth Bags.
One Pound = ¼d. Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag, 1¾d.
Herbs & Vegetables (N/Ounce) Weight Cost
Bread, Honey (2C, 1P) 5 lb 1/3 Beans (1C, 1P) 30 lb 3¾d
15d, comes in a Cloth Bag. One Pound = 3½d. Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = ¾d.
Bread, Honey & Nut (2C, 2P) 5 lb 1/9
21 d, comes in a Cloth Bag. One Pound = 4½d Peas, Dried (1C, 2P) 30 lb 6d
Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = 1¼d
Hardtack (1C, 1P) 30 lb 9d
Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = 1¾d. Three Biscuits/Pound Vegetables, Dried (1C, 1P) 30 lb 4½d
Vegetables, Pickled (1C, 1P) 30 lb 9d
Dairy (Nutrition/Ounce) Weight Cost Vegetables, Salted (1C, 1P) 30 lb 1/-
Butter, Salted (1F) 5 lb 5d Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = 1d.
One Pound = 1¼d
Meat (Nutrition/Ounce Quantity Cost
Cheese (1C, 2F) 20 lb 10d Bacon (2P, 1F) 30 lb 1/3d
Two Pounds = 1¼d 15d per Barrel. Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = 3d.
Cheese, Smoked (1C, 2F) 10 lb 7½d
Two Pounds = 1¾d Beef, Salted (1P, 1F) 30 lb 6/-
60d per Barrel. Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = 1/1 (13d)
Full Cheeses (10 or 20 lb) come wrapped in Cloth, lesser Beef, Smoked (1P, 1F) 30 lb 7/6
quantities come in a Cloth Bag. 90d per Barrel. 5 lbs in a Cloth Bag = 1/8½ (20½d)

Fish (Nutrition/Ounce( Weight Cost Pork, Salted (1P, 2F) 30 lb 4/-

Fish, Dried (Stockfish) (1P, 1F) 30 lb
22-30d per Barrel. One Pound = 1-1½d. Five Pounds in
A Barrel of Salt Pork
1/10 to 2/6 48d per Barrel. Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = 8½d
Pork, Smoked (1P, 2F) 30 lb 5/-
60d per Barrel. Five Pounds in a Cloth Bag = 11d.
Sausage, Beef, Smoked (1P, 1F) 10 lb 1/6
Five 2 lb Sausages. One 1 lb Sausage = 4d.
Sausage, Beef, Smoked/Spiced 10 lb 2/-
Five 2 lb Sausages. One 1 lb Sausage = 5d. (1P, 1F)
Sausage, Pork, Smoked (1P, 1F) 10 lb 1/-
Five 2 lb Sausages. One 1 lb Sausage = 2½d.
Sausage, Pork, Smoked/Spiced 10 lb 1/3
Five 2 lb Sausages. One 1 lb Sausage = 3¼d. (1P, 1F)

Nutrition: The bracketed value after the name (or in the

following explanatory line) of most foods indicates the
178 nutritional value of the food. See the following section
for details

Barrels: These are standardised for small scale shipp-
ing on land and are small enough to be carried by
Pack Animals or on Carts or Waggons. They are taller
and narrower than modern equivalent sizes.
Crates and Boxes are unheard of. Barrels are the go to
containerisation solution of the 10th-14th centuries. For
Sea Transport, larger Barrels, usually 64 lb capacity
and weighing in themselves at about 26 lbs, are more
common – and 128 lb are found as well.
Ale & Beer: Prior to the introduction of Hops as a
replacement for Barley in Ale making, some time in
the 13th century, Ale went off in less than a week,
often much less, and so wasn’t suitable for long term
travel or storage … and Beer was preferred.
In military logistics, Barley would be transported (or
purchased locally) and Ale brewed on the spot, as
needed, by the soldiers or attached cooks.
Apples: There were several hundred varieties of
Apples grown in various (often quite geographically
restricted) parts of Europe during the Middle Ages
and they were generally much smaller than most
modern commercially grown (non-heritage) varieties.
They could be stored without refrigeration or other
treatment as long as they were packed in straw so that
no one Apple touched another – as, if one went bad,
it would trigger all it was in contact to go bad as well.
Bacon: Medieval Bacon was salt-cured then hung and
air dried only, not smoke cured as it is today (smoke
curing isn’t mentioned until the late 15th , and only
definitively in the very last years of the 16th century)
and the term, if not the actual style of meat preparat-
ion, only appears around 1330 in English.
When the Bacon preparation was finished it was
packed in dry salt, probably in thick strips or chunks
of ~2-4 pounds, not hung.
Beef, Salted or Smoked: Regardless of whether the
meat is salted or smoked, it is stored in barrels of
either Brine or Dry Salt. The Meat is typically cut into
chunks or strips of 2-4 pounds in weight.
Beans: These are exclusively what today are called
Fava Beans (aka Broad Beans) – the String (or Com-
mon) Bean is native to the Americas and is obviously
not available. Dried Beans were a peasant staple and
lasted well enough to be commonly used as a trail
food or to supplement military or seafaring rations.
Beans were a common addition to Pottage.
Bread, Black (Rye): Baked as hard as a rock, but not
actually double-baked, Black Bread can be eaten as
is, but soaking in a soup or stew (or in Ale, Beer or
even Water in a pinch) makes it much more edible.
T
Double Baked Bread
H
E
M
Usually made in one or two Pound Loaves
Bread (Double Baked): Not always baked twice, but
A
baked for longer than normal – not as heavy a loaf as
Black Bread (qv), and easier to eat as is … though it,
too, is commonly fried or soaked in something (Fat,
R
preferably Bacon, Beef, Pork and Mutton in that
order, or Oil, such as Olive Oil, if available – Ale, Beer
or Water are also possible) to soften it before eating.
K
This will typically last several months before becom-
ing weevil or maggot infested making it inedible to
modern sensibilities – medieval soldiers and travell-
E
ers regarded the critters merely as extra protein!
Bread, Honey: A moderatel hard baked, heavy, Oat
T
or Rye loaf made with lots of honey and fats or oils
mixed in with the dough. Good for at least a month if
properly stored. Typically baked in ½-1 lb loaves.
P
Bread, Honey & Nut: TAs for a Honey Bread loaf,
but the dough has crushed nuts (Acorns, Chestnuts,
Hazelnuts, Pine Nuts, Walnuts - either one type or a
L
mix). Good for at least a month if properly stored.
Typically comes in half or one pound loaves.
A
Butter (Salted): Sadly, it goes off quite quickly, but
will last longer than regular butter – as long as a week,
perhaps ten days if wrapped in an oiled, tight weave,
cloth or similar cloth bag.
C
Cheese & Smoked Cheese: Hard, low water content,
Cheeses can last at several years if aged and stored
E
properly, wrapped in tight weave cloth or if it has a
hard outer rind (at least until the rind is cut!).
Fish, Dried (Stockfish): Cold air-dried fish (no salt
used), most often Cod. It takes around six months to
process, air drying from late February to May (at
temperatures above freezing, as this destroys the
texture of the product) and then stored indoors to dry
for another three months. Good quality Stockfish will
last 5-7 years if stored properly (in low humidity).
Stockfish needs to be soaked in fresh water for a
minimum of two days and preferably 3-4 days before 179
 cooking, replacing the water each day. Alternately,
they can be simmered in fresh water for several hours,
replacing the water regularly, for the same effect.
Fish, Salted: Any type of fish can, of course, be
salted, either in barrels of Brine or in layers of dry
salt, but the most common varieties found in the
medieval period were Anchovies, Clipfish (Cod salted
for several weeks before being cold air dried), Kippers
(butterflied Herring), Pilchards (aka Sardines, though
that name doesn’t appear until the 15th century) …
and these were mostly dry salted.
Salt Fish will last around 4-5 years if stored in cool,
dry conditions.
Fish, Smoked: Any fish can also be smoked, and this
was at least as widely used a means of preservation as
salting. Salmon, Herring, Haddock and Mackerel were
the most common varieties of smoked fish in the
medieval period. Properly smoked and dried Fish
should last as long as Salt Fish.
Fruit, Dried: Most fruits can be dried – they were
sliced thinly and sun dried and would store well for a
year or longer, if kept in a dry, cool, place. Cost varies
according to how common the fruit – Dried Apples
were generally cheapest, but Pears and Quinces were
also very common (also see Raising & Currants, qv).
Hardtack: The recipe and name have changed over
the years, but something like Hardtack has been used
in the Mediterranean area since classical Egyptian
times (i.e. 3000+ BC) … and the late Romans ate
Bucellatum which was almost certainly a precursor
and it was certainly used by the Crusaders.
It is a simple mix of water, flour and salt and has to
be baked long enough to drive out all the water –
which is what makes it so long lasting (typically many
years, even decades, if kept dry).
Hardtack is generally hard enough to require soaking,
frying or dunking to make it palatable but can, in a
pinch, be eaten as is (see Double Baked Bread for
possibilities).
180
In later periods, Hardtack was ground up and mixed
with fat (preferably Bacon) or oil to make Griddle Cakes
which were baked over a fire – it is very likely medieval
travellers and soldiers also used it in a similar way.
Hardtack mostly comes in square or oblong biscuits
but may occasional be round and there are typically
4-6 such biscuits per pound.
Lemons: Lemons (and Limes) were known of and
reasonably widely grown in southern Europe (Spain,
Sicily and southern Italy), making it an import
elsewhere. Their main use was not as a fruit directly,
but as Lemon Juice which was used widely in cooking
… Lemon Cakes or Biscuits being especially popular,
though it was used (along with Oranges) in all sorts of
cooking.
Oranges: The only Orange available in Europe until
the 15th century was the Bitter Orange (Citrus Aurant-
ium) which, as the name implies, was too bitter to eat
directly … it had to be cooked (or candied, or other-
wise sweetened) first. The Sweet Orange (Citrus Sinen-
sis) doesn’t become common enough to be used in
cooking until the 16th century and its first definite
depiction in art is c. 1450.
The Bitter Orange tree was particularly sensitive to
temperatures and was only grown in the warmest
areas of the Iberian peninsula – so it is a (relatively)
expensive import in the rest of Europe.
As with Apples, Medieval Oranges and Lemons may not
be from common modern commercially raised varieties
and generally produce smaller fruit
Peas: Another widely grown food eaten mainly by the
Peasantry as dried Peas were easy to store and long
lasting. Peas were a common addition to Pottage.
Pork, Salted or Smoked: As with Beef, it is packed in
Barrels with Brine or Dry Salt no matter how
prepared. The chunks of meat are also typically 2-4
pounds in weight.
Raisins & Currants: The most common dried fruit
available in Medieval times, and the cheapest.
Raisins were, of course, dried grapes – and, during the
medieval period the term included both those made
from dark and light varieties (the latter of often called
Sultanas today).
Currants are an import from the east, mainly Greece
(especially the island of Zakynthos) and are also a
variety of Grape, but smaller than those used for
Raisins. They were called Raisins of Corinth in mediev-
al England … Currant comes into use much later.
Sausages: These are made of better grades (but still
cheap cuts) of meat than those which can typically
 T
purchased in Cookshops or as Fast Food and are
prepared with a view to long term storage.

These are all dry-cured sausages – that is, the meat is

H
dry cured with salt and then smoked. Sausages pre-
pared this way will last several years at least – at least
until they are cut, at which point they will begin to

E
spoil and probably won’t last more than 3-5 days.

Wine: As noted elsewhere, tends to go off over the

course of a season, especially when on the move, but
even vinegary or soured wine can be drunk, especially
mixed with water (just as the Romans did).

M
Vegetables (Dried, Pickled, Salted): Vegetables were
consumed fairly quickly after being harvested – Mace 1 oz 5d
though they were stretched to last over winter by One Pound = 4/9 (57d).

A
careful storage in optimum conditions (cool & dry).
Nutmeg 1 oz 7d
For longer term storage, or for voyages where optim- One Pound = 6/8 (80d).

R
um storage conditions could not be assumed, they
could be preserved in a number of ways – usually in Pepper 1 oz 1¼d
the order Drying, Pickling and then Salting. One Pound = 1/- (12d).

K
Onions and Root Vegetables (Cabbages, Carrots, Par- Saffron 1 oz 1/- to 1/6
snips, Squashes [not the American one, what is called 12-16d per ounce. One Pound = 11/9 to 17/- (141-204d).
the Calabash, but not the African one – what was called

E
the Curcubita back in the day], Turnips and Rutabagas Sugar, Pure White (2C/oz) 1 oz 8d
[aka Swedes, Swedish or Yellow Turnip]) were all widely One Pound = 7/6 (88d). 3 lb Loaf = £1/1/6 (258d)
grown and easily stored fresh by being buried in sandy Sugar, Refined (2C/oz) 1 oz 6d

T
soil or in a barrel or other container packed in straw One Pound = 5/6d (66d). 14 lb Loaf = £4 (960d)
(like Apples) and would last at least over winter to the Sugar, Unrefined (2C/oz) 1 oz 4d
next harvest. One Pound = 3/6d (42d). 14 lb Loaf = £2/4/- (528d)

P
HERBS, SEASONINGS & SPICES All of the above were believed to have medicinal proper-
ties and were used in medicinal preparations at least as
Herb or Seasoning Weight Cost often as in the preparation of food. Many of them do, in

L
Common Herbs 1 lb ¼-½d fact, have some degree of medicinal value.

Garlic, 1 String 1 lb ½d The imported Spice trade was, as far as the European

A
Six Strings (6 Pounds), 2¼d. market(s) were concerned, controlled by the Muslim
Arabs who transported them from South, SE and East
Honey 1 lb 1½-2d Asia through the Red Sea and to the markets of Egypt
and the Holy Land – and then dominated by Italian

C
Salt, Sea (Coarse) 1 lb ½d traders, mostly Venetians.
Salt, White 1 lb 1d
This would probably buy 25 lbs at a seaside saltpan The profits made in the spice trade were so enormous

E
(Coarse salt) or at a rock salt mine (White salt) – but Salt that it was one of the key reasons that European powers
is heavily taxed. Evading the Salt Tax is a crime. such as Portugal went to the difficulty and expense of
Outside of France the price is halved. outfitting exploratory expeditions to reach the ‘Indies’
by sailing around the southern tip of Africa and, event-
ually, the failed attempt by Columbus to sail there by
Spice Weight Cost sailing directly west from Europe (with that little matter
Cinnamon 1 oz 6d of two large continents being in the way!).
One Pound = 5/6d (66d).
Cloves 1 oz 8d Both of those efforts are many decades in the future.
One Pound = 7/3d (87d).
Cinnamon (Cassia): Entirely imported from what
Ginger
One Pound = 1/2 (14d).
1 oz 1½d was an unknown source until the late 13th century
when travellers’ reports identified modern Sri Lanka 181
 as the point of origin. It was called Cassia in English
(from the original Latin, Kasia) from the 10th to the
15th century when the modern name starts to appear.
Sold in flattened strips 2-4” long (made from pound-
ed bark) it was ground up and mixed with other spices
such as Honey or Sugar as a flavouring agent.
Cloves: Entirely imported from the Moluccas until
the late 18th century arriving in Europe through the
Arab/Islamic dominated Red Sea trade during the
medieval period. The price was kept artificially high
by the Moluccans, who restricted exports.
Common Herbs: Anything grown locally – could
include such things as Betony, Chamomile, Cumin,
Dill, Hyssop, Rue, Sage and many more). These were
commonly grown in Herb Gardens and could often be
found in the wild.
Garlic: A common food flavouring item since the
earliest times, it was in widespread use in Europe –
though more so on the Continent, and especially in
the South, than in England and the North.
Ginger: Another spice entirely imported through the
Red Sea during the medieval period when it was
called Gingifer in English (Ginger only appears in the
mid 14th century).
Mace (aka ‘Red Mace’): Only the price will bring
tears to the eyes! Imported from the Banda Islands in
what is now Indonesia via the Arab-dominated Red
Sea route, Mace is made from the reddish outer
covering of the Nutmeg seed and comes in the form of
smooth, flat, horny but brittle pieces and 1½” long.
The flavour is similar to, but not as strong, as Nutmeg
proper … and Mace imparts its orange-red-brown
colouring to whatever dish it is used in, which made
it popular in the medieval period where the colour of
the food was at least as important as its taste.
Nutmeg: Also imported from the Spice Islands via the
Red Sea trade, this spice is made from the seeds of the
182
Nutmeg tree and is sweeter and stronger tasting than
Mace. The seeds (roughly egg-shaped and 5-10g each)
are what is sold, but they are ground up for use in
cooking or medicinals.
Pepper: Yet another import via the Red Sea, arriving
from South and SE Asia. Usually traded as Pepper-
corns and ground for use before use. Pepper was the
pre-eminent spice and accounted for up to 70% of the
medieval trade in spices.
Sugar: The Sugar Cane is native to the Indian Sub-
continent and was known in Europe, as an import,
from at least the 1st Century. Crystallised Sugar didn’t
appear until the 5th Century.
By the time of the Crusades, it was being grown, and
refined, in Egypt and this remained the source for
much of Europe’s sugar during the Middle Ages,
mostly arriving through Venice.
The varieties of Sugar Beet used for sugar production in
Europe were not developed until the 19th century, nor
were the means of extracting the sugar from them.
Sugar was generally sold in large solid cone-shaped
‘loaf’ with a rounded top from which sections would
be cut or chopped off for sale or for cooking (when
they would be ground up and/or dissolved). Powdered
sugar could have been made for use by pastrycooks
but granulated table sugar was unknown.
Fine Sugar came in small loaves of only 3 Pounds
while less refined and partly refined sugar came in
larger loaves of 14 pounds.
FOOD: FORAGING, NUTRITION, PRESERVATION
Without going into excessive detail and breaking
down individual types of food according to how many
calories they pack per pound (or kilo), the following
consumption guidelines are provided –
FORAGING
The characters may well find themselves in a situat-
ion where they have run out of food and need to
acquire rations without recourse to a market – while
on the road or away from civilisation.
BUTCHERY
One method of acquiring the required rations is to
slaughter any handy livestock.
· An average head of Cattle gives ~250 pounds of
edible meat (about 50% of live weight).
· An average Pig gives around 30 pounds of edible
meat (~ 40% of live weight).
· An average Sheep gives ~40 pounds of edible meat
(about 45% of live weight).
· An average Goat gives ~25 lbs of edible meat
(~45% of live weight).
· An average Chicken or Duck gives ~1½ lbs of
edible meat (~55% of live weight).
· An average Goose gives about 3½ lbs of edible
meat (~50% of live weight).
· An average Horse gives ~125 lbs of edible meat
(~25-30% of live weight).
· An average Deer gives ~45-50 pounds of edible
meat (about ~35% of live weight).
All of the above figures are based on modern dressing
percentages, in mid-20th century (i.e. pre-feedlot, grass
or naturally fed) situations where available, but related
to average live weight of medieval or wild breeds of the
specific animal type.
For other wild game, use the figures for the closest listed
animal provided above, scaled according to the relative
body weight differences.
The above values do not include those parts of the
animal widely eaten in the medieval period but less
likely to be eaten today (the heart, lungs, intestines, liver
and kidneys, brain etc.).
They also don’t take into account religious requirements
involved with the slaughter or dressing of the meat (for
T
H
E
M
example, kosher horsemeat is expensive because the
physiology of the horse is such that the hindquarters are
A
so difficult to remove the blood that kosher butchers
often simply throw thee whole of that portion of the
carcass away and charge more for the rest).
The figures also don’t take into account the value and
utility of the other parts not normally eaten – the hides
(leather and parchment), the fleece (wool for cloth,
R
K
padding for armour); the sinews (for bowstrings); the
hooves, horns and bone (for glue and minor household
items) which may be moot if the characters are foraging
E
in the wild. These products may be as important as the
food gained under some specific circumstances.
WILD PLANT FOODS
T
These are mostly available only during the Spring
and Summer for the most part and can be divided
into roughly three sorts – Greens, Vegetables and Nuts
P
– but how much may be available locally varies.
· Greens have a generally low nutritional value by
L
weight compared to other foods. A (Tower) Pound
of Greens rates as 2C.
A
· Vegetables (Wild) have and average nutritional
value by weight the same as for Dried, Pickled or
Salted Vegetables, or 1C, 1P per ounce.
C
· Nuts (Wild) have an average nutritional value of
2P per ounce.
E
Generally speaking, even in the optimum time of the
year, the yield of wild plant foods will be relatively low
– though there may be pockets where local conditions
means they are abundant (especially on good, well
watered, bottom land, for example … but how much of
that type of land isn’t under the plough?) – and they
will be even more scarce the closer they are to centres of
population, even in the wild.
The amount that can be gathered will depend mainly on
any Hunting, Foraging, Survival or Wilderness Survival
possessed by those doing the foraging – and how that
skill works in a given game system. 183

NUTRITION
AVERAGE DAILY FOOD REQUIREMENTS
An average human involved in moderate physical
activity requires ~2 kilos (~3 Tower Pounds) of high
energy food per day –
~60% (~21½ ounces) as Carbohydrates (Ale, Beer,
Cereal grains) including Sugars.
· ~15% (~5½ ounces) as Protein (Beans, Peas and
other Legumes or Meats)
· ~25% (~9 ounces) as Fats (Meats, Dairy products
such as Cheese or edible fats/oils)
Most soldiers and long distance travellers will get their
Protein in the form of Beans, Peas (and other Legumes)
and their fats from Cheese (or Olive Oil if it is readily
available) – only the better off will include Meats and
Meat-based fats in their regular diet.
Foods are given Nutritional Ratings which indicate
how much of each category they count towards per
ounce/meal/item (of course these are per Tower
Ounce/Pound).
For example, an ounce of a Food with 1C, 1P would
count as 1 oz of Carbohydrates and 1 oz of Protein.
This is entirely optional – and I certainly don’t suggest
you subject your players to a death of a thousand cuts
by insisting they keep track of every meal. Use it, at
most, occasionally – and only when it seems the PCs
are short of food, or cash for food, or are in some sort
of pickle where it makes for a great impetus for
inspired role playing!
Characters undertaking heavy labour or who have
been involved in Combat need more food (well, more
calories, but it is effectively the same) … if they are
involved in a Skirmish (i.e. a single episode of no more
than an hour) then they require an extra 6 ounces of
food that day, if involved in several Skirmishes (each
184
of less than an hour), an extra 12 ounces (1 Tower
Pound) and if involved in a pitched Battle (more than
half a day preparing for, waiting on, and involved in
combat), an extra 24 ounces (2 Tower Pounds).
Heavy non-combat work of a similar degree of effort
should require the same additional amounts of food.
Unbalanced diets can be maintained for a time, but
there will be long term health or other effects that are
really too complex to deal with in easily digested rules
for a roleplaying game.
Do you really want to get into the parameters of defic-
iency diseases such as Beri-Beri, Scurvy, Pellagra,
Rickets and many more?
It takes a long time to starve to death – around 3
weeks with no food at all, a lot longer if you’re merely
on short rations. However, in many, perhaps most,
cases, disease will kill the starving person before the
starvation does – as their immune system will be
progressively weakened the longer the period without
food or on short rations is extended.
It is extremely unlikely that PCs will be placed in such
a situation that there is no way at all they can find or
acquire food for such an extended period, so rules are
not generally needed. As with many things, being
faced with starvation wonderfully focuses the minds
of the Players on role playing solutions for their
predicament … which is as it should be.
PRESERVATION
STORAGE DURATION
Meats and Vegetables that have been dry salted and
then stored either in brine or beds of salt (and kept
dry in the latter case) can last indefinitely … for at
least 135 years (based on historical experience).
A RAN warship stationed in Darwin during WW2 had a
barrel of emergency rations in its stores marked ‘1815’
and, on a lark, it was opened. Apart from a portion that
had poked above the brine, it seemed to be edible … but
I make no case as to the likely nutritional value!
Bacon (Salted & Air Cured), Smoked Meats (Dry
salted and then Smoked), Dried or Smoked Vegetab-
les, Sun Dried and Candied Fruits and Bread (some
types) can last indefinitely if stored properly – several
years in a temperature controlled and dry environ-
ment (think a root cellar).
 HARDWARE & TOOLS T
Trade and Professional Skills require tools of the trade
to allow their practitioners to do … whatever.
While it is impossible to give detailed lists (and prices)
of the gear required by each and every likely trade or
profession a PC will wish to pursue (or to detail the
Shop/Premises of an NPC they may have dealings
with), some of the key Trades are included in this
section – and it is usually fairly easy to estimate the
overall cost of a successful craft or professional fitout.
CARPENTRY & BUILDING
In England, at least, the Worshipful Company of Car-
penters (est. 1271. Royal Charter, 1477), was one of the
four most powerful medieval Guilds of the city, which
may seem odd at first glance. However, in a period
when virtually all buildings had, at their core, a wood
frame, Carpenters could be more like Contractors or
Developers, always trades that attract a lot of money
and power (and powerful contacts).
Yes, Masons acted as the overall Architects and Project
Managers, but Carpenters were responsible for the
practical contracting.
After 1375 the Worshipful Company of Joiners & Ceil-
ers formally split off from the Carpenter’s Guild – the
difference being that Carpenters used nails and pegs in
their work while Joiners & Ceilers used glues (Ceilers
made wood panelling for roofs and walls). While still an
important Guild, Joiners were under the overall control
of the Master Carpenter on building projects.
Of course, not all Carpentry work was to do with
building – Carpenters could, and did, specialise, and
increasingly did so as the period progressed. If you
wanted anything made of wood they were the go to
tradespeople.
One important thing to remember about Medieval
Carpentry is that a Carpenter (at least those involved in
bigger projects such as Building Construction) often had
to take a whole tree and turn it into the finished product,
whatever that might be … they couldn’t duck down to the
nearest Building Supplies store and buy pre-cut planks
and beams, though they would buy seasoned tree trunks
that had been roughly trimmed.
Of course, those Carpenters (and Joiners) who specialis-
ed in smaller items (furniture and household goods, for
example) would normally deal with smaller chunks of
wood, and might purchase roughly pre-cut planks or
beams to further process as part of the construction
process involved in creating … whatever.
H
E
M
SMITHING
All except the most common items (and these may not
necessarily be what you would expect) are unlikely to
A
be available off the shelf, so to speak. Much of the
work a smith does will be more or less one off work
done on commission – which will often cause delays.
R
K
If you absolutely have to have something right now the
only realistic option some of the time may be to see if
E
you can buy it on the second hand market!
Skilled and experienced Smiths could do surprisingly
fine work, to very fine tolerances – but it was on the
basis of cut and fit and they could not easily (and
certainly not cheaply!) produce a lot of items to
T
P
absolute tolerances or even to the point where parts
of a complex item would be interchangeable with
those from another ‘identical’ item made by the same
L
smith.
ARMOURERS
Armourers are Smiths who specialise in the more
expensive, or exotic, weapons – Swords of various sorts
especially, but also things with (for the time and
place!) ‘Complex’ mechanisms such as Crossbows.
A
C
They also manufacture armour – which by the 14th
century was still mostly Mail, with Mail & Plate becom-
ing more common.
E
While it was still possible to find Armourers who could
produce both, even in the 13th century, there was a
definite trend for them to specialise.
Indeed, there was also a trend for them to sub-special-
ise … either to make a particular type of weapon
(Smiths wouldn’t, for example, make both Crossbows
and Swords) or a particular part of a suit of Armour
(or a part of processing the elements that made up the
armour … so an Armourer might specialise in making
Mail, or in the Plate bits for Mail and Plate … or
Helmets of any sort). 185
 BLACKSMITHS
Blacksmiths were the medieval version of a ‘high tech’
jack of all trades for metalwork … which is the cutting
edge of technology for the period. A village Smith
could make or repair almost anything made of metal
– and, in conjunction with other specialists could
make barrels, iron shod wheels for vehicles intended
for long distance travel, nails or even candlesticks.
In larger towns and cities they would also have some
skill in working with other metals, though guild rules
would probably limit their expertise.
Blacksmiths can and do make weapons, after all a lot
of medieval weapons are nothing more than modified
farming implements (Polearms made from Scythes
and Billhooks for example) or are in such widespread
use that even a village Smith will have experience with
them (Arrow and Spearheads, Knives and simple
daggers, for example).
COPPERSMITH
The term Coppersmith doesn’t start to appear until
the early 14th century (1305). Before then you would
seek out a Potter (who cast Copper pots, and had
nothing to do with ceramics) until the middle of the
14th century when the term was replaced (in London,
but not elsewhere) by Brasier (i.e. a worker in copper,
bronze or brass) possibly to avoid confusion with
Potters (i.e. the ones who worked with pottery).
Brasiers/Coppersmiths worked with casting Copper,
Brass, Bronze and Pewter items (Pots, but also Buckles
or Brooches, and other things – some of them special-
ised in, or could turn their hands to, big castings, such
as Church Bells), possibly also turning them on a
lathe in some cases (especially for Bowls, Candlesticks,
Goblets and Mugs).
186
For technical reasons, Copper is normally worked by
hammering while Bronze is normally cast and Brass
may be worked by either or both methods.
Casting could be done as a one piece (open face), two
piece or multi-piece mould, usually stone, or, for com-
plex shapes, using the lost wax method (i.e. carving a
model in beeswax, encasing it in clay, heating it so the
wax melts, then pouring in the metal – but the mould
had to be broken open, so it was strictly single use).
At least by the 14th but possibly as early as the 13th
century, Sand-casting was introduced … a pattern was
pressed into a special form of ‘bonded’ sand, which
could be one, two or multi-piece, and though the mould
was broken each time, the original pattern could be
used over and over.
Traditionally Coppersmiths produced a wide variety
of household and decorative items – but some, at
least, tended to specialise in one area, or related areas
so that it was common to find ones who specialised in
cookware, others who made buckles, broaches and
specialised ornamental components for various items
(leatherwork most commonly, but also stonework …
cast metal letters for ‘inscriptions’ or metal parts to
be inserted into carved grooving).
GOLDSMITHS
Like a Blacksmith, Goldsmiths often made their own
specialist gear – the smaller items, anyway. For their
larger tools they had to rely on a Blacksmith, like most
medieval tradesmen.
Any precision workmanship required in medieval
times was mostly done by Goldsmiths, especially for
small items. For larger items, the Goldsmith might do
parts that requiring precision while co-operating with
a Blacksmith or Coppersmith for the larger pieces.
They also did what passed for gemsmithing, really
polishing gems – the so-called cabochon ‘cut’ (a flat
base and round face, usually elliptical in shape) –
which worked best with translucent stones.
Rubies and Emeralds were the most prized gemstones
but Sapphires were also popular (especially Star
Sapphires). Semi-precious stones were also popular in
this form, especially Agate, Amber, Chrysoberyl and
Quartz amongst others.
Diamonds were little used and not highly valued as,
though they could be ‘cut’ as a cabochon, they pre-
sented very unimpressively in such form.
However, some time in the late 14th century true
gem-cutting of Diamonds, only into a natural octa-
hedral shape though, was appearing … the earliest
record being ~1380 in France, but this was awkward
and made the gem sit too high in its setting.
H ARDWARE & TOOLS
As with Kitchens (see previous Chapter), it is unlikely
that players will want a detailed listing of every single
Medieval Anvil T
item to be found in a Craft workshop and its likely
cost – so, while many items are listed below, only
those which PCs might reasonably want to have in H
E
their personal possession for direct game use are
given the usual details on price and production time.

But what about those PCs who are tradespeople?

Well, for Smithing, if you ask any Blacksmith, a prop-
erly (traditionally) trained Blacksmith can make any
and all of the tools that he needs in his craft.

No, the ones remaining today don’t always do it, mostly

don’t do it, in fact, as it’s usually cheaper and faster to
Charcoal Fuel 64 lbs ~1/-
M
A
go down to the Hardware store and buy what you need Chisel, Cold, Iron 2 lbs 3-9d
– and, in some cases, they may not be trained in the Price varies according to how much it is made vs bought.
same way that a traditional Smith was. The thing is, of Chisel, Cold, Steel 2 lbs 6d to 1/6d

R
course, that a Medieval Smith didn’t have a Hardware Cost: 6-18d. Again, price varies according to how much
Store to buy things from … hence the need to make it is made vs. bought.
one’s own equipment from time to time.
Cold Chisels are just the thing for cutting through the
Yes, on some occasions, especially in large enough
settlements where there are enough Smiths so that some
have begun to specialise, it may the case that at least
rivets on Manacles or Shackles – amongst other things.

File, Metal 1½-2 lbs 1/- to 2/- K

E
some tools can be bought from one of those specialists Cost: 24-48d for an Iron File, double that for Steel
… but, even so, in many cases it may be cheaper to (depending on how much of it is made vs bought).
simply make them.

T
Forge, Portable 80-100 lbs £1-2
Coppersmiths and Goldsmiths might make some of Cost: 240-480d (depending on how much of it is made
their own tools, especially the smaller ones, but would vs bought). Includes Bellows and other fittings.
either buy the iron blanks from a Blacksmith or, more
likely, contract a local Smith to make their tools
(towards the end of the period, some Smiths might be
starting to specialise in making tools for other crafts).
Grindstone, Portable 25 lbs

wooden frame for the rotary stone.

1/- to 1/3d
Cost: 12-15d. Operated by a crank handle. Includes
P
BLACKSMITH’S TOOLS Hammer, Smith’s 5 lbs 1/3 to 1/9d
Cost: 15-21d, depending on how much of it is made vs L
A
Anvil, Portable 25 lbs 2/- to 6/- bought. This is a general purpose smithing hammer.
Costs 24-72d, depending on whether you made it or you
buy it. Mainly for general purpose repair work but can Iron 1 lb 1-2d
be used for finer work. Cost, per pound, of an ingot or bar stock purchased
Anvil, Semi-Portable 75 lbs 3/6 to 10/-
Costs 42-120d, again, depending on whether made or
bought. This is a forging anvil and suitable for medium
from a Bloomery. Halve that cost if you smelt it yourself.

Tongs 1½ lbs 3-6d C

heavy work and yet still somewhat portable.
Anvil, Heavy Forging 200 lbs 8/- to £1
Costs 96-240d, depending on whether made or bought.
This is a heavy anvil suitable for making heavy forgings
and generally regarded as the best size for a fixed
general purpose anvil.
Balance, Steelyard, ‘Pocket’ 1 lb 1/- to 2/-
Cost: 12-24d. Portable, can measure weights up to 5
Pounds (Tower) in ounces. Additional weight to allow
measurement to 10 Pounds, Cost 4-6d, weight, ¾ lb.
E
Cost varies according to how much it is made vs bought.
Whetstone ½ to 1 lb 3-4d
Needed to keep your edged weapons and tools sharp.
Anvil (LV:SO, ST:R): Anvils are hand forged wrought
iron blocks (the London pattern Anvil, with the horn
at the front, doesn’t become close to universal until
the early 19th century, though it did exist in medieval
times) and are needed for any serious smithwork.

Bellows, Small, Portable 6-8 lbs 1/- to 2/6

Medieval Anvils are made of hand-forged wrought iron
as the technology of the time could not create the 187
 temperatures needed to allow iron to be cast. Very late
in the period some may be faced with steeled iron.
They are available in a variety of sizes (and weights)
which allow a Smith to work on different sized pieces
of metal … and any Smithy will have at least two or
three, and probably more, for each Smith and many
will have a whole range with special purposes
Yes, you can do work on larger items than an anvil is
intended for … to a degree. Even if you can, it makes the
amount of work involved in that part of the project more
onerous and will require much longer to complete.
In general, you need an Anvil that weighs in at at least
10 pounds per pound of hammer weight, but 20 pounds
is better – this maximises the efficiency of the pounding
(making it less tiring). Weight is also related to the area
of the working surface and, therefore, the size and
weight of any metal item(s) being worked on the anvil.
Production: At least 3-4 days for a 25 pound Anvil, a
week to ten days for a 75 pound one and 14-20 days
for a 200 pounder.
Balance, Steelyard (ST:R): A balance beam based on
two arms of unequal length and a sliding weight on
the long arm to allow the weight on the short arm to
be measured.
They come in a variety of sizes from those intended to
weigh small amounts to those meant to weigh entire
cartloads of goods for toll purposes … and anything
and everything in between. Production: 1-2 days for
the portable model.
Bloomery Forge
188
In Scandinavia the same principle (a balanced lever) is
used but the weight is fixed at one end and the fulcrum
is moved until it and the weight being measured are
balanced … measured weight is read off the pivot point.
Chisels: Cold Chisels are for working the metal while
cold; Hot chisels for when it is being worked hot. Both
types are normally made from good quality wrought
iron and so need to be sharpened and reworked
regularly, usually at least once a week, and wear to
the point of replacement every 6-8 months.
Steel chisels last twice as long between sharpenings
and reworkings and at least double the time before
they need to be replaced (12-18 months, perhaps as
long as two years).
Chisels come in a variety of sizes – from very fine ones
intended more as engraving tools through to really large
ones that might need to be driven with a sledgehammer.
The points are much less acute than on wood chisels and
they are relatively blunt since they are designed to cut
or smooth hard metal rather than soft wood.
Production: 8-12 per day of the size listed in Iron,
half that in Steel.
Bellows: These are of the horizontal (up/down) style
and are used to provide a forced draught of air into a
Forge to achieve higher temperatures. Production:
2-4 per day.
Since they only provide a forced draught on the down-
stroke, and since the size is limited by the length of the
operator’s arms, they cannot provide enough air to
allow a forge to reach the temperatures needed to melt
ore and create cast iron.
During this period waterwheel powered bellows were
coming into use – allowing much larger bellows to be
mounted and for cams to allow two bellows to provide
alternating blasts of more or less continuous air.
This, in turn, allowed for much higher temperatures to
be achieved, especially when used with a Catalan
Forge. Such an arrangement of bellows could create
high temperatures – high enough to melt iron.
It is possible that in your campaign world/setting that
local smiths might know the secret of the Box Bellows
which, historically, was only used in East Asia. Cost
and production rate would be similar to those for
standard bellows as described above.
Looking rather like an accordion, the Box Bellows
provided a forced draught on both strokes and, even in
small hand-held models, could provide enough extra air
to melt iron. It was also easily scalable up to huge
monsters that were operated by teams of draught horses
to allow tons of metal to be smelted at a time.

For forges operating with Box Bellows you should halve
the fuel costs for all operations.
Bloom: The product of a Bloomery or Catalan Forge,
an incompletely melted mix of iron threads and
particles mixed in with slag which needs to be repeat-
edly heated and hammered to work the iron into a
billet or bar of metal.
It takes pound of Charcoal per pound of Bloom to
produce a third to a quarter of a pound of Wrought Iron.
Processing a pound of Wrought Iron into Steel requires
another pound of Charcoal.
For example, smelting 100 lbs of Ore requires 100 lbs of
Charcoal and produces a Bloom of ~50 lbs. It takes
another 50 lbs of Charcoal to heat and hammer the 50
lb Bloom into 15 lbs of Wrought Iron, and turning those
15 lbs of Wrought Iron into Steel takes another 15 lbs of
Charcoal (or 165 lbs of Charcoal all up – and that 165
lbs of Charcoal required the 1650 lbs of hard wood to
be burnt down in a Charcoal Kiln).
Bloomery Forge: A Bloomery (Forge) is a forge for the
smelting of Iron Ore. The technology involved (the
vertical Bellows) couldn’t generate enough heat to
actually melt the iron (and make cast iron), it could
only partly melt it into a mass consisting of slag and
threads of iron called a bloom (hence the name),
which then had to be hand hammered repeatedly to
work out the slag and form the iron threads and
particles into billets or bars.
Depending on which authorities you choose to
believe, early Bloomery Forges produced as little as
2-3 pounds of Bloom to as much as 50-60 pounds.
A pound of Charcoal is required to smelt a pound of Ore
into around ½ pound of Bloom.
Catalan Forge: A 13th century invention first
appearing in Iberia, but slowly spreading elsewhere
during the mid to late 14th century. It used a forced
draught of air created by a hydraulic mechanism
(falling water) through an open Bloomery forge that
allowed better draught to be achieved in the heating
of ore, and could produce larger amounts of bloom –
up to 350 pounds in size.
It was eventually replaced by Waterwheel powered
Forges, appearing very late in the 14the century but not
becoming dominant until the later 15th century.
Charcoal & Coal: Charcoal is the preferred fuel for
all smithing – and cooking, and heating.
It takes a burn of around 10 pounds of good quality
(hard) wood to produce 1 pound of Charcoal. Charcoal
burners would typically run several ‘Kilns’ or ‘Piles’
consisting of at least 10-15000 pounds of wood in total.
T
H
E
Medieval Forge
M
A ‘burn’ took between 8-10 days for a small Kiln/Pile
and up to several weeks for a large one.
A
Coal usually has too high a sulphur content which
contaminates the iron during smelting and is too soft,
R
collapsing under the weight of the smelted metal, and
mixing inextricably with the iron and slag and
making the whole process a waste.
K
Because of this, and as long as Charcoal was widely
available and cheap (not to mention less dangerous
to gather than mining!), no-one developed Coke (Coal
E
burnt in the same way as wood is to produce Charcoal
– in an environment with restricted oxygen).
T
Coke would have been the better alternative but until
the vast forests of the ancient and medieval world had
been almost entirely cut down and the economics of fuel
supply became imperative, it was not widely used.
P
It was much more difficult to mine, and the mines were
rarely nearby to where it was needed (and transport
L
costs were the real killer). Not to mention the fact that
the technology to dig and operate the increasingly deep
mines that were required had to be invented, and that
A
they had to be dug with primarily hand tools
(dewatering them was a particularly difficult problem
until the invention of gunpowder).
C
Chisels, Cold (LV:SO): Cold Chisels are used for
working (cutting) cold metal. Iron Chisels last a week
before needing to be reworked and can be reworked
E
2d6+3 times before being rendered useless. Steel
Chisels last a fortnight, and can be reworked 3d6+6
times before being rendered useless. Production: A
couple of dozen per day (perhaps more).
Chisels, Hot (LV:SO): Hot Chisels are used for
working (cutting) hot metal in conjunction with
forging and on the anvil. Iron Chisels last a weel days
before needing to be reworked and can be reworked
1d6+1 times before being rendered useless. Steel
Chisels last a fortnight, and can be reworked 2d6+2
times before being rendered useless. Production: A
couple of dozen a day (perhaps more). 189
 A successful Smithing roll is required to rework a Mas-
onry Chisel – failure uses up one possible reworking. A
critical success means none are used.
File, Metalworking (aka Rasp, ST:IO): Files were
known of and used during the period – but only in a
few places. They were not widely spread until the 14th
century and, even then, were not found everywhere.
They were widely used from the 11th century in parts
of the Ruhr, for example, and, by the 13th century, in
Paris, but only as tools used by Masters of the Smith-
ing craft as a guild secret. Availability is, therefore,
nominal – you need to be part of the specific local
Guild before the 14th century.
They were particularly difficult and slow to make as
the individual ‘teeth’ had to be cut, by hand, with a
fine Chisel. Production: 2-3 per day.
Steeled Files are preferable, and last much longer than
Iron Files … and only Steeled Files can be used to file
Steel items, Iron Files will wear too quickly to do any but
a minimal amount of useful work.
An Iron file will last 4d3 months if used on Iron while a
Steeled file will last 12+4d3 months on Iron or 4d3
months on Steel. Files need regular cleaning, but cannot
be sharpened or reworked.
Forge: A specially designed stone or stone and fire
brick workplace designed to allow metals to be heated
and re-heated and, therefore, the central part of any
Smith’s workshop.
190
A typical forge needed at least 1500 pounds of charcoal
per month per Master or Journeyman employed.
Forge, Portable: These are constructed mainly from
iron and usually bowl shaped, lined with firebrick,
they can relatively easily be taken down and
transported in a Cart from place to place. Relatively
easily. And still uncommon.
Grindstones: These are large, heavy, rotating sand-
stone disks used for sharpening metal items with
crank handles on either side of the axle (foot-pedal
powered versions are a late 15th century invention).
Later (16th or 17th century) Grindstones were made of a
finer grained, harder, stone, the same stone, in fact, as
used in Whetstones and were water-wheel powered.
Unfortunately, the fine grit dust they kicked out caused
silicosis, usually killing their operators within 5-10 years.
Hammer Smith’s: These came in many sizes, weights
and shapes intended for different purposes (in
general, the thicker and heavier the item being
worked the heavier the hammer needed to do it in a
timely and economical fashion).
A Blacksmith or Armourer would have anywhere from
a dozen to a score in all. Production: Around a dozen
of the size listed per day.
Iron & Steel: Processing a pound of Wrought Iron
into Steel requires a pound of Charcoal and a lot of
hammering and heating and usually produces only
steeled iron (i.e. Iron with a facing of steel) … to
produce steel, the Wootz or Damascus process or
something like it was used but these were confined to
the Middle East or Indian subcontinent.
Some Iron mines in Iberia and Austria produced an ore
rich in manganese, making it very easy to hand hammer
into steel.
Tongs (LV:SO, ST:UN): Are used to grip objects of
various sizes and weights, especially when placing
them in or taking them from a Forge, or when work-
ing them hot on an Anvil, in a smith’s shop. Smaller
ones are used by Copper- and Goldsmiths to hold
crucibles. Production: Several per day.
Whetstone (ST:OTC): These come in various sizes for
sharpening different sized blades and are made from
a fine-grained natural stone – the best ones were
widely exported from the Ardennes since Roman
times if not earlier, but stones from Leicestershire (in
England) are also well regarded.
Production: These are ubiquitous … available over
the counter … so this will not normally be a problem
(unless, say, you want to buy hundreds of them all at
once – in which case they are SO).
CARPENTER’S TOOLS

Adze 2-2½ lbs

Used for quickly smoothing/shaping wood.
3-4d T
Auger 2-3 lbs
Used to bore holes in wood. Cost = 6-12d.
6d to 1/-
H
Bow Drill 2 lbs 4-8d
Used for drilling holes in wood or metal. Being replaced
by the Brace & Bit outside of rural or backwards areas.
E
Brace & Bit Drill 2-3 lbs 9d to 1/3d
Used for drilling holes in wood or metal. Cost 9-15d.

M
Metal reinforced Braces cost 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).

Carpenter’s Rule, Wood 2 lb 1½-2d

A
A 3’ (36”) ruler.
Carpenter’s Rule, Brass 1 lb 6-9d
A 2’ (24”) ruler.

Carpenter’s Square, Wood

Arms are 12” long.
Carpenter’s Square, Brass
2 lb

1 lb
2-3d

9d to 1/-
* Minimum Damage is always 1, so 1d6-1 = 1-5 points
of damage. R
K
Arms are 6” long. Cost is 9-12d. Auger (ST:SO): A helical iron shank with a ‘T’ shaped
wooden handle that is used to drill holes into wood
Chisel, Wood 1 lb 3-4d normally to allow pegs to be hammered in as fasten-

E
Standard Iron chisel. Steeled chisels cost +50%. Basic ers. Still in use in the 14th century, it is being slowly
cutting blade is ½” in size. ¼” -½d, 1” costs +1d. replaced by the Brace & Bit. Production: 6-8 per day.

T
File, Woodworking ½-1 lbs 4-8d For the 6-9d you get one with a 1/2” diameter, for 9-12d
Cost is for an Iron File – a Steel File for woodworking one with 1” diameter.
would be pure overkill!\
Brace & Bit (ST:SO): First appearing in the 1420s on

P
Hammer, Carpenter’s 2-3 lb 3-6d the Continent, this is a ‘U’shaped crank handle with
Single head. Double head, +½d. Claw Hammer, +1d. \ a fitting at the business end to take a Auger Bit,
significantly decreasing the awkwardness of the effort

L
Twybil 3-4 lbs 5-6d of drilling, especially in confined spaces. The Brace
Used for cutting Mortice and Tenon joints. can be used with a variety of different diameter Bits,
but the basic model comes with only one. Product-

Adze (LV:UN): An axe-like implement with a long
handle and a blade crossways rather than jutting out,
used to cut, smooth and shape wood quickly (more
quickly for larger areas than a Wood Plane), espec-
A
ion: 4-6 per day (Wood); 2-3 per day (Iron).
Additional Auger Bits cost 3-4d for 1/2” or 6-8d for 1”.
Iron reinforced Braces last virtually forever, Wooden

C
ially useful with large pieces. It can be used as a ones last until a critical failure is made while using them.
weapon in an emergency.
Bow, Pole or Spring Lathes: These are quite ancient,

The finish that it gives, while smooth, is not perfectly
level, as it is made up of many small cuts rather than
from one continuous motion as with a wood plane.
ADZE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6-1*/1d6; Slashing. Critical: x2. Weight:
~2-2½ lbs. Production: 6-8 per day. Availability:
LV:UN. Cost: 3-4d.
ADZE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6-1*/1d6; Bleed. Size: S. Reach: S.
Damage Mod: Yes. AP/HP: 3/6. Wt: ~2-2½ lbs.
Production: 6-8 per day. Avail: LV:UN. Cost: 3-4d.
E
in a wood-turning role, and were foot powered by
action against a springy pole (often by a second
worker) but some were turned by a bow with a rope
wrapped around the axis and ‘sawed’ backwards and
forwards to provide rotation, also by a second worker.
They could also be used to turn some softer metals
(pewter makers often used them) or glass, but simply
did not have the power or precision for tougher metals.
Bow Drill (ST:CM): Used since before recorded hist-
ory, the Bow Drill is simply a bent piece of springy
wood with a cord tied around each end and then 191
 looped around a drill bit. The top of the bit is held
down with the hand (usually over a wood plug) and
the Bow is moved sideways as quickly as possible,
which rotates the drill.
Best suited for use with softer materials, it is still used
for drilling metal, even iron, though Blacksmiths
usually prefer to punch holes in metal or are quickly
changing over to the Brace and Bit which allows more
force to be applied. Production: 8-10 per day (the
drill bit is the time consuming part – the Bow can be
made almost anywhere by anyone with access to a
suitable sapling, tree or bush).
Carpenter’s Level: A Carpenter’s Level is simply a
plumb-bob attached to a Carpenter’s Square and
enables the user to determine at what angle a piece of
carpentry (or other building work) is at – mainly to
determine whether it is level or not, but also to
determine if it is at a specific angle where the design
calls for such.
Addition of Plumb-bob to Carpenter’s Square, ½-1d.
Carpenter’s Ruler (LV:UN, Wood; ST:SO, Brass): A
wood or iron ruler used to measure length. Product-
ion: Two dozen plus per day, Wood; 5-6 per day, Brass.
Carpenter’s Square (LV:UN, Wood; ST:SO, Brass):
A wood or iron square used to both measure length
(usually inscribed in inches) and indicate a 90 degree
angle. Production: A dozen or more per day, Wood;
2-3 per day, Metal (usually Brass).
Wood Rulers and Squares were normally only marked
in Inches and Half Inches, for 1d extra they could be
Frame Saw
Plane
192
marked to quarters of an inch. Brass Rulers and Squares
were normally marked in Inches and down to eighths of
an inch … for 3d extra you could get them marked to
32nds of an inch.
Carving Tools: Specialised chisels and gouges used to
carve designs into wood or carve wood pieces into
more complex than normal shapes.
Chisel, Wood (LV:SO, ST:UN): These are sharper
than metal- stone- or masonry Chisels) with a more
acute blade angle – most are iron and need constant
sharpening, usually a couple of times a day, more
often if used heavily and/or to work hard woods. Steel
chisels are available, and will require less frequent
sharpening, typically half as many. Production: A
dozen to two dozen or more a day of the size listed.
If properly cared for, wood chisels will last for many
years worth of heavy use – steel much longer than iron.
File, Woodworking (aka Rasp, ST:IO): Files for
woodworking use were a development of the
Metalworking File and only start to spread in the 14th
century and, even then, were not found everywhere
(because Metalworking Files were a Guild secret and
geographically confined until then). Production: 5-6
per day.
Wood Files are made of Iron … and will last effectively
forever if properly stored and cared for.
Hammer, Carpenter’s (LV:SO, ST:UN): Most Car-
pentry hammers had just a single blunt head, others
might have two, one long and one short (one on either
side of the handle) – others might have a blunt head
on one side and a chisel-like blade on the other (like
the ‘claw’ part of a Claw Hammer, but solid rather
than split).
Claw Hammers (for removing nails) appear as early
as the early 11th century, and probably earlier … even
though nails were relatively uncommon even in the
14th century. Production: 4-6 per day.
Mallet: A variety of wooden Mallets are used to drive
tools such as chisels, to hammer in wood pegs or
mortice & tenons, for caulking joints and the like but
not hammering in nails!
Plane: Used since at least Roman times (examples
were found at Pompeii), the wood Plane is mostly
used for making controlled smoothing cuts on wood
surfaces though some are known to have been used by
the Romans for cutting joints or decorative mouldings.
Most medieval Planes are simple wood blocks with a
metal blade with its angle determined and held in by
wooden chocks … but there are a few known examples
of Planes with metal (Bronze or Brass) bodies.

Saw: Handled Iron saws tended to buckle if used on
a push stroke so they were either used only on a pull
stroke or they could either be made thicker than
normal (which makes the saw stroke more tiring and
slower) or they could be fitted into a thick rib of metal
running from the handle.
Alternatively, they could be fitted into a wooden
frame and held under tension (a Frame Saw, some-
times called a Bow Saw) or they could be fitted into a
more or less ‘U’ shaped holder (a Hacksaw – and
medieval Hacksaws did exist, but were mainly used
for metalwork, of course, as they are today).
Since Hacksaws did exist, it is possible and, indeed,
probable, that Fret Saws or something functionally
identical also existed.
Twybil (LV:SO): A double bitted axe-like woodwork-
ing tool – one blade is long and narrow, more like a
Chisel blade, and the other is long and narrow like an
Adze blade. It is used mainly for making simple mort-
ice and tenon joints (not the Dovetail type), but could
be used as a weapon in a pinch.
Twybils come in two types – those which have short
handles, like a Hammer (-½d), and those which have
longer handles, like an Adze. Only the long handled
version can be used as a weapon, using the stats below.
TWYBIL – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d6-1*/1d6, One Handed; 2d3-1/2d3, Two
Handed; Slashing, Piercing. Critical: x3. Weight: ~3-4
lbs. Production: 3-4 per day. Avail: LV:SO. Cost: 5-6d.
TWYBIL – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d6-1*/1d6, One Handed; 2d3-1/2d3, Two
Handed; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach: M. Damage
Mod: Yes. Force: H. AP/HP: 4/8. Weight: ~3-4 lbs.
Production: 3-4 per day. Avail: LV:SO. Cost: 5-6d.
* Minimum Damage is always 1, so 1d6-1 = 1-5 points
of damage.
COPPER- & GOLDSMITH’S TOOLS
Brass 1 lb 3¼-4¼d
Bronze 1 lb 2-3d
Copper 1 lb 1¾-2½d
Pewter 1 lb 2½-3½d
Scales, Twin Pan 2 lb 2/6 to 5/-
Cost: 30-60d.
Tin 1 lb 3-4d
All Base Metal ingots were typically 2 or 5 pounds in
weight for shipping purposes.
T
Twin Pan Scales
H
E
M
Wire, Ductile Metal 1 lb x3
That is, 3x the base cost of the metal. So one pound of
Copper wire (1¾-2½d per pound) would cost 5¼-7½d.
Anvil: Both Copper- and Goldsmiths use Anvils – but
since they generally work with much smaller, and A
R
usually much lighter, items than Blacksmiths, the
Anvils they use are much smaller and lighter as well
… down to only a pound or so in weight and used with
light hammers and engraving tools.
Carving Tools: Carving Tools are used by Goldsmiths
and Coppersmiths for working on clay, wax, or wood K
E
moulds for casting.
Crucibles: Small ceramic pots with a thin wall and
T
flat base. Capacities of up to one Troy pound, usually
in one ounce units, but large ones (for Bell Casters, for
example) could be up to a foot across with a much
larger capacity. They were mass produced and quite
P
cheap (relatively).
Crucibles should last at least several uses, perhaps
L
several dozen, if properly handled … but a Gold or
Coppersmith will normally have several replacements on
hand ‘just in case.’
Engraving Tools: Engraving Tools are used for en-
graving metal, not just precious metals, but any metal
that is to be decorated in this way … most commonly
A
C
by Coppersmiths and Goldsmiths, but occasionally by
Blacksmiths.
E
They come in a wide variety of sizes and are normally
used with small hammers rather than simply hand-
propelled – they may also be used to engrave (but not
cut) gemstones, both precious and semiprecious
Moulding Clay or Sand: This is used to make moulds
for casting items, Clay for medium sized items and
Sand for medium and larger ones – usually large
items (really large items, Bells for example) requiring
wooden framing for support as well).
Moulding Wax: This is simply Beeswax and is used
for carving masters for fine and generally small items 193
 (because of the cost of the wax) using the Lost Wax
method – larger items are cast using Clay or Sand.
Polishing Materials: Polishing is normally done with
supplies of fine abrasives (emery powder, fine sands,
shark skin and the like) and is important in ensuring
that the items produced by Gold and Coppersmiths
have a fine shine and lustre.
section) could be used, though it only started to be
spread at the end of the period and, even then, a lot
of ductile wire was still hand hammered. The windl-
ass allowed the operator to draw the wire through the
metal plate with relative ease. Production: 16-32
pounds per person per day.
MISCELLANEOUS TOOLS & GEAR

Sandpaper doesn’t exist, and won’t be invented in (or Block & Tackle, Single 10-12 lbs 1/- to 1/6
introduced into) Western Europe until the 16th century. Cost = 12-18d. Allows lifting of up to 1200 pounds.
The much finer Glass Paper doesn’t appear until the Block & Tackle, Double 20-24 lbs 2/6-3/6
early 19th century. Cost = 30-42d. Allows lifting of up to 2400 pounds.
No rope included for either. See text for explanation.
Emery (crushed from corundum-rich rock) was widely
used and mainly came as an import from the Greek Chain, Heavy 12 lbs 3/- to 4/6
island of Naxos. Sharkskin or the rough skin of other Weight is per yard. Cost is 36-54d.
Fish was also used – or with Pumice or fine Sandstone. Chain, Light 3 lbs 9d to 1/-
Weight is per yard. Cost is 9-12d.
Scales, Twin Pan: The Goldsmith’s Balance is the Chain, Standard 6 lbs 1/6 to 2/-
classic “Scales of Justice” balance with a small tray at Weight is per yard. Cost is 18-24d.
each end of a rod resting on a central fulcrum.
Weight is determined by balancing the item against Chisel, Masonry, Iron 3 lbs 5d to 1/3
precisely measured weights placed on the other tray Cost is 5-15d.
until the two trays are balanced.These scales are Chisel, Masonry, Steel 3 lbs 10d to 2/6
normally made of Brass and come with assorted Cost is 10-30d.
weights to allow measuring to ½ Pound (6 ounces,
Troy) in increments of 1-5 Grains. Cord, 3 yards ½ lb ¼d
Nominal Breaking Strain, 10-20 pounds.
Normally used for relatively small weights (as you
would expect with a Goldsmith), up to a pound (Troy) Crowbar 4-5 lbs 1/- to 1/3
or so can be measured, and with great accuracy. If a Cost is 12-15d.
Goldsmith needs to measure larger weights he uses a
the smaller Steelyard (see Blacksmith’s Tools). Pro- Gabion, Wicker n.a. ½d
duction: 3-4 per day. Medieval equivalent of a sandbag. Holds 40-60 lbs.
Gabion, Withy n.a. ¾d
Scales of this size may be made to be portable – the two Medieval equivalent of a sandbag. Holds 70-90 lbs.
pans fasten together and hold the folding balance arm
and the weights) for an addition 3-6d. Glue, Wood ½ lb 1-2d
Comes in flake form in a pot.
Wire, Ductile Metals (ST:SO): For ductile metals
(Brass, Bronze, Copper, Gold, Silver etc) the wind- Grappling Hook 2-4 lbs 1/- to 2/-
lass/drum system (see Wire: Iron, in the following Cost = 12-18d (3 tines, 2 lbs), 20-24d (4 tines, 4 lbs)

Ladder, Rope, 1 yard 1-2 lb 1½-2d

Made from Light Rope. Breaking strain is 75% (round
down) of equal value Light Rope.

Ladder, Wooden, 1 yard 3-5 lbs 2-6d

All rope, pegged with dowels or fixed with iron nails.

Measuring Tape, 1 yard 2 oz 1/4d

Waxed cord, knotted every inch, in 1 yard units.

Nails, Iron 1 lb 3d to 1/-

Smaller, lighter, nails cost more than larger heavier ones.

Paint, Oil 1 pint 1-3d

194 Earth-based pigments, 1d; Mineral-based pigments, 2d.
Richer metal-compound based pigments, 3d.

Paint, Oil, Ultramarine 1 pint 1/-
Imported from Afghanistan. Cost = 1/- (12d) or more.
Pickaxe 4-6 lbs 10d to 1/3
Cost = 10-14d.
Rope, Light, per yard ¼-½ lb ¼-1d
Breaking Strain = (100 x Cost in Pennies) lbs.
Rope, Medium, per yard 1-2 lbs 2-4d
Breaking Strain = (600 + [100 x Cost in Pennies]) lbs.
Spike, Iron 1 lb 3-4d
This is a single spike – a large Nail, at least 1’ long.
Wire, Iron 1 lb 3d to 1/-
Wedges, Wood (3) 1½-2 lbs ¼-½d
Three wedges made from a hard wood.
Wedge, Iron 1-1½ lbs 3-4d
A single multipurpose wedge.
Whitewash 1 Wine Gallon ¼-½d
White, Brown, Cream or Red-Brown.
Block & Tackle (ST:UN): An combination of two or
more Pulleys arranged in such a way as to reduce the
effective weight of any object being lifted.
A two pulley Block & Tackle (Gun Tackle) halves the
effective weight lifted by requiring users to pull twice
the amount of rope to lift the weight a given distance.
Lifting 500 lbs 10’ counts as only 250 lbs, but you have
to haul 20’ of rope to achieve the 10’ lift.
A four pulley Block & Tackle (Double Tackle) quarters
effective weight lifted by requiring users to pull four
times the amount of rope to lift a given distance.
Lifting 500 pounds 10’ counts as only 125 pounds, but
you have to haul 40’ of rope to achieve the 10’ lift.
Production: 6-8 Pulleys per day.
Chain (LV:SO): Chain is not all that common, as each
link has to be hand forged and hand welded. Light
Chain has a breaking strain of ~300-450 pounds,
Standard Chain of 600-900 pounds and Heavy Chain
rates 1200-1800 pounds. Stronger chain weighs and
costs proportionally more. Production: 60 lbs/day.
Chisel, Masonry (LV:SO): These Chisels are closer in
design to a Blacksmith’s Chisel, having a blunt(ish)
edge, rather than a Wood Chisel … the difference is
that the ‘blade’ edge is usually toothed as well.
Masonry Chisels need to be sharpened several times
a day and need to be reworked with Forge & Anvil
work as well. Iron Chisels last a week before needing
T
H
E
Hand Hammered iron Nails
to be reworked and can be reworked 2d3+1 times
before being rendered useless. Steel Chisels last a a
fortnight and can be reworked 2d6+1 times before
M
being rendered useless. Production: A dozen to two
dozen or more a day of the size listed.
A
A successful Smithing roll is required to rework a Mas-
onry Chisel – failure uses up one possible reworking. A
critical success means none are used.
R
Cord (ST:UN): A light cord made from natural linen
or similar fibers. Production: 100 lbs or more per day.
K
Crowbar (ST:UN): A metal bar with a straight and a
curved end, both with a flattened split (like a Claw
Hammer, but much shorter and a much wide split).
E
Also known as Prybars, the first confirmed mention
dates back to 1400 it is likely they existed earlier,
T
probably at least from the early to mid 13th century,
if not earlier. Production: 8-12 per day.
Gabion (SV:SO): A large, crudely woven, open topped
P
wicker or withy (made from the branches of Osier
saplings) basket, Gabions are normally used for
temporary earth or engineering works, to hold soil
L
(wicker) or rocks (withy).
The most common use is in sieges where they are
A
piled up to provide protection for the besieging troops
(like modern day sandbags, but bigger), but they can
also be used to site reinforced foundation material for
building sites. Production: A dozen or so per person
C
per day.
Glue, Wood (LV:SO, ST:CM: This is made from
E
natural hides and other body parts of slaughtered
animals, and is supplied in the form of flakes or a
powder … unless the user makes his own on the spot.
Wood Glue flakes must be dissolved in water and heated
to become active – and then must be applied in a minute
or less once it reaches the consistency of gelatin.
Joins made with it break cleanly unlike modern PVA
glues (which tend to break off bits of the wood), so
broken joins can usually be easily fixed as long as the
consequences of the break doesn’t do other damage.
Production: Dozens of pounds per day. 195
 Casein glue is affected by damp, and so is a poor choice
for items that are expected to be used outside or where
they may be exposed to water or damp.
Grappling Hook (LV:SO): These come without any
rope or chain and are a specialty item mostly used by
mariners to grapple floating debris, hook onto a fixed
object so the ship could be secured, or to pull ones
ship alongside an enemy vessel in a sea battle. Pro-
duction: Both types, a dozen or more per day.
Grappling Hooks typically come with a long shank to
which the rope is attached to make it more difficult for
the defenders to get at the rope to cut it.
Ladder, Rope (ST:SO): Used (but only occasionally)
aboard ships or during sieges. Mostly made from rope
on hand on the spot in ‘real life.’ Production: 50-100
lbs of ladder per day.
Ladder, Wood (LV:SO, ST:UN): Fairly commonly
used in the building trade, but also found inside
houses with half-storeys in lieu of a staircase, inside
Wall towers and as intermediate access to wall-walks
in fortifications (especially wooden ones).
Rope tied ladders can support ~200 lbs, wood pegged
ladders ~300 lbs and nailed ladders ~450 lbs on a
single rung at a time and 3-5 times that overall (across
the whole length of the ladder). Production: 60 (tied),
45 (pegged), 30 (nailed) yards per person per day.
Measuring Tape (LV:UN, ST:CM): Waxed cord with
knots at 1’ intervals and at least part of the length at
Drawing Wire
196
1” intervals (a 1 Yard ‘Tape’ typically has 12” knotted
in inches and the rest in 1’ intervals – longer ‘tapes’
will have proportionally more sections knotted in
inches … up to 3’ in total). Production: On the spot.
Nails (LV: SO, ST:UN): Nails are still largely hand
hammered from bar stock (though this may have been
drawn through a series of swages to get the diameter
down) and are quite expensive as a result (See Wire,
Iron, below, for an explanation).
Production: 12-24 pounds per day, depending on
size (12 pounds of small, 24 pounds of large).
See ‘Wire’, below, for an explanation of the technology
involved and its significant limitations.
Paint, Oil Based (ST:UN): Oil-based paints have
been known of and used since at least the 7th century,
but were only used outdoors … for wood structures
needing decoration or waterproofing ships etc. or for
applications where a large area had to be covered.
Even Helmets and metal plates comprising Partial
Plate armour were often painted with oil-based paints
as a protection against rust … as were Shield surfaces
(for decoration, as they weren’t metal and didn’t rust
… remember, there are no such things as metal shields).
Most pigments were made using coloured earths (ochre
and chalks) and tended to be dull. Richer colours were
made using minerals and the richest colours tended to
be made from metal salts and other compounds.
Production: Usually mixed as needed, from pigment
and linseed oil … if manufactured at at least a gallon
a day could be produced per person, perhaps more if
there was a sufficient order/need.
Paint, Ultramarine (ST:IO): The most expensive
pigment on the medieval art market … and the richest
and deepest blue colour on their artistic palette. It
was widely used for depictions of the Virgin Mary (her
robe) to reflect on the blue of the Heavens as well as
for other religious and prestige subjects.
As an Oil-based paint this would mostly be used for small
detail areas – on Heraldic Arms on Shields, for example.
Production: The pigment is an import, and grinding
the Lapis Lazuli and mixing it with oil is an unusual
usage – it is more commonly used with tempera. Once
the pigment is secured the paint must be mixed and
it would be rare for more than a pint at a time to be
ordered, especially as oil paint.
Oil based paints are slow drying, and artistic authorities
(in monastic works on the subject) recommended against
their use in art – which continued to use egg-based
tempera paint during the entirety of the period.

Pickaxe (LV:SO, ST:CM): Medieval Pickaxes have a
two part head with a long ‘blade’ either side of the top
of the handle – one side has a pointed pick head while
the other side has a flattened axe-like pick.
Used for farming, to break up rocky or hard-baked
soil or cut through roots, in mining to break up rock,
and in siege warfare for digging siegework trenches
and (under) mining walls. May be used as an
impromptu weapon.
PICKAXE – D&D/PATHFINDER/OGL
Damage: 1d4+1/1d4+2, One Handed; 2d3-1/2d3,
Two Handed; Slashing, Piercing. Critical: x3. Weight:
~4-6 lbs. Production: 3-4 per day.
PICXKAXE – RQ/MYTHRAS
Damage: 1d4+1/1d4+2, One Handed; 2d3-1/2d3,
Two Handed; Bleed, Impale. Size: M. Reach: M.
Damage Mod: Yes. Force: H. AP/HP: 4/8. Weight:
~4-6 lbs. Production: 3-4 per day.
Rope (ST:OTC): Hemp rope, this is hand-made in
long buildings called ‘Rope Walks’ … making ropes
outdoor in the typical climate of NW Europe is not a
good idea.
Thicker ropes are available but not listed as they are
unlikely to be of direct use to Player Characters under
most circumstances – they are ST:SO, and then
simply extrapolate the price. Production: 50-100
pounds of rope per person per day.
Wire, Iron (ST:SO): At the beginning of the period
covered there were two main means of producing wire
– hammering/cutting or drawing.
Hammering/Cutting was mostly used. An iron billet or
ingot was hammered into a sheet then cut into a
single strip then be hand hammered into wire!
Production: 6-12 pounds per person per day.
Drawing was done by punching or boring several
differently sized holes in an Iron plate and then
hammering the end of a rod of bar metal into a point
of a size to fit through – insert that end into hole,
grasp point with tongs or pliers and pull through.
The length of each section of wire was limited to the
length of the smith’s arms and was problematic for
less ductile metals such as iron and steel. Product-
ion: 8-16 pounds per person per day.
In general, it was pointless trying to draw steel wire
using an iron plate … the hole would be worn wider than
it was supposed to be very quickly. Even for iron wire
the wear factor was significant.
This is why nails are relatively uncommon/expensive –
they are often hand hammered from bar stock.
T
H
E
By the early to mid 15th century waterwheel powered
swings were available that would allow a Smith to sit on
M
the swing and be pulled away by the mechanical force
of the waterwheel and steel plates were common enough
to enabling iron wire to be drawn successfully.
A
Steel wire only became economically possible when
metalworking lathes allowed the cutting of iron or steel
R
gears to build rigid windlass/drum systems.
Wedges, Wooden (SV:CM): Large(ish) wooden
wedges used for a multitude of purposes – from keep-
K
ing doors from closing (or to prevent them from
opening … both ever popular in RPGs!), to wedge
wood or metal bits so they hold together in a tight
E
space, or splitting trunks into firewood through to
holding loose mortice and tenon joints firm and
more. Production: While you wait.
T
Wedge, Iron (LV:SO, ST:UN): A single large(ish)
metal wedge which can be used in much the same way
as a Wooden Wedge, but which may also be used to
P
make splitting logs into firewood (or to make smaller
bits which can then be sawn or smoothed with an
Adze or Wood Plane). Production: 2-3 per hour.
L
Spike, Iron (LV: SO, ST:UN): This is simply a really
big and really thick Nail … at least 12” long. In this
A
instance it is of the sort so beloved of Adventurers in
RPGs for hammering into doorways to prevent the
door from opening or closing.
C
In real life they would be used to hold large timbers
that either cannot be joined with mortice and tenon
joints or to reinforce such joints.
Production: 24 Spikes per person per day.
Whitewash (LV:SO, ST:CM): Made from slaked lime
E
and chalk which cures into a hard water-resistant, but
not waterproof, paint … used mainly on masonry as it
is absorbed easily. Tends to run off on clothing if
rubbed up against, so it is only used in relatively poor
dwellings or in areas of wealthier ones used mainly by
servants. Production: Many gallons a day.
197
 HOME & FURNISHINGS
The first thing a modern person would notice when
walking into a medieval home is that there’s a whole
heck of a lot less to notice. Even the homes of the
wealthy have a lot fewer things than even the home of
a poor modern family, at least those who live in a First
World country.
Less in the way of furniture, decorations, floor cover-
ings, and, well, less of everything. And that applies to
every room in the household, from the Bedrooms to
the Kitchen, even to the outdoor areas, the Barns and
Stables … everywhere.
Why? Well, think about it … this is a world where
handcraft level production is king, where there is no
such thing as mass production. Where what passes for
‘large scale’ production would be laughably called
‘cottage industry’ today … and only if one were being
hugely generous.
Everything costs … a lot … in terms of time, effort and
money, and it’s a lot even when compared to the
incomes even the very wealthiest locals will have at
their disposal.
Worse, a lot of what they do have is at least as fragile
as the modern equivalents if not more so, so the
expected usable lifetime is far lower … which means
that these relatively much more expensive items have
to be replaced more frequently than we would likely
have to today, a double whammy.
THE MEDIEVAL HOME
There are far more differences between medieval and
modern homes than there are similarities.
If you want more information on what these are, you
will need to read the relevant material in Orbis
Mundi2 (the Architectura [Architecture] section and
bits of the Coquinaria [Cooking] section of the Ars
198
Mechanica Chapter for a start, and then the Hygiene
section of the Daily Life Chapter as a follow-up … and
the Castle & Keep section of the Stratagemata chapter
will be useful if the ‘home’ in question just happens
to be a fortified one, or even a fully-fledged Castle).
FURNITURE
Medieval furniture came in several basic types – one
for the Poor (Urban and Rural), for the Well-to-do (aka
The Middling Sort), for the Urban (Merchant) elite and
for the Nobility.
There are very few items of furniture and what there
is is often made by a family member or, less often, by
a local (usually part-time) craftsman … and some will
merely be a makeshift arrangement from any odds
and sods that happen to be handy.
Cooking is probably done over a brazier, on a fire
outside in fine weather, or by placing pots on stones
next to the fire. There may not even be enough plates
for each person to eat off, and food may simply be
taken from a common bowl or plate either with the
fingers or a spoon … and eaten directly or placed on a
bread Trencher.
The bare minimum was usually a table of some sort,
though it might not be big enough for the whole
family to sit around, and may simply be some planks
laid across some stones or rough trestles. There might
be some stools, but, again, probably not enough for
the whole family.
Possibly there will be a shelf on the wall (perhaps
more than one) and a crude chest or box (or maybe
pegs on the wall to hang things from) to hold whatever
possessions aren’t needed for immediate use
(additional clothing, bedding, cooking utensils and
crockery not in current use, small household tools).
Finally, there would be a bed – though this may
simply be a paliasse laid on the reed flooring rather
than a formal bed. Oh, and the toilet? That would be
the ‘great outdoors’ … though they might have a
shared Chamber Pot for use at night or in inclement
weather.
This is the level of comfort that most day labourers or
poorer serfs lived at.
A poor urban family may not have a stand-alone
house, but only a room or rooms in a tenement. Since
they have little access to raw materials compared to

rural families they mostly have to buy furnishings …
and, since their income is probably no more than that
of a rural family, this means they will have less in the
way of furnishings. Often much less.
At a minimum they will have a paliasse (or something
that does the same purpose) to sleep on. They may
have a table and, possibly, a stool … but probably not
a large enough table for the whole family to sit
around, and not enough stools for everyone.
Around 70-80% of working class urban households
had no cooking facilities and either had to purchase
their meals at a Cookshop or have them baked in the
local Baker’s oven.
For storage they will have pegs on the wall to hang
things from, possibly a shelf or shelves and, at the
better off end of the ‘poor’ spectrum, possibly even a
simple chest.
They will rely on a nearby public (civic) toilet or an
outhouse on the land the tenement occupies (usually
in a courtyard) and will likely have a Chamber Pot for
use at night or in inclement weather.
This is the level at which most unskilled workers and day
labourers live at.
This is a step above, perhaps several steps above, the
Poor household. The Table will be more permanent,
and there may be more than one, one for the prepar-
ation of food and one for eating or other purposes.
There will probably be enough stools for all of the
family to be seated around the table for meals.
There is probably some means of hanging a large pot
or cauldron over the fireplace for cooking. There will
be enough plates (though they may be wooden) for the
entire family to eat from, as well as enough to serve
from, though they may place bread trenchers on their
plates depending on what they are eating.
There will be several shelves on the walls, and there
will be one or more proper chests with some sort of
latch on the lid, possibly even a simple lock at the
wealthier end of the spectrum, to contain clothing,
bedding, household items not immediately needed
and other items.
There is very likely a proper wood-frame bed, either
rope-sprung or with slats, though probably only for
the parents, and they may have a separate sleeping
area, most commonly a half storey under the eaves
reached by a ladder-like ‘stairway.’ This room may
have its own chest for storage of some of the family’s
more precious possessions.
Later in the period, especially in Towns, the ‘half storey’
T
H
E
M
A
often develops into a full storey, workshop (or shop)
R
below and living quarters (but not the Kitchen) above.
Some houses may have a third storey or half storey and
use this for additional living space – or use the second
storey (at least partly) as warehouse space and the third
storey for the family.
The toilet would still be the ‘great outdoors’ but the K
E
family might have one or more Chamber Pots to use
during the night, especially in inclement weather.
T
There will be relatively little difference between an
Urban and Rural household at this level – at least in
the amount of furnishings.
Rural households will probably have more items
which have been made by local craftsmen and,
though carefully made, are still fairly basic and unad- P
L
orned – Urban households, with greater access to
more skilled craftsmen, will tend to have more care-
fully finished and decorated items.
A
This is the level at which successful farmers (often, but
not always, freeholders) and skilled craftsmen (urban
and rural) live at.
These households are likely to have several separate C
E
rooms – a workshop or shop at the front, perhaps
taking up the whole of the ground level in a multi-
storey building, a dining area (probably doing double
duty as a parlour), a kitchen (at the rear on the ground
floor – possibly in a separate structure on the same
block), separate bedrooms (one for the parents, at
least one, perhaps more, for children or relatives) on
one of the upper floors and, possibly, servant’s
quarters (on a half-storey under the eaves, though
most servants still sleep in the Kitchen or work areas).
Furnishings will be more extensive, a table, almost
certainly decorated with carving, in the Dining room 199
 and chairs for the head of the household and his wife
at least … and certainly trestle seats or stools for the
rest of the family and guests, though there may be
extra chairs, especially the better off the family and
the later in the period.
There will be a shelving for displaying the more
prestigious serving items – either high status ceramics
or metal (Pewter, Silver … perhaps Silver-Gilt or even
Gold at the very top end of the scale).
The Kitchen will have a table or tables for food
preparation, plenty of shelving or pegs to place (or
hang) utensils on, a fireplace and hooks to hold the
kettles and cauldrons for cooking. There will likely be
trestle benches or stools enough for the servants to use
while eating.
The Bedrooms, at least those belonging to the family
members, will have proper Beds, possibly simple wood
frame (rope or slat) for the children and enclosed ones
for the parents (and possibly in the guest room, if
there is one) … and they will have shelving and chests
for storage in each one, with at least a latch and
probably a lock.
It is likely that the parents will have separate rooms –
the Chest in the father’s room will have a lock and be
the place where much of the family’s valuables will be
kept when not in use.
Staff quarters, if they exist, will have either paliasses
on the floor with a simple chest and shelf for storage
or, possibly, a simple wood-framed bed and a stool.
Toilet facilities will be outside, though family
members will have Chamber Pots in their rooms, and
the parents may have a Close Stool.
These are generally very similar to those of the Urban
elite – but they have more. There will probably be a
private Dining room for the family, at least later in the
period, and a Dining (Great) Hall for public events,
with a High Table and proper chairs for the Family
and their important guests … the rest will sit at
simpler tables and either individual stools or on
trestle seating.
200
Furniture for use by the Family and their important
Guests will be more elaborately carved or decorated
than those found in most Elite households … chairs will
have cushions or, possibly, be padded, and tables will
have tablecloths for example.
Cooking may be done in the Hall or, very soon in the
period, in a separate Kitchen outside on the grounds.
The Kitchen will be larger than those in most Elite
households as it will have to prepare food for a much
larger number of people (though not for every meal)
and will have a larger fireplace and more preparation
and storage area.
There will be separate Bedrooms for the family, and
they will be furnished as those for an Elite household
– but the furniture will be more elaborate. It is likely
that all family members (and special guests) will have
enclosed Beds, lockable chests and shelves for storage.
It is very likely that they parents will have separate
bedrooms – and, while personal valuables might be in
the lockable chests there, the real valuables will be
stored in a separate secured room somewhere (or in
several different areas, depending on the nature of the
valuables).
There may be roll-away beds for the servants under
the main beds … and these personal servants may
sleep in the same room.
Most servants will sleep where they work (the Kitchen,
for example) or in the Hall, on paliasses on the floor,
and they will probably have a simple chest stored
somewhere out of the way with their personal
possessions. More important servants may have their
own private room and a simple wood-framed bed.
Toilet facilities will be outside, though family
members will have Chamber Pots or, perhaps, a Close
Stool, in their rooms – the parents will certainly have
the latter as a matter of course.
The big difference between most of the furnishings in
a Noble Household as compared to an Elite one are
that the nobles’ furnishings will mostly be designed to
be transportable … to be easily knocked down and
reassembled or easily carried on a pack animal, cart
or waggon (or even a boat or ship).
The reason is simple – most Noble households travel
many times a year, to where the food is on their many
estates, spending no more than a week or so at each
stop … though the number of moves decreases as the
period progresses and the length of stays at each
location increases.
FURNISHINGS
BEDDING Couch, Sleeping (Horsehair) 50+ lbs 1/- to 3/-
Cost = 12-36d depending on degree of decoration.
T
H
Bed, Collapsible, Wood (Camp) 40 lbs 10/- to 15/- Couch, Sleeping (Wool/Cloth) 50+ lbs 15/- to £1
120-180d for the Basic to Mid-range versions. 180-240d, depending on the degree of decoration.
Couch, Sleeping (Down) 50+ lbs £2-3

E
Bed, Enclosed, Small 60+ lbs 12/6 480-720d, depending on the degree of decoration.
Standard = 150d. Collapsible, 17/6 (210d).
Bed, Enclosed, Large 120+ lbs £1 Coverlet, Bed, Plain (Cloth) 5-6 lbs 1/- to 1/3
Standard = 240d. Collapsible, £1/10/- (360d). Luxury 12-15d, depending on quality of cloth cover and filling.
versions of both sizes, x2 or more. Coverlet, Bed, Plain (Wool) 5-6 lbs 2/- to 2/6
24-30d, depending on quality of cloth cover and filling.
Bed, Frame, Slat, Single 20 lbs 1/- Coverlet, Bed, Plain (Down) 4-5 lbs 4/- to 5/-

M
Bed, Frame, Slat, Double 30 lbs 1/9 48-60d, depending on quality of cloth cover and filling.
Single = 12d; Double = 21d. Decorated = x1½ to x2
Bed, Frame, Strung, Single 15 lbs 9d Coverlet, Bed, Fancy (Wool) 6-7 lbs 4/- to 5/-

A
Bed, Frame, String, Double 22½ lbs 1/4 48-60d, depending on quality of decoration.
Single = 9d; Double = 16d. Decorated = x1½ to x2 Coverlet, Bed, Fancy (Down) 5-6 lbs 8/- to 11/-
96-132d, depending on quality of decoration.

R
Bed (Mattress), Down 10-15 lbs 4/- to 6/-
Mattress = 48-72d, Refill = 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d). Palliasse – 1-2d
Bed (Mattress), Wool Scraps 15-20 lbs 2/- to 2/6 Outdoor, Indoor Floor use = 1d, Indoor Bed use = 2d.
Mattress = 24-30d, Refill = 3-4d.

K
Bed (Mattress), Bedstraw 10-15 lbs 3½-6d Sheet, Wool, Fine 1 1/3d
Mattress = 3½-6d, Refill = ½d (¼d if gathered locally) Sheet. Linen 1 2/-
Single bed – double bed size is 2/- (24d) or 3/- (36d)

E
Blanket, Linen 2-3 lbs 1-2d
Straw Filling, Palliasse 10 lbs ¼d
Blanket, Wool, Coarse, Light 3-4 lbs 4-6d Yearly refill for a well-maintained Palliasse.

T
Blanket, Wool, Coarse, Heavy 5-6 lbs 6-9d
Coarse and scratchy unless used with a Linen sheet. Wool Scraps, Palliasse 15 lbs 1½-2d
Yearly refill for a well-maintained Palliasse.
Blanket, Wool, Fine, Light 3-4 lbs 8-10d

P
Blanket, Wool, Fine, Heavy 5-6 lbs 1/- to 1/3 Bed, Collapsible, Wood (Camp): See page #100 for
Fine Blankets, Heavy = 12-15d. Fine Blankets may be more details.
woven from coloured and plain (cream or grey) wool at

L
2x or even embroidered at 3x base cost. Enclosed Beds (ST:SO): These are four poster ‘box’
beds – with a “roof” and curtains tied to the posts
Cloth Scrap Filling, Palliasse 15 lbs 1-1½d during the day. At night, they are pulled down and

A
Yearly refill for a well-maintained Palliasse. provide privacy for the sleeper(s) inside
Large Enclosed Bed It was normal for servants to sleep in the same room as
their masters (so they could be instantly on hand the

C
next morning), on paliasses or truckle (roll out) beds
stored under the main beds in the day.

E
The Bed, in this instance, comes with either rope or slat
‘springs’ but no mattress(es) (also called ‘beds’ in the
medieval period) … these must be purchased separately.

The typical Enclosed Bed will have several, usually one

of Bedstraw as a base, then one with wool scraps and
then another, either with more Wool scraps or, for those
able to afford the luxury, one filled with Down.

The Small bed is for one person, the Large for two –
in Elite/Noble households where married couples
had separate rooms (common), each may have a large
bed … for when more than sleeping took place there. 201
 There are two variants, one designed to be knocked
down for transport and then reassembled quickly at
the destination, which was common in peripatetic
(mostly Noble) households, and those intended to
remain largely in one place once built, which was
common in the households of the urban elite.
Furthermore, the degree of decoration (carving, luxe
fabrics, upholstery etc.) could vary widely as well –
and add considerably to the cost. Production: 1 week
(plain), 2 weeks (carved/decorated).
These are the products of much more highly skilled
carpenters and cabinetmakers, not to mention upholster-
ers, than simple Camp Beds, and so they take much
longer to make from scratch. The difference in time
required to make a Small vs a Large version is minimal.
Bed Frame (LV:SO): This is the sort of bed most
people sleep in – if they can afford a bed rather than
a Palliasse on the floor. It is a simple wooden frame
either strung with rope or has wooden slats place
crossways to support the bed (mattress) or paliasse.
The standard frame is simply finished, with no
embellishments – but you can pay slightly more to
have some decorative elements added (see the Photo
at the bottom of the page for some possibilities).
There are single and double bed sizes – and for the
likely client base, married couples will probably sleep
in the same bed. Indeed, children might sleep in the
one bed as well, as this is a cheaper option than
buying (and finding space for) two single beds. Pro-
duction: 2 days (plain), 3-4 days (decorated).
There is minimal difference in the time required to make
a single versus a double bed.
Bed (Mattress): Medieval sources often refer to ‘beds’
– but this could mean what we would call a mattress.
They are unlike Paliasses in that they are intended
only or use on an actual bed rather than being usable
on either a bed or the floor. However, like them, they
are intended to be (re)filled with stuffing regularly.
A Bedstraw mattress will normally require refilling once
a year, usually in spring (when the bedstraw becomes
Lightly decorated Wood Frame Bed
202
available again) as long as it is regularly aired (once a
week) whether in use or not.
A Wool Scrap mattress should last several years before
needing to be refilled as long as it, too, is regularly aired
– usually once a week. Wealthier owners will often have
them refilled yearly.
A Feather mattress should also last several years before
being refilled as long as it is regularly re-lofted and aired
– again, best once a week.
Availability: Mattress, Complete = ST:SO, Wool Scrap
& Feather; LV:SO, Bedstraw. Refilling Material = Bed-
straw, SV:CM; Wool Scrap, LV:CM; Down Feather,
ST:R. Production: Mattress, 3-4 per day.
Blankets, Linen (ST:CM): These are thick, coarse
weave, linen cloth and used by those too poor to
afford wool blankets. They provide some protection
from cool weather – but in colder weather people will
sleep in their clothes beneath these, and probably
layer and additional clothing they possess on top for
extra warmth Production: 4-6 per day, from avail-
able material.
The really poor simply sleep in their clothes, with addit-
ional clothing (if they possess any) laid on top.
Blankets, Wool: These are intended for inside use,
and are heavier and more expensive than Camp
Blankets (see page #100) but aren’t intended for
outside use and can wear more quickly if used that
way and if they get wet they take much longer to dry.
They are, however, better insulators.
A single light blanket will suffice for late Spring through
to early Autumn. During early Spring and late Autumn
colder nights might require a Heavy Blanket or two
Light Blankets.
During Winter at least two Blankets will be needed, a
Heavy and a Light one mostly, perhaps two heavy ones
… or more, for really cold nights. If used in a Collapsible
Bed while camping (presumably inside a tent) they
suffer no extra wear … in a Bedroll, with care, they will
also be fine.
If a Light Blanket gets wet it takes 2-4 days to dry
(assuming fine weather, double if winter or wet weather,
halve if done in front of a fire/place) … Heavy Blankets
take twice as long to dry out.
Second hand blankets are available for half the base
price (ST:UN), but will be worn and threadbare and,
possibly, stained and dirty.
Note that only the well-to-do and wealthy sleep with
sheets, most people simply sleep in their underclothes
directly beneath the blanket(s) … and, of course, only
 T
those with many, many, servants will have blankets and
Eastern Imperial Sleeping Couch
sheets on their collapsible bed when ‘camping.’

Availability: Coarse, ST:CM. Fine, ST:R. Production:

3-4 per day from available material.

Couch, Sleeping: A solid frame wooden frame with a H

E
horsehair mattress base and bolster, rather like a
modern(ish) Chaise Longue (or Chaise Lounge for
North American readers), the direct descendant of the
graeco-roman Couches/Sleeping Couches (Klinai).

The big difference between a Sleeping Couch and the the bundles of straw or rushes that are the typical floor
other types of Bed is that they have integral ‘mattresses.’ coverings of dwellings intended for human occupation.

These are especially common in the east, especially

the Eastern Empire but can be found in Western
Europe – especially the northern mediterranean litt-
oral (southern France and Italy, Sicily, Sardinia and
Corsica [the more civilised parts] and Sicily).
Those intended to be used on a bed (mostly a Frame
Bed, qv) are mostly made of a lighter canvas or tough M
A
linen and are placed directly on the slats or rope base.
Palliasses are more bag-like than mattress-like and,

They dominate in the Eastern Mediterranean, at least
for those folk who can afford a bed rather than
Palliasse. In the Western Mediterranean and Western
Europe, Enclosed Beds and Frame Beds dominate.
R
therefore, are easier to make. They are also seen to be
more ‘common’ and would rarely be found in use,
except by servants, in an Elite or Noble household.

More refined (and expensive) models have mattresses

Production: 3-4 per day, from material on hand.

Sheets (ST:SO): Sheets are only found in well-to-do K

E
stuffed with wool or even, in extremely expensive (or better) households, everyone else just sleeps under
models, down feathers. plain blankets. Linen sheets may be used year round,
fine Wool sheets are normally used only in winter,

T
Availability: Eastern Mediterranean, ST:SO; Western and only in very well-to-do (or better) households.
Europe, Mediterranean Littoral, LT:SO; Western Production: 6-8 per day, from material on hand.
Europe, Elsewhere, C:SO. Production: 1-2 per week.
FLOOR COVERINGS
Coverlets (ST:SO): Coverlets are simply quilts, stuffed
with raw wool or clean rags, duck or goose down, and
either patchwork or embroidered – usually only on
Matting, Woven, Rush, 1ft2
Matting, Woven, Straw, 2ft2
1 lb
2 lb
¼d
¼d P
L
the one side. Coverlets could be entirely plain cloth
covers in homes of the well off through to heavily Oilcloth, Painted, 1 ft2 ¾ lb 1½d
embroidered works of art used by the nobility. Oilcloth, Plain, 1 ft2 ¾ lb ½d

Like modern Quilts (or Duvets, or Doonas), these are also

quite good insulators and will probably be used as
added blanket-equivalents in cold weather.
Straw, Bundle, 5 ft2

Reeds/Rushes, Bundle, 5 ft2

10-15 lb

15-20 lb
½-¾d

Production: 1-2 per day (Plain), 1-2 weeks (Decorated)
Palliasse (LV:SO): A large bag-shaped container of
strong cloth intended to be filled with padding of
some sort and used directly on the ground as a bed or
on an actual bed as a mattress.
Those intended to be used on the floor or ground are
usually made of sackcloth or heavy canvas.
¾-1d
A
Matting, Woven (SV:CM): There’s an ongoing argu-
ment as to what, exactly, medieval people covered C
E
their floors with.
Many (most) period sources refer to ‘straw’ or ‘rushes’
and, therefore, many have assumed they were simply
strewn, loose, on the floor – but Reed and Straw mats
have been known since ancient times and they are,
and always were, both simple and cheap to make.

Even when used on the ‘ground’ in a camp-out situation,
they aren’t placed directly on the ground, but on a
ground sheet of some sort or are used as part of a
Bedroll (qv). When used indoors, and placed on the
‘floor’ that routinely means they are actually placed on
Therefore, it is very likely that, at least in some places,
these are exactly what were used. Probably not in the
home of a poor Serf (at all), and likely only in a few
places in the home of a better off peasant … in the
home of someone who was well-to-do they’d be more 203
 common, at least in the areas frequented by the
householder and his family, especially private areas
such as bedrooms. In the homes of the Urban Elite
and the Nobility much the same would apply – they
would be found in areas the family and important
guests might frequent.
These mats don’t last forever – depending on the traffic
was they might last anywhere from a week to months …
but, or, in areas with low levels of traffic, an entire year.
Production: ½ft2 per minute.
Their best guess as to how it was actually used is that
sometimes it was woven into Mats (see above), but was
mostly tied into bundles as thick as a handspan and
that it was those bundles were then strewn around on
the floor.
This helps keep the floor clean and the flooring from
moving around – and is also a lot more comfortable to
sleep on, as most low ranking servants did.
Straw (actually Bedstraw) was used in private areas for
its finer texture, Reeds/Rushes in public areas.

Oilcloth (ST:SO): Linen (or Canvas) treated with Production: 100 lbs per day.
boiled linseed oil to waterproof/toughen it. It existed
in the medieval period was later used as floor covering FURNITURE
in moderate traffic areas, amongst other things … so
it may have been used as such in this period. Bench, Trestle, Long ~35 lbs 3½-7d
Bench, Trestle, Short ~20 lbs 2-4d
Oilcloth mats would probably in much the same places These can be knocked down for transport.
as Woven Matting (qv) in much the same households …
as an alternative. Chair, Folding/Collapsible 5-15 lbs 1/- to 5/-
Wood & Canvas Chairs cost 1/- to 2/- (12-24d); Wood &
Made of thicker cloth than Oilcloth Sheets, these will Leather 2/6 to 3/6 (30-42d). Wood & Wood 4/- to 5/-
often be laid over woven Mats or floors covered with (48-60d) or more if elaborately carved.
Straw, Reed or Rush bundles.
Chair, Wooden 10-20 lbs 1/6-2/6
Unpainted versions last at least a year, perhaps two, Non-collapsible. Cost is 18-30d for plain versions,
depending on traffic, before they become too worn to double or more if they are carved or otherwise decorated.
be presentable. Painted versions will slowly wear and
the design will need to be renewed regularly, if it is Chest, Wicker, Small 5 lbs 3-6d
simple, or replaced … usually they last six months to This chest can hold 15-20 lbs.
a year, depending on the level of the traffic. Chest, Wicker, Medium 10 lbs 7d to 1/-
This chest costs 7-12d and can hold 30-40 lbs.
Of course, painted Oilcloth can be reversed to the un- Chest, Wicker, Large 15 lbs 1/3 to 2/-
painted side and used somewhere else in the household). This chest costs 15-24d and can hold 45-60 lbs.

Production: Plain, ~20 ft2 per day; Painted, 10 ft2 per Chest, Wooden, Simple var var
day … from pre-prepared material Small = 6-12d, Medium = 10-16d, Large = 1/6 to 3/-
(18-36d). Halve the price if home-made.
Straw, Reed & Rush Bundles (SV:SO): Evidence
from living history re-enactors strongly suggest the Chest, Wooden, Small 10 lbs 2/- to 3/-
‘received wisdom’ that medieval people simply cover- Costs 24-36d, can hold 20-30 lb of goods.
ed their floors by strewing loose Straw around is not Chest, Wooden Medium 20 lbs 3/6 to 5/6
supportable – it constantly gets moved around, gets in Costs 42-66d, can hold 40-60 lb of goods.
the way and is more trouble than it’s worth. Chest, Wooden, Large 40 lbs 6/- to 9/-
Costs 72-108d, can hold 80-100 lb of goods.
Rush Matting
Coffer, Leather & Wood 5 lbs 2/6 to 5/-
This costs 30-60d an can carry 5 lb of coin or bullion.
Coffer, Wood 5 lbs 5/- to 7/6
This costs 60-90d and can carry 10 lbs of coin or bullion.

Lockbox, Iron-bound, Small 15 lbs 10/- to 15/-

Costs 120-180d, can hold 15-20 lb of coin or bullion.
Lockbox, Iron-bound, Large 25 lbs £1 to £1/10/-
Costs 240-360d, can hold 25-30 lb of coin or bullion.

204 Paychest, Iron 50 lbs £3-5

Costs 720-1200d an can hold 50 lb of coin or bullion.

Seat, Great 50+ lbs £1+
Basic price is 240d, with very basic decoration.
Extensive use of wood carving plus paint, leather and
metal embellishments mean that the sky is the limit!
Stool, Wooden 5+ lbs ½-1d
Table, Folding/Collapsible 20-40 lb 5/- to10/-
Cost varies according to the degree of carving and
decoration, from 5/- and 10/- (60-120d), perhaps more.
Table, Simple ~20 lbs 3-6d
A typical work-table found in poorer homes – can seat
3-4 per side. Makeshift or home-made versions cost 1-2d.
Table, Wooden, Small ~35 lbs 2/- to 4/-
Table, Wooden, Large ~60 lbs 4/- to 7/6
Simple Tables cost 2/- to 4/- (24-48d) for small (seat 5-6
a side) or 4/- to 7/6 (48-90d) for large (seat 8-10 per side).
Ornate carving and other decoration can increase the
cost by 2x to 3x or even more.
Trunk, Leather & Wood 7½-12 lbs 1/6 to 2/-
Trunk, Wood 15-20 lbs 2/- to 3/-
Two sizes are available – 50 lb and 75 lb capacity.
Bench, Trestle (ST:CM): These are designed so the
can be taken apart and stored or transported. Short
ones go with Small (seating 5-6) and Long (seating
8-10) ones with Large Tables (qv). Price varies accord-
ing to the degree of decoration, which is usually fairly
basic. Production: 4-5 per day, regardless of size.
Folding/Collapsible Chair (ST:UN): These can be
found in most households but can also be used for
camping. Several varieties, differentiated by the
material of the seat, exist – canvas or cloth, leather or
wood (for more detail, see the description on page
#146). Production: ½ to 3 per day.
Chair, Wooden (ST:UN): A non-collapsible version of
the Folding/Collapsible Chair (qv) – with a low back if
late enough in the period, otherwise backless. They
are normally plain wood, neither upholstered nor
padded … though cushions are available at extra cost
(see Soft Furnishings, following). Production: 3-6/day.
Chest, Wicker (LV:SO, ST:UN): A chest-like box with
lid made of at least two layers of wickerwork usually
with a solid wooden base (halve the price and take
20% off the weight if the Chest is all wickerwork).
The lid is integrally hinged with a loop and latch
arrangement to secure it at the front, but no lock –
and no provision for one to be attached in a securable
manner. Production: 1 per 2 days, LV; 1 per day, ST.
These are, obviously, neither secure nor securable – but
they are often the best poorer people can afford, and are
a step up from open wickerwork baskets.
T
H
E
Trestle Table
Chests: These are more substantial, and more expen-
sive, than Wicker Chests (qv). They have hinged lids,
possibly leather on the Simple ones, but proper
ironwork on the standard models, and some sort of
latch mechanism which can be further secured with
M
a padlock or have an integral keyed lock fitted.
While Chests can be taken on road trips (and may be in
A
a Noble or Elite household), they are generally consider-
ed to be too heavy, bulky, and relatively fragile for the
rough handling involved – Trunks (qv) are preferred for
R
travel usage.
The simple models are simple – solid workmanship
but a bit rough and ready. The regular chests are
K
more refined and may be embellished with carved or
painted decorations, even decorative metalwork.
E
While solidly built, these are not intended for the storage
of bullion or coin, or gold/silver plate and the like. They
are just wood, and could be chopped open or even have
T
the hinges or latch (even if padlocked) pried open with
moderate effort. If you want greater security, then you
want a Lockbox or Paychest (qv).
P
Availability: Simple, LV:SO; Standard, ST:UN. Pro-
duction: 3-4 days, Small; 4-5 days, Medium; 5-6 days,
Large, double that time for carved/painted decorat-
L
ion and triple it for decorative metalwork
Coffers (ST:SO): Small, strongly built, chests with
A
integral key locks for valuables. See the description on
page #149 for more details. Production: 3-4 days
(Leather & Wood), 4-5 days (Wood).
C
Lockboxes (ST:SO): These are heavily built chests
intended specifically for the storage of Bullion, Coin
or gold/silver Plate and similar valuables. They are
E
iron bound and have strong hinges as well as an
integral (if simple) lock and usually have latches that
can be closed with padlocks as well. Production: 5-6
days, both types.
You could chop out the hinges or lock, or even break the
lock and padlocks, but it will take time – and probably
involve a fair bit of noise. Do you want to risk it?
Paychest (ST:SO): These are either mostly hammered
iron plates welded, rivetted or otherwise arranged or
they are of a heavy wood base with bands, plates and
other reinforcements of iron affixed. Both types have 205
 an integral key lock and usually latches (which can
take padlocks) as well. Production: 7-10 days.
Even more so than Lockboxes, Paychests are meant to
slow down anyone breaking into them … and probably
require such efforts to make a big ruckus. Nothing can
prevent a determined thief with time on his hands from
getting into them, however.
Seat, Great (ST:SO): Think of these as proto- or
would-be thrones for those who can afford them and
wish to display their wealth and status.
They are backed chairs, and the back is often very
high, with armrests and, though they may be padded,
are more likely to be plain, hard, wood in this period
– though cushions were likely used with them.
Even the most basic model has a degree of carved or
turned decoration and most will be elaborately
decorated with extensive carvings, painted highlights
or metalwork … and the sky is the limit as far as cost
is concerned. Production: A week or more, depend-
ing on the degree of decoration.
Stool (SV:SO, LV:CM): Stools are the most common
form of individual seating other than benches, and
are generally of the three legged variety – though a
special four legged style is popular in the east. Pro-
duction: 4-6 per day.
Table, Folding/Collapsible (ST:UN): Simple wood
trestles, they can seat several people a side. Folding
tables are of a scissor design and are for only 1-2
people. Trestle tables are the most common type in use
for most of the period. See page #146 for more details.
Production: ½ to 4 per day.
Table, Simple (SV:SO): A very basic wooden table,
common in the homes of the not too poor (the very
poor may not have a table at all, or a makeshift one
of wood planks). Production: 4-6 per day.
Tables (ST:UN): A more carefully made version of the
Table – found in the homes of the better off Peasantry
Great Seat (Left)
Ornate Chair (below)
206
and Urban craftsmen. Highly decorated versions are
common for the High (Family & Important Guests)
Table(s). Production: 3-4 per day, regardless of size.
Most Tables are storable Trestles right through,
regardless of price – but some may be fixed.
Trunk (Travel): A wood or leather and wood box with
a hinged lid and a latch closure, but usually no lock.
Mostly for clothing and common items. Production:
2-3 per day. A simple warded lock can be added for
+1/6d adding +1 day to production.
HYGIENE
Bath Tub 20+ lbs 6/- to 10/-
Chamber Pot 1½-2 lbs 1-3d
Particularly elaborate ones, 3-6d.
Cloth, Small – ¼d to ½d
Cloth, Medium – ½-1d
Cloth, Large – 2-3d
Price is for plain cloth. Coloured cloth costs 2-3x and
embroidery costs 3-6x (coloured, embroidered = 5-8x) or
even more for particularly elaborate designs.
Stool, Close – +20%
These are based either on a Chair or Great Seat.
Toilet Paper – –
Bath Tub (ST:SO): Bath Tubs, such as they were,
were mostly made from large wooden casks that were
simply cut in half – and which had to be laboriously
filled with buckets of hot water from the kitchen
cauldron. The ‘tub’ was draped with a cloth which
was to protect the bather against possible splinters
from the wooden structure. Production: Small (one
person), 2-3 days; Large (2+ persons), 3-5 days.
Bathing (or what we would call such today) was done
irregularly in medieval Europe due to several factors –
the cost of cloth and of fuel being most important.
Cloth (and clothing) was expensive. Most peasants
probably only had one set of clothes – with some
additional garments for special purposes or for layering
during inclement weather. So you want a bath. Fine.
What do you get dressed in once you’ve had it?
Yep. The same clothes! Washed or unwashed? They’re
made of wool or linen, neither of which dries as quickly
as many modern fabrics. So you’re either running
around in damp clothes or in in the unwashed clothes!
Naked or semi-naked? In a climate like that of Western
Europe’s? And you’re marginally malnourished as well!
You’ll quite possibly get sick and, if you do, quite
possibly die – of a “chill.”

So you either bathe only on a warm Spring or Summer’s
day or you bathe in hot water … but the charcoal has
to come from somewhere. Trees cut from …
A Noble’s hunting preserve? Not likely!
From repurposed grazing or farmland? When you have
maybe one or two really good harvests every decade?
Nope.
Or coming from a limited number of coppices (regener-
ating, managed, woodlots) driving up the price?
What Bathhouses there were, and there were a lot more
than most authorities imply, were often associated with
Bakeries … the heat from the Ovens used to heat the
water for the Baths! Even so, they weren’t cheap.
Then there’s religion … though only a peripheral factor
and only later in the period, and not as important as
most authorities imply. Only the Muslims and Jews
insisted on cleanliness as part of their religious beliefs.
Being too concerned with cleanliness was a possible sign
to the religious authorities that you might be a cryp-
to-Jew or crypto-Muslim. Not always a good thing!
So what did people do instead of bathing?
They washed their hands and face, and disrobed to
the extent that they washed their armpits, groin and
between their buttocks perhaps a couple of times a
week. They might occasionally wash their feet as well.
Allegedly one of the reasons why the Barons opposed
Bad King John in 1215 was because he was regarded as
unmanly – he insisted on bathing (in a tub) once a
month, whether he needed to or not.
Chamber Pot (LV:UN, ST:CM): A ceramic pot with a
wide lip (sometimes with internal flanges to allow the
user to sit on it more comfortably) for use as a toilet
during the night or in inclement weather … for most
people, anyway. They always had a close fitting lid,
either also of ceramic or of wood cut to shape – none
seem to have survived, so it isn’t certain. Production:
Dozens per firing of the kiln producing them. Usually
only 1-2 firings per week, at most.
Wealthier people might not want to use the common
latrines, or go outside in rural areas, and usually had
servants … so they might use Chamber Pots all the time
and rely on someone else to empty them. Where did the
waste go?
There was usually a privy or, at least, a common latrine
nearby in the towns … so you (or your servants) would
simply dump the contents there. The old trope about
householders dumping the contents out of the upstairs
window onto passers-by was, evidently, something of a
T
A Close Stool
H
E
M
A
R
joke played on earnest rubes from the countryside …
you could be fined for doing so.
Even dumping the contents in the middle of the street K
E
was almost certainly a thing of the past by the 11th
century, at least in most places in Western Europe, as
there were usually public cesspits (and latrines) where
T
you were supposed to empty your waste … and in many
cases tenements would have their own private latrines
and cesspit.
Of course, the cesspits beneath them had to be emptied
regularly … sometimes cheap householders would put
this off till they overflowed or built up into a mound (this P
L
was uncommon, as they could then be fined by the civic
authorities). Some towns actually had regular services to
do this … maybe weekly, but more likely every fortnight.
A
Cloths (LV:UN, ST:CM): The surviving inventories of
many deceased estates, even of the (relatively) poor,
from the period show repeated mentions of Cloths …
but many authorities glossed over them. However, in
recent decades re-enactors have scoured the sources
and have come to conclusion that these were actually C
E
what we would call Towels.
They could vary in size from a Hand Towel through
to something like a Bath Sheet … they were normally
made of a thickish weave linen, as nothing like mod-
ern terry-towelling existed. Production: Dozens per
day, from available cloth.
Close Stool (ST:SO): The earliest recorded mention
of these is in the 1420’s, but they probably existed
earlier – probably from at least the second half of the
14th century. They are either a chair with a hole in it
or what seems outwardly to be a chest, but which 207
 reveals a seat with a hole in it when the lid is lifted …
both over a stand where a Chamber Pot (qv) sits.
The hole may have a lid separate from that of the
Chamber Pot or, in the case of the ‘chest’, the lid is an
integral part of the furniture … and the Chanber Pot
may be hidden behind some small doors in the chair
or ‘chest.’ Production: As either a Chair or Great Seat.
Other than the concealment factor, Close Stools work in
the same way as do Chamber Pots.
Toilet Paper: Move to China. It simply doesn’t exist
in Medieval Europe … for a start, for most of the
period, paper doesn’t exist in Medieval Europe. When
it does, it’s still too expensive to be used disposably.
In China it’s been around since at least AD 600 and was
being mass produced by the 14th century … though, of
course, mostly for the well-to-do.
Its use in Western Europe doesn’t become viable, or
common, until the rise of mass printing of cheap news-
papers and books in the 18th century.
What did Europeans do to clean themselves after
going to the toilet … well, see, there’s a reason the Left
Hand is called the ‘unclean hand’ … they used it to
wipe themselves. But with what?
Depends on where they were … in rural areas, at least
in Villages, there was usually a spot (or spots) near
wherever the latrines were where several varieties of
green, fast growing, plants with soft leaves and/or
stalks grew … otherwise a handful of grass.
Or you could use some water to wash yourself clean.
Or, most likely, a combination of the two … as you
might guess, period source material on the matter is
(unsurprisingly) scarce to nonexistent.
In towns, things are even less clear … presumably
there were supplies of water in the civic latrines which
would have been used.
In households wealthy enough to have their own
latrines, then there is evidence that rags of cheap (or
worn out) cloth were used … two buckets alongside the
latrine, one for clean rags the other, with a close
fitting lid, for the used ones.
208
When supplies of used rags built up … or supplies of
clean ones ran low … they would be taken down to the
Kitchen to be boiled in a cauldron with liquid (coarse)
soap. Quite possibly one of the cauldrons normally used
for cooking (the sources are unclear, but later practise
suggests that this was, indeed, the case) … but never fear
(or maybe you should?), the cauldron was scoured clean
with several grades of increasingly finer sand after use.
KITCHENS
Rather than detailing the minutiae of every item of
equipment possibly found in a medieval kitchen and
a price for them … since such detail would rarely, if
ever, be of any significance, a different approach has
been taken.
In this case, an two historical kitchens for which we
have descriptions are detailed – firstly, that of the
Duke of Savoy (Duchy created 1416, and independ-
ent) by his master cook is provided for 1420, but
which gives an idea of the scale of a princely estab-
lishment and, secondly, that of a wealthy London
Merchant from the 1390’s.
This was what was required for a three day feast for
around two thousand guests, many of them royalty,
major and minor nobles and, of course, their more
important hangers on …
… one hundred well-fattened cattle, one hundred and
thirty sheep, also well fattened, one hundred and
twenty pigs … and for each day during the feast, one
hundred little piglets, both for roasting and for other
needs, and sixty salted large well fattened pigs for
larding and making soups …
… there should be for each day of the feast two hundred
kids and … lambs, one hundred calves, and two
thousand head of poultry.
… you should have your poulterers … [with] forty horses
for going to various places to get venison, hares, conies,
partridges, pheasants, small birds (those which they
can get without number), river birds (those which one
can obtain), pigeons, cranes, herons and … wild birds
… [starting] two months or six weeks before the feast …
… for each day of the said feast six thousand eggs.
… of Nutmeg, six pounds, of Cloves, six pounds, of
Mace, six pounds, and of Galingale, six pounds … 30
loaves of Sugar, 25 pounds of Saffron, 6 charges of
Almonds, one charge of Rice, 30 pounds of Amydon,
12 baskets of Candied Raisins, 12 baskets of good
Candied Figs, 8 baskets of Candied Prunes, [100
pounds] of Dates, 40 pounds of Pine Nuts, 18 pounds
of Turnsole, 18 pounds of Alkanet, 18 pounds of Gold
Leaf, one pound of Camphor, [150 yards] of good and
fine tissue for straining … two hundred boxes of
Sugar-Spice pellets [dragié] of all sorts and colors to put
on pottages.

… there should be provided large … cauldrons for

T
H
cooking large meats, and other medium ones in great
abundance for making Pottages and … other things …
great hanging pans for cooking fish … large common

E
pots in great abundance for making soups … a dozen
large mortars … check the space for making sauces …
there should be twenty large frying pans, a dozen large
casks, fifty small casks, sixty cornues [bowls with
handles], one hundred wooden bowls, a dozen grills,
six large graters, one hundred wooden spoons, twenty-
five slotted spoons both large and small, six hooks,

M
twenty iron shovels, twenty rotisseries with turning
mechanisms and irons for holding the spits.

A
… you should have one hundred and twenty iron spits
… thirteen feet in length … other spits, three dozen [13’
long] but not so thick, to roast poultry, little piglets,
and river fowl … also, four dozen little spits to do
endoring and act as skewers.

… there should be [110 gallons each] of vinegar, of

white [wine] … of claret (red wine] … a cask of fine
verjuice [275 gallons], and of oil [137 1/2 gallons].
R
K
And, of course, this was a big banquet – it’s unlikely
even Royalty would hold (or want to) hold such a large
function more than once, perhaps twice, a year. A

E
… there should be one thousand cartloads of good dry more ‘everyday’ function would probably be no more
firewood and a great storehouse full of coal and you than a quarter, and probably less, than the maximum.
should always be sure of having more in case …

… there should be [120000 pounds] of best Cheese …

[900 yards] good and fine white cloth to cover the
sideboards, fish, meats, and roasts; and [90 yards] of
linen cloth to make the colors of the jellies … and of
white broadcloth … to make hyppocras [spiced wine].
The equipment and utensils found in the Kitchen
included – T
P
… two Mortars and two Pestles, two Meat-hooks, two
pairs of Tongs, two Axes, two Hatchets, a large Dressing
Knife, a Skimmer, two Ladles, a Kneading Tub, three

… two large two-handed knives for dismembering
cattle … a dozen dressing knives … two dozen knives
to chop pottages & stuffings … poultry and fish … half
a dozen scrubbers to clean the sideboards and cutting
L
Brass Pots, two little Pans, two Frying Pans, one
Chafing Pan, two Kettles, four Copper Pans, three Iron
Spits and a Rack, two Grid-Irons, two Tripods, a Grate,

boards, a hundred baskets for carrying meat … to and
from the sideboards … also for bringing coal, for roasts
… and … for carrying and collecting serving vessels.
A
a Bellows, Wood and Coal.
… a Water Tankard [in this sense, a large Bucket for
bringing water in from a Well], two Washing Tubs, one

C
Barrel (for water)
… [if] the feast is held in winter you will need for the
kitchen for each night sixty torches, twenty pounds of In the Pantry (for flour, the necessary equipment for

wax candles, sixty pounds of tallow candles …
… for the making of pastry there should be … two large
… ovens for making meat and fish pastries, tarts, flans
and talmoses, ratons … [and at least 412 gallons] of
best wheat flour …
– Du fait de Cuisine (‘On Cookery’), Maistre Chiquart
(Chief Cook of the Duke of Savoy), c. 1420
Over the top? Well, yes … not many households will
host even the occasional feast for 2000 people! Still,
it gives an idea of the equipment used.
E
dough- and pastry-making, and for storing bread),
Larder (for storing Bacon and preserved meats) and
Buttery (where the ‘Butts’ were stored – the barrels
containing Ale, Beer or Wine) were the following …
… two Candlesticks, assorted Table Linens, two iron
Funnels, a pair of Carving Knives [for use by the
Servers], ten Dishes, eleven small Sauce Dishes, nine
[wooden] Trenchers, two half-gallon Pots, one one pint
Pot, [several] Salt Cellars, a Holy Water Stoup [contain-
er], two shallow Pewter Bowls, a [leather] Bottle, three
round Basins, one Jar [Tankard?] for Ale, an
earthenware Pot, four Balances [Scales] and weights for 209
 heavy items and two small brass Weighing Balances.
Obviously this was a much smaller establishment –
and the number of diners who could be catered for
would be equivalent to that of a Knight’s or Gentle-
man’s establishment as described below
The Duchy of Savoy was big … and wealthy. The
biggest Earldoms in England, which were probably
not as big (hard to tell, as they were not as geograph-
ically compact) had an income of £8-10000 per year,
but the ‘average’ Earl’s income has been estimated at
£1000 p.a. and the normal range was £700-£3000.
Remember, in England the rank of Earl was equivalent
to what was called a Duke elsewhere … the English
monarchs were also the Dukes of Normandy, but
English Dukes do not appear until 1337, but were titles
only granted to members of the Royal Family.
Barons (had an ‘average’ income range of £300-700,
but a few probably had more than £1000. This was a
rank below Earl but above a mere Knight (Viscounts
don’t appear until 1440).
Knights had an ‘average’ income of £40 or more, and
Gentlemen of £5 or more.
These are estimates and probably too low – as it isn’t
certain whether they are gross or net income. I am
assuming they are reasonably accurate and give a range
of likely net income … and that they apply, more or less,
throughout Western Europe.
Royal Kitchen: A Royal Kitchen would be more or
less like that described by Maistre Chiquart as would
that of one of the richer Earls.
210
Earl/Ducal Kitchen: Most Earls would have a
Kitchen which could feed a maximum sized Banquet
for perhaps a 500-600 people … at the top of the
range and, at the bottom, around probably only a
couple of hundred.
Baronial Kitchens: Most Barons would probably be
able to feed around 50-150 people at a maximum
sized Banquet.
Knightly Kitchen: Knights would probably be able to
feed no more than 50 or so people at a maximum
sized Banquet.
Gentleman’s Kitchen: A Gentleman’s establishment
would be struggling to cope with more than a couple
of dozen, preferably less regardless of the occasion.
There would always be outliers – a rich Knight might be
able to feed as many as a middling Baron, and members
of the Urban Elite could rate as anything from a
Gentleman to a middling Baron in the size of their
Kitchen establishment.
This assumes multi-day Banquets – the equivalent of a
long-weekend House Party – if you’re looking at a
single meal on a single day, then the number of guests
that can be catered for is probably half again as much.
This assumes that the structures are already in place
(Fireplace, perhaps in a separate Kitchen structure and
Ovens, ditto) and that all that has to be bought are the
utensils. This cost does not include the cost of staffing
the Kitchen and paying any servers required.
Royal or Ducal Kitchen: Anywhere from £70-300 for an
average sort of establishment, ranging up to £500-1000
for a large and elaborate enterprise.
Baronial Kitchen: Anywhere from £40-80 for an
average sort of establishment, ranging up to £100-150
for a larger and more elaborate arrangement.
Knightly Kitchen: Anywhere from £5-10 for an average
sort of establishment, ranging up to £20-30 for the larger
end of the range.
Gentleman’s Kitchen: Usually around £1-2 worth of
utensils.
Note: Knightly, Baronial and Ducal/Royal Kitchens
represent the requirement that they have some basic
equipment at a number of estates that the court travels
between as well as equipment that travels with the court.
 T
H
E
Bowl, Brass (ST:SO): The most robust type of bowl,

M
often used for serving high status guests or family with
Bowl, Ceramic 1+ lbs 1-3d soups or pottage. Production: 6-12 per day.
Bowl, Brass 1+ lbs 3-6d

A
Bowl, Wood 1+ lbs ¼ to ¾d Bowls, Wooden (LV:CM): A cheaper variant of the
Ceramic Bowl, used mainly for mixing food though
Cauldron, Small 10 lb 2/- to 3/- robust enough to be used when camping. Obviously
24-36d. Capacity of 2-3 Wine Gallons (7-10 litres) none of them came with handles. Production: At

Frying Pan, Small 2 lbs 6-8d

least a dozen, probably more, per day.

Bowls are most commonly used in the Kitchen rather

R
K
Griddle 5+ lbs 1/3 to 1/8 than for eating from – though for some dishes, especial-
15-20d, sized for portability. ly those that are too liquid to be served on a Serving
Tray, large Bowls may be placed on the Table and

E
Knife, Utility ¼ lb ½ to 1d individual diners provided with either a Bowl or a
More elaborate ones with a better quality blade and hollowed out Loaf-Trencher to transfer the Pottage or
handle are available … how much do you want to pay? Soup from the serving Bowl to their own place.

Mug, Boiled Leather

Mug, Ceramic
¼ lb
½ 1b
½d
1d
Carving Dish/Tray: This may either be a standard
Serving Tray or one that is much larger than usual.
Its purpose is to bring in a large roast and for one of
T
P
Plate, Ceramic 1+ lbs 1-2d the servers to carve off the meat which is then trans-
Plate, Brass 1+ lbs 2-4d ferred to the Platters shared between diners.
Plate, Wood 1+ lbs ¼ to ½d

L
It has handles and, like the Serving Tray/Platter will
Pot 2 lbs 8-12d usually have a raised lip around the edge to prevent
Capacity, roughly ½ Wine Gallon (~ 2 litres) the roast from sliding off when being carried … and,

A
of course, to prevent any juices from slopping onto to
Pricker ¼ lb ½ to 1d Table or the Diners.
Used to hold or spear food. Better, more elaborate ones
are available … how much do you want to pay. At the High Table, the head of the Household (usually)

C
makes a pretense of carving up any roast presented to
Spoon ¼ lb ¼ to ½d their table, possibly presenting the first, choicest, cuts to
Mostly wood or bone, but more elaborate ones are an honoured guest, but they normally hand over the rest

available … how much do you want to pay?
Most items can safely be subsumed into the overall cost
of a ‘Complete Kitchen’ and are only described below.
Only those likely to be purchased/used by Player
Characters are given the usual detailed treatment.
Bowls, Ceramic (LV:SO, ST:CM): These came in
various sizes. Some might have handles, but most did
not. Could be used for cooking food by the fireplace
or on a brazier. Production: Many dozens, perhaps
many hundreds, per firing of the pottery Kiln (often
sited in or near large Villages).
E
of the carvery to experienced servers. At the other tables,
Carvers will do the same from the get go, unless the roast
is small enough in which case it might be allowable for
the guests to simply carve off bits for themselves.
Cauldron (ST:SO), Portable: A pot with rounded
bottom made from riveted pieces of iron plate and
often used by large travelling parties. See page #146
for details. Production: 2-3 per day.
Cauldron/Kettle: A large metal pot of various sizes,
usually iron but still possibly of Bronze, for cooking –
typically with a metal hoop handle that would allow 211
 it to be hung from chains over the fire (Cauldron only
started to replaced Kettle in the 13th century).
Cauldrons were a multi-purpose cooking vessel and
different menu items could be, and were, cooked in them
simultaneously, especially in the larger ones – the items
were individually wrapped in cloth and placed on
layers inside the vessel, possibly separated by metal or
wood grilles.
It would be extremely unusual, if not completely
unheard of, for something like a single Soup, Stew or
Pottage to be cooked in one – they would typically be
cooked in Bowls or, more likely, Pots.
Fireplace: Medieval Kitchens, even when they
became separated from the Great Hall, didn’t have
anything resembling a stove or kitchen range – most
cooking was done over an open fire, and large
kitchens might have several fireplaces. Food could be
cooked in Cauldrons or Pots suspended by chains or
stood on integral legs near or in the fire, or it could be
impaled on a Spit or Rotisserie.
Forks: Common kitchen utensils, especially for
handling large roasts, they weren’t used as individual
eating tools, outside of Italy (Pasta!) Until the 15th
century. Even when they started to become common,
guests would bring their own fork and spoon.
Frying Pan (ST:UN): Something like a Griddle, but
smaller and used for more delicate or individualised
dishes. Medieval versions usually had legs to allow
them to be stood near or in the ashes of the fire,
depending on the degree of hear needed. Product-
ion: 8-12 per day if Bronze/Brass, 3-4 if Iron.
Goblet: A drinking cup with a stem leading down to
a flat base (aka a Chalice in religious use). These
could be made of ceramic, turned wood, or metal
(usually Bronze, Silver or Silver-Gilt) and generally
(but by no means always) held less than a Tankard.
Goblets were usually shared – one between two.
Griddle (LV:SO, ST:UN): A flat metal plate either
suspended over a fire on chains, or with a long handle
to allow it to be pushed into the fireplace. It might
212
have a turned up edge to hold the food being cooked.
Production: 6-8/day for camp sized.
Usually used to cook flatbreads, flat cakes (Oat Cakes!)
and similar foods.
Oven: The other important component of a medieval
Kitchen, though often in a structure separate even
from a separate Kitchen building!
These are typically beehive shaped and they are
heated by placing the fuel inside the oven and, once
the brick is hot enough, the ashes/coals are quickly
raked out and the food to be baked thrust in on long
wooden paddles.
The opening often shown underneath the mouth of the
oven is not for the fire – it is where the ashes and coals
are quickly raked so as little heat is lost in the process!
Mortar & Pestle: Used for grinding up things like
spices (including Sugar), seeds, or any hard or semi-
hard food. They came in various sizes – ones for
grinding expensive spices obviously being smaller
than those intended for use with cheaper materials.
Mugs (ST:UN): A handled cup with a flat bottom of
turned wood, boiled leather, ceramic, or, rarely, metal
(Bronze, Silver or Silver-Gilt). Like a Goblet they held
less than a Tankard and might be shared between two
diners at a formal event or used by a single patron at
a commercial food or drink establishment.
Plates, Ceramic (LV:SO, ST:CM): Used for higher
status guests or family. Production: Many dozens,
perhaps many hundreds, per firing of the pottery Kiln
(often sited in or near large Villages).
Plates, Brass (ST:SO): The most robust type of plate,
often used for serving high status guests or family in
a wealthy household. Production: 6-12 per day.
Plates, Wooden (LV:CM): A cheaper variant of the
Ceramic Plate, mostly used in the Kitchen, but robust
enough to be used when camping instead of the more
awkward Trencher. Occasionally used for lower status
guests or by a slightly better off, but still, poor, family
instead of a Trencher. Production: At least a dozen,
probably more, per day.
Platter & Serving Tray: More or less the same thing,
though Serving Trays should be big enough to carry
several platters (if they’re used to carry platters rather
than, say, a Roast) – a flat tray with handles and a
raised lip around the edge to prevent food sliding off.
Typically there would be one platter for every two
guests at most meals – and the food on such would be
picked up, either with the tip of one’s knife or with
one’s fingers, and transferred to one’s Trencher.
Both are normally wood at the start of the period –
except at the High Table, where they could be Bronze,
Brass or, in particularly wealthy households, silver or
even silver-gilt. As the period progresses, metal trays and
platters become more common, even at lesser tables, and
you start to find silver-plated Brass or Bronze ones as a
cheaper intermediate option between wood and Silver.
Pot, Camping (ST:SO): A bronze or brass pot suitable
for camping or outdoors use, still often found in
kitchens because of their general utility, see page
#142 for details. Production: 4-6 per day.
Pots: (Saucepans) May be ceramic or metal (either
Bronze or Iron). They may have handles but more
commonly have hoops to allow them to be hung over
the fireplace on chains and hooks – or they may have
a handle and three integral legs to allow them to be
placed alongside or directly in the ashes of the fire.
Those with legs may have round or flat bottoms, those
without usually have rounded bottoms.
Pricker: A skewer-like utensil of metal, they appear
by the mid-13th century at the latest and became a
common adjunct to the Knife at the dinner table –
used to hold the food down while the diner used their
Knife to carve off a chunk or could be used directly to
skewer a chunk of food to transfer to their Trencher.
Rotisseries & Spits: These were for roasting meat
and poultry over the fire – both terms are used, but it
seems that Rotisseries were for roasting whole large
animals (cattle, pigs, sheep etc.) while Spits were for
smaller animals and Poultry.
These were rotated by a Spit Boy – mechanical (dog
powered) models only start to appear in the 16th century.
Salt Cellar: At the Head Table these would be an
increasingly elaborate container … Bronze to begin
with, then Silver … and possibly Silver-Gilt by the end
of the period (in very wealthy households).
At other tables they might be simple Bronze, Horn or,
at the very lowest (least important) table, simply a pile
of salt on a Trencher for common use.
Spoon (SV:CM): Apart from a Knife, which everyone
had, the main eating utensil, for Pottages, Soups,
Stews and the like, was a Spoon … normally these
would be of metal, probably Silver or Silver-Gilt at the
Head Table, probably Bone or Wood at the rest.
Whereas it was expected you would bring your own
Knife to the table to eat with, it was common for
spoons to be provided. Later in the period, wealthy
Diners might bring along a small box containing their
own Knife and Spoon … especially if they wished to
display their wealth overtly. Production: Many
dozens per day.
T
H
E
M
The Lady & The Unicorn, mid 15th
Tankard: Common drinking vessels, at least from the
A
13th century, initially made of wooden staves like a
barrel (and, unlike at least some modern ones, had no
lid and may or may not have had a handle).
R
Some may have been made from Ceramic (though
only late in the period) and it is probable that many
more, possibly even a majority, were made of boiled
K
Leather (which would have been quicker and easier
to make than wood or ceramic).
E
Tankards may have been shared between diners at a
formal dinner, usually one between two, but seem to
have more commonly been used by a single patron at
T
a commercial food or drink outlet.
The evidence available suggests the common capacity
was (in England, anyway) ~4 pints (a half a Wine
P
Gallon) … which would have made measurement of Ale
(or Beer) for sale under the price regulations easier.
L
Trencher: Most food was eaten off a Trencher. There
is, however, some confusion as to exactly what this
was – and the answer is that the term referred to three
different types of dinner-ware.
A
The most common was a thick slice of cheap bread to
place the portions of food taken from a shared Platter
C
before eating it. A variant was a hollowed out loaf
into which Pottage, Soup or Stew would be ladled
from a common serving Bowl (probably ceramic,
E
possibly metal).
Tradition has it that these Trenchers, soaked in the
juices of the foods eaten from them, were distributed to
the poor or lower servants after a meal … but I have not
been able to track down any reliable source that
suggests this occurred regularly. It may or may not have.
The third sort of Trencher was a simple wooden
board, either oblong or round, at least sometimes
with a slight lip around the edge to prevent juices
from running all over the table-top or the diner …
rather like a modern Cheese-board, in fact. 213
 SOFT FURNISHINGS
Cushion 2 1d to 1/-
1-12d or more, depending on cloth and decoration.
Cushion Fine 2 2/6+
30d or more, depending on cloth and decoration.
Embroidery var. Var.
An Embroidery cost roughly the same as a Common
Tapestry, but took only one quarter to one half the time
to make (it’s just more labour intensive).
Tapestry, Common 1 ft2 6d
Coarse wool/linen base, coarse wool design.
Tapestry, Good 1 ft2 1/-
Coarse wool/linen base, fine wool/linen design. 12d/ft2.
Tapestry, Fine 1 ft2 2/6
Fine linen or wool base, fine wool/linen design. 30d/ft2.
Base cost assumes the Tapestry is woven on a wool or
linen base with the design in wool.
If the design was woven with silk (Good or Fine quality
only), the cost was four times normal, and if metallic
(gold or silver-gilt) thread was included (Fine quality
only), the cost could be twenty to fifty times normal.
Cushions (ST:UN): Are of linen or wool. Cost de-
pends on the stuffing (cloth or wool scraps, mostly –
horsehair if comfort isn’t important) and decoration,
usually embroidery. Production: Several per day if of
plain cloth, a week or weeks if heavily embroidered.
Cushions, Fine (LT:SO): These are identical in form
to ‘ordinary’ cushions but are made of the finest
available material – Scarlet (highest quality wool
cloth, not necessarily the colour), Silk or Satin – and
may be further embroidered or otherwise decorated.
Production: As for ordinary Cushions.
Embroidery (ST:SO): These varied in size from a
Kerchief to something like the Bayeaux Tapestry
(225’ long in its current form, and 1.6’ high) which,
despite the name, is an embroidery. Production: Less
than a day for a small object/simple design to many,
many months – perhaps a year or longer.
214
What’s the difference between an embroidery and a
tapestry? Simple. An embroidery is a design stitched
onto (‘embroidered’) an existing pieces of woven cloth –
while a tapestry has the design woven into the cloth as
it is manufactured.
Embroidery was usually a household thing – ladies of
the household could embroider pretty much anything.
Most projects would be relatively small and quick, but
larger decorative items could be undertaken if the
household was particularly wealthy (and therefore had
a large number of ‘ladies in waiting’ who could assist).
If someone without a household, or away from it – a
typical Player Character, say – wanted something
embroidered they’d have to special order it, probably
through a Tailor who would have the right contacts.
Tapestry (LT:SO or C:R): These were uncommon in
medieval Europe until the early 14th century when it
was revived, initially in Germany and Switzerland,
but quickly spreading to northern France and the
Low Countries. They were mostly intended to be wall
hangings as they were far too expensive for even
Royalty to use them as carpets.
They were especially suited to the peripatetic lifestyle of
wealthy Nobles – they were part of their regular
baggage and could be set up in each of their estates as
they travelled or could even be used as hangings inside
their Pavilions and Tents when they had to camp out
between estates or while on long distance journeys (or,
if particularly [over]confident, while on campaign).
The costings are per ft2 are based on accounts for a
~180ft2 tapestry produced in France in 1425-30, but
prices should be similar for 14th century tapestries.
Production: Months – perhaps many many Months
or even a year or more, depending on the size.
For example, a Tapestry 12’ by 24’ required the labour
of four weavers working together for 8-16 months,
depending on the quality desired.
 LEARNING & LETTERS
There are two ways in which ‘books’ in a generic sense
were available in the medieval period, as Scrolls or as
Codices, and there were three basic materials that
were used for writing intended to last for a long period.
BOOKS & SCROLLS
STORAGE FORMAT
There were three basic storage formats – Codices (aka
Books), Scrolls and Loose Leaf.
Codices (singular, Codex – aka Books) were quite a
late invention – somewhere along the line someone
realised a better, more compact and easier to handle
way of doing things was to accordion fold the ‘scroll’
and place it between two boards … which was more
commonly used in the East, and was well and truly on
the way out even there by the second millennium.
The latest development was based on the realisation
that you could save on the waste of writing surface by
simply sewing the sheets along one side and writing on
both sides – close enough to a modern book.
This change almost certainly required the cessation of
the use of papyrus to make Scrolls – as ‘paper’ made
from papyrus stalks is too rough to make a good writing
surface on the reverse side of the sheet. Vellum (parch-
ment), though, can be written on both sides.
This had been the method used for storing long
written works for at least a couple of millennia –
individual sections of papyrus or parchment were
simply glued together in long strips.
In order to make them more usable and easily
storable each end was usually glued to a wooden
dowel with protruding handle which allowed the
reader to roll out one side and simultaneously roll up
the other side to go forward or back by a page.
The mean (most common) length of a Scroll was in the
range of 7-10 meters … scrolls of more than 10 meters
being too awkward (and heavy) for ease of use.
Many (if not most) ancient and medieval ‘Books’ were
divided into ‘books’ (subsections) due to this average
scroll length rather than by any commonality of content.
‘Pages’ of a scroll were written on in columns 6-9 centi-
meters wide and 15-24 centimeters high and the first and
last ‘pages’ were left blank, probably to protect the
written pages as the beginning and end pages were the
T
H
E
M
A
ones most likely to be damaged through continual use …
and so would be the most likely to need to be replaced.
By the second millennium AD Scrolls were on the way
out, being replaced by Codices (see above). R
This category included original legal documents,
maps, letters, accounts and other important records K
E
normally kept on single sheets of parchment.
If these were not likely to remain in continued use they
were often sewn together into long rolls (like Scrolls) but
then sewn inside tight fitting leather casing and filed
away … sometimes surviving down to the present day. T
P
If they were likely to remain in use they might continue
to be stored as loose leaves, especially if too large or of
too oddball a size, or they might be sewn into a Codex
L
made up of other single sheets, usually (but by no means
always) connected by some overall relationship.
WRITING MATERIAL
This was available in the Arab world well before it
arrived in Europe proper – transmitted through al-
A
C
Anadalus (Islamic Spain) where it had definitely
arrived by the mid 11th century. The first paper mill
in Christian Europe was founded in Toledo in 1085
E
and there was another in southern France by 1190.
Paper making spread fairly slowly – to central Italy by
the last quarter of the 12th century, northern Italy,
Troyes (France), Holland by the second quarter of the
14th – and thence to various parts of Germany. The
first successful paper mill in England wasn’t started
until the last quarter of the 16th century, though there
had been earlier unsuccessful attempts.
Made from the split and flattened pithy insides of the
Papyrus reed, it was going out of fashion well before 215
 the beginning of the period, possibly partly because of
over-harvesting, but more likely because paper proved
to be a better medium.
In western Europe the collapse of the Western Empire led
to the disruption of trade links with those parts of the
eastern Mediterranean and North Africa where the
papyrus reed was grown commercially – and these never
recovered after the loss of these areas, progressively, to
the Vandals and, later to the Muslim expansion.
The recto side was smooth enough to write on, but the
verso side was too rough and striated … so, as scrolls
were gradually replaced with codices that set up for
the use of both sides of the page for writing on,
papyrus was at a disadvantage as well.
The specially treated skins of animals – the skin side
(recto) is lighter, smoother and easier to write on, but
the hair side (verso) holds the ink used better. It may
be sewn together to form Scrolls but by 1000 AD it was
more commonly used to make Codices (Books).
WRITING IT ALL OUT . . .
The average human can write 22 words per minute,
around 1300 words per hour, though medieval scribes
probably couldn’t have managed that speed for a
variety of reasons …
They had to dip their quill pens into an inkwell to
replenish the ink every word or two for a start and would
have regularly had to stop to mix a new supply of ink,
216 Codex Manesse, c. 1304 (additions, ~1340)
then they had to rule up each page to help keep the lines
straight for another – always leaving space for any
initial capitals and illuminations to be done by another.
At an estimated 600-700 words per 12 x 18” page (an
full sized page for an illuminated Gutenberg Bible on
vellum) that’s an average of two pages per hour
(again, probably not achievable in real life – though
some sources suggest Scribes were able to work at
twice that rate, though details are sketchy and it may
be referring to fewer words on smaller pages).
Gutenberg printed two versions of his 42 line Bible – one
on paper and one, for special patrons, on vellum.
Rate of Work: Monks typically worked a minimum of
6-8 hours copying per day, but some worked up to
fourteen, having received special dispensation to miss
the regular breaks for prayer … so they could expect
to finish anywhere between 12 and 56 pages a day.
Length & Time: The full text of the Bible, Old and
New Testaments, is ~800,000 words or around 1200
full sized pages, which would mean that it would take
~20-100 days. Taking out Sundays, add a further 6-16
days … and, of course, you also need to take out
important Holy Days, which would probably add
another 10-30 days to the whole process, depending
on the time of year the copying process was started …
so, all up? Around 36-150 days.
Illumination: Oh, and that time doesn’t include the
time required to illuminate (decorate) the manuscript
– though, since that was usually done by someone
other than the copyist, it would be done on the already
finished pages while the Scribe continued copying.
Illumination could be anything from inscribing the
first letter of the first word in a Paragraph as a Drop
Cap and in red ink, quite cheap in the overall scheme
of things, through to ornate calligraphy for the Drop
Caps and miniature (marginal) or full page works of
art done with expensive pigments and even gold leaf.
PRINTED BOOKS . . .
Gutenberg seems to have started developing what
became moveable type printing as early as 1439 – but
didn’t start to print books on any scale until 1450 at
the earliest … all of which is well past the end date of
the period covered. However, there was another ways
of printing that was available, at least to a limited
degree, in some parts of the Mediterranean world.
This involved cutting an entire page of text and any
illustrations into a single page-sized block of wood.
The block was then inked and a single sheet of paper
was pressed onto it and rubbed down firmly, trans-
ferring an impression of the page to the paper.
 T
It first appeared in China as a means to print designs
on textiles but, by the 7th century AD it was being used
to print books … and the technology spread relatively
quickly. By the 11th century at the latest the technique
had reached the eastern Mediterranean (especially the
East Roman Empire) but was only used to print
patterns on textiles, and this technique had spread to H
E
western Europe by the end of the 13th century.

The earliest use of the technology in Europe for print

ing on paper can only be dated to 1400, the very end
of the 14th century, when the first Woodblock (Art)
Prints appear … soon followed (possibly around 1418)
by its use to print Playing Cards.

Playing Cards (hand drawn or painted) can only be

dated to the last half of the 14th century in western M
A
Europe copied from the Islamic tradition which, in turn,
was inspired by the Chinese who evidently developed
them some time during the 9th century.

Apart from a limited use to print short prayers and

religio-magic amulets in Egypt between the 11th and
14th centuries, these were the only ways the technology
was used for printing on paper before the middle of
the 15th century when it, briefly, appeared alongside
the early moveable type press (roughly 1450-1500).
BOOKS & BOOKSELLERS
How and where did you go about buying a Book in the
middle ages, especially given that they were so
expensive and slow to be copied?
BOOKSTORES
size (from something you could carry in a belt pouch
through to massive tome a single person would have
difficulty carrying) and the decoration(s), if any (full
R
page or marginalia/drop cap miniatures through to
simply plain text) … you got what you wanted tailored
for your specific requirements. K
Then you paid a deposit, probably around half of the
expected cost, and went away … and waited. E
T
And waited … possibly a year or more for a complete
copy of The Bible (Old & New Testaments) fully loaded
with miniatures, maybe a month for a shorter work

Prior to the 13th century you had to go to a large

with no decoration.

The Scribe wrote the text and handed it on, probably a P

L
Monastery or Church (a Minster or Cathedral, most few pages or a signature at a time, to the Miniaturist
like) and commission one with the Abbot or one of the who did the illustrations, who then passed it on to the
senior Priests. Book-binder who bound the book. Each would be

On rare occasions either of these places might have a
duplicate copy or copies of one or more of their ‘library’
which they might be willing to sell if you have the
requisite bargaining skill, a lot of money and possibly a
high ranking social position
By the early 13th century something like a modern
Bookstore had come into existence – but, apart from
a small number of second hand books on hand, they
acted as commission agents (middlemen) between the
would be purchaser and the copyist(s) (who might be
either clerical or commons).
In both cases, the buyer would negotiate with the
facilitator as to exactly what they wanted – the topic
(or specific book), the style (Book Script or Cursive aka
Court Hand), the materials (Parchment or Paper), the
A
contracted for a specified amount of the overall cost.
The balance was due on delivery. Non-payment
meant the finished book could be sold to defray the
costs – and there was usually a lively market in second
hand books so this was rarely more than a passing
difficulty. C
LIBRARIES
There had been ‘public’ libraries (though they didn’t
E
lend books!) in the Hellenistic period (the Library of
Alexandria, founded by Ptolemy I Soter) and in the
heyday of the Roman Empire (the Anla Libertatis
being the earliest, founded by Asinius Pollo, one of
Julius Caesar’s lieutenants – and there were eventual-
ly twenty-eight libraries in the Urbs alone, many more
across the Empire as a whole, though more in the
East than in the West) they were well and truly gone
by the collapse of the Empire in the west. 217
 THE MEDIEVAL EAST
In the East, the Imperial Library of Constantinople
(founded in the 4th century and surviving, despite
several devastating fires, to the fall of the city in 1453)
existed and allowed something like limited public
access and various Islamic rulers set up ‘public’ Lib-
raries (Dar al-’ilm – ‘House of Knowledge’), mainly for
scholarly use, from the 9th century.
THE MEDIEVAL WEST
After the 4th-5th centuries only Monastic and, later, a
few private (mostly Royal or Noble) Libraries existed
in the West – and they were private. Scholars might be
granted access on a case by case basis if they had the
right recommendations or well placed connections.
Interestingly, they did ‘lend’ books – in a limited sort
of way. It was deemed to be a religious duty to allow
other Monasteries (and, presumably, well endowed
Royal/Noble institutions) to ‘borrow’ books for the
purpose of copying them. Then, increasingly, they
made what were effectively permanent ‘loans’ to
Brothers who might move from House to House.
This was often done either on the basis of the borrower
swapping a book for the lending institution to either
copy or hold as a security or on the payment of a
security fee (and there would often be a non-
refundable ‘rental’ component to the latter amount).
HOW MANY BOOKS?
The Imperial Library (Constantinople) had ~100,000
‘books’ in its (5th-6th century) heyday, and still had
‘many thousands’ even as late as the 1450s.
Unfortunately, it was severely damaged by Fire and/or
looted several times during its history (notably by the 4th
Crusade) and was burnt down, looted and totally
The School of Theology at Caesarea had ~30,000 texts
– but was destroyed during the Arab conquest of the
region in the 7th century.
218
Islamic Libraries were also quite large, with Mosque
Libraries known to have had, in at least one case,
~10,000 texts … and the Public libraries founded by
various rulers, national and local, were probably of a
comparable size.
By the the 11th century there was a resurgence in the
numbers of books in circulation in the west – and the
number of books in Monastic and private Libraries
increased considerably.
Exceptional Libraries: The largest library in Europe,
from the 11th century, was that of the Abbey of Monte
Cassino, which had ‘several thousand’ (perhaps as
many as 10,000 – records are incomplete) texts – its
existence was why the Medical School of Salerno (the
first Medieval University) was founded nearby.
This was by far the biggest Library in the west at the
time – and probably retained that status until the 14th
century, and perhaps until the late 14th century.
The Papal Library (it wasn’t the Vatican Library until
1475) suffered from being moved around several
times (Rome, Avignon, Rome) as well as from fire and
plunder (Philip IV, 1303). By 1455 it consisted of
~1200 texts, about one third in Greek. By the last
quarter of the 15th century it had somewhere between
2500 and 3000 texts.
While not a public library as such, the Popes usually
provided free access to recognised scholars … not just
clerics studying religious matters, but classical scholars
as well, as the library contained a large number of other
texts in a variety of languages (mainly Greek with a few
in Hebrew). Access to qualified Scribes for the purpose
of making copies was also routinely granted.
The Library of Cluny Abbey is also reputed to have
had ‘several thousand’ texts, certainly less than Monte
Cassino, but more than the English libraries mention-
ed below – unfortunately the early records were de-
stroyed during the outbreak of the Wars of Religion
in the 16th century, along with many of the texts.
As with most Monastic Libraries, the texts available were
widely loaned in return for access to texts not possessed
so that both the borrowing and lending institutions
could make copies … and texts originating at Cluny, or
copies of them, could be found in Libraries all over
France, parts of Germany and even as far afield as
England.
In England, the library at Christ Church (Canterbury)
had 1831 books in the 14th century, and St August-
ine’s (also Canterbury) had 1837 books by the end of
the 15th century. Dover Priory had 450 books in 1389
and Rochester Cathedral had ~240-250 books.
 T
As with other Church and Monastic Libraries, these were
happy to allow scholars with the appropriate introduct-
ions access to their collections though they were mainly
intended for use by the Monks or Clerics in training or
working in their precincts.

The English Royal Library contained ~2000 books H

E
during the reign of Henry VIII (1491-1547), some of
them dating back to the 10th century.

Limited access was granted to Scholars enjoying the

patronage of the King or members of the Royal family,
and was occasionally granted to those recommended by
Court favourites.

Average Libraries: The Libraries above were

exceptional – how many books did an ‘average’ Cath- M
A
edral, Minster or Monastery Library have? It depend-
ed on wealth – either as money/income to purchase
texts/pay scribes to copy them from borrowed

R
originals or in the form of residential staff to produce
copies, either of texts already possessed or of borrowed
texts, for the institution’s own use.

An unexceptional regional Cathedral or Minster, or a

middling well-to-do Abbey, Convent or Monastery
could be expected to posses 200-300 texts, give or take.
On the other hand, a run-of-the-mill rural Parish
probably didn’t even have a complete copy of the Bible
K
E
In fact, there were generally only three broad classific-
ations – Theology, Classical Authors and Contempor-
ary Authors (the latter divided into works related to

T
– just some of the Gospels and a collection of selected the Trivium [Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic] or Quadriv-
readings and sermons for the various Holy Days. ium [Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, Astronomy]).

An urban Church was more likely to have a complete
New Testament and selected sermons and services for
the various important Holy Days – better off ones
might have a complete Bible plus additional copies of
the Gospels and very wealthy ones would probably
have a small number of other religious works.
There might be some degree of organisation within
those categories, but this seems to have been entirely
idiosyncratic to a particular library and rarely replic-
ated elsewhere … unless there was a historic or per- P
L
sonnel link between libraries.
Alphabetical order was followed – but had to be varied

The selection of works in a Parish Church might be
supplemented by personal copies of various religious
works owned by the Priest – but neither these nor those
owned by the Parish itself were freely accessible, and
would certainly be unlikely to be loaned.
A
according to the physical size of the books involved
(there was no standardisation of size as books were hand
made and hand copied in small numbers), so large
books would be organised alphabetically on one shelf

Noble libraries would have most likely had anywhere

from a handful through a couple of dozen to scores
and, for the very wealthy, maybe a hundred or ao.
FINDING A BOOK . . .
Medieval Libraries weren’t organised as modern ones
are – they were divided into Latin and Greek sections
(and, presumably, if they had enough books in
another language, those were treated likewise).
Within that divisions they then mostly organised texts
by alphabetical order within specific categories, but
the categories were not the same as the ones we are
used to today, nor were they as specific.
while smaller books that should have been in the
sequence were then organised alphabetically on a
different shelf. C
E
Since most libraries were relatively small, finding a
book was fairly simple – simply look on the shelves till
you found the right general classification and then
hunt through in alphabetical order. For larger librar-
ies consulting with the Library staff was generally
much quicker – and, by the very late 14th century
some Libraries were using a system of Shelf Numbers
and had something like a central catalogue (or listing).
Shelf Numbers describe a physical location. So, for
example, shelves might be identified by names, letters or
decoration and the shelves numbered or given letters 219
 from top to bottom (possibly on both sides if the shelving
had such), and the position of the books numbered from
left to right across the shelves.
So, for example, Gryffon D:II would indicate the book
was in the Gryffon Bookcase, Shelf D (fourth from the
top) and second from the left.
SCRIBES & NOTARIES
How many people could read and write during the
medieval period? There’s really no good answer, as
there was, of course, no such thing as a Census or any
way of recording literacy rates. There are estimates –
and you can make of them what you will.
· 13th Century – it has been suggested that, overall,
around 6% of the population was literate, and that
around 20% of urban populations were.
Or ~12% of the male population overall and ~40% of
the male population in urban areas. Whether this
refers to literacy in Latin or in Latin and/or English
is not clear.
· London Merchants – by the 14th century it has
been suggested 40% could read Latin, 50% could
read English and maybe 5% could read French.
The overwhelming majority of Merchants (and the
wealthiest ones) were, of course, male.
· 15th Century England – it has been suggested that
perhaps 10% of men and 1% of women were
literate, across all socials classes.
There is evidence a surprising number of Peasants
could read and write in English, but these figures
would have been strongly skewed towards the higher
classes … the Gentry, Nobility and the Clergy.
It is, likewise, not clear whether these rates are meant
to indicate literacy in Latin or in Latin and/or
English.
220 Medieval Seal Ring
· Thomas Moore, in 1533, estimated English liter-
acy, across all classes, at 40%.
It is not clear whether Moore is talking about literacy
in Latin, or literacy in Latin and/or English.
In any case, the figure would be, again, skewed
strongly towards the higher classes. Many authorit-
ies believe there had been a considerable boom in
the rate of literacy during the course of the 15th
century … assuming that there was a 100% increase,
the figure gels with that from the 15th century.
A couple of things that seem certain and, to modern
sensibilities, quite surprising are –
· Even amongst the Gentry and Nobility, literacy
was not even close to universal, even literacy in the
vernacular alone (English or French, depending
on the period) … let alone literacy in Latin
· ‘Literacy’ was often the limited ability to sound
out words from familiar texts (often the Bible) and
puzzle out words (and meanings) from unfamiliar
ones and did not always include the ability to write.
Reading and Writing were taught separately – and
reading was taught first. Many ‘literate’ members of
the gentry and nobility could read but, at best, write
poorly … they had clerks (often clerics – much the
same thing until the 13th century) to do the writing
for them (or, probably in a majority of cases, do both).
LETTERS AND COMMUNICATION
With such small numbers of literate people written
letters were relatively uncommon – but they were sent,
even by the peasantry, it’s just that they weren’t
always written by those who sent them, and probably
weren’t always read by their recipients.
The well-to-do would have at least a couple of people
on staff who could read and write, and the wealthier
they were and/or the higher their social rank was the
more likely they were to have a personal Secretary
(perhaps several) to handle their correspondence.
For the poor and illiterate there was always the Parish
Priest who would probably be happy to earn a little
extra money … or possibly the Reeve or the Bailiff, or
the Bailiff’s Clerk, depending on your relationship
with them they might do it for nothing more than the
cost of the materials or a modest fee.
If it were in relation to a legal matter, then the first
call would be to a Notary at a local Town, who would
write out common legal documents … though, for
some, it would involve a trip to the Shire/County or
even National Capital to secure documentation from
the Clerks of the higher Courts there.
 T
Prior to the 13th century securing writs from ‘higher’
authorities meant tracking down where exactly the
Royal Household currently was … as the Clerks involved
travelled with it. They were only settled permanently in

H
London later.

E
Getting letters from place to place was difficult – there
was no like a postal service, not for ordinary people.
There were, however, ways you could get letters sent –

· Find an acquaintance who was travelling in the

right direction and ask them to carry the letter.

M
· Pay a Peddler or anyone who travelled a regular
circuit to carry the letter.

A
Peddlers carried small items for sale around a
regular circuit of villages and hamlets. This would
work only if the destination was on their circuit or

R
not too far out of their way.

· Pay a Carter or Shipman to carry the letter.

K
There were Carters who plied regular or semi-regular
routes radiating out from the main Towns by the 13th
century, if not earlier (and who later developed into

E
Common Carriers) mostly carrying small items or Considering the state of the roads, where they existed
even people, but not averse to making an extra penny. at all, travel speeds by land were generally slow.

Obviously this would only be an option if you were
near a Town where such services existed, and, also,
if the destination was one the carrier(s) served.
T
· Foot. A lone traveller could manage 25-30 klicks
(15-20 miles) per day, on average.
· Carts. Assuming flat terrain these could manage

P
As with Carters, some medieval ships sailed a more or 20-35 (14-22 miles) klicks per day, less otherwise.
less regular route, and a crewman or even the Master
would generally be happy to carry a letter for pay … · Riders. A rider using the same horse the whole

L
and organise a messenger at the destination port to day could manage 48-56 klicks (30-35 miles) per
carry the letter to its eventual destination. day – if they changed their horses regularly, they
could manage up to 80 klicks (50 miles).

· Pay a Private Courier.
As with Carters, there seems to have been a well
developed system of private individuals who were
A
English Royal Couriers were expected to supply and
use their own horses until the 14th century, moving at
the slower speed. Early in the 14th century the Crown

C
prepared to carry messages for pay from at least the started to pay for changing horses every 16 klicks
13th century and, almost certainly, earlier (though (10 miles) and the faster speed kicked in.
they would probably have been less common). Some

seem to have had regular routes, others seem to have
carried one off messages anywhere.
· Use a Servant or your own Couriers.
E
· Ships. Average sailing speed for most medieval
ships was 5-7 knots … and they only sailed during
daylight hours on most routes.

If you were wealthy enough to have servants, you

could direct one to carry a message personally.

If you were really wealthy then you could afford to

have your own body of Couriers to do your bidding.

And, of course, you could use a combination of any or

all of the above methods. 221
 WE TAKE, BUT WE PASS ON . . .
BOOKS & SCROLLS
The availability of an Exemplar of pretty much any
book for copy purposes other than the Bible varies
both widely and wildly and doesn’t always directly
depend on the location.
Early (10th-12th Centuries): There is a much higher
chance of a particular title being available in a large
Monastery than anywhere else (and this remains the
case throughout).
Late (13th century on): As the period progresses the
chance of finding a specific title increases, usually but
not always in direct relation to the size of the
settlement.
Non-Monastic Location: Chances will be higher in
Metropoli, somewhat less in the two sizes of Cities or
better and much, much, less in Large and Small
Towns. But there is a chance of finding something
even in a local Village Parish Church … or the Manor
House of a local Lord.
If there isn’t an Exemplar available locally, treat the
deal as Import Only.
There are three levels of decoration possible for a
Manuscript or Scroll –
Plain: Written in either cursive or book hand, but only
as plain text. Initial capitals in each section (possibly
in each paragraph) may be done in red ink.
Cursive is normal everyday script, cheaper because it is
easier and quicker to write. Book hand is a form of
lettering ‘designed’ for legibility, but slower and some-
what harder to write.
Mid Range: Written in book hand most of the time,
with decorated initial capitals and some few small
illumination in the margins or between sections.
Luxury: Look at the book below – that’s ‘luxury!’
222
The price (range/multiplier) given is the bare mini-
mum and usually only includes interior decoration
and artwork plus a nice hand tooled leather binding.
You can go way beyond that with gold leaf used on
the interior miniatures and lettering, on the leather
binding, and you can add metal (usually Brass, but
possibly Silver or Silver Gilt) fittings and even gems.
There really is no upper limit …
Of course, all that additional luxury adds weight, if not
bulk, to the book – and it may mean that even Small
Format books become … unhandy.
For the sake of simplicity, all books listed here are
assumed to come in one of two formats (size and/or
bulk) – Small and Large.
Large Format: The book is of a size so large that it
needs to be rested on something – a Desk, Lectern or
Table for example. While such books can be carried
and moved in the range unwieldy to onerous.
Small Format: The book is of a size that could be
carried around and held easily in the hand … portable.
Weight: This is up to the GM – there was no such
thing as standardised sizes, and most certainly no
Quarto or Foolscap, ISO or A- or B- series paper (or
parchment) sizes in the medieval period so the two
‘formats’ are a general guideline and no more.
Paper is less expensive than Parchment may be less
common – perhaps a lot less common.
8th–10th Centuries: Paper is only available in the
Islamic world, slowly spreading from Samarkand
(mid 8th century) west and south to Baghdad (late 8th
century) and Egypt (late 9th century).
This means only books in the Arab world are likely to be
found in paper – though Parchment remained the
preferred medium even there.
11th-12th Centuries: Papermaking arrives in Morocco
and Islamic Spain, even Christian Spain and south-
ern France late in the 11th century.
13th-14th Centuries: Papermaking arrives in Italy in
the late 13th century, Germany by the early and
France and Holland by the mid 14th century.
That is, paper remains mostly unknown or is a difficult
to acquire import only item elsewhere in Western Europe
between the 11th and 14th centuries … it only starts to
dominate after the invention of printing (~AD 1450 on).
 T
Miniature from De
Bible, Paper, Large £5-6 Re Militari
Cost = 1200-1440d. Plain, x2 mid-range, x3 Luxury.
Bible, Paper, Small £1-2

H
Cost = 240-480d. Plain, x2 mid-range, x3 Luxury.

Bible, Parchment, Large (Luxury) £15-20+

E
Cost = 3600-4800d. Paper, £10–£13/6/8 (2400-3200d).
Bible, Parchment, Small (Luxury) £3-4+
Cost = 720-960d. Paper , £2 to £2/13/4 (480-640d).

Bible, Wycliffe, Paper, Small £2-3

Cost = 480-720d. Plain, x2 mid-range, x3 Luxury.
Bible, Wycliffe, Paper, Small £4-5

M
Cost = 960-1200d. Mid-range, x2 mid-range, x3 Luxury.

Bible, One Book/Gospel, Paper 5/- to 7/6

A
Cost = 60-90d. Small, Plain, x2 Mid-range, x3 Luxury.
Bible, One Book/Gospel, Parchment 5/- to 7/6
Cost = 60-90d. Small, Plain, x2 Mid-range, x3 Luxury.

Book, Anatomy, Large, Parchment £6+

Cost = 1440d. Illustrated. Double price for mid-range.
Paper copies are £4+ (960d). ~250-300 pages.
De Re Militari, Parchment, Small £1 to £2
Cost = 240-480d. Mid range; Luxury +50%. Paper copy
13/4 to £1/6/8 (160-320d).
R
K
Book, Anatomy, Small, Parchment £2+
Cost = 480d. Illustrated, plain, x2 Mid-range. Paper Ephemeris, Small (Parchment), Complete £2-3
copies are £1/6/8d (320d) or more. ~500-600 pages. Cost = 480-720d. Paper copy, £1/6/8 to £2 (320-480d).

E
Data for one location, 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d).
Book, Classical, Paper 8d to 1/- Ephemeris & Star Chart £3-6+
Cost (8-12d) Per Quire (4 sheets, 8 Leaves). Plain, +50% Cost = 720-1440d. Paper copy, £2-4 (480-960d). Star
for Parchment. Mid-range x2, Luxury x3 or more.

T
Chart may not be bound into the book block.

Book of Hours, Parchment 18/- to £1/16/- Herbal, Parchment, Large £5-7

Cost = 216-432d. Mid range, +50% for Luxury. Cost = 1200-1680d. Mid-range, Luxury +50%. Paper

P
Book of Hours, Paper 6/- to 12/- copy £3/6/4 to £8/13/4 (800-1120d).
Cost = 72-144d. Mid range, +50% for Luxury. Herbal, Parchment, Small £3/10/- to £4/10/-
Cost = 840-1080d. Mid-range, Luxury +50%. Paper

L
Book, Quadrivium, Large, Parchment £4-6 copy £2/6/8 to £3 (560-720d).
Cost = 960-1440d. Mid-range, x2 mid-range, x3 Luxury
Book, Quadrivium, Small, Parchment £2-3 Map, Local 12d to 2/6

A
Cost = 480-720d. Mid range, +50% for Luxury. Paper Cost = 12=30d. Parchment, Mid-range. Size varies from
copies, £1/6/8 to £2 (320-480d). a single sheet to a whole calfskin.
Map, Mappamundi £3/10/- or more
Book, Religious, Other, Large, Parchment £2-3 Cost = 840d. This is for something the size of the

C
Cost = 480-720d. Mid range, +50% for Luxury. Paper Hereford Mappamundu (~4’9” across).
copies, £1/6/8 to £2 (320-480d). ~250 pages. Map, National/Regional 5/- to £1
Book, Religious, Other, Small, Parchment £1-2 Cost = 60-240d. Parchment. Mid-range. Size varies from

E
Cost = 240-480d. Mid range, +50% for Luxury. Paper a single sheet to a whole calfskin.
copies, 13/4 to £1/6/8 (160-320d). ~500 pages.
Missal, Large, Parchment £1-2
Book, Trivium, Large, Parchment £2-3 Cost = 240-480d. Plain. Paper versions are 13/6 to
Cost = 480-720d. Mid range, +50% for Luxury. Paper £1/7/6 (160-320d). Mid Range, x2; Luxury, x3
copies, £1/6/8 to £2 (320-480d). Missal, Small, Parchment 7/6 to 15/-
Book, Trivium, Small, Parchment £1-2 Cost = 90-180d. Plain. Paper versions are 5/- to 10/-
Cost = 240-480d. Mid range, +50% for Luxury. Paper (60-120d). Mid Range, x2; Luxury, x3.
copies, 13/4 to £1/6/8 (160-320d).
New Testament, Paper, Large £2-3
De Civitate Dei, Parchment £2/10/- to £3/10/- Cost = 480-720d. Plain.
Cost = 600-840d. Large. Mid-range x2, Luxury x3 or
more. Paper copies £2 to £2/6/8d (480-560d).
New Testament, Paper, Small
Cost = 120-240d. Plain.
10/- to £1
223
 New Testament, Parchment, Large £4-5
Cost = 960-1200d. Mid range.
New Testament, Parchment, Small £1 to £1/15/-
Cost = 240-360d. Mid range.
New Testament, Wycliffe, Paper, Small £4-5
Cost = 960-1200d. Luxury product.
Portolan, Geographical £2-5+
Cost = 480-1200d. Parchment. Mid-Range. Luxury, x2.
Price depends on degree of detail.
Portolan, Navigational £1-2
Cost = 240-480d. Parchment. Plain. Mid Range, x2.
Price depends on degree of detail.
Psalter 10/- to £1
Cost = 120-240d. Parchment. Mid Range. Luxury, x2.
Plain, 6/8 to 13/4 (80-160d).
Rutter, Full 10/- to £1+
Cost = 120-240d. Parchment. Plain. Mid Range x2.
Covers the whole of the Mediterranean and NW Europe.
Rutter, Partial 2/6 to 5/-
Cost = 30-60d. Parchment. Plain. Only covers part of the
‘Known World.’ Some areas covered include – NW
Europe, the Baltic, Iberian Peninsula, North Africa,
Western or Eastern Mediterranean, the Aegean Sea, the
Black Sea. The greater the coverage, the higher the price.
Rutter, Single Route 6d to 1/-
Cost = 6-12d. Parchment. Plain. Covers a single point to
point route with instructions for joining or leaving the
route part-way from/to another route.
Renting a Book n.a. ½-1d
Cost is per quire (4 Sheets, 8 Leaves) per quarter.
Traveller’s Itinerary, European £1-5+
Cost = 240-1200d. Parchment. Mid-Range. Paper copy,
13/4 to £3/6/8d (160-800d). Depends on number of
possible routes covered and level of detail.
Traveller’s Itinerary, National/Regional 5/- to 15/-
Cost = 60-180d. Parchment, Mid-Range. Paper copy,
3/4 to 10/- (40-120d). Depends on size of region and
number of possible routes covered.
224 Wycliffe Bible (left) and French Vernacular Bible (right)
Traveller’s Itinerary, Single Route 1/- to 2/6
Cost = 12-30d. Parchment. Plain. Paper copy, 9d to 1/8
(9-20d) depending on the length of the route and the
degree of detail.
Bible: The second most common book available in
the period (see Book of Hours for the most popular) it
is not even universally found in Churches, especially
poorer and rural Parishes where the Priest may only
have a Missal and, perhaps, a selection of the Gospels.
The Wycliffe Bible is a vernacular translation of the
standard Latin Bible into Middle English – even though
it is thought to have triggered the Lollard heresy, the
actual text was a close translation of the original and
adhered to Catholic orthodox belief in all ways.
Wycliffe was accused of Heresy and expelled from his
teaching position at Oxford and legislation passed
(1401, 1408) persecuting his followers and making any
unauthorised English translations of the Bible a
heretical act, but the Bibles remained in circulation.
This remained the case even after he was posthumously
declared to be a Heretic (1415) and his remains exhum-
ed, burnt and scattered by order of the Papacy (1428).
Similar issues had arisen with translations made into the
local vernacular in areas where Heresies such as the
Waldensians and Cathars were active as the Church
(only sometimes correctly) believed these were done by
the Heretics and might contain heterodox beliefs.
Book, Anatomy: Based on classical era anatomical
knowledge and heavily illustrated … for ‘practical’
purposes rather than decoration. Unfortunately,
much of the factual information is based on fanciful
theories, mysticism and dissection of animals all of
which means that much of it is misleading or down-
right dangerously wrong …
The Brain, for example, was for cooling the blood – and
the Heart was the seat of emotions. Also, there was no
understanding of the circulation of the blood – it was
believed to flow tidally around the body and the role of
the Heart as a pump was not known.
While some corpses were dissected (it is a 19th century
anti-Catholic calumny that the Papacy forbade human
dissection) the lack of refrigeration and the limited
number available (only executed criminals as a general
rule) meant that most anatomy was taught via dissection
of animals, and there are enough differences between
general mammalian and human anatomy to make this
… problematic.
Even where dissections were performed, students were
only allowed to observe and did not have their own
corpse (even if an animal) to work on, as is the case in
modern medical education.
There were at least some practitioners who had a better
handle on reality and, occasionally, their information
might be included despite the ‘learned authorities’
knowing they were wrong since the ‘classics’ said so …
but how to tell?!?
Byzantine and most western European works tend to
be more classically based (less accurate), while Italian
and Arabic works are increasingly based on at least
some human dissections and are much more (though
not completely) accurate.
Such books generally offer a +2 to +4 bonus (bonuses
are for a d10 based system where a Characteristic of 5
is average, and should be scaled accordingly).
Book, Classical: This may be any title, but, generally
speaking, has no particular game use other than
being a book – except, possibly, as a source of general
knowledge on whatever topic is covered. It is also
assumed that the book is in Latin, even if the original
was written in another language.
At the beginning of the period the second most common
language (a distant second) was the local vernacular.
By the late 11th and 12th centuries there would be
increasing, but still tiny, numbers of books in Greek …
but it was more likely to find a new Latin translation of
a ‘lost’ (in the West) Greek work (even, possibly, from a
Greek translation of what had originally been a Latin
work, now translated back into Latin).
This trend continued in the 13th century onwards, with
more works in Greek appearing, as well as small num-
bers of works in Hebrew and even fewer in Arabic … and
a small but significant increase in the number of works
in the local vernacular.
Book of Hours: Personal book of Prayers and Devot-
ional material. Typically 60-80 pages, depending on
the exact selection of texts included – usually
included a Calendar (Church), Gospel Lessons, Hours
of the Virgin (Infancy and Passion, each cycle divided
into the 8 canonical hours), Hours of the Cross and of
the Holy Spirit (Crucifixion and Pentecost), Prayers,
Office of the Dead, selected Saint’s Life or Lives and
assorted other texts.
These were even more common than the Bible, even
more common than single Books or Gospels from the
Bible. Tens of thousands have survived from the period
and into modern times. Almost all are in ‘small’ formats.
Book (Quadrivium): A book on one of the four sub-
jects that had to be studied to gain an advanced
(Master of Arts) degree at a medieval University –
Arithmetic (in Roman Numerals, of course – right up to
the invention of printing, in fact), Astronomy (nothing
like modern Astronomy … more akin to Astrology),Geo-
T
H
E
M
A
R
A page from the Alfonsine Tables
K
metry and Music (actual Harmonics, which didn’t
have a lot to do with even Music theory … and nothing
E
at all to do with actual practical Music making).
Studies for a Degree would require being familiar with
T
one or more Books for each of the four subject areas.
Book (Trivium): A book on one of the three subjects
that had to be studied to gain a basic Degree (Bachel-
P
or of Arts) at a medieval University – Grammar, Logic
and Rhetoric (which aren’t necessarily what you
would think they are if you use modern definitions of
L
the terms rather than the medieval actuality).
As with the Quadrivium (above), studying for this
A
Degree required the student be familiar with one or
more Books for each of the three subject areas.
Book, Religious, Other: This could be one of any
C
number of complete texts or it might be a miscellany
of several texts by different authors simply bound
together – either by chance or on because the patron
E
who ordered the book asked for them to be included.
Some titles which might be included in such a text
include works by St Augustine (‘Confessions’ on his
early life before his conversion, ‘On Christian Doctrine’
and ‘On Free Choice of the Will’ explaining why God
allows humans the free choice to do good or evil), the
Venerable Bede (‘Ecclesiastical History of the English
People’, Biblical Commentaries), Eusebius (‘Ecclesiastic-
al History’, assorted studies of the Gospels), Saint Jer-
ome (Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments),
Origen (‘On First Principles’ – the basics of Christian
Theology, Homilies), assorted Hagiographies (that is, 225
 THE PEUTINGER TABLE
A 13th century (~1265) copy, probably of
a late Imperial (~4th century) original
showing the road network used by the
Cursus Publicus (the Imperial Post,
more or less) in the form of a scroll 1’1”
high and ~22’1” long.

The map shows the world of the Roman

Empire and its peripheries – from Hi-
bernia (Ireland) and Britannia (Britain)
in the west through to Near East, includ-
ing Parthia and extending as far east as
India and Sri Lanka.

In order to fit the whole of the network

onto the parchment sheets that were to
be sewn together it was necessary to
distort the north-south projection con-
sid-erably as it was meant to be an
itinerary (a Strip Map) of roads rather
than a geographical representation.

In fact, apart from the main rivers and

mountains there is very little or no infor-
mation about landforms or other feat-
ures such as forests. Even the informat-
ion that is provided is more symbolic
rather than directly representational.

The entirety of the map shows 555 cities

and towns and ~3500 places – the roads
show the distances between each of the
places shown in Roman miles.

The symbols used for the various settle-

ments are thought to have some specific
set of meanings, as the elements are
repeated – and almost certainly show
late Roman cartographic symbology,
but the exact meaning of the differences
was lost by the time the map was redis-
covered in the late 15th century (and
may not have been understood even
when it was copied in the 13th).

The section on the left shows the British,

Iberian and parts of the western North
African sections of the map that were
missing in the original when found,
based on a reconstruction done for an
English version printed in 1911.

Many other practical medieval maps

followed similar conventions – and were
often drawn from written itineraries
such as those the Peutinger Map was
very likely based on. This has important
226 implications for the practical use of
maps by Players in an RPG.

religio-mystical ‘Saint’s Lives’) and works by more
recent (for the 14th century) authors such as Wycliff (see
the Wycliff Bible, above) … and any number of others.
De Civitate Dei Contra Paganos: St. Augustine’s
classic, The City of God Against the Pagans, work of
Christian Philosophy and History, arguing that the
Fall of Rome (the Western Empire) was not the fault
of Christianity. Widely admired and widely read even
by the laity (those who were literate and had access).
Examines such heavyweight notions as Original Sin, the
idea of Free Will, the Nature of Evil and why good
people (the Righteous) are allowed to suffer and much
more … an acknowledged masterpiece.
De Re Militari: A late classical (Roman) manual of
military matters by Vegetius, regarded as the hand-
book for aspiring commanders during the medieval
period. Cover a mish-mash of early to mid-Imperial
military organisation and battlefield advice. Around
60-80 pages, Small Format.
Such books generally offer a +2 to +4 bonus (bonuses
are for a d10 based system where a Characteristic of 5
is average, and should be scaled accordingly).
Ephemeris: A book of astronomical tables giving the
position of various objects in the sky in relation to
fixed stars at set times and dates, usually based on a
specific location but with notes on how to correct the
figures for other locations.
The first usable one, the Tables of Toledo, was based on
an Arabic original (in turn based on Claudius Ptolemy’s
Hellenistic era work), recalculated to work for the locat-
ion of the Spanish town of the same name in the last
decades of the 11th century but only translated into
Latin around a century later. They were the most widely
used astronomical tables until the mid 13th century.
The Tables of Toledo were updated and corrected as the
Alfonsine Tables in the mid 13th century by order of
Alfonso X, the King of Castile, written in Spanish – they
remained widely popular for the next three centuries.
Also included are various other items of interest to
Astronomers (and Astrologers) –Phases of the Moon
and the timing of Eclipses – including information
that allows an observer to determine their Latitude
(but not Longitude).
Full Ephemerides run to ~80-120 pages but include
everything needed to convert data for different
locations – cut down versions with data only, and only
for a set location(s), are are considerably cheaper.
Star Charts provide a visual ‘map’ of the night sky,
showing the position of ‘fixed’ stars and the track(s) of
the main moving celestial bodies which can been seen
T
H
E
M
A
with the naked eye. They also tend to show information
R
about the houses of the Zodiac and other mystical and
basically useless esoterica.
Such books generally offer a +2 to +4 bonus (bonuses
K
are for a d10 based system where a Characteristic of 5
is average, and should be scaled accordingly).
E
Herbal: Medieval Pharmacoepiae, not just a collect-
ion of plants and illustrations allowing someone to
recognise them, such books also include information
T
on any medicinal uses the plants and their various
parts shown in the book might have had – and, in
some many cases may include recipes for refining
them into usable drugs, medicinals or treatments.
P
They may include plants with more practical, commer-
cial, uses, but probably don’t include ‘recipes’ for how
L
they may be used in those roles as well as a selection of
‘other’ plants of general interest.
Some of the drugs/medicinals and treatments may have
beneficial effect – but they are most effectively mixed by
Apothecaries and best prescribed by Physicians. A
C
Herbals are, by necessity, heavily illustrated and,
therefore, count as Mid Range for pricing – but they
can be fancied up as a Luxury product.
E
Italian Herbals are widely acknowledged to be much
the best available as they combine western European
and eastern (Islamic or Greek, or Greek via Islam)
knowledge and are widely sought after and cost at
least double the listed prices outside of Italy.
Such books generally offer a +2 to +4 bonus (bonuses
are for a d10 based system where a Characteristic of 5
is average, and should be scaled accordingly).
Maps: For simplicity’s sake the maps available locally
are grouped into three basic classifications, Local, 227
 Catalan Atlas (Portolan), c. AD 1375

228
Mappamundi and National (or, more accurately
Regional).
Medieval cartography is primitive – distances shown
on maps are often relative and generally inaccurate,
landforms other than major obstacles (rivers, mount-
ains, swamps, forests etc.) are rarely shown and minor
settlements usually omitted.
Don’t rely on them for anything except for general
direction finding. They are also generally useless for
marine use except insofar as they have the general
locations of major ports – you should use Portolans or
Rutters instead (see below).
Local maps generally cover no more than the immed-
iate areas around a Town, a single Manor and its
surrounds, or a single Barony (which may be several
Manors in size). These maps tend to be the least
inaccurate of all types.
Mappamundi are ‘world’ maps … of a sort. They are,
however, completely useless as maps and you certainly
couldn’t use them for any navigational or route plan-
ning purposes … but they weren’t intended to be used
for such things.
They are a religious representation of the world, one
from a Christian perspective … which is why Jerusalem
is usually shown as the ‘centre; of the world and many
of the things shown on these maps are based on
Biblical stories or other important religious events.
That said, the largest of the Mappamundi in existence
(which can be almost 5’ across) do show, or attempt to
show, some accurate features – coastlines, important
cities etc. Even so, they are not particularly accurate in
the way a modern map would be expected to be.
Nonetheless, they were quite common and over a thous-
and have survived to modern times – ranging from a few
inches across to the larger ones mentioned above.
Regional maps tend to be like the local maps, with
some basic geographical information – the main
towns, castles and rivers and at least some represent-
ation of the main landforms. However, they are best
thought of as cartographical representations of Trav-
eller’s Itineraries rather than accurate maps.
These maps help plan general routes following extant
roads and are reasonably accurate in showing the
relative placement of places along such and the places
where routes intersect, but they are close to useless for
planning a route that goes ‘off the beaten track’ and
cross country as they do not (and were never intended
to) show a full depiction of the area nominally covered.
Missal: A collection of all the texts and instructions
needed by a Priest for the celebration of all the
T
One of the earliest depictions
of a Compass Rose, ~1375
H
E
M
A
Masses that would be performed through the liturg-
ical year (including those which were performed at
R
need, such as for Baptism or the Burial Service).
Theoretically these were identical all throughout
Catholic Europe – but there were always local and
K
regional variations which could be found in use –
often older (superseded or modified) versions of the
current ‘standard’ text or procedure (and older works,
E
which might remain in use for many decades after
becoming outdated, might even be completely missing
‘new’ celebratory masses or other material).
T
It was more common for this to be several separate
Books, one for the Prayers, one for selected Scriptural
Readings and one for the ‘Music’ and Chants (the latter
P
usually a development of the Psalter – or even an older
copy of such). If you wish to represent this, split the
‘Missal’ into three, 40% of cost for Prayers. 40% for
L
Scriptural Readings and 20% for Music.
New Testament: Because of the cost of copying a
A
large book coupled with the much greater importance
of the New Testament to Christians, it was common
for well-to-do private individuals to have a copy of
only that . Even many churches and religious institut-
C
ions might only have a New Testament.
For the Wycliffe New Testament see the information
E
about the Wycliffe Bible in the Bible section, above.
Psalter: These were collections of devotional material
which usually contained the Book of Psalms and were
extremely popular with the (well-to-do) laity until the
development of the idea of the Book of Hours. They
often continued to be available, either as second-
hand copies, or as a supplement to a Missal, which
often didn’t have any musical component.
Portolan: These are navigational charts, and a gen-
erally quite accurate ones, possibly done using some-
thing almost like the Mercator Projection (though the 229
 term is, of course, anachronistic and there are consid-
erable arguments over this).
There are two traditions, the Italian one, which shows
only coastlines, ports and other important navigation-
al features, and the Catalan one (see the large examp-
le of one of the latter on the facing page), which shows
some geographical features of the coastal hinterlands
and continental interiors.
The surviving examples only date from the last decade
of the 13th century but modern examination has shown
they are actually a mosaic of many smaller charts and
that these were almost certainly much earlier.
Arabic Portolans also exist and descriptions of them
date back to the mid-14th century, but the earliest surviv-
ing examples date to the 15th century. They tend to
provide only coastlines, ports and navigational infor-
mation and are closest to the Italian tradition.
The maps are covered with Windrose Lines – a spider-
web like grid of lines – which, in the Mediterranean,
allowed a navigator to translate their map position
into a compass direction. Outside of the Med,
however, they were much less accurate.
It is extremely important to note any of these maps
which showed anything outside of the Mediterranean
and NW Europe (i.e. the African coastline) were inc-
reasingly seen to be ‘state secrets’ by the originating
mediterranean powers and the prices shown are
indicative only of what it would have cost an ‘author-
ised’ user to purchase.
Anyone else would have to engage in espionage or theft
to acquire the information – and these maps tended to
be very carefully guarded.
230 Traveller’s Itinerary, 14th century
Such books generally offer a +2 to +4 bonus (bonuses
are for a d10 based system where a Characteristic of 5
is average, and should be scaled accordingly).
Rutter: These are collections of ‘sailing instructions’
and both pre- and post-date Portolan Charts. The
earliest known medieval examples date to the 12th
century, predating Portolans by around a century.
They are collections of written instructions, giving
compass directions and estimated sailing times for
given routes as well as information about coastal
features and hazards (tides, rocks, reefs, shoals,
currents etc.), especially those close to the approaches
to ports along the route.
The amount of detail, especially of the ports and coastal
hinterlands could vary greatly – some books included
information on reliable suppliers and repair facilities,
the customs regulations and taxes applicable and other
commercial rather than navigational material.
As with the Portolans, as the Mediterranean powers
pushed down the coast of Africa and elsewhere outside
of the Mediterranean and NW Europe the information
on the new areas was regarded (and treated) as an
important state secret and closely guarded, so the cost of
a Rutter including such information is merely indicative
of what an authorised user would pay … everyone else
would have to steal one or find someone who would let
them make an unauthorised copy.
Such books generally offer a +2 to +4 bonus (bonuses
are for a d10 based system where a Characteristic of 5
is average, and should be scaled accordingly).
Renting a Book. The implication is that the Book
was rented to be copied rather than to simply be used
 T
or read by students (or others). Universities typically
had licensed Booksellers (aka Stationers) who had Inkhorn with cap
Exemplars (carefully inspected copies, certified to be
free of error) of academic texts available for rent.

A whole Bible was ~150 Quires and took around 8-15

months to copy. Typically a copyist would only hire H
E
that portion (a single Book or Gospel) needed at a time
to cut down rental costs.

Traveller’s Itineraries: The written equivalent of a

map but, unlike a Rutter, it describes land routes.
These can vary from simple lists of places and direct-
ions through to complex documents providing all Paper, Quire 8d

M
sorts of additional information, including actual strip A Quire = 8 sheets of standard format paper (each sheet
maps for each section (as shown below) and about typically folded to form 4 book pages).
places of interest on or near the route, tolls and taxes Paper, Ream 12/-

A
levied by Towns or other authorities, dangerous areas Cost = 144d for a Ream (480 sheets) of standard format
where bandits might be active. paper (each sheet typically folded to form 4 book pages).

R
These varied from national, regional or even continent- Papyrus, Quire 1/6d
wide coverage. Such books generally offer a +2 to +4 Cost = 20d. This is a rare, import only, item.
bonus (bonuses are for a d10 based system where a
Characteristic of 5 is average, and should be scaled Parchment, Folio 2-4d

K
accordingly). A Folio = a single sheet of parchment, each of which
could be folder or cut to form four book-sized pages.
Second Hand Books: Medieval Books held their

E
value well, and there was at least as big a trade in Pen Case 1-2d
second-hand as in new books. In general, cost would Wood, ½-¾d; Horn, 1-1½d; Boiled Leather, 2d.
be anywhere from a half to three quarters of the cost

T
of an equivalent new book – perhaps less if the codex Pen-Knife 2-4d
was not in the best condition. A small sharp blade used for cutting and sharpening
Quills into Pens.
Second Hand books were most likely to be found at

P
specialist Booksellers or Stationers who are mostly Quill, Writing ¼-½d
found only in larger Towns or Cities … but it is possible The unprepared flight feathers of a Goose or Swan.
that they might be found for sale at Pawnbrokers

anywhere, even in smaller Towns. The variety, number
and topics will vary randomly.
MATERIALS
L
Ink: There were two types of Ink used during the
medieval period – one which used carbon black and
the other which used oak galls

Ink, Carbon Black, 1 Pint/12 oz 1-3d

Cost varies with the quality of the ingredients – only
available as actual black. Making ink from the
ingredients halves the cost.
Carbon Black ink could be made quickly, but was only
available as black. Oak (Iron) Gall based ink took ~2
weeks to make other pigments to produce reds, blues,
A
C
greens and other colours. Both types were liquid in
form and stored in Ink-Horns.

E
Ink, Iron Gall, 1 Pint/12 oz 2-6d An ounce of Ink (1/12th pint) is enough to write 40 pages
Cost varies according to the quality of the ingredients of Book Hand and perhaps twice as much in Script
and is for Black ink. Red ink costs double, other colours (Book Hand has thicker strokes, and more ink per stroke).
cost 2½-3 times or more than Red. Making the ink from
ingredients halves the cost. Ink-Horn: Ink that was ready for use was carried in
Ink-Horns which were actually made from horn … but
Ink Horn 1-3d rarely from whole Horns. They were shaped with
Holds ~3-6 ounces (¼ to ½ a pint) of Ink. These are steam and heat into a cylindrical-ish holder (see the
plainly constructed, fancy ones cost 2-3x more. illustration above) with tight fitting cap, either also of
shaped horn or of leather.
Ink Pot 1-4d
Holds a Pint (12 oz) of Ink. Wood, 1-2d; Horn, 2-3d;
Ceramic, 3-4d.
Since they had rounded bottoms, Ink Horns either
had to be held (which would have been inconvenient, 231
 to say the least) in one hand whilst writing with the
other or, more commonly, they would be placed in a
holder of wood or metal along the side of the writing
table, or into a hole drilled into the top of the table,
or held in a moveable stand of some sort.
Alternately, the Horn may have been used for storage
and the ink poured out into a narrow, but deep, wood
or ceramic jar when needed for use.
Ink Pot: Not normally used for writing from, an Ink
Pot was for storing larger quantities of ink than you
would (or could) carry in an Ink-Horn.
Pen Case: A case with a tight fitting lid designed to
hold several Quill Pens, a Pen Knife and fine brushes
with loops to attach to ones belt.
Scribes needed a different Quill for each colour ink used
and for each type of hand they wrote (Book-Hand
required a different cut nib than Cursive) plus brushes
for any Miniature (aka ‘Illumination’) work.
Pen-Knife: A small knife, usually with a razor sharp
blade no longer than the little finger (though the
handle is longer) on fixed handle used to prepare
Quills for use as Pens.
The blades are made of brittle, but sharp, iron to hold a
razor sharp edge – so they are definitely not multi-
purpose tools as is implied by modern re-enactor ver-
sions. If the blade was used for something other than
trimming and sharpening something other than a Quill
they tended to chip or break.
Note, however, that the folding Pen-knife is an 18th
century (or later) development.
Foliation: The late medieval (14th century) practise of
numbering the folios within a book. This was never
universal.
Folio: A single sheet of parchment which was norm-
ally folded in half to form two four ‘standard’ sized
pages. Four, six or eight Folios were normally folded
together to make a Quire as part of a Signature – or,
as loose blank paper/parchment, eight sheets.
Quill Pen
232
Pagination: In the original sense of numbering the
pages, did not appear as a practise until after the
development of printing.
Papyrus: This is imported from the East, mainly
Egypt, as North African sources had dried up during
or after the Arab conquests.
It was used for all Papal Bulls, Decrees, Deeds (not just
the formal declaratory documents relating to doctrinal
matters that is the case for modern Bulls) and other
important documents until the mid-12th century (when it
became too difficult to reliably source).
Quills: Used as writing instruments in and around
the Mediterranean world since at least the 2nd century
AD, displacing Split Reed pens almost completely by
the 7th century. They use the largest flight feathers (6
per bird) preferably from Geese or Ducks (though
Crow, Eagle, Hawk and Owl will do in a pinch).
The Quill is stripped of most of the feathers, except at
the last inch or so, and has to be heat treated to make it
tougher and more flexible so it will last longer – finally,
it has to have the tip cut to a chisel point and slit (this is
where the Pen-knife comes in) to allow it to hold some
ink by capillary action.
Quills have to have different shaped points cut for Book
Hand (which requires a broader stroke) as compared to
Cursive (which is a finer stroke).
You can usually manage about 6-8 letters from each dip
in the Inkhorn (less for Book-hand, more for Cursive)
and the Quill can be sharpened/re-cut several times and
should last anywhere from a full day to a week of heavy
use or perhaps a month for less frequent use.
Quire: Four folios sewn together to make part of the
Signature making up a Codex or eight (8) sheets of
standard Parchment or Paper (which could be folded
to make 32 book-sized pages).
Ream: Sixty Quires of Paper or Parchment, therefore
480 sheets of the same.
Signature: The sections of a bound Book, typically of
four, six or eight Quires.
SCRIBES, NOTARIES & THE LAW
Advocate, County Court, per appearance 6d to 1/-
Notary, 6d; Advocate, 1/- (12d).
Advocate, Royal Court, per appearance 2/- to 5/-
Serjeant-at-Law, 2/- to 3/- (24-36d); King’s Serjeant, 3/6
to 5/- (42-60d).
Affidavit 6d
Written, notarised, statement of facts or claim – includes
affixing an official Notary’s Seal.

Affixing a Judge’s Seal 2-3d
County Court Judge, 2d; Royal Court Judge, 3d.
Affixing an Official Seal 1d
Notary’s personal, Manorial Court’s or Town Corporat-
ion’s Seal.
Certifying a Deed 1/- to 1/6
Cost = 12-18d. Book Land, 12d, Feudal Land, 18d.
Copying Legal Documentation 2d
Per 12 lines copied in Court Hand.
Searching Court Records varies
1d per Term for the most recent three years; 3d per
Term for further back. Maximum of 3/- (36d).
Warrant, General 4-8d
County Court, 4-5d; Royal Court, 6-8d.
Warrant of Recovery 8d to 1/3
County Court, 8-10d; Royal Court, 1/- to 1/3 (12-15d).
Writ, Quo Warranto varies
Appeal from Manorial to County Court, 6-9d; Appeal
from County to Royal Court, 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
Writ of the Peace varies
County Court, 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d); Royal Court, 1/6 to
2/- (18-24d).
Writ of Restitution varies
County Court, 2/- to 2/6 (24-30d); Royal Court, 3/- to 5/-
(36-60d).
Writ, Royal Court 1/- to 1/6
Cost = 12-18d. Standard format Writ in Court Hand.
All Writs include the cost of affixing the appropriate Seal.
Writing, Book Hand, per 12 lines 1-2d
Twelve lines of Book Hand, in good Latin.
Writing, Charter 2/6-5/-
Cost = 30-60d. Writing a full Charter – one side, 2/6
(30d); both sides, 5/- (60d).
Writing, Court Hand, per 12 lines 3-4d
Twelve lines of Court Hand, in good law-court Latin
Writing, Cursive, per 24 lines 1-2d
Twenty-Four lines, 1d if in the vernacular, 2d if in Latin.
Advocate: There are, roughly speaking, two ‘grades’
of legally knowledgeable practitioners covered by this
general type – Notaries (sometimes called Proctors,
who act as proto-Solicitors) and Advocats (mainly in
Civil Law jurisdictions, in England they were called
Serjeants-at-Law from at least the time of the Norman
Conquest and act as proto-Barristers).
Similarly to modern practise in Commonwealth count-
ries (quite different to Civil Law and US-type systems),
Notaries (ST:OTC) did the basic legal paperwork and
might appear in County Courts, often on relatively
minor matters, while the Serjeant-at-Law (LT:CM) mon-
opolised the right to appear in Royal Courts and in
major cases elsewhere (arguing, not preparing, cases).
T
H
E
M
The division between Serjeant-at-Law and King’s Ser-
jeant (C:CM) was roughly the same as the modern
A
division between Barristers and Senior Counsel or
King’s or Queen’s Counsel (aka a Silk) – differentiating
between nominal skills and/or levels of experience (and
R
allowing the latter to charge more).
Affidavit: A sworn statement made before a witness
or witnesses and sealed by a Notary to show that the
K
statement was made under Oath (and, as such, is
subject to the penalties applicable for Perjury).
E
Witnesses were not always (or even often) required to
attend Court, especially in civil (as opposed to criminal)
cases and Advocates had an extremely limited (often no)
right to question them so Affidavits were often the main
T
form of evidence presented to the Court for consideration.
The accused, at least in criminal cases, and any
P
witnesses brought before the court didn’t have to swear
out an Affidavit as any evidence they gave was done
under oath and subject to the law(s) on Perjury.
L
Affixing a Seal: This was done to certify that the
document to which the Seal had been affixed was, in
A
fact, a genuine one … or, at least, had been sighted by
the relevant authority who had deemed it to be
genuine based on the knowledge they had at the time.
C
Any formal legal document presented to a Court, or
which might need to be presented to a Court, needed to
be certified. A Seal was always affixed by a Notary, but
E
they may be acting as an officer of a Town Corporation
or of the Court (in the case of a Judge’s Seal).
Certifying a Deed: Land could be transferred without
formal paperwork under some circumstances, though
any change of ownership would be recorded with the
Manorial Lord or the Parish, but having a Deed
certified was a good idea as it presented a verifiable
paper trail in case any challenge was mounted.
There were, simplifying matters greatly, two types of
land available in most Feudal jurisdictions – Book
Land and Feudal Land. 233
 Book Land (aka Freehold) was land that was free of
any feudal encumbrances, and for which no seigneur-
ial dues were applicable … freehold, in effect.
Book Land could be bought and sold freely, with no
need for anyone’s permission. The landowner owed the
regular sort of Feudal taxes only.
Transferring ownership of this sort of title always requir-
ed some sort of legal paperwork, though you might settle
for a Notarised statement rather than formal Certificat-
ion at the County Town.
Feudal Land was fungible. It could be something like
a encumbered form of freehold, the ‘tenant’ owning it,
in effect, but owing a varying degree of feudal dues in
return … but no rent. Or it could be leasehold, with
the tenant owing a much greater range of feudal dues
in addition to having to pay rent.
Feudal Land transfers had to be registered – usually
with the Manorial Court or occasionally with the Parish.
The fewer feudal dues owed and the greater freehold
rights held, on the land the better an idea it was to have
the documentation formally certified and lodged with
the County so as to prevent later claims that more dues
were owed than was traditionally the case.
Copying Legal Documentation: Legal documents of
the period were often written in a set form and were
usually of 12 lines or less … if they were longer (an
Affidavit, for example) then simply multiply the cost
by the number of lines involved.
While, theoretically, you could be charged pro-rata less
for less than 12 lines, did you ever wonder why legalese
is so wordy to say something quite simple? Despite what
some (legal) authorities claim, it has little or nothing to
do with clarity, and far more to do with the historical
practise of eking out extra charges for padding a legal
document with as many extra lines as possible –
hearking back to the Middle Ages.
Searching Court Records: While ordering records
and lists by alphabetical order dates back several
thousand years, it was not universal in the late class-
ical or medieval milieu … and court records might be
ordered by any number of systems, many (if not most)
of which could be quite idiosyncratic.
234 A sample Medieval Writ
Finding records of cases going back more than a very
short period, nominally three years, became increasing-
ly difficult … hence the costs involved.
Warrant, General: A Warrant issued to legalise the
enforcement of the judgement of a Court.
A Warrant (unlike a Writ, qv) permits an otherwise
illegal act and protects the person executing the Warrant
legal protection from actions arising out of their reason-
able (yes, weasel words!) attempts to enforce the related
judgement.
Medieval Courts did not have any means to enforce
judgements – there was no such thing as a Police
Force, and no (or not much of a) standing army (and,
in England, attempts to use Royal soldiers in law
enforcement was one of the things the Magna Carta
was most definitely against) to do this.
So what Courts did was to rely on those who had
requested and made the case for a judgement respon-
sible for its enforcement – it mostly worked, at least
after a fashion, but there were notable failures.
Warrant of Recovery: Also called a Warrant of Exec-
ution, this is a document issued by a County Court
authorising the seizure of goods and real property to
pay off debts (see the explanation of the difference
between a Warrant and a Writ in the section on
General Warrants, above).
Theoretically a Court Officer would appear at the
residence of the Debtor (or at the landed property
subject to the order) and seize goods (or take possess-
ion of land) to be sold or returned to the creditor but
this rarely happened – as courts did not have the
perLegendssonnel to carry out such duties.
What happened in fact was that the Court issued the
Warrant to the Creditor who then had to organise the
seizure of moveable property or the ejection of the
debtor from any real property subject to the Warrant.
The medieval Writ was different to similar modern
Warrants in that it also covered Real property (land), not
just Moveable property.
Writ: There were two sorts of Writs, those which auth-
orised an action resulting from a Court action and
were issued as Warrants (see General Warrant, above,
for an explanation) and what were called Writs of
Instruction which were, in fact, standardised forms
for instituting legal proceedings in a Royal (or ‘Super-
ior’), as opposed to County, Court.
A Quo Warranto Writ asserted a claim that the Court
before which a legal action had been brought had, in
fact, no right to hear the case – it was an appeal to a
higher court, in effect. It could be an appeal to the

County Court against a criminal case brought before
a Manorial Court, or an appeal to the Royal Courts
against any case brought before a County Court.
A Writ of the Peace demands the Court order the
King’s Peace be maintained in the face of community
or interpersonal discord spilling into actual conflict.
If successful the Court would authorise local authorit-
ies or the bringer of the suit to enforce the Peace
within the limits of the law … and might also issue a
Warrant to provide them with immunity for any
necessary action.
A Writ of Restituton is an action brought by a creditor
against a debtor demanding repayment of a debt. If
successful the Court will issue a Warrant of Recovery.
Writing: Assuming you don’t want to contract for a
whole Book, can’t (or don’t want to) write something
yourself, or don’t have a personal secretary to write
for you, these are daily rates applicable for the
various styles of writing you may require.
Book Hand is the style commonly used in, well, Books.
It uses much thicker and more legible (or easily read-
able) lettering than normal cursive and is written in
good academic Latin.
A Charter is written in Court Hand but is on a larger
than normal parchment (for particularly important
Charters it may take up a whole Parchment from a
single animal) and is generally more ornate and will
commonly have one or more seals, often in lead
rather than wax, affixed for permanence.
A well known example of a Charter is the Magna Carta
in its several surviving examples.
Court Hand is similar to Book Hand, but simplified
and documents using it are normally written in
legalese Latin … peppered with legal terms (whether
appropriate or not – padding out the text to allow the
scribe/notary to charge more!.
Cursive is normal everyday script used for everyday
communications and is often used for the local
vernacular as well as Latin.
LIBRARIES
Libraries were few and far between and generally
belonged either to wealthy individuals or to religious
or educational institutions (there often wasn’t much
of a difference in the real world between the latter
two, your campaign world may be different).
Some sort of social test would be required to secure
permission to use a private individual’s library –
those wealthy enough to be able to afford them are
T
H
often happy to impress all and sundry by allowing
E
well known scholars to do so. It adds to their cachet
as a civilised personage, not merely one who is noble
by virtue of birth (or wealth).
M
If that isn’t possible, then it is normal for such people
to have Librarians/Secretaries in their employ, and
A
they are rarely paid as much as they think they are
worth and may be amenable to selling supervised
access (and, indeed, this may be an understood perk
R
of their employment) when it would not inconven-
ience their employer.
K
Using the library of a purely religious institution or a
University would follow the same rule – a social test
of some sort will be required.
E
This assumes the petitioner is of the same religion as the
Library’s owner in the case of a Religious institution
T
otherwise there may be problems.
Of course, if the petitioner is a student at the University
or is a known Scholar (or graduate of) another Univers-
P
ity then access may be simpler to gain and cost them
little or nothing.
L
Books must be accessed through the Librarian or
assistant who will search for them. Reading them
A
must normally be done in the Library proper but, in
some cases, more widely elsewhere on the premises
(for example, in a Monastery it may be allowed to take
the book to one’s Cell or into the Cloister).
Access ‘Fee’, Private Library 6d to 2/- C
E
Typically 6d per day and usually no more than 2/-
(24d) per week.
Donation, Church Library 1/-
Cost = 12d (suggested). Fellow clerics and recognised
Scholars exempt from the fee.
Letter of Introduction 6d to 1/-
Cost = 6-12d. A formal Letter of Introduction, with all
appropriate seals, from a similar institution or high
ranking individual with some connection to the Library
commending the holder as a suitable person for access.
235
 LIGHTING & ILLUMINATION
Fantasy RPGs have always, right from the first, handl-
ed lighting and illumination matters … badly. They
either ignore or gloss over the ubiquity of light sources
and the amount of illumination available light sources
can produce or, often, both.
MEDIEVAL ILLUMINATION
Medieval Europeans relied entirely on plant or anim-
al products as fuel for the various (limited) forms of
lighting they had developed – through the burning of
Animal/Fish derived Fats & Oils, Beeswax, Plant
Resins/Sap and Vegetable Oils.
Wood, Peat and, to a lesser extent, Coal were used as
heat sources and, only as a byproduct, also provided a
limited amount of light.
ANIMAL/FISH DERIVED FATS & OILS
The main fuel in this category by far was Tallow, the
rendered fat of (in order of preference) Cattle, Sheep
and Pigs. Less commonly, the oil from some varieties
of particularly oily Fish or from Whale Blubber might
be used in coastal areas – and the Butter could be used
as a fuel in a pinch.
The clarified fat of Cattle and Sheep … Pig fat is,
technically, Lard, but is referred to as Tallow when
used to make Tallow Candles/Tapers, Rushlights or in
a Tallow Dip.
Butter is too soft to be used in Candle-Making but can be
used as fuel in a Dip or Oil Lamp.
236
Tallow, however, smells. Tallow from cattle is the least
objectionable, from sheep is tolerable … only the very
poor use pig tallow as the smell is truly awful.
Unfortunately, all of these burn inconsistently as well as
giving off less light than a Beeswax Candle.
This could include the oil from Fish, Whale Blubber,
Shark Liver and Seals. Unlike Tallow, these oils were
liquid at normal temperatures and were, therefore,
only suitable for use in Lamps and Lanterns.
There is some evidence that supports the common use of
Whale and Seal Blubber as a source of oil for Lamps in
Scandinavia, at least in the coastal settlements, as Bees
native to the area produced relatively much less Honey
(and Wax) making it cost effective to do so.
BEESWAX
This was the preferred candle-making material – it
burnt more cleanly than Tallow and smelled sweetly
and was also the strongest of all the light sources
available in the period.
Expensive to produce as the extraction of Honey and
Beeswax from a Hive necessitated its partial (first harv-
esting of the year) or complete (second harvest of the
year) destruction as modern style hives had not been
developed.
Also note that the common Bee varieties in many parts
of Europe, especially in north and central Europe and
(as already mentioned) in Scandinavia, produced much
less Honey (and Beeswax) than even medieval strains of
modern Bees found elsewhere.
PLANT RESINS/SAPS
Birch and Pine Tar were used for manypurposes –
waterproofing, caulking ship timbers and, since they
were flammable, and for lighting as well.
They were sticky and gummy rather than liquid and
couldn’t be used in lamps or to make candles, so
pitch was used in several ways –
Birch or Pine sticks could be wrapped or twined
together in a tapered bundle and the end dipped in
pitch. Birch-bark could be peeled off and, rich in
resin, rolled into a newspaper-shaped roll and then
the end soaked in pitch.
Or the refined Pitch could be soaked in some sort of
absorbent material or rolled into a ball and placed
into a cup or holder at the end of the torch.
 T
Despite what is implied in ‘movie reality’ Torches don’t
burn indefinitely and have significant drawbacks (the
hot pitch tended to drip down the handle, sticking to and
burning into the holder’s hand … or onto the possibly
flammable rush or straw floor coverings if used indoors,
which would obviously be a really bad idea – hence it
being more common to place a ball of pitch into a cup H
E
holder on same).

When incendiaries were required, usually in Sieges,

they were made from Pitch in various forms … typically
in pitch soaked balls of rags or other absorbent material
then thrown by catapults or trebuchets.

VEGETABLE OILS
There was a big divide between the Olive-growing
south and east and the non-Olive growing north – in
While they burn cleanly in Oil Lamps they are no more
flammable than Olive Oil and are generally useless in
incendiaries. M
A
the Olive growing areas ‘Oil’ lamps were overwhelm-
ingly dominant, while elsewhere Candles were.
PETROCHEMICALS

When you read medieval sources or historical fiction
referring to ‘Oil Lamps’ they are almost universally
referring to the burning of Olive Oil … petrochemical
based oils simply aren’t available and aren’t used
until the development of the petrochemical industry
in the 19th century.
Olive Oil burns reasonably well, but requires a larger,
broader, wick than a candle and is not particularly
R
Apart from their very probable use as the basis for
Greek Fire, petrochemical fuels were not used at all
for lighting, heating or any other purpose in Europe
during the part of the medieval period covered. In
fact, their use for any of those purposes doesn’t really
begin in a major way until the 19th century.
K
E
That said, petroleum was used, at least to some
degree, in China (as a fuel to boil brine and make salt)
and islamic scientists learnt how to distill petroleum

flammable …
If you throw a bottle (and bottles, at least glass ones,
don’t exist, remember) of ‘oil’ with a flaming rag
attached (a crude ‘Molotov Cocktail’) at someone or
something and manage to do so with enough force to
break the container … well, you cover the target with
some Olive Oil, and the flaming rag goes out, it certainly
doesn’t create a conflagration!
T
to produce military grade combustibles, probably very
similar to Greek Fire, and this theoretical knowledge
spread to Europe through al-Andalus (Islamic Spain)
by the 12th century … but no use seems to have been
made of it for any purpose before the end of the 14th
century (and not much for a long time thereafter).
P
L
As you’ve probably noticed already in the section on
Alchemy, those who passed for ‘scientists’ in medieval
Europe really didn’t have much, if any, of a handle on

Then there’s the issue of availability – even though
trade links (and volumes) are improving during the
period and Olive Oil imports from south to north are
as well there is no significant change in the Candle
burning traditions of medieval northern and north
western Europe in favour of Oil lamps until the late
15th century, and it’s only a marginal change from
‘virtually nonexistent’ to ‘occasionally encountered.’
Even then, Candles remain the dominant form of
lighting through to the 18th and even 19th centuries.
Oil Lamps can burn other oils – from Nuts (Almonds
and Walnuts … but not Peanuts, which come from
South America) and Seeds (Castor, Flax and Sesame)
which have been used from time to time … just not
very often, if at all, in medieval western and north-
western Europe (their, occasional, use as Lamp fuel is
usually a post-medieval development).
A
distillation … that wouldn’t begin to be a big(ger) thing
until the 15th-16th centuries.
They certainly didn’t do it on a large scale, except to
distill alcohol … and distilling petrochemicals is, well,
dangerous with the sort of crude equipment and bathtub
chemistry they had available. C
E
Even if available, none of the lamp types that were
known in the period would have been suitable for use
with petrochemicals … though, theoretically, they could
have been developed. As a military incendiary or as an
industrial fuel there might be more utility – but the lack
of local sources was always going to be a severe limit.
237
 LIGHTING THE WAY . . .
LIGHTING
There are basically four forms of ‘natural’ artificial
lighting available in the medieval period – Candles,
Oil Lamps and Torches are dealt with here, the
fourth, fire (wood, peat or coal) is not as it is a
byproduct of cooking or heating.

CANDLES & TAPERS

Candle, Mixed 1 lb 2-3¼d

One quarter Beeswax and three quarters Cow Tallow.
Candle, Tallow 1 lb 1½-2½d
Rendered Cow fat. Sheep Tallow costs 1-1½d per pound
and Pig Tallow (Lard) costs ½-¾d per pound.
Candle, Wax 1 lb 4-6d

Prices for all Candles are for Towns, in rural areas

outside the immediate drawing area of a Market Town,
the prices are likely a half to two thirds of the Town price.

Candle Trimmer neg. 1-3d

Candlestick, Wood ½ lb ½d Candle, Mixed (SV:UN, ST, OTC): Made from a

Single prong. Add ¼ lb and ¼d for each additional. mixture of ~80% Tallow (Cow) and 20% Beeswax to
Candlestick, Brass ¾ lb 5-6d ensure a more consistent hardness and regular burn
Single prong. Add ½ lb and 3d for each additional. time than pure Tallow Candles. Burn Rate: 3-4 hours
Candlestick, Pewter ¾ lb 3½-4½d per ounce, but only for 90% of the Candle weight.
Single prong. Add ½ lb and 2¼d for each additional. Lumens: 3½-4½. Production: If not available OTC,
Candlestick, Silver ½ lb 12/6 to 15/- any reasonable quantity will be available in 3-4 days.
Cost = 150-180d. Single prong. Add ¼ lb and 6/- to 7/-
(72-84d) for each additional. Burn rate is inconsistently linked to price – it is just as
likely that a cheap Candle will provide minimum or
Lantern, Bullseye add-on +¼ lb +20% maximum burn time per ounce as dear one will.
Addition available for Brass and Glass Lanterns.
Candle, Tallow (SV:CM, ST:OTC): Made from rend-
Lantern Base, Brass 2 lb 1/- to 1/6 ered animal fat, preferentially from Cows, Tallow
Cost = 12-18d for plain versions. gives out less light than Wax and has a shorter burn
Lantern Base, Ceramic 2 lb 4-6d time. Tallow Candles made from Sheep fat are smell-
Lantern Base, Wood 1 lb 1-3d ier, but tolerable … those made from Pig Fat smell
List prices for Ceramic and Wood are for plain versions. awful, they burnt with a black soot (the other types
Brass and Ceramic Bases may have inserts, but Wood burn cleanly). Burn Rate: 30 minutes to 2 hours per
Bases must have them. ounce, but only for 90% of the candle weight.
Lumens: 3-4. Production: If not available OTC or on
Lantern Inserts, Glass +¾ lb +1/- hand, it takes about a day, perhaps two if the fat has
Cost = 12d. to be rendered, to make any reasonable quantity.
Lantern Inserts, Horn +½ lb 1-2d
Lantern Inserts, Parchment +¼ lb ½-¾d The harder the Tallow, the longer the burn – Cow
Tallow is hardest, Lard (Pig Tallow) the softest. Burn
Lantern, Hooded, add-on +¼ lb +10% rate is inconsistently linked to price – cheap may burn
Addition available for all types of Lantern. as long as dear, or dear as short as cheap.

Rushlight Holder ½-1 lb ¼-1d Candle, Wax (SV:R, ST:OTC): Premium quality at
premium price. Wax candles burn with a pleasant
Rushlight, Tallow (1 dozen) 1 ½d smell. Burn Rate: 7-9 hours per ounce, but only for
This is the Town price – in rural areas outside the 90% of the candle weight. Lumens: 7-8. Production:
238 immediate drawing area of a Market Town you’ll likely
get 16-18 for the same price.
If not available OTC or on hand, it takes about 3-4
days to produce any reasonable quantity.

As with Tallow & Mixed Candles, Burn rate is inconsist-
ently linked to price – it is as likely that cheap candles
will provide minimum or maximum burn as dear ones.
Candle Trimmer (ST:SO, ST:OTC): A pair of scissors
with a long enough handle to allow them to be used
to snip candle wicks and prevent them from guttering
out. Production: No more than a half a day to a day,
assuming they are not available on hand.
Candlestick, Wood (ST:SO, ST:OTC): The simplest
and cheapest type of candle holder, made from turn-
ed or carved wood. Production: Several dozen/day.
Candlestick, Brass & Pewter (ST:SO, LT:CM): Made
from cast (or cast & turned) Brass or Pewter. Product-
ion: A dozen or more per day.
Candlestick, Silver (ST:SO, C:R): Made from cast
Silver. Production: A dozen or more per day.
Lantern, Bullseye (ST:SO): Though not at all like the
19th century versions, usually oil burning and with a
focussing glass lense, similar lanterns were available
from at least the 13th century, and probably earlier.
They were very similar to standard Candle lanterns
but were hooded on all except one side to direct the
light through an opening with a removable shield or
hood on one side. Lumens: Double normal, but only
in a beam. Production: As per Glass or Metal
Lantern base.
Must be married to a Lantern Base and Lantern Inserts
to determine total price and weight.
Lantern Base, Candle or Oil (ST:SO through
ST:CM): These may be made from a variety of mater-
ials, as listed, and are designed to protect a single
candle held internally from gusts of wind, rain, or
snow. Prices are for undecorated versions.
Brass (ST:SO) and Ceramic (ST:UN) Lantern Bases
may simply be pierced to allow light to escape –
reducing lumens to about 40% if they provide protect-
ion against wind, rain and snow, or to 60% if they
provide reduced protection against the same. Or they
may have Lantern Inserts. Wood Lantern Bases
(ST:CM) must have Lantern Inserts. Production:
Brass, perhaps a half a dozen a day; Ceramic, many
T
Whale/Seal Oil Lamp
H
E
M
dozens, even scores or hundreds, per firing, perhaps
one firing every week or two; Wood, dozens per day. A
Lantern Inserts (ST:CM to ST:SO): In order to pro-
vide full protection from gusts of wind, from rain and
from snow, Lanterns will often have Inserts.
R
Production: Usually as many as are needed for
however many Lantern Bases can be produced.
K
E
Glass (ST:SO) is rare and expensive, but has the virtue
of leaving the lumen output of the candle unaffected.
Horn (ST:CM) is fairly common, but reduces effective
T
lumen output by ~20-25%. Parchment (ST:SO) is
somewhat uncommon (and is not the sort you can write
on, though it is animal skin) and reduces effective lumen
output by ~10-15%.
Lantern, Hooded (ST:SO): An add on for any type of
lantern (except the Bullseye model, which already has P
L
a cap for its opening), this is a simple light blocking
shield, often of leather, but possibly of wood or metal.
When the hood is on, the light from the candle inside
A
is almost completely hidden. Production: Usually as
many as are needed for however many Lantern Bases
can be produced.
Almost completely – there has to be a chimney to allow
the heat of the burning candle to escape – and even
though this is partially hooded, it is still visible close up. C
E
Rushlight Holder (SV:CM): A clamp which lightly
grasps a Rushlight or a rest on which it can be placed.
Production: Dozens per day.
In either case, the Holder holds the rushlight at an angle
so that it will burn properly – if held upright, the tallow
or grease will drip down onto the holder and the Rush-
light will burn 2-3 times faster.
Rushlights (SV:CM, ST:OTC): The pithy insides of a
Rush stalk, dipped in tallow or grease, they were
typically around 12” and could easily be made at 239
 home by gathering rushes (in season), stripping out Lamp, Eastern, Ceramic
the pith, and dipping it into grease or tallow. Burn
Rate: 1-1½” per minute. Lumens: ¼ or less.
Production: Many scores per day.

Rushlights give out about as much light as a single

Safety Match – they best that can be said about them is
that they allow minimal visibility.

OIL LAMPS

Lamp, Eastern, Brass ½ lb 4-6d Lamp, Saucer, Ceramic ½ lb ½-1d

This size will hold ½ pint of Olive Oil. This size will hold ¼ pint of Oil or ¼ pound of Fat.
Lamp, Eastern, Brass 1 lb 8d to 1/- Lamp, Saucer, Wood ½ lb ¼d
This size will hold one pint of Olive Oil This size will hold ¼ pint of Oil or ¼ pound of Fat.
Lamp, Eastern, Ceramic ½ lb 2-3d
This size will hold ½ pint of Olive Oil. Lanterns – –
Lamp, Eastern, Glass ¾ lb 6-8d See the ones listed in Candles & Tapers, previously
This size will hold one pint of Olive Oil. (they are not interchangeable, however – they are either
for Candles or for Oil Lamps).
The prices are applicable for where these Lamps are
made – since they are import only in most of Western Olive Oil (Fuel) 1 Gallon 10d to 1/-
Europe, they will cost more than list, usually a lot more. Cost = 10-12d. This is the English (London) price for the
late 14th century, and this would be similar for the rest
Additional Spouts can be added to the 1 lb Brass and of North and NW Europe. For Olive growing areas
1½ lb Ceramic versions. One (i.e. for a total of two) for (Iberia, South of France and Italy, for example) halve
no extra weight, at a cost of +1d (Brass) or +½d (Ceram- the price. Note that rancid Olive Oil burns just as well
ic). Adding further Spouts (up to eight) adds +¼ lb and and smells as sweet burning as fresh Oil.
+1½d for every two added (Brass) and +½ lb and +3/4d
for every two added (Ceramic). There are rarely more Lamp, Eastern (C:IO): This is what most would recog-
than 6-8 in total. nise as the lamp from the Aladdin story (not the US
Kerosene lamp brand) and is a development of the
Lamp, Floating Wick, Brass ½ lb 4-6d flat Roman style (which was still in use). They may be
This size will hold 1½ pints of Olive Oil Ceramic or Brass (perhaps Bronze) and are filled with
Lamp, Floating Wick, Glass ½ lb 6-8d Olive Oil as a fuel into a reservoir and burn it through
This size will hold one pint of Olive Oil. a wick run out of a projecting spout. Production:
Outside of the Eastern Empire, North Africa (possibly
al-Andalus … Islamic Spain) and the Middle East in
general, these are entirely Imports … and your would-
be customer would have to have encountered them
before to even know they exist.

These lamps may have several spouts, and wicks. Some

or all of these can be lit at once, fuelled from the same
reservoir … putting out a lot (for medieval values of ‘a
lot’) of lumens in a confined space making them very
illuminating. But this chews through fuel …

Lamp, Floating Wick (ST:SO or C:IO): There are two

types – the ST:SO variety seem to have been very late
medieval (mid to late 14th, even early 15th century)
even in those areas where Olive Oil was common in
the west,. This variety had a point bottom and were
most commonly hung from chains looped around the
protrusion of the upper ‘lip’ or placed in simple iron
holders such as the one depicted above … as they
Floating Wick Oil Lamp
always seem to have had the pointy bottom.

240 The C:IO variety are Eastern Imperial and commonly

used in Orthodox Churches – they also hung from

chains or cords around a protruding upper lip but
had rounded bottoms and do not seem to have been
used as table lamps.
Both varieties had a wide open top and the wick was
either free floating through a pierced piece of cork or
was, as in the example above, held centrally by being
suspended from some sort of wire or metal holder.
Some, at least, seem to have had multiple wicks
piercing a larger than normal float – and, of course,
in such a case the fuel consumption would be much
higher than normal. Production: Glass, typically a
ten minutes each once the glass furnace has been
heated; Brass (or Bronze) one per half hour to an hour.
In the West, only the Glass versions seem to have been
produced (if they were produced at all) during the
period. In the East (and on the Southern Mediterranean
Littoral) Brass (or Bronze) and Glass were both found.
Lamp, Saucer (Wood, ST:CM, Ceramic, LV:CM):
Used to burn fish oils (including Whale and Seal
derived oils) and soft or liquid fats (where such fuels
were used) they are simple wooden or ceramic bowls
with a wick draped on a small lip in the bowl’s side.
Production: Ceramic, any number per Kiln firing, at
least a firing, possibly two, every week; Wood, several
dozen per day.
These extremely basic ‘lamps’ can have more than one
‘lip’ for more than one wick, typically two or, at most,
four, at no real extra cost. Of course, this means that
each wick burns through fuel at the normal rate, accel-
erating consumption
Price for the Glass versions are roughly the same as
listed – as there is always a local version available. Price
for the Brass/Bronze version is what it would cost in the
Eastern Orthodox and Islamic world, where they are
produced – as Imports they will cost a lot more elsewhere.
Olive Oil (LT:IO or ST:SO or SV:OTC): In Olive
growing regions, availability of SV:OTC. In the rest of
Europe prior to the mid 14th century, availability of
LT:IO while after that time it slowly becomes ST:SO.
Burn Time: A Pint (one eighth of a Wine Gallon) of
Olive Oil will theoretically burn for 38 hours – assum-
ing it is fuelling a single wick lamp. Lumens: 3½-5½.
Saucer Lamp
T
Lamp, Eastern, Ceramic
H
E
TORCHES
M
Flambeau Torch 3-4 lbs 4-6d
This can hold a Pitch Ball of up to 1 pound weight.
A
Pitch, Birch or Pine 1 lb ½-1d
Roughly one Pint, may be gathered for free.
R
Torch, Pitch, Single Use 2 lbs ½-1d
Incorporates around ½ pound of Pitch.
Torch, Pitch, Single Use 4 lbs 1½-3d
Incorporates around 1 pound of Pitch.
K
Torch, Rushlight, Single Use 1½ lb 1d
Incorporates ~6-8 full length tallow dipped Rushes.
E
Flambeau Torch (SV:CM): A wooden stave around
2½ feet long with either cup-shaped depression holl-
T
owed out at one end or small ceramic or metal bowl
in the same position. The hollow/bowl arrangement
will hold a ball of Pitch in such a way as to prevent
drips of liquid, burning, fuel from running down the
P
stave and burning the holder.
All wood Flambeau will only last 2d3 uses before the
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cup is burnt down and they become mere kindling.
Ceramic ones will last as long as the pottery remains
intact, and metal ones will last virtually forever.
Production: All Torches can be made at the rate of a
dozen an hour – but this assumes that Ceramic or
Metal Cups are on hand … if they’re not, any number
A
C
of Ceramic Cups can be fired in a single Kiln firing
(perhaps 1-2 firings per week) and a dozen metal cups
can be hand hammered in an hour.
E
Pitch, Birch or Pine (SV:CM): The sticky substance
(liquid when heated) derived from the destructive
distillation of Birch or Pine wood – used for many
things but, in this instance, as a fuel. Burn Time: One
Pint (~1 Pound) of Pitch will burn for around 5-10
(6+1d6) hours if mixed material that slows burning
(usually by wicking – so wood shavings, sawdust or
punk; cloth scraps, hemp or other rope or plant fibres,
amongst other things). If burnt in a ‘pure’ form that
amount of Pitch will only burn for 2-4 (1d3+1) hours.
Lumens: 2-4. Production: 4-5 (Wine or US) gallons
per day (or ~30-40 pounds). 241
 Torch, Pitch, Single Use (SV:CM): These are either
staves with a long strip of resin-rich pine or birch bark
wrapped around the top or have some cheap hemp
cloth (or rope) soaked in such resin/pitch similarly
wrapped. Either way, they will burn only for as long
as the resin/tar isn’t completely consumed. Burn
Time: Two Pounders, (6+2d3) minutes; Four Pound-
ers, (12+2d6) minutes. Lumens: 2-4 lumens.
Production: Forty Two pounders per hour, 20 Four
pounders, both using 1 pound of Birch or Pine tar.
Torch, Rushlight, Single Use (SV:UN): These are
made from whole stalks of rushes, the pitch stripped
clear at the top and bound with straw or twine, then
soaked in tallow. Burn Time: 6+3d3 minutes.
Lumens: 1-2 lumens. Production: 30 per hour.
INCENDIARIES
There simply aren’t any really good ones … with one
exception. Most of those used, all of them in the West,
are makeshifts and expedients.
Tallow, Fish Oil (including Whale and Seal Blubber),
Vegetable and Nut Oils, Pitch (Tar) mostly from Pine or
Birch trees – usually mixed with something. That’s
pretty much it.
MAKESHIFT INCENDIARIES
If you want to start a fire for some military purpose in
the 10th-11th centuries then the best way of doing it
was to go right up to whatever and directly hold
something burning to it until it catches alight … or
place something burning on it in the hope it will
eventually catch alight.
By the 12th century more effective, but still makeshift,
ways of setting things alight were being developed –
Vegetable & Nut Oils: These were definitely used as
early as the mid 12th century. We know they were used
at the siege of Montreuil-en-Bellay in 1147 … specific-
242
ally, Cannabis and Flaxseed oils and Nut oil. The oils
were mixed together and flung by Mangonels into the
town and, evidently in frangible pottery vessels, burst
into flames on impact (which implies some sort of
burning fuze, as the mix is not inherently self-igniting).
Gum, Pitch, Sulphur, Tallow: Used by Kong John I’s
(England) army in France in the early 13th century.
How the mixture was delivered is not clear.
Tallow (Lard): The Lard from 40 pigs was used to set
the wooden mine props alight in the Mine beneath
Rochester Castle, causing the Keep to collapse (1215).
Hot Pitch & Sulphur: Heated to liquidity and then
mixed with Sulphur and faggots (straw or kindling)
and dropped onto the English siege engines at the
Siege of Berwick-on-Tweed (1319).
Tallow, Flax, Straw: Used by French sappers in the
13th century, hand delivered in sorties against offens-
ive works or in raids.
MILITARY INCENDIARIES
Greek Fire: A mysterious, probably petroleum based,
and at least sometimes self-igniting and waterproof
incendiary mix used by the Eastern Empire and,
eventually, its Islamic enemies … though there are no
reports of its use by them after the late 12th century.
Historians suspect that the reason for the cessation of
use by the Imperials is that they were increasingly cut
off from the source of the necessary raw materials by the
advancing Islamic conquests – which goes well with the
widely held assumption that the base around which the
incendiary was ‘built’ was some form of semi-refined
petroleum.
The evidence suggests that there were several differ-
ent recipes, specialised for land and sea use, as well
as for direct anti-personnel use or use against struct-
ures in sieges … and it could be delivered by Siphons
pumping it under pressure in a fiery stream (or as a
stream of liquid that self-ignited or was ignited by
other means, such as burning arrows) or in ceramic
pots which might also be self-igniting or ignited by
other means.
SHINING A LIGHT ON THINGS . . .
There are several important factors relating to light-
ing and the fuels used for providing such that need to
be explained, and some basic rules provided for
handling them realistically in the game – and this is
where you’ll find them …
BURN TIME
How long do the various fuels burn for? A ‘Burn
Time’ is given for those items listed in the previous
pages, but these are the raw figures so you can do the
sums yourself, which will be especially useful for
larger or smaller candles, lamps and torches than
those listed.
The times given assume the fuel is somehow constrained
so that it doesn’t all burn at once … for some fuels (Olive
Oil, for example) this is not a problem as their flash
point/fire point is high enough to make them hard to
ignite except at a point source such as a wick, for others
it is an important consideration (Pitch, especially).
Candles: Around 10% of the weight of any candle will
be left over as the wick will get too short to burn it. For
example, a 1 (Tower) pound Beeswax candle counts as
only 10.8 ounces for Burn time – with ~1.2 ounces of
wax left over (and, yes, this can be sold or used to make
you own candles).
Beeswax: A Wax candle burns 6-9 hours per ounce of
Wax – but smaller candles burn longer, larger ones
shorter.
Olive Oil: A Pint of Olive Oil will theoretically burn
for ~38 hours in optimal conditions.
T
H
Pitch/Tar: The average Torch (Pitch) will burn for 20
minutes when soaked with Pitch – ~20 Torches can be
E
made with a Pint of Pitch.
Rushlights: These burn for 15-20 minutes, tops.
Tallow: In candle form, an ounce of Tallow will burn
for ~½ hour.
M
Tallow & (Bees)Wax: In candle form, assuming ¾ to
7/ ths Beeswax, an ounce of Tallow & Wax candle will
8
burn for ¾ hour.
A
ILLUMINATION – LUMENS & LUX
How bright is the light these fuels produce when they
R
are burning?
This is where it gets complicated – the absolute illum-
ination is measured in Lumens, but their practical
K
level of illumination is measured in Lux, which is
lumens per m2.
E
The following information makes no pretence to be
anything but a general guideline … there are so many
variables involved that it is impossible to do anything
T
more without some heavy duty physics and the rele-
vant mathematics …
P
A standard Paraffin Wax candle produces ~13 lum-
ens … an 80 Watt incandescent Light Bulb, on the
other hand, produces ~1280 lumens.
To get the same lighting effect that would mean you’d
have to burn almost 100 Standard Candles! L
Beeswax: A Beeswax Candle produces ~7-8 Lumens.
Olive Oil: Oil Lamps produce ~3½-5½ lumens.
A
Pitch: Burning Pitch produces ~2-4 lumens.
C
E
Tallow: Tallow Candles produce ~3-4 lumens.
Tallow & Wax: Produce ~3½-4½ lumens.
To provide the same illumination as a 60 Watt Bulb at 2
meters, a single Wax Candle has to be 0.29 meters away
and a single wick Olive Oil Lamp 0.23 meters.
To read comfortably (you can actually read in quite
low light levels) you need ~450 lumens in a room
sized area (~40 Watt incandescent Bulb). To read
close up, within 30-45 cm of the light source, you need
approximately 50 lumens (about 6-8 candles). 243
 Bullseye Lanterns: Don’t have the glass lens of the
18th-19th century models, but do provide some benefit
as they have what amounts to a polished metal or
glass reflector inside that directs more of the light in
the direction of the opening. They effectively double
the Lumens/Lux of the light source inside the lantern.

US Industrial Standards: Warehouse, 100-200 lux;

Work Area, 150-300 lux; General Assembly, 1000-2000
lux; Detailed Assembly, 2000-4000 lux; Fine
Inspection, 5000-10000 lux.

Dining Rooms & Corridors: 10-20 lux.

To get 10 Lux at 0.33 meters (roughly 1’) you need a
light source putting out 14 lumens. At 1 meter you need
16 lumens. At 2 meters, you need a light source of 503
lumens. At 3 meters, a light source of 1131 lumens. To
get 20 Lux, double the lumens needed.
At 0.33 meters this is ~1½-2 (10 Lux) or ~3-4 (20 Lux)
Beeswax Candles, ~3-4 (10 Lux) or ~6-8 (20 Lux) Oil
Lamps (or wicks). Using a Bullseye Lantern, half that.
Kitchens and Work Areas: 20-55 lux.
To get 55 Lux at 0.33 meters (roughly 1’) you need a
light source putting out 77 lumens. At 1 meter you need
691 lumens. At 2 meters, you need a light source of 2765
lumens. At 3 meters, a light source of 6220 lumens.
At 0.33 meters this is ~9-11 Beeswax Candles, ~14-22 Oil
Lamps (or wicks). Using a Bullseye Lantern, half that.
lumens (halved because of the reflector effect) of
output. 2700-3600 actual candles or 4500-5400 Oil
Lamps (burning Olive Oil).
A Kerosene Lamp of average strength produces ~37
lumens, which still means you’d need ~675 of them
to get that level of illumination.
· A Hooded Lantern (again, burning a petroleum
based fuel) clearly illuminates a 30’ radius and
provides shadowy illumination in a 60’ radius.
To get 10 Lux (which may or may not qualify as
‘clear illumination’) at 20 meters you need ~50000
lumens of output. 5400-7200 actual candles, or
9000-10800 Oil Lamps or 1350 Kerosene Lamps.
· A torch (probably burning a petroleum based
fuel) clearly illuminat[es] a 20’ radius and providing
shadowy illumination out to a 40’ radius.

Study Areas: 55-110 lux.
To get 110 Lux at 0.33 meters (roughly 1’) you need a
light source putting out 153 lumens. At 1 meter you need
1382 lumens. At 2 meters, you need a light source of
5529 lumens. At 3 meters, a light source of 12441 lumens.
At 0.33 meters this is ~17-22 Beeswax Candles, ~22–34
Oil Lamps (or wicks). Using a Bullseye Lantern, half that.
To get 10 Lux (which may or may not qualify as
‘clear illumination’) at 6 meters you need ~4500
lumens – or 1125-2250 actual Torches.
As a comparison, an 80 Watt Incandescent Globe
produces ~1200 Lumens which gives ~10 Lux @ 3
meters, while a 40 Watt Incandescent Globe produces
~450 Lumens which gives ~10 Lux @ 1.9 meters. A
typical non-LED Flashlight generates ~20 Lumens,
which gives 10 Lux @ 0.4 meters.

As a comparison, D&D and Pathfinder assume the
following –
· A candle (presumably Beeswax) dimly illuminates
a 5-foot radius.
RQ and Mythras careful sidestep providing any infor-
mation at all about the level of illumination provided
by any artificial light source – and the limited infor-
mation they provide about the one type of candle and
one type of lamp is essentially worthless.

This is pretty close to what a single candle can do.

· A Bullseye Lantern (burning a petroleum based

fuel) provides clear illumination in a 60’ cone and
shadowy illumination in a 120’ cone.

244 To get 10 Lux (which may or may not qualify as

‘clear illumination’) at 20 meters you need ~25000
 TRAVEL & TRADE T
The ‘received wisdom’ regarding travel in the Middle
Ages is that it was difficult, slow and that few people H
E
travelled further than the nearest Market Town in
their entire lives and, likewise, that trade was
‘recovering’ from the massive contraction that had
resulted from the collapse of the collapse of the West-
ern Empire and even ‘expanding.’

As with so many other things, these beliefs are not

M
entirely true.

TRAVEL
Yes, travel, both by land and by water, was slower than
we are used to today, that much is true, if often over
exaggerated.
A
Then, as now, the cheapest and generally fastest mode
of travel was by water (either by canal, lake, river or sea)
R
K
and travel by land was more expensive and slower.

Both could be hazardous, mostly due to environmental

E
related problems (terrain, weather etc.) and there were,
from time to time, and on some specific routes, intermit- TRADE
tent or ongoing problems arising from human intervent- Yes, trade, both by land and by water, was recovering
ion (Banditry, Piracy and War) … but this was the case from the collapse that had immediately followed the
everywhere and/or all the time.

However, while it is true many people didn’t travel

very far, most commonly only to the nearest Market
Town, a surprising number, including commoners,
travelled considerable distances.
end of the Western Empire – but it had been since the
8th century at the latest (depending on how you ‘meas-
ure’ things for which no real records exist).
T
P
By the 11th century the economic situation in western
Europe was probably better in some ways than it had

Such travel might be for business or religious reasons
– and it was not at all unheard of for even quite poor
people to travel long distances on Pilgrimages.
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been since the 4th century – and by the 14th century it
was powering along.
That said, trade volumes in the Classical world were

There were, of course, limits. Serfs would have had to

gained the permission of the Lord of the Manor, at least
in theory, though possibly not for nearby destinations –
but they could dodge that by decamping unannounced.
nothing to wrote home about – and things were only
slowly and somewhat improving by the 11th-14th cent-
uries. Even so, volumes were low.
A
C
For example, at the height of the Great Famine in
1317 the Hansa was only able to import a mere 8000

While pilgrimages were, most commonly, made to
regional or national sites, some western European sites
were remarkably popular even for those quite some
distance off … Santiago de Compostela in Spain being a
case in point.
We even have surviving accounts by people of surprising-
ly modest means managing to go on successful pilgrim-
ages to the Holy Land … in some cases, several times …
relying on Christian charity along the way as much as
their own private means. And these were either solo
travellers or were travelling in small, ad hoc, groups
rather than organised parties (though they existed, too).
E
tons of grain from Morocco.
Likewise, the English wool trade (wool was one of the,
if not the most heavily traded commodity for the
entirety of the period covered) managed to export
40-45,000 Sacks (each of 364 Wool [Avoirdupois or
Modern] pounds, of 16 oz and ~454 grams) – or a
mere 6500-7300 tons (approximately 175-200,000
Broadcloths, each 24-30 x 1¾ yards) in its heyday in
the first half of the 14th century.
245
 ONE IF BY LAND . . .
SPEED OF TRAVEL
BY FOOT
A lone traveller on foot could usually manage 32-40
klicks per day (20-25 miles) while small groups could
manage ~32 klicks (20 miles) and large groups 16-24
klicks (10-15 miles).
A realistic daily average for foot travellers was around
25-30 klicks (15-19 miles).
Male Porters could carry ~42 kg (sustained) or ~65 kg
(for short distances); females could carry 30 kg while
managing 25-30 klicks.
BY HORSE
Riders could manage 48-56 klicks (30-35 miles) with-
out changing horses, or up to 80 klicks (50 miles) if
changing horses regularly.
English Royal Messengers did 48-64 klicks (30-45
miles), changing horses every 16 klicks (10 miles) by the
late 14th century when the Crown paid for the horses.
Before then couriers paid for their own horses, so speeds
were no better than the standard for a mounted man.
Pack Horses could carry an average load of ~170kg
for around 30-40 klicks*; Mules could manage ~150
kg for 50-60 klicks* and Donkeys ~150 kg.
Pack Horses can carry the rated loads for ~50 klicks,
but only for a day or so at a time before risking perman-
ent injury, and need at least a day’s rest between such
efforts. Even at the lower limit they need a day’s rest
every 3-4 days.
246
Mules can manage the 50-60 klicks day in, day out, 6-7
days a week – they have a much stronger constitution
than horses. Donkeys are similar in nature to Mules.
A typical Pack Train would number 12-20 animals –
but could number up to 40 on occasion and the lead
animal(s) would sometimes have a bell to warn other
travellers of their approach, especially on narrow
mountain paths or tracks.
Loads were either carried in bags or sacks tied (see the
illustrations here and on the facing page) roped on
either side of the animal for bulk items like wool or
grain or in panniers for smaller or individual items.
Panniers were preferred where possible as even the best
secured bags or sacks slowly worked themselves loose
with their ties with the motion of the animal’s movement,
necessitating regular stops (every couple of hours or so)
to rebalance and retie them securely.
Every effort was made to ensure the weight of the load
on either side of the animal was as balanced as possible
– depending what it was carried in (loose or in bags as
opposed to Panniers or Boxes, for example) this might
mean it would have to be rebalanced every several miles.
BY VEHICLE
Waggons (and Carts) could carry a load 14-22 miles
(22-35 klicks) a day in flat terrain over in dry weather
– assuming a horse drawn vehicle, if drawn by oxen
that goes down to a normal maximum of only 10
miles (16 klicks) per day.
The average Cart (two wheels, one horse) had a capacity
of ~500-600 kilos (roughly half a ton) and the average
Waggon (four wheels, two horses) double this.
The English Royal Household (several hundred people)
normally managed around 20 miles (32 klicks) per day
on the Royal Highways in 8 hours (assuming the King
wasn’t a slug-a-bed … and some were) which included an
hour’s break for the midday meal.
Medieval Draught Horses were quite small, at only
13-14 Hands and probably weighed around 400 kilos
(compared to modern breeds which are usually 16-19
Hands and weigh around 700 kilos).
The weight they could pull varied according to the
terrain – up to three times their body weight on flat
terrain on good roads (rare) or, more commonly, up to
twice their body weight on flat terrain with poor roads.
Halve this (or more) in hills, mountains or in other
terrain that makes travel more difficult as well as after
floods or heavy rains if travel is along primarily dirt
roads or tracks.
TECHNOLOGY
RIDING & PACK ANIMALS
Something like the modern type were in widespread
use by the 8th-9th centuries at the latest and archaeo-
logical finds show they had been around since at least
the 6th century. Until the 13th century, nailed Horse-
shoes were made of cast bronze – but improvements
in technology and better economic conditions meant
iron Horseshoes were so common by the middle of
that century that they could be bought ready-made
and in bulk.
The lightly framed solid tree Roman Imperial mil-
itary saddle was not as useless in combat as is claimed
by some sources (the four ‘horns’, two in each corner,
clamped down on the rider’s thighs, providing
surprisingly solid seating), but the development of
stirrups meant it needed to become heavier in order
to reduce strain on the saddle structure as well as
increased strain and possible damage to the horse’s
back and spine.
Medieval Civilian saddles remained lightly framed,
modified only to take stirrups, but military saddles
developed a heavier frame with a more pronounced
pommel and cantle to secure the rider for a charge
with a lance from at least the 12th century.
Until the 12th century Prick Spurs were used and then
were slowly replaced by the Rowel Spur, a process that
was not really complete until the later 14th century.
Some sources suggest that Knight’s Spurs were gilded
and those of Squires merely silvered – but there is no
evidence that this was common (or even known) practise
during the 11th-14th centuries.
In any case, as with attempts to pass Sumptuary Laws
to limit what types of clothing people could wear by
their social status, enforcing such a ‘rule’ would have
been impossible.
Introduced (from India via China and various Steppe
Nomads) to eastern Europe by the 6th century, reach-
ing western Europe and over the next two centuries
and rose to dominance there. in both military and
civilian usage, by the 9th century at the latest.
Medieval Prick Spurs (left) and Rowel Spurs (right)
T
Late Medieval Knight’s Saddle
H
E
M
VEHICLES
Carts: The Poles to which the horse, mule or donkey
A
was attached were typically affixed directly to either
the axle or the frame of the cart. There might be one
central pole to which two horses could be harnessed
R
(which was relatively uncommon) or, more likely, two
poles, one on either side of the single pulling animal.
Carts had to be carefully loaded to ensure they were
K
balanced, preferably slightly down towards the front
rather than toward the rear.
E
Waggons: Despite the ‘received wisdom’ of many
older sources, it is now definitively proven that late
Roman waggons had a pivoting front axle – but the
T
evidence is also conclusive that this technology was
completely lost, at least in Western Europe, after the
5th century AD.
P
It is uncertain how horses were harnessed to medieval
Waggons as there are few surviving remains (heck, it
took a long time to figure out how horses were actually
L
harnessed to Roman waggons – which was only possible
because some cultural areas within the Empire under-
took Waggon burials which were eventually excavated
A
in the mid 20th century) – and the period depictions
don’t provide enough detail to make it easy to figure out
(or are for waggons after the end of the 14th century).
C
Some seem to show a central pole with a horse either
side while others seems to show a pole either side with
the horses in between.
E
To make it worse, it is clear that, at least in some cases,
multiple horses, as many as five, in single file, nose to
tail, rather than in pairs, likewise. So take your pick as
to whatever arrangement suits best.
Between then and the late 14th century all Waggons
manufactured in Western Europe had a fixed front
axle – which had the effect of putting increased strain
on the front wheels and axle, especially when turning.
Particular care was needed by the Driver when making
a turn – too tight and the traces on the side into which 247
 the turn being made could break or the vehicle might tip
over, especially if carrying a badly balanced load, or
the wheel on the turning side might break.
Surviving records clearly indicate this increased the
maintenance costs … probably to ~1-5% of vehicle cost
per month, depending on the mileage travelled.
Carts: The most common depicted placement for the
driver of a Cart is to ride astride the horse or walk
alongside it.
Less commonly depicted is the driver standing at the
front of the tray, just behind the horses, or, even less
commonly, seated on something (which may be a
makeshift arrangement) in the same position.
Waggons: The available period illustrations are over-
whelmingly of one or more riders sitting astride the
horses … though for ox-waggons the normal depiction
is of the driver walking alongside. There are few or no
period depictions of any waggon driver sitting down
at the front of the bed.
The controversy over whether the Roman Breast-strap
harness choked horses and prevented them from
pulling the same loads as the medieval Horse Collar
is ongoing – though the experimental evidence is clear
that the older position that the Roman harness halved
the animal’s maximum pulling power by choking it
when it was exerting itself into a load is simply no
longer tenable even though it is still widely touted in
many recent books (based on century old scholarship
rather than the more recent debunkings).
Worse, the original, now debunked, study has been
widely mis-reported. Almost all modern sources still
using it claim a 50% reduction in pulling power for the
248
Roman style harness – but the actual study itself showed
a two thirds reduction.
Modern studies, using more accurate versions of the
Roman harness than the original one have shown that
the difference in pulling power is, in fact, minimal.
The Horse Collar arrived in Scandinavia as early as
the beginning of the 10th century and had almost
completely replaced the older style harnesses by the
12th century … as it allowed a lower attachment point
to the harness making it a more stable harness
especially for ploughing.
Again, despite what older sources imply, Roman era
Carts and Waggons had iron hubs – but the technol-
ogy involved was lost in the West with the collapse of
the Empire and only redeveloped after the end of the
14th century.
This means that all the Carts and Waggons in the
medieval West have wood-on-wood wheel-axle hubs
and, even if well greased, tend to be quite squeaky
and wear relatively quickly.
As far as can be told from the limited evidence,
medieval carts and waggons both had the axles affix-
ed directly to the structure. There was no suspension or
spring-like mechanism, even though we now know
late Roman Waggons, at least, had had such.
This explains why by far the preferred means of animal
assisted land transport by those who could afford such
and who were healthy enough to be able to do so was
riding … and if you were too sick to ride, the next best
option was to be carried in a horse litter.
It was rare for any wheel to have full iron rims before
the late 14th century, and even having iron studs
driven into the wooden rim for extra grip or reinforce-
ment was almost unheard of … and that’s for vehicles
most likely used directly by the well-to-do!
Iron rims went out with the collapse of the Western
Empire – seeing a pattern here?
The second thing to note is that, despite what many
sources have previously claimed, the ‘Hollywood’
depiction of medieval wheels being made of solid
 T
wood planks nailed (or, more likely, pegged) together
Even the poor and infirm rode if they could
and braced is very likely to be true for most vehicles
through to the 13th century.

H
Spoked Wheels seem only to have been used for
vehicles that belonged to high status individuals –
and, though the number of spokes used is uncertain,

E
there is a strong indication that six or eight spoked
wheels were by far the most common.

At least that’s what can be gleaned from the surviving

period sources, almost exclusively illustrations – but the
Scribes who painted the few miniatures in those illumin-
ated manuscripts which show carts and waggons were

M
obviously more interested in giving an overall impression
than providing technical accuracy.

The various technical notes provided above apply to

Western Europe, and East Roman sources are just as A
R
unhelpful – so exactly how much of the advanced Hospice/Monastery (Rural), Stabling ½-1-2d
Roman cart and waggon technologies survived in the Rates are for Standard-Good-Special.
Eastern part of the Empire after the loss and collapse of Hospice/Monastery (Urban), Stabling ¾-1½-3d
the Western part is not clear. Rates are for Standard-Good-Special.

The use of iron-rimmed wheels continued, that much is

certain. As for the rest, period illustrations aren’t any
Inn (Rural), Basic 1d
Includes meal with Beer, Pottage and space in the K
E
clearer than in the West) … but it seems likely some or all stables with the stable hands.
of the other advanced technologies remained in use
though, possibly, again only for high-status vehicles. Inn (Rural), Good 4d

T
Includes meal with Wine, Beer and meat plus bed space.
Inn (Urban), Good 6-8d
LAND TRANSPORT Includes meal with Wine, Beer and meat plus bed space.
ACCOMMODATION

P
Inn (Rural), Standard 2d
Hospice/Monastery (Rural), Dorm½-¾d Includes meal with Beer, Pottage and space on the floor.
Includes meal with Beer, Pottage and dorm space. Inn (Urban), Standard 3-4d

L
Hospice/Monastery (Urban), Dorm 1-2d Includes meal with Beer, Pottage and space on the floor.
Includes meal with Beer, Pottage and dorm space.
Inn (Rural), Private Room 1/-

A
Hospice/Monastery (Rural), Cell 1-2d Cost = 12d per bed. Does not include meals.
Includes meal with Beer, Pottage and a Monk’s Cell. Inn (Urban), Private Room 1/6 to 2/-
Hospice/Monastery (Urban), Cell 1½-2½d Cost = 18-24d per bed. Does not include meals.
Includes meal with Beer, Pottage and a Monk’s Cell.

C
Inn (Rural), Space in Inn Yard ½d
Includes fodder (hay) and space in the Yard for a Cart
and 1-2 horses. Waggons, 1d plus +¼d for each horse.

E
Inn (Urban), Space in Inn Yard 1d
Includes fodder (hay) and space in the Yard for a Cart
and 1-2 horses. Waggons, 1½d plus +½d for each horse.

Inn (Rural) per, Stabling, Special 3-4d

Includes fodder (hay, oats, perhaps an apple) and space
in the Inn’s stable suitable for an expensive horse.
Inn (Rural), Stabling, Good 2d
Includes fodder (hay) and space in the Inn’s stable
suitable for a good quality horse. Add +½d for Oats.
Inn (Rural), Stabling, Standard 1d
Includes fodder (hay only) and space in the Inn’s stable
suitable for a basic horse. Add +½d for Oats. 249
 Inn (Urban), Stabling, Special 4½-6d
Includes fodder (hay, oats, perhaps an apple) and space
in the Inn’s stable suitable for an expensive horse.
Inn (Urban), Stabling, Good 3-4d
Includes fodder (hay) and space in the Inn’s stable
suitable for a good quality horse. Add +1½d for Oats.
Inn (Urban), Stabling, Standard 1½-2d
Includes fodder (hay) and space in the Inn’s stable
suitable for a basic horse.
Monastery (Rural) Guest Room 1/- to 2/6
Accommodation in the Abbot’s personal quarters with
meals cooked in his personal Kitchen.
Monastery (Urban), Guest Room 1/6 to 3/9
Accommodation in the Abbot’s personal quarters with
meals cooked in his personal Kitchen.
Accommodation & Meals: The quoted prices are for
whatever is on the spit or in the pot and either a mug
of wine (very ordinary) or Ale/Beer (depending on the
room rate being paid) when the travellers arrive, if
they prefer to have something different (always more
expensive since it is instead of the otherwise included
meal) then consult Dining in an Ordinary, Inn or
Tavern (#172-174).
The list prices in those sections apply to Urban establish-
ments, reduce them by ¼ for Rural establishments, but
never to less than 1d per item. Note that some types of
food or drink may not be available at all in Rural Inns
– this entirely at the GM’s discretion.
All rates are daily – reduced weekly rates don’t exist as
a general rule as few travellers will do more than stay
overnight or a couple of days if delayed by bad weather,
accident or the like.
The rates listed are the minimums – be aware that
tipping is not a modern invention. Staff, even the
owner, expect a tip commensurate with the social
status of the guest … or, as often, charge a guest more
than the listed rate because they’re obviously wealthy.
Hospice/Monastery, Dormitory: Most Monastic in-
stitutions deemed it to be part of their Christian duty
250
to provide succour for travellers – and so would
provide space and a basic meal (Pottage and Beer) for
them at minimal cost. Space might mean a place in
their stables if they were a small institution or in a
purpose built dormitory if they were a larger one.
Medieval Hospices start to appear in the late 12th
century and were run by a variety of Monastic orders
and could be found all over, though many of the earlier
ones were built at sites along the main routes to the Holy
Lands, later spreading to other pilgrimage routes and to
major towns and cities.
They provide both basic accommodation for travellers
and pilgrims and basic nursing and medical care for
those unable to pay for private care and/or with no-one
to look after them (most likely travellers or the indigent).
Accommodation is normally provided for individuals
or small parties at these rates, which are the minimum
expected ‘donation’ … those who are of obviously
higher status or some wealth are expected to make a
greater contribution.
Commercial operations, Cart and Waggon drivers, Pack
Train operators etc are charged more commercial rates
similar to what they would be charged by an Inn. The
truly indigent might (how and why are they travelling
at all?) be fed and lodged for a night, perhaps two, in
return for some labour service.
Hospice/Monastery, Monk’s Cell: Some Monasteries
and Hospices had what amounted to ‘private’ accom-
modation for travellers – a Monk’s Cell or a similarly
sized space. Furnished with a single bed and shelves
or a box for belongings and, possibly, a table and a
jug of water and chamber-pot.
In a Monastery, while a traveller wouldn’t be expect-
ed to participate, the other Monks would be up at all
hours of the night going off to prayers which might
interrupt ones sleep. In a Hospice this would not be
as much of a problem as the Cells were most likely in
a separate part of the building.
Meals are provided and, depending on the status of
the ‘guest’, they may be invited to dine with the
Monks – who usually ate much better than mere
Pottage. Of course, such guests would be expected to
make a larger ‘donation’ as well.

Inn, Basic Accommodation: This is last resort space
and available in Rural Inns only – if all the space in
the Common beds and on the floor in the Common
room are taken, then the Innkeeper might, at their
discretion, make space available in the stables where
the stable hands sleep.
It is not normally available in Urban Inns because there
is usually more than one and, in any case, there are
probably Monastic institutions with space for travellers.
Inn, Good Accommodation: Includes space in a bed
(these were common beds, sleeping 2-6 people and
there might be several in the one large room), fuel for
a fire in the room in cold weather and a candle stub
for lighting (for each person).
Traditionally, married couples got a bed to themselves
at no extra cost.
Meals that are part of this price include some meat,
poultry or fish – perhaps as a Stew (Pottage) or as a
Pie (or portion) – and a mug of wine.
Inn, Standard Accommodation: Includes space on
the floor in the Inn’s Common Room, where a fire
would be kept banked up all night during cold
weather and a meal of basic Pottage plus a mug of Ale
or Beer.
Floors were covered with bundles of rushes, the same
sort used as ‘bedstraw’, and were actually less uncomf-
ortable to sleep on than might seem to be the case.
Inn, Private Accommodation: This simply doesn’t
exist even as a concept in the Innkeeping trade during
the period … but a large enough, and wealthy enough,
party can pay to secure all the spaces in all the beds
in a single room for their own use.
This typically meant the best bed(s) for those paying
and the second-best for their servants.
T
Monk’s Cell in a well-to-do Monastery
H
E
M
The size of Inn rooms and the number and size of the
beds they contained varied. Beds typically slept 2-4, but
A
might sleep as many as six … and a room was usually
large enough for at least two beds, usually 3-4 or even
more on occasion (however, the more beds there were
R
the fewer people each was likely to sleep).
Inn, Space in the Inn Yard: Inns were usually in a
walled or fenced enclosure for security and there was
K
space for a variable number of carts and waggons to
be parked in their confines and pens (possibly roofed
and partly covered) for the draught animals pulling
E
them to be held in if there wasn’t enough room in the
stables (which tended to be reserved for Riding Horses)
T
The Teamsters might sleep in, on or under their vehicles,
depending on the weather, at no extra cost other than
½-1d for a meal (Ale, Beer and Pottage, Rural/Urban)
P
Inn, Stabling (Standard, Good, Special): Inns have
stables for their patrons’ horses and can provide three
basic levels of service for their mounts.
L
Standard includes space in a stall, fodder (hay), water
and some basic care (rubbing down, for example) by
A
the Stable Hands. If the mount has been worked hard
then you may wish to add Oats to their feed for an
additional cost.
C
Good includes space in a stall, fodder (hay), water
and more individualised care (curry-combing, for
example) by the Stable Hands. Oats may be added to
E
the feed as above and a separate stall may be allocat-
ed for an additional ½d.
Special is normally reserved for war-trained horses
who need to be placed in separate stalls and whose
owners want the highest level of individualised care
from the staff … and who will routinely be fed oats as
part of the deal, possibly with an apple or two.
Monastic Guest Room: Larger monastic institutions
may have separate Guest Rooms in or attached to the
Abbot’s quarters for elite guests (the very wealthy and
important traveller). These will have a proper bed for 251
 the guest and roll-away ones for a servant (usually
only one, the rest would be quartered in the Dorms or
Monk’s Cells) and will be somewhat decorated (how
fancy the furnishings and decorations are depends on
the wealth of the institution).
Meals will be prepared in the Abbot’s own Kitchen (or
at least individually prepared in the Refectory for
service in his quarters) and will be served at the
Abbot’s table with the usual pomp and ceremony
expected at a high-status function.
The prices quoted are never formally mentioned by
any of the parties involved, of course, that would be
so déclassé, but are the expected minimum ‘donations’
that will be expected.
CARGO AND RELATED COSTS
Cart, per day (Out of Town) 2/- to 3/-
Cost = 24-36d for the cart. Add 4-6d per horse and 4-6d
for a Driver. Two thirds base price for In Town use.
Common Carriage, by Cart 4-6-8d
Cost per Hundredweight (112 Tower pounds, ~40 kilos)
and for a Short/Long/Extended trip.
Common Carriage, by Pack Train 6-9-12d
Cost is per Hundredweight (112 Tower pounds, ~40
kilos) and for a Short/Long/Extended trip.
Common Carriage, by Waggon 8-12-16d
Cost is per Hundredweight (112 Tower pounds, ~40
kilos) and for a Short/Long/Extended trip.
Courier, per mile 1d/3d
Minimum charge is 3d, then 1d for each mile. Double
rate at night or in inclement weather.
Despatch Rider, per mile 2d/6d
Cost = 6d minimum per day, plus 2d per mile. 1½ times
the rate in late Autumn or early Spring, 2x in Winter.
Pack Horse/Mule, per day 1-2d
2d for the first horse, 1d for each extra. +3d for a Driver.
Porter, In Town, per day 2d
Or ½-1d per trip, depending on weight and distance.
Porter, Out of Town, per mile/day ½-3d
Hirer pays for accommodation/food on multi-day trips.
Rate is 1d base plus ½d/mile for less than a day’s trip.
252
Runner, In Town, per message ¼-½d
They expect a tip of at least ¼d from the recipient.
Runner, Out of Town ½d (1d min)
They expect a tip of at least ½d from the recipient.
Toll, Bridge ¼-1d
This is the typical range charged for passage across a
Toll Bridge alone. Civic Tolls may also apply.
Toll, Civic varies widely
These apply to anyone without Market (Burgage) Rights
and vary widely, see text.
Waggon, per day 4-6d
Hire of a Waggon and two horses. +2d for 2 extra horses
and +1/+1½d per day for a Driver (In/Out of Town)
Cart (Hire), Per Day (LV:CM, ST:OTC): This covers
the hire of a General Purpose Cart for an entire day.
In Town this means dawn to dusk while out of Town
it means dawn to dawn … though travel for more than
a short period before dawn of after dusk would be
unusual (and travel in full dark almost unheard of).
The rate quoted assumes that the hirer is known to,
and trusted by, the owner or lodged a suitable surety
(up to the replacement cost) – more commonly you
will be expected to hire a driver (usually the owner or
a trusted employee) and, if hired for a mult-day
journey, they will have to be fed and lodged at the
hirer’s expense.
A single horse pulling the ~1400 Tower pounds,
(~1100 pounds) does the low end of the distance
range, two horses pulling the same do the high end.
Common Carriage (LV:CM, ST: OTC): While not a
Common Carrier in the modern legal sense, medieval
settlements did have people who made their liveli-
hood by moving cargoes around by land – even
though it was relatively expensive.
They could provide two types of service – running a
(semi) regular route or routes and taking anything
from small cargoes to an entire load from point to
point (probably with short stopovers at intervening
points) or simply hiring out for a specific one-off or
irregular route for a specific client (and some Carriers
might provide both).

Cost is provided per Hundredweight and assumes
paying for a less than full load (for a full load it is
cheaper to hire the Cart, Pack-Train or Waggon on a
per day basis).
Trips are rated as Short, which assumes anything
within a Town or its immediate vicinity; Long, up to
a day’s round trip from the point of origin; and
Extended, which assumes a multi-day trip.
Courier (LV:UN, ST:CM, C:OTC): Often a profession-
al, sometimes riding a regular circuit, a Courier owns
their own horse and, therefore, can only do a maxi-
mum of 30-35 miles a day … but would probably only
average 25-30 miles per day, five or six days a week.
The rate quoted is for a one day round trip from point
of origin and return … if hired for a multi-day trip, or
if hired for a night-time trip, the Courier will expect
his accommodation and food/fodder to be paid or
provided in addition – typically 3d per day (1d for
accommodation and meals, 2d to stabling and feed
the horse, or for each horse if more than one).
A courier can carry around 25-30 pounds of ‘stuff’ –
messages, small parcels etc – without compromising
his maximum speed.
The rate quoted is to hire a Courier outright – if they
ride a circuit, you can pay 1d per letter or 6d per
pound per daily stage – though they may not leave
until they have attracted enough paying custom.
Despatch Rider (ST:R, C:CM, MT, OTC): Despatch
riders rely on changing horses at least three times a
day at regular stops to manage 40-50 miles per day,
seven days a week … though they may change riders
as well over extended distances.
The rate quoted is for a round trip, double it for a
one-way deal. Despatch Riders expect to be paid for
their accommodation and meals, 1-2d per day … the
minimum cost pays for the maintenance and upkeep
of their horses (or for agreements with Ostlers or
Innkeepers along the way that allows them to rent
them for each stage).
T
H
E
M
A
As with Couriers, Despatch Riders can carry around
25-30 pounds of ‘stuff’ – and may ride regular routes
R
to pick up and drop off on the way.
The quoted rate assumes you are hiring a Despatch
Rider outright – or you could pay him 3d per Letter or
K
1/- (12d) per pound per daily stage. Despatch Riders
do not wait for a ‘full load’ … you’re already paying
for the speed of a daily move.
Pack Horse (Hire), per day (LV:UN, ST:OTC): The
outright hire of a Pack Horse/Horses (or Mule/Mules) E
T
on a per day rate. In Town this means dawn to dusk
while out of Town it means dawn to dawn … travel for
more than a short period before dawn/after dusk
would be unusual (and almost unheard of in full dark).
P
As with carts, unless the hirer is known to/trusted by
the owner of the animals, some sort of surety (up to
L
the entire cost of the animal) will be required – or you
can hire a Driver/Mukeskinner at the rate of 1 per 6
animals or part thereof (their food and accommodat-
A
ion has to be paid for by the hirer on extended trips).
Porter (Hire), per day (SV:OTC): Hire of a strong
back to move goods – the rates quoted are for male
C
Porters, females get half (even if they carry around ¾
of what a Male Porter does).
E
For Out of Town trips that extend beyond a single day
the hirer is either pays for accommodation and meals
or pays another at least 1d (at least) per day. For
shorter trips, the per mile rate applies, but the hirer
pays for the distance both ways.
Runner (Hire), per day (SV:OTC): Doesn’t need to
run super fast, just needs to be reliable. Carries verbal
messages, letters or small packets (no more than a
couple of pounds).
Most messengers In Town work are young boys (rarely
young girls) – Out of Town work is mostly done by 253
 older adolescents and isn’t cost effective for the speed
at more than about a half a dozen miles, which would
take about two hours to get there.

The rates assume the recipient will tip (or feed, or

both) the runner when the message is delivered.

Runners are not professionals – not at being Runners.

They are older children and adolescents earning some
extra money … or, perhaps, in the hopes of landing a
more permanent job for when they are older.

Tolls (Wherever): See pages #17-18 for sample Tolls

which might be applied for the use of a Bridge or to
access Town Markets.
Cart, Passenger 7/6 to 10/-
Both Tolls may not apply to anyone who has Burgage Cost = 90-120d. One horse. Includes seating and tack.
Rights (a resident taxpayer) or who works for someone
who has such rights – and such exemptions may be Coach, Passenger £5-10
extended on a reciprocal basis to those whose Towns Cost = 1200-2400d. Two or more horses. Includes lux-
have extended the same rights to the location in question. ury canopy, seating and all required tack.

Waggon (Hire), per day (ST:CM, LT:OTC): This Litter 1/- to 1/6
covers the hire of a Waggon pulled by two horses for Cost = 12-18d. Carried by Porters.
an entire day. In Town this means dawn to dusk while
out of Town it means dawn to dawn … travel for more Litter, Horse 2/- to 2/6
than a short period before dawn/after dusk would be Cost = 24-30d. Slung between two Horses or Mules.
unusual (and travel in full dark almost unheard of). Includes all required tack.

The rate quoted assumes the hirer is known to, and Saddle & Tack, Combat 7/6-15/-
trusted by, the owner or has lodged a suitable surety Cost = 90-180d. Used by non-Knightly cavalry. Heavy
(up to replacement cost) – or you can hire a Driver construction, includes all Bridles and Harness.
(usually someone trusted by the owner) and forego the
surety, but for multi-day trips you will have to pay to Saddle & Tack, General Purpose 2/6-5/-
feed and provide accommodation for them. Cost = 30-60d. Used for non-combat purposes. Includes
Side-Saddles. Includes all Bridles and Harness.
A two horse team pulling ~2800 Tower pounds,
(~2200 pounds) does the low end of the distance Saddle & Tack, Knight’s £1+
range, four horses pulling the same do the high end. Cost = 240d. Solid tree saddle. Basic decoration. Very
heavy construction, includes all Bridles and Harness.
EQUIPMENT & GEAR
Saddle, Pack 1/- to 1/6
Cart, Farmer’s 2/6 to 3/- Cost = 12-18d. Simple wood and leather frame. Includes
Cost = 30-36d. One horse. Includes all required tack. all Bridles and Harness.

Cart, General Purpose 5/- to 6/- Waggon, Cargo 8/- to 12/-

Cost = 60-72d. 1-2 horses. Includes all required tack Cost = 96-144d. Two or four horses. Heavy construction.
Includes all required tack.

Waggon, Passenger £1-2

Cost = 240-480d. Two or four horses. Includes seating,
basic canopy and all required tack.

Cart, Farmer’s (LV:SO): A two wheeled cart made

with as little iron used as possible to keep costs down.
The design has twin poles fixed directly to the frame
and the horse or mule is harnessed between them.

254 A second animal can be hitched to the Cart by attaching

its harness to the front of the fixed poles (see the illustrat-

ion on page #248), but this is both unusual and increas-
es strain on the vehicle (increasing wear and tear).
Carts have solid wheels until the 13th century and
then slowly begin to gain spoked wheels, but this
process will only be complete by the mid-14th century.
Of relatively light construction these carts really aren’t
intended for long distance use – any single trip of more
than a day (perhaps 15 miles total) will increase wear
and tear, necessitating a minimum ¼d spend on
maintenance supplies – plus an additional ¼d for each
consecutive day on which this travel distance is exceeded.
The tray has either a low (1’ or so) side-wall, usually
fixed on the sides but removable at the front and rear,
or has a framework of stakes (or a combination of both)
The cost of the various sidewall arrangements makes no
difference to the purchase price.
Production: A week or more in a Village, where all
the work will be done by a generalist Carpenter. Half
that, maybe a little less, in a Town where the work will
be done by a specialist Cartwright who will buy
wheels from a specialist Wheelwright.
Cart, General Purpose (ST:SO): A two wheeled cart
made for general use, and using iron components as
necessary (those available at the level of technology
that exists locally) for increased robustness – it is
otherwise identical in layout to the Farmer’s Cart.
Unlike the Farmer’s Cart, these suffer no additional
effects due to long distance travel – unless they are
severely overloaded.
Production: 2-3 days, assuming the wheels are
bought from a specialist Wheelwright. Of course,
Cartwrights probably have a backorder list, and you
may have to wait several days for them to get around
to your Cart.
Cart, Passenger (ST:SO): From the available sources
it is difficult to tell exactly when this specialised type
of two-wheeled cart came into use. It is certainly
around in mid to late 15th century sources, but may
have existed in the latter part of the 14th century – so
it’s really up to the GM as to whether it is available in
their campaign or not.
Late 14th century English State Carriage
T
H
E
M
It is basically a Cart which has seating at the front for
A
a driver (and possibly for 1-2 passengers) facing the
horse(s) and internal seating of uncertain arrange-
ment inside the tray … this may be down each side or
R
across from side-to-side.
Significantly smaller than a Standard Cart it could
probably carry around a quarter of a ton of cargo if
K
the seats are removed (which they may not be design-
ed to be).
E
If not always a ‘luxury’ vehicle, it would only be bought
by well-to-do locals, and so is constructed with the best
available materials and technology.
T
Production: About the same as for a General Purpose
Cart – even though the Cart is smaller, it is finished
to a higher standard. If the purchaser wants any
P
special fancy decoration (padded seats, carved dec-
oration, painted woodwork etc.) this can add several
more days to the construction time, and more (double
L
or triple the base price, or more) to cost.
Coach, Passenger (LT:SO): Often referred to in the
A
period sources as a Chariot, these are intended to
carry high-status passengers – those wealthy enough to
commission and then maintain one.
C
They are large four wheeled waggons with high sides
and a canopy stretched over a frame for protection
from the elements (or privacy – or both). Canopies are
E
usually of expensive material and are designed to be
waterproof (well, water resistant given the tech avail-
able) and windproof and may be multi-layered and
even insulated with wool padding.
Chariots are completely unsprung and, as noted else-
where, the pole(s) to which the horses are harnessed
are attached directly to the frame, meaning they are
difficult to corner with … either placing great strain
on the front wheels and the offside horse (possibly
even tipping the waggon over if the turn is too sharp
and too fast) or requiring a really wide turning circle
to avoid any instability. 255
 Because of the poor design, Chariots typically required
~5% of their purchase price worth of maintenance each
month they are used.
Interior fittings are good to luxurious and may in-
clude seats (bench or proper) but more likely padded
couches or cushions for the occupants to recline on as
well as space for some personal baggage containing
those items they might have an immediate need of.
They’re not like Wild West (or even 18th century Euro-
pean) Coaches – not even luxury ones. Heavily decorat-
ed, yes, but cruder in execution, even the interior fittings.
Production: Because of the level of workmanship
involved coupled with the number of specialists re-
quired for the various elements of the Waggon over
and above the mere basic frame, one of these can take
several weeks, perhaps even a month or more, to
complete to the satisfaction of the purchaser.
Litter (ST:SO): The basic Litter can be as simple a
canvas or leather ‘bed’ with two poles inserted in
tubes along the side which can be carried by two
Porters. What (and who) goes on the Litter … depends.
Litters were not popular transport alternatives during
the period – only the extremely sick or completely
incapacitated would use them, and rarely used them
over any distance. Preferentially you rode unless it
was impossible – or, if poor, you might be placed in
the bed of a Cart or Waggon instead … if you were
wealthy you might have access to a Passenger Coach
and use that instead.
Depending on how incapacitated the ‘load’ is they
might be provided with cushions – or rolled blankets or
similar to act as padding, but the Litter itself is simply
cloth or leather. There is generally no canopy or ‘roof’
provided, but it would be easy to rig a makeshift one for
the head and cover the body with waterproofed canvas.
If a Litter was necessary then using a man-portable
one as represented here was not an ideal choice for
trips of any distance – you’d not want to travel far,
perhaps a half a day’s travel. More than likely you’d
use it only within a Town or City.
There doesn’t seem to have been anything at all like the
later Sedan Chair in the medieval west – that is, nothing
with a built-in enclosed box with doors for access,
usually for a single person.
256
Production: One day or less for a basic model.
Palanquins (C:SO): In the east, however, more elab-
orate Litters did exist and were more common, at least
with the very wealthy – though, again, they were only
really used in urban settings or for very short distances.
They were more solidly constructed of all wood and
possibly with a superstructure and canopy/curtains …
only possible because they were typically carried by one
or more bearers on the front and rear of each pole. Cost:
£1 or more (the sky’s the limit!) Construction: 2-3 days
for the basic frame, potentially much longer, perhaps
several weeks, for however much elaborate and costly
decoration and outfitting you desire.
Litter, Horse (ST:SO): These can vary from some-
thing very similar to an ‘ordinary’ (and very basic)
Litter, as described above, but with longer poles and
fittings to allow it to be slung between two horses to
something either similar to a tent or more like a
mini-house on poles slung likewise (see the illustrat-
ions above and on the opposite page).
Early in the period the most basic sort dominated
while later, mostly in the mid to late 14th century, the
more elaborate types started to appear, but remained
rare and, as with standard Litters, were never found
in widespread use for long distance travel, at least in
Western Europe.
The type priced here is a basic model – if you want a
more elaborate version, price is 10/- (120d) upwards.
Production: Basic, 1-2 days (includes necessary harn-
ess); Elaborate (3+ days, depending on how elaborate).
Saddle & Tack (ST:SO): These differ in construction
according to their intended purpose.
Combat Saddles are more strongly constructed GP
Saddles and pre-date the use of the couched Lance in
combat, being common in the 11th-12th centuries.
They are still in use in the 13th and 14th centuries by
non-Knightly cavalry.
In the earlier period they are likely to be decorated and
embellished if used by a Knight (15/- or more). They are
at no disadvantage when used as a seat for melee weap-
on use and are suitable for use with a spear or non-

couched Lance. If used with a couched Lance they are
likely to suffer some damage and the rider may be
unseated … but at a lesser chance than for a GP saddle.
General Purpose Saddles (which, for simplicity’s sake,
include Side Saddles) are intended for general use
and are of relatively light construction. They are not
usually decorated or embellished, but can be.
There’s no reason why you couldn’t swing a sword (or
other melee weapon) from a GP saddle – but you’d be
at a slight disadvantage, seating/stability wise, if going
up against an opponent on a Combat or Knight’s saddle.
Using a couched Lance in a charge while seated on a
GP saddle will, however, put you are a significant
disadvantage – not only are you more likely to be
unseated when (if!) you hit your chosen target, there will
be severe strain placed on the saddle and the stitching is
very likely to tear loose, requiring repair at the very least
and possibly being so serious as to require replacement.
Sidesaddles of something like the modern variety date
only to the 16th century … earlier versions existed, and
had, since classical times, but only allowed the user to
be a passenger, not to control the horse, until the very
late 14th century …
How common they were in actual use given this
shortcoming is unknown. Some women are known to
have ridden astride on standard saddles) – so it is likely
many women in earlier periods rode astride as well.
Knight’s Saddles are, obviously, intended for use by
Knights … and by the 13th and 14th centuries have
become specialised for use in a charge with a couched
lance, with high pommel and cantle. Heavily (and
strongly) constructed they are usually decorated and
embellished to suit the status of the user.
Pack Saddles are not intended for riding, they are a
simple leather and wood arrangement designed to
Fancy Knight’s Saddle
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allow a horse to have packs, sacks, boxes or other
cargo slung on their back and sides.
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Production: General Purpose, 2-3 days; Combat, 3-4
days; Knight’s, a week or more; Pack, 1 day.
R
Waggons (ST:SO): A four wheeled conveyance norm-
ally pulled by a team of two horses. Because the poles
to which the horses were attached were fixed to the
K
frame of the waggon or its axle and did not swivel, it
was more common for them to be hitched one in front
of the other rather than side by side … and this
E
arrangement might apply even if there were more
than two horses hitched to the waggon.
T
Cargo Waggons generally have low sides (~1’) and/or
a stake frame (either separate or in addition) like the
standard Cart arrangement.
P
Passenger Waggons are not certain to have existed,
but, if they did, are very similar to a Cargo Waggon
but are fitted with a simple canopy and some bench
L
seats (and may, in fact, be Cargo waggons refitted for
temporary duty).
A
Front seated drivers are a very late appearance –
Waggons were mostly driven by riders sitting on one
or more of the horses or someone walking alongside.
As with the Passenger Coach, their fixed front axle
C
means they are as unhandy in turns and as liable to
toppling over when attempting such if care has not
been taken or the load is not very carefully distributed.
Production: 4-5 days, once any backorders have been
completed. E
LIVESTOCK
Cart Horse 6/- to 7/6
Cost = 72-90d. A basic horse which can be used for
pulling carts and most waggons or as pack animals
Courser £10-15
Cost = 2400-3600d. The most commonly war-trained
horse in the period. 257
 Destrier £20+
Cost = 4800d. A heavier and more intensively war-train-
ed horse than the Courser, suitable for wealthy Knight.
Donkey 3/- to 4/6
Cost = 36-54d. Widely used for lighter loads, especially
around town and as a Pack animal.
Hackney £1 to £2
Cost = 240-880d. A basic civilian riding horse which can
also double as a Pack Horse.
Mule £1 to £1/10/-
Cost = 240-360d. Used as riding animals for those not
able to afford horses. Widely used as pack animals and
to pull heavier loads than a horse can.
Palfrey £3-5+
Cost = 720-1200d. A lightweight riding horse noted for
its smooth gait, preferred for long-distance riding.
Plough Horse 2/- to 2/6
Cost = 24-30d. A lighter horse than the Cart Horse for
pulling a plough and other farm equipment in a team.
Rouncey £5-8
Cost = 1200-1920d. A mid range combat-trained horse
suitable for both battle and riding.
Sumpter (Pack) Horse 5/- to 7/6
Cost = 60-90d. A medium sized horse mainly used as a
Pack animal.
Breed vs Classification: Historians have tied them-
selves in knots trying to identify the above types of
horse as this, that, or the other specific breed (or as
the ancestor of such) – the best modern evidence,
however, strongly suggests that none of these horse
‘types’ were, at least in the period, breeds but, rather,
functional classifications.
During the succeeding centuries, some of them may have
become specific breeds, or the ancestors to them, but
even that isn’t certain and is still much argued over.
258
Prices: These are given for the last quarter of the 14th
century and seem to be representative for the last half
of that period. During the late 13th and early 14th
centuries they were around half of these listed prices.
The prices listed are for broken and trained animals
or no special breeding and bought in a Town or City
… in rural areas, closer to where they are bred, they
may be purchased for 20-25% less and, in some areas,
perhaps as much as 50% less.
Large numbers of the horses were actually bred in
Eastern Europe and driven to the great Fairs for sale –
while Mules were bred in large numbers in Spain and
Portugal. Visiting those far off places means you can
likely secure the maximum discount!
Of course, if you want blood stock for any of the
breeds listed (yes, even for Cart and Plough Horses)
expect to pay 2-5 times as much as the listed prices.
In return you get a better looking, more finely feat-
ured version of whatever breed, usually more robust
and possibly more intelligent.
Cart Horse (LV:CM, ST:OTC): A solidly built horse
mainly used as a draught animal mainly used to pull
GP carts (1-2) and waggons (2+).
Courser (LT:SO, C:OTC): The most commonly used
war-trained horse during the period, used both in
battle and for hunting, highly prized for its speed and
endurance. Typically 14-15 hands high.
Destrier (C:SO): Often depicted as the warhorse of the
era, it was, in fact, less commonly found in actual use
than the Courser, but more solidly built and slightly
bigger, perhaps 15-16 hands. Destriers were (almost)
always stallions and trained to be aggressive.
Claims that Shire Horses and Percherons are de-
scendants of the Destrier is hotly debated and there
doesn’t seem to be definitive proof for the claims.
Donkey (LV:CM, ST:OTC): Commonly found as a
 T
pack animal for light loads or for light agricultural
use. Medieval Donkeys are typically 10-12 hands and
can carry ~150 Tower pounds. Donkeys need to be
shod, but the shoes are smaller and cost only ½-¾d

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per pair and a Farrier can shoe them for 1d.

Donkeys, like Mules, will generally refuse to move if

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overloaded or when too tired or overworked.

Hackney (ST:OTC): A general purpose riding horse (a

descriptor rather than a breed) commonly used by
well-to-do civilian owners, and often by women,
during the middle ages. They may be further classif-
ied as trotters (best for speed) or amblers (best for

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comfort over long distances).

Mule (ST:OTC): Hybrid (almost always sterile) of a

A
Donkey and a Horse – much stronger by weight (and
by constitution), longer lived, calmer and smarter Rouncey (ST:SO, C:OTC): A mid-range general pur-
(though often classed as stubborn). Medieval breeds pose horse, commonly combat trained (and often the

R
were commonly 12-13 hands and could pull or carry combat mount of Serjeants and poorer Knights) but
~200-350 Tower pounds. They need to be shod like also used as a riding or pack horse by the better off
horses – same cost for shoes and shoeing. amongst the knightly and noble classes.

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Mules, like Donkeys, will generally refuse to move if Sumpter (LV:CM, ST:OTC): A mid-range general
overloaded and will stop work when too tired – unlike purpose horse (sometimes the term is used to refer to
horses who will, more often than not, let you work (or a Mule) mainly used as a Pack animal rather than for

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ride) them to death. Stubborn? Or smart? Your choice. pulling carts or ploughs. Can carry ~200-350 Tower
pounds of properly stowed gear.
Palfrey (ST:CM, C:OTC): A light riding horse with a
MAINTENANCE & UPKEEP

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natural ambling gait (i.e. faster than a walk, slower
than a canter) which made it especially valued for
long-distance trips both because of the smoothness of Axle Tree, replacement 10d to 1/-
the ride but also because that gait is less tiring on the Cost = 10-12d. At least one required per year.

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horse, enabling it to outperform many heavier, not-
ionally stronger, types over an equal distance. As with Cart Bed, refurbishment 1/- to 2/-
other horse ‘types’ this is more a functional descript- Cost = 12-24d. Once a year for GP Carts or every several

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ion rather than a specific breed. years for Farm Carts. Usually spread over the period.

Plough Horse (SV:CM, LV:OTC): A small, stocky, Farrier, Re-shoeing a Horse ½-1d

A
horse lighter and cheaper than a Cart Horse and Remove, pare the hoof, re-fix.
mainly used for pulling a Plough (typically in a 4
horse team) or other farming equipment. Farrier, Shoeing a Horse 1½-2d
1½d for six nails per shoe, 2d for eight nails.

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They might also be hitched to a Farm Cart for the short
trips it is most suited for but will struggle to handle Fodder, 1 Day, War Horse 6-9d
longer trips or heavier vehicles. On the road, 9d per day. Operating from a fixed base,

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6d per day.

Fodder, 1 Week, Draught Horse 1/8 to 3/-

Cost = 20-36d. Operating from a fixed base, 20-26d; on
the road, 30-36d.

Horsehoes, one pair 1½-3d

Depends on size of shoe (and, therefore, of the horse it
is intended for).

Saddle Bags, Leather n.a. 8-12d

Small Saddle Bags (20 lbs capacity) are 8d, Medium
(30 lbs) ones are 10d and Large (40 lbs) are 1/- (12d). 259
 Satchel, Oilcloth n.a. 6-10d
Small Saddle Bags (20 lbs capacity) are 6d, Medium
(30 lbs) ones are 8d and Large (40 lbs) are 10d.
Wheel, replacement 1/8 to 2/-
Cost = 20-24d. Spoked wheels (add 6-12d for iron rims).
Solid wheels, half that.
Axle Tree (LV:SO): Since medieval wheels and axles
turned wood on wood, wear was very fast and the Axle
trees needed to be replaced around once a year, a
process that took around 1-2 hours when an Axle was
found and available.
The listed cost includes the labour of a Carpenter or
Cartwright – if the owner or Driver does some or all of
the work you can reduce the cost by 2-3d, but it takes
3-4 hours. Production: 2-3 Axle trees per day.
Cart Bed, Refurbishment (SV:OTC): This actually
represents overall maintenance of all the parts of a
Cart (including, for the sake of simplicity, the harness
and tack for the draught animals) other than the Axle
and the Wheels. GP Carts are more heavily construct-
ed than Farm Carts but require more frequent main-
tenance as they are more heavily used, more heavily
loaded and expected to travel much longer distances.
The listed cost may be halved if done as preventative
maintenance every quarter by the owner or driver,
but this takes the Cart out of service for a day.
Production: One day a year at full price; one day per
quarter at half price.
Farrier (LV:OTC-SO): A specialist in shoeing and
caring for horses (and horse-like animals such as
mules and donkeys), in this period it was still a subset
of general Blacksmithing, at least in rural areas. Even
in Towns it was common for a general Smithy to have
someone present who could shoe horses.
260
Shoeing cost covers the labour component of doing all
four shoes – six nail shoes are for riding horses and
any horse not doing heavy, long distance work while
eight nail shoes are for war horses and those who are
doing heavy, long distance work.
Re-Shoeing needs to be done several times a year as
the hoof is continually growing. This involves taking
off the existing shoe and re-shaping the hoof so that a
consistent and comfortable fit is maintained.
How often does a Horse need to be shod? It depends.
Those doing heavy, long distance, work generally need
new Shoes at least twice a year, maybe as often as once
a Quarter if really heavily worked. Shoes during that
period they need to be re-shod about every 4-6 weeks.
Production: There’s someone who can shoe or re-
shoe a horse pretty much everywhere (OTC), but they
may not have Horseshoes on hand (SO). A Smith can
make an entire set of Shoes in less than an hour, from
bar stock.
Actually shoeing a horse takes around 30-60 minutes,
depending on the amount of work that has to be done
(which depends on the state of the horse’s hooves).
Fodder (SV:OTC): Feed provided for the animal
rather than that it forages (grazes) for. While horses
can do light work on forage, they need higher calorie
value food for heavier work or long distance travel at
any speed – the two different grades are for working
horses and for high-status riding and war horses.
Roughly speaking, a day’s rations weighs 2-2½ lbs per
100 lbs of the horse’s body weight. The prices given
assume a 800 lb work horse and a 1000 lb warhorse –
so their fodder would weigh 16-20 lbs per day for the
former and 20-25 lbs per day for the latter.
Horseshoes (LV:SO, ST:OTC): These may have six or
eight holes for nails (which are typically square – both
the holes and nails) and the cost includes both the
shoe and the nails, but not the cost of shoeing.
Smaller, lighter horses (and ponies) need cheap, light,
shoes while heavier draught horses and warhorses
need heavier, more expensive, shoes (though shoes for
a warhorse will usually last far longer than those for
a draught horse as the latter sees heavier and more
continuous use).

Production: A Blacksmith can make several dozen
pairs of Shoes per day, and several sets per hour. In
Towns they will commonly keep a stock on hand and
constantly replenish this as they are used, since they
are such a commonly requested item.
Saddle Bags (various): These are basically double
Satchels (qv) with a connecting band to go over the
saddle. Like a Satchel they have a single compart-
ment with a generous flap closure to allow them to be
packed full – held shut by ties or buckles.
Add ¼d for a single buckle and ½d for a double buckle.
The most common is Oilcloth (ST:R) followed by
Leather (ST:SO). They are waterproof – but not
watertight (i.e. they will keep the contents dry in even
the worst of storms but not from even a short
dunking). Production: 3-4 per day (Canvas, Oilcloth),
2 per day (Leather).
Wheel, Replacement (ST:SO or OTC): Unsprung,
solid or spoked – and only the latter might have an
iron rim, Cart and Waggon wheels do not last forever.
In fact, depending on how hard they are used (weight
carried and distance travelled) they tend to last
around 1-3 months before they need to be either
replaced or refurbished.
Solid wheels last three months assuming the cart they’re
fitted to is used only for local traffic – if it is used for any
long distance work then the life expectancy drops
rapidly to a month or less).
Spoked wheels tend to last 6-8 weeks, depending on how
much hard use and how long a distance they travel
while Spoked iron rimmed wheels will last somewhere
around three months.
The cost is for a replacement – refurbishment (which
can only be done with spoked wheels) costs much less,
typically 4-6d for a standard spoked wheel which may
T
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A
be refurbished 2-3 times, and 6-8d for an iron rimmed
spoked wheel which can be refurbished 4-6 times
(perhaps more with the appropriate skill checks).
R
K
Availability: This depends on whether the location is
where the Cart or Waggon for which the wheel is
E
being bought was made – if it was locally made, then
availability is OTC, if it wasn’t locally made then
availability is SO (there’s a degree of standardisation,
T
but it doesn’t travel far).
Production: Refurbishing a wheel takes 1-2 hours,
producing a new one takes 2-3 hours. Add +1-2 hours
P
to fit (or re-fit) an iron rim. Add +1-2 hours if the
wheel is not a locally made type.
L
The Stanford Geospatial Network Model of the
A
Roman World is an absolutely amazing resource show-
ing travel times and costs by land (by numerous means
from Ox Cart to Imperial Post Courier), by river (Civil-
ian, Military) and by sea (Fast, Slow, Daylight only) and
C
the estimated travel times and shipping costs broken
down by season.
E
The costings and travel times (by land – sea will be less
affected) don’t translate directly for a whole lot of
reasons (better roads, piracy & banditry suppression
amongst other things under Rome) but you can modify
them using the figures given in this chapter for both land
and sea routes.
261
 TWO IF BY SEA . . .
SPEED OF TRAVEL
UNDER SAIL . . .
The average speed for ships designed mainly for use
under sail was 5-7 knots (9-13 kph) and a maximum of
9-13 knots (16½-24 kph) could be achieved depending
on rigging, sail area and wind speed/direction.
Galleys (oared ships) under sail could achieve the
same average speeds under sail but were generally
limited to a maximum of 10-12 knots (18½-22 kph).
UNDER OAR . . .
Expected speed for ships designed for use under oars
was 2-3 knots (3½-5½ kph), with short bursts (no more
than 30 minutes) of up to 7 knots (13 kph)possible.
Ships not designed for use mainly under oar could
manage only 1-2 knots (1½-3½ kph) with short bursts
(10-15 minutes) of up to 3 knots (5½ kph) possible.
Medieval ship speeds were generally a product of their
dimensions – roughly speaking, their maximum speed
was normally 1.34 x (Square Root of waterline length in
feet). A 30’ hull would give a maximum expected speed
of 7.34 knots (13.6 kph).
DAILY MOVEMENT . . .
As with ships of the classical era, most medieval ships
didn’t sail out of sight of land except on a few well
known and widely travelled routes … they tended to
hug the coast and put into shore, either fully or partly
grounding themselves on a suitable beach or putting
down anchor in a sheltered cove.
Ships generally sailed for only 10-12 hours per day
when coasting … and either not at all or for even fewer
hours from late autumn through to early spring.
262
The main ‘out of sight of land’ routes were those plied
by the Norse in the North Sea and Atlantic and those
plied by a variety of nationalities in the sheltered
waters of the Mediterranean – and by Arab and Asian
navigators in the Indian Ocean.
Small and medium sized Longships could achieve 5-10
knots (9-18 kph) under oars and up to 15 knots under
sail (28 kph), larger ones (such as the very large ones
owned by Jarls and Kings) were more like the average
galley as regards speed. Knarrs (Scandinavian merch-
antmen) were on a par with the average sailed merchant
vessel elsewhere.
Viking navigation on routes out of sight of land followed
known currents from point to point or sailing along lines
of latitude.
SEAFARING TECHNOLOGIES
COMPASSES
First recorded in Europe in the late 12th century and
the Middle East in the early 13th century. They
allowed determination of direction in overcast condit-
ions, one reason why shipping in the Mediterranean
largely ceased in winter before their introduction.
They allowed the sailing season to run for 9-10 months
and made it possible for merchants to make two round
trips to the Eastern Med per year instead of only one.
LATITUDE
This could be determined on land by taking a sun
sighting at mid-day (or Polaris at night) and meas-
uring the angle … there was no accurate way of doing
this at sea until the mid 15th century, but it was
possible to sail along a general line, point to point.
Muslims used a Kamal … but it was only useful outside
the Med where Polaris was closer to the horizon.
LONGITUDE
This could be done, with considerable difficulty, on
land, through multiple observations of various ast-
ronomical phenomena over extended periods of time …
but was effectively impossible to do at sea.
With no accurate way of determining Longitude, navig-
ation not running along a line of Latitude was by dead
reckoning and fraught with room for dangerous error
the longer the journey continued out of sight of land.
SHIPBUILDING TECHNOLOGY
During the 10th-14th centuries there were basically two
different shipbuilding traditions in Europe – Clinker
(aka Lapstrake) in northern Europe and Carvel in
Southern Europe and the Mediterranean.
Involves overlapping the edges of the hull timbers top
to bottom while they remain butted together side to
side (in a row called a strake).
T
Clinker built hulls were quicker to build and easier to
repair, but required regular caulking. H
The classical era tradition which involved butting all
edges together with mortice and tenon joints.
E
Carvel built hulls were slower to build and harder to
repair but required less, and less frequent, caulking.

TACKING VS WEARING
Up to the mid 14th century the rigging of medieval
Longboat
Cost = 90-120d. 8-10 oars, 4-5 cwt
7/6 to 10/-
M
A
ships was not robust enough to allow them to tack
(zig-zag into the wind), instead they had to wear, Mast, Main 15%
which involved turning the vessel around to change Cost = 15% of the overall price of the ship when new.

R
direction and turn back into the wind on a different
tack, losing ground in doing so … and making sailing Mast, Secondary 15%
close to the wind much slower and much more difficult Cost = 5% of the overall price of the ship when new.

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Better rigged vessels were slowly introduced during the Nails, Clench, 100 1/9 to 2/6
14th-15th centuries and could tack effectively. Cost = 21-30d per 100 shipbuilding nails (~2¼” long).

E
Nails, Treenails/Trunnels, 100 9d to 1/3
SEA TRANSPORT Cost = 9-15d per 100 wooden dowels for shipbuilding.
BUILDING, BUYING & MANNING A SHIP

T
Oars, Ship (each) 1/- to 1/6
Coastal Cargo Ship (Undecked), 12 tons £4/15/- Cost = 12-18d. Large oars used for maneuvering sailing
Cost = 1140d, 12 ton cargo capacity. ships in harbour.
Coastal Cargo Ship (Part Decked), 12 tons £7/10/6

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Cost = 1890d, 12 ton cargo capacity. 4-6 passengers. Oars, Galley (each) 2/- to 3/-
Cost = 24-36d. Very large and heavy oars used in Galleys.
Cog, 60 tons, 1½ decked £28/2/6

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Cost = 6750d, 40-60 ton cargo capacity. Rowboat, Large 2/6 to 3/-
Cost = 30-36d. Four oars, ~3-3¼ cwt.
Cog, 130 tons, 1½ decked £41/5/- Rowboat, Small 2/6 to 3/-

A
Cost = 9900d, 90-130 ton cargo capacity. Cost = 30-36d. Two oars, ~2¼ cwt.

Complete Ship, Per Ton* 10/- to 15/- Sailcloth, 1 Bolt 10/- to 15/-
Cost = 1200-1800d per Ton of cargo capacity Cost = 120-180d for a Bolt.

Cordage, 1 cwt (~112 Tower Pounds)

Cost = 8-12d.
8d to 1/- Seagoing Cargo Ship (Undecked), 20 tons
Cost = 2400d, 20 ton cargo capacity.
£10
C
E
Lateen rigged Horse Seagoing Cargo Ship (Part decked), 20 tons £15
Transport Cost = 3600d, 20 ton cargo capacity.

Crew: The English Crown estimated crew required at

the rate of 1 per 4 tons of unladen weight (displace-
ment) for charters – these were often wartime charters
or charters for military operations, and peacetime
cargo vessels often managed with fewer (civilian ship-
owners were notorious cheapskates when it came to
‘proper’ manning).

Purchase Price: Price assumes a new or near-new

vessel. Second-hand vessels cost 20-60% of the ‘new’ 263
 price, depending on how old they were and how well
they had been maintained.
Depending on the actual use of the vessel they could last
only 2-3 years or 20+. Evidence suggests those involved
in the Levant trade were lucky to last 2-3 years (the
reasons aren’t entirely clear, and may have more to do
with piracy and warfare in the regions likely to be
transited by them rather than wear and tear) while those
involved in shorter distance trade in less conflict-riven
areas could last 20 years or more.
Coastal Cargo Ship (Knarr), 12 tons: Mostly undeck-
ed (the stern quarter is decked, but there is only space
beneath it for ballast) coastal vessel of the mid to late
11th century, ~45’ x 11’ x 6’ (14 x 3.3 x 1.8 metres)
with a draught of ~3’ (0.9 metres), ~ 9½ tons unladen.
Comes with 2-4 Ship Oars and 45m2 (480 ft2) of canvas
or hemp sail for its single mast. Crew is typically 4-6
men. Average speed is 4-5 knots and maximum speed
is ~8-10 knots. Cargo capacity is ~12 tons. Product-
ion: 3-4 weeks.
Coastal Cargo Ship (Knarr), Part Decked, 12 tons:
Similar to the above, with a slightly higher freeboard
and partly decked (front ¼ and rear ¼ only, with very
low headroom beneath) appearing in the late 11th
century and the design remains common for most of
the 12-13th centuries. Draught is 1-1¼ meters (3-4’)
and unladed weight is ~10-10½ tons.
Comes with 2-4 Ship Oars and 45m2 (480 ft2) of canvas
or hemp sail for its single mast. Crew is typically 4-6
men. Average speed is 4-5 knots and maximum speed
is ~7-9 knots. Cargo capacity is ~12 tons. It has deck
space for 4-6 passengers. Production: 3-4 weeks.
Cog, 1½ Deck, 60 tons: A smaller version of the 130
ton Cog described below, ~20 x 7½ x 3½ meters (~65
x 24 x 11’4½”) with a draught of 1.9 meters (~6’2”)
and an unladen weight of 45 tons.
Comes with 4-6 Ship Oars, 120m2 (1291 ft2) of canvas
or hemp sail for its single mast. Crew is typically
10-12 men. Average speed is 5-7 knots and maximum
speed is 9-12 knots. Cargo capacity is 60 tons port to
130 ton Cog
264
60 ton Cog
port or 40 tons beach to beach. There is space under
the half deck for ~8-12 passengers, though it is usually
used for cargo. Production: ~7-9 weeks.
See the note below for the 1½ Decker Cog about costs
for Port to Port vs Port to Beach or Beach to Beach
cargo rates.
Cog, One-and-a-Half Decks, 130 tons: A 13th cent-
ury vessel with 1½ decks and ~78’ x 26’ x 13’ (24 x 8
x 4 metres) with a draught of 1½-2 metres (4’10” to
6’6”) and an unladen weight of ~55 tons.
The topside half deck extends from the stern halfway
down the hull and is not completely enclosed but can be
used for addition cargo, passengers or livestock.
Comes with 4-6 Ship Oars and 120m2 (1291 ft2) of
canvas or hemp sail for its single mast. Crew is
typically 18-20 men. Average speed is 5-7 knots and
maximum speed is 9-12 knots. Cargo capacity is 130
tons port to port or 90 tons beach to beach. There is
space under the half deck for ~20 passengers, though
it is usually used for cargo. Production: ~8-10 weeks.
Cogs were flat bottomed vessels and could be beached at
either end of a voyage rather than unload at a port – at
the cost of reduced cargo capacity.
Cargoes loaded or unloaded by beaching cost 15% more
per ton/mile for each evolution the whole trip – 30%
more if beached at both ends – the premium necessary
to make up for the reduced capacity.
Complete Ship/Ton: This cost includes everything
needed for the ship – hull, masts, standing and
running rigging, water butts, internal partitions, sails,
anchor, ship oars, steering oars or rudder and
anything else normally carried. Cost is per ton of
unladen weight (loosely, displacement).
10th-12th centuries: The 10/- end of the price range is for
undecked or minimally decked civilian cargo ships. The

15/- end of the range is for part (at least half) decked
civilian cargo ships and ships with a military purpose
(rare, other than the Viking longboats).
13th-14th centuries: The 10/- end of the price range is for
single decked cargo ships while the 15/- end is for those
with a second deck (mostly a half deck) or fore- and
after-castles installed for military purposes.
Construction Time: Roughly a week for every 3-5 tons,
with smaller vessels at the low end of the spectrum and
larger vessels at the higher.
Payment: The purchaser normally paid 30% at signing
of contract, a further 60% when launched and the final
10% when completely fitted out.
Cordage (Port Town: CM, Port City, OTC): Hemp
rope of various sizes for the standing and running
rigging, the anchor and other purposes. A typical ship
required 1cwt (Hundredweight) per 1½ tons unladen.
Production: 3-4 cwt per day.
One cwt (Hundredweight) = 112 Tower pounds.
Longboat (Port Town: CM, Port City, OTC): A large
rowboat which may be driven by 8-10 oars or by a
dismountable mast and sail (under sail a crew of only
3-4 was necessary) … dimensions are 6.7 x 2 meters
(~21’9” x 6’7”) and weighing 4-5 cwt (~450-560 Tower
Pounds) including the mast, rigging and sails (~16m2
or 172 ft2).
A longboat can carry a dozen passengers in addition
to the Rowers or a cargo of 10 cwt (~1120 Tower
Pounds) or some combination of the two. Pro-
duction: 3-4 days.
Note that the term ‘Longboat’ is anachronistic, only
appearing around the beginning of the 16th century,
though boats of effectively the same type existed way
back in medieval (and earlier) times.
These boats could be used as an auxiliary for a large
merchantman or as inshore or riverine fishing craft – in
the latter case they would typically have a crew of only
4-5 and be mostly sail powered using the cargo capacity
for nets and the catch.
20 ton undecked Seagoing
Merchantman
T
Knarr
H
E
Mast (Port Town: CM, Port City, OTC): A significant
M
part of the overall cost of a ship was for the Mast.
Most medieval ships had a single mast, but a few
types, and mostly larger ones, might have two – in the
A
latter case one of them is normally the Main mast and
the others are Secondary.
R
Most Main Masts are made from a single piece of
wood during the period, at least in the west … Dhows
and Lateen rigged ships may have masts or parts of
masts made of two or more sections. Production: The
K
wood is almost always available, but cutting and
shaping and then stepping the mast into the hull take
anywhere from 3-4 days to a week.
E
Some types of ship have two (rarely more) masts each of
about the same size – in such a case, the cost for the two
T
of them is 20% of new hull cost, split half to each (i.e.
10% each).
Masts should last indefinitely – unless the ship is both
P
caught in a storm and not handled as well as it could be.
Mostly the sails will blow out but, if badly handled, the
mast may crack or even break. If it cracks it can be
L
repaired at 5-10% of its new cost by wrapping it tightly
with rope held in place with iron Clench nails – but it
will always be a weak spot under strain (as in another
A
storm, for example) and it would be best replaced as
soon as possible.
Nails, Shipbuilding (Port Town: CM, Port City,
C
OTC): These long (2¼”) square Clench nails were the
type used to build and repair ships. They were used
sparingly, if at all, until the mid to late 12th century,
E
slowly becoming more widespread in the 13th and 14th
centuries. Clench nails make for a stronger hull.
Nails, Treenails/Trunnels (Port Town: CM, Port
City, OTC): These round dowels were the type used to
build and repair ships and were driven into holes
drilled with an auger – once inserted they were split
at either end and a wedge driven in to ensure they did
not work loose.
They were the most common hull fastener through to
the end of the 12th century and were increasingly
replaced by Clench (Iron) nails in the 13th-14th 265
 centuries. They do not provide for as strong a hull as
Iron nails.
Oars (Port Town: CM, Port City, OTC): Even sailing
ships often used oars to manoeuvre in ports during
this period – even though they were increasingly
inefficient as the height of the deck above the water-
line increased.
Even some quite large ships continued to be mainly
oar powered, with sails as a secondary mean of
propulsion – the various types of Viking Longship, for
example, and the Galley used in the Mediterranean
for another. Production: 6-8 per day.
Rowboats (Port Town, CM, Port City, OTC): A flat
bottomed 12-16’ wooden rowboat (Small, ~12’ and ~2
cwt [~224 Tower Pounds]; Large, ~16’ and ~2½ cwt
[~280 Tower Pounds]) designed for riverine and
inshore use, these are suitable as an auxiliary for a
merchantman or independent use. Small Rowboats
can seat 4-5 people comfortably and have two oars,
large Rowboats can seat 6-8 people comfortably and
have four oars. Production: 1½-2 days.
Sailcloth (Port Town: CM, Port City, OTC): A bolt
of canvas or hemp sailcloth ~30 x 1 Ells* (~39 x 1¼
yards) provided ~438 ft2 or 40.7 m2 of cloth for runn-
ing up into sails. Production: A team of sailmakers
could sew the equivalent of one Bolt of cloth per day.
* Ell: The English Ell of 1¼ yards.
Seagoing Cargo Ship (Knarr), 20 tons: Mostly un-
decked (the stern quarter is decked, but there is only
space beneath it for ballast) seagoing cargo vessel of
the mid to late 11th century, ~50’ x 15’ x 6’6” (~15.8
x 4.8 x 2 metres), a draught of ~3’3” (1 metre),
weighing 20 tons unladen.
Comes with 2-4 Ship Oars and 90m2 (970 ft2) of canvas
or hemp sail for its single mast. Crew is typically 6-8
266
men. Average speed is 5-7 knots and maximum speed
~12 knots. Cargo capacity is ~20 tons. Production:
4-5 weeks.
Seagoing Cargo Ship (Knarr), Part Decked, 20
tons: A partly decked (front ¼, rear ¼ – but low
headroom below deck) seagoing cargo vessel very
similar in design to the above, but with a slightly
higher freeboard appearing in the late 11th century
and remaining common for most of the 12-13th
centuries. Draught is 1¼-1½ meters (4’-4’11”) and it
unladen weight is ~22.
Comes with 2-4 Ship Oars and 90m2 (970 ft2) of canvas
or hemp sail for its single mast. Crew is typically 6-8
men. Average speed is 5-6 knots and maximum speed
~11 knots. Cargo capacity is ~20 tons. It has deck
space for 6-8 passengers. Production: 4-6 weeks.
CARGO AND PASSAGE COSTS
Charter Rates 2/-
24d/ton of cargo and per passenger space/day.
Shipping, Cargo, Coastal 1/-
Cost = 12d to ship one ton 15 nautical miles.
Shipping, Cargo, Long Voyage 1/-
Cost = 12d to ship one ton 60 nautical miles.
Shipping, Cargo, Short Voyage 1/-
Cost = 12d to ship one ton 30 nautical miles.
Passage, Multi-day, Below Decks 1/- to 1/6
Cost = 9-15d per person per day.
Passage, Multi-day, Cabin 2/- to 3/-
Cost = 24-30d per person per day.
Passage, Multi-Day, On Deck 6d
Cost = 3-4d per person per day.
Passage, Short (one day or less) 2-3d
Rate is per person, per day.
Passage, Horse, Multi-Day 5/- or more
Cost = 60d or more per Horse per day.
Passage, Horse, Short (one day or less) 1/- to 1/6
Cost = 12-18d per Horse.
Tun, Standard 1/-
Cost = 12d. 10 ft2 and up to ~500 Tower Pounds … or
0.28 m3 and up to ~230 kilos

Sample Routes: These are a selection of some
common routes used during the later medieval period
– they assume daylight sailing only and for only 10
hours per day (except red routes, which have signific-
ant legs out of sight of land and obviously involve 24
hour sailing on that leg) –
Bristol to Bordeaux, 700 nm (~1295 km, ~805 miles),
~14 days @ 4 kts; Bristol to Lisbon, 1600 nm (~2965
km, ~1840 miles), ~30 days @ 5 kts; Constantinople to
Rhodes, 818 nm (~1500 km, ~940 miles), ~20 days @
~4 kts; Naples to Alexandria, 830 nm (~1540 km, ~955
miles), ~10 days @ ~5 kts; Naples to Gibraltar, 936 nm
(~1730 km, ~1075 miles), ~15 days @ ~5 kts; Naples
to Tunis, 558 nm (~1034 km; ~642 miles), ~12 days @
4½ kts; Venice to Constantinople (via Isthmus of
Corinth), 1472 nm (~2726 km, 1693 miles), ~30 days
@ ~5 kts; Venice to Tyre (via Isthmus of Corinth), 1626
nm (~3011 km, ~1870 miles), ~30 days @ ~5 kts;
Venice to Tyre (via Crete), 1700 nm (~3151 km,
~1957 miles), ~40 days @ ~4½ kts.
See Orbis: The Stanford Geospatial Network Model of
the Roman World at the end of this section for many
more possibilities.
Charter Rates: Chartering a whole ship to sail on a
route and at a time chosen by the charterer costs per
ton of total cargo capacity plus per passenger (or
horse) space (assuming the ship has separate passeng-
er or horse space).
This is normally 2/- (24d) per ton charged by distance
… per 15 nautical miles (28 km, 17 miles) for Coastal
trips (up to a week), per 30 nautical miles (55 km, 35
miles) for Short Voyages (1-2 weeks) and per 60 naut-
ical miles (110 km, 70 miles) for Long Voyages (3-4
weeks) … assuming a one way trip, round trips cost
only 1/6 (18d) per ton for the entire distance to reflect
the certainty of the income.
The cost per passenger space is typically 2/- (24d) per
day for a one way trip and 1/6 (18d) per day for a
T
H
E
M
A
round trip and for horse spaces (in a specialist Horse
transport) is double normal one way or 1½ times
R
normal round trip.
Transporting horses in a standard cargo ship takes up
3-4 tons of cargo space for coastal journeys and 5-6 tons
K
of cargo space for longer ones.
In addition, each day the ship sits idle while under
E
charter costs 3/- per ton and 2/- per passenger space.
These charges are for the hire of the ship and crew –
T
food and fodder for any passengers or livestock is the
responsibility of the charterer (food for the crew is
included in the charter price).
P
Shipping (Cargo): Shipping costs are based on the
assumption that the cargo is being shipped in Tuns –
if it is being shipped as Breakbulk increase the cost by
L
10%, round up to the next shilling.
It actually costs more per ton/mile to ship over short
A
distances as this meant the ship spent more time in
port being loaded (or waiting for a load), unloaded or
generally just sitting around, which was expensive
and produced no revenue.
Longer distances between origin and destination
meant fewer days wasted in port and more revenue, C
E
so the shipping rate per ton/mile goes down.
Coastal trips assume a week at most. Short Voyages
assume 8-14 days. Long Voyages assume at 15+ days.
Pretty much every destination in the Mediterranean
could be reached within a month to six weeks at most.
Only in the Arab-Asian world, the Indian Ocean basic-
ally, were longer voyages routinely undertaken – use the
Long Voyage rate if it ever comes up.
Even so, most longer voyages there were done in shorter 267
 stages in sight of land, even with the superior navigation-
al technology available there.
Passage: Before the 12th century few medieval Euro-
pean ships had any space for passengers except on
deck (if there even was a deck).
With the increased amount of passenger traffic that
was triggered by the Crusades and the general expan-
sion of economic activity from the mid to late 12th
century more ships began to be partly or fully decked
and this allowed better quarters for passengers.
To start this was simply a matter of allowing them to
sling a hammock below in an otherwise unmodified
Cargo Hold but, slowly, parts of some ships were set
aside for either passengers or cargo and might even
have flimsy ‘walls’ of oilcloth or thin wood put up to
create ‘cabins’ with at least a semblance of privacy
either for two passengers sharing or one by themselves.
Some 14th century ships were beginning to have above
deck cabins under the fore- and after-castle structures.
These were limited in number and cost another 1/- to 1/6
per day and might sleep 2-3 people.
cost includes Hay, Oats and staff to look after them.
Tun (ST:CM, LT:OTC): The medieval version of the
20’ or 40’ Container – the wooden Wine Tun. The
most common size was the Quarter Tun barrel which
could hold ~10 ft3 (~0.28 m3 … or ~230 kilos of wine).
Medieval barrels were taller and skinnier than mod-
ern equivalents. Production: 4-5 per hour.
The Stanford Geospatial Network Model of the
Roman World is an absolutely amazing resource show-
ing travel times and costs by land (by numerous means
from Ox Cart to Imperial Post Courier), by river (Civil-
ian, Military) and by sea (Fast, Slow, Daylight only) and
the estimated travel times and shipping costs broken
down by season.
The costings and travel times (by land – sea will be less
affected) don’t translate directly for a whole lot of
reasons (better roads, piracy & banditry suppression
amongst other things under Rome) but you can modify
them using the figures given in this chapter for both land
and sea routes.

Multi-day prices include meals and an allocation of

~2 cwt (~200 Tower Pounds) for personal effects.
Additional gear costs ¼d for a maximum 5 cwt (~¼
ton) per 15/30/60 miles (Coastal-Short-Long) to be
shipped in the passenger accessible areas of the vessel
or can be shipped at Cargo rates in the Cargo Hold.

Passage (Horse): Horses either had to have a pen and

sling support constructed in the hold of a regular
merchant or had to be shipped in a specialised Horse
Transport. In either case it was very expensive as
horses took up a lot of space and because the shipping

Late 14th Century War Galley

268
P
R
I
C
E

L
I
S
T
S

269
 MASTER PRICE LIST Mortar & Pestle, Small, Brass 1/6d (18d)
ALCHEMISTS (#88-97) Pelican, Copper, 1 gallon 7/6d (90d)
LABORATORY EQUIPMENT Pelican, Glass, 1 pint 5/3d (63d)
Phial, Single Dose, Copper (R) 1½d
Alchemical Furnace, Fixed 10/- (120d) Phial, Single Dose, Glass 5d
Alchemical Furnace, Table 7/6d (90d) Phial, Single Dose, Silver 1/- (12d)
Alembic, Copper, 5 gallons 15/- (180d) Phial, Double Dose x2 base
Alembic, Copper, 1 gallon 5/- (60d) Vas Hermeticum, Ceramic, 1 gallon 5/- (60d)
Alembic, Glass, 1 gallon 10/- (120d) Vas Hermeticum, Glass, 1 pint 10/6d (126d)
Alembic, Glass, 1 pint 3/6d (42d) Mystical Laboratory £10 (2400d)
Aludel, Earthenware 9d Practical Laboratory £30 (7200d
Aludel, Glass 3/- (36d)
Ampoule, Single Dose, Glass 2½d SELECT PRODUCTS & RAW MATERIALS
Ampoule, Double Dose, Glass 3¼d
Athanor, Fixed 12/6 (150d) Alcohol, Medicinal, 1 oz. (S) 3d
Athanor, Table 6/3d (75d) Alkali, 1 oz. 1d/2d
\Beaker, Glass, Small 1½d Alum, 1 oz. 4d
Beaker, Glass, Large 3d Antimony, 1 oz. 8d
Bottle, Small, Earthenware (S) 3d Aqua Regia, 1 oz. 1/6 (18d)
Bottle, Medium, Earthenware (S) 6d Aqua Vitae, 1 oz. (R) 1/- (12d)
Bottle, Small, Glass (R) 1/- (12d) Balm of Gilead, 1 oz. 10/- (120d)
Bottle, Medium, Glass (R) 2/6d (30d) Balsam, 1 oz. (S) 1/- (12d)
Crucible, Small 1/- (12d) Cinnabar, 1 oz. 1/- (12d)
Crucible, Medium 1/6d (18d) Hydrochloric Acid, 1 oz. 4d
Glass, Clear, 1 lb x1.5 Mercury, 1 oz 2/- (24d)
Glassware, 1 lb 9d Nitric Acid, 1 oz. 8d
Lab Consumables £1/6/- to £2/12/- (312-624d) Orpiment, 1 oz. 6d
Lab Equipment £3 to £6 (720-1440d) Sal Ammoniac, 1 oz. 1d
Mortar & Pestle, Small, Stone 9d Saltpeter, 1 oz. 1½d to 2d
Sulphur, 1 oz. 1d
Sulphuric Acid, 1 oz. 5d
Verdigris, 1 oz. 1½d
White Lead, 1 oz.

SELECT ALCHEMICAL SERVICES

Concentrating a Potion +25%
Daily Hire, Practical Alchemist 5/- (60d)
Daily Hire, Mystical Alchemist 2/6- (30d)
Gas to Liquid (Potion) +50%
Gas to Powder (Potion) +75%
Gas to Smoke (Potion) +25%
Liquid to Gas (Potion) +50%
Liquid to Powder (Potion) +25%
Liquid to Smoke (Potion) +10%
Mix Known Compound £1/10/- (360d)
Mix Unknown Compound 15/- (180d)
Powder to Gas (Potion) +75%
Powder to Liquid (Potion) +10%
Powder to Smoke (Potion) +25%
Purify Materials +25%
Weekly Hire, Practical Alchemist 5 Days
Weekly Hire, Mystical Alchemist 5 Days

270
ARMOUR, HELMETS, SHIELDS
Aketon (Arming Doublet): 11th-12th Centuries, ~2/6 to
3/6 (30-42d); 13th-14th Centuries, 5/- to 7/- (60-84d).
P
Aketon (Stiffened Linen):12th-mid 13th Centuries, 4/-
to 5/- (48-60d); Mid 13th-14th Centuries, 7/6 to 10/-
(90-120d). R
I
Bascinet: Helm, 6/8 to 15/- (80- 180d); Visor, 1/8d to
2/6d (20-30d).
Brigandine: Basic, 6/8 to 10/- (80- 120d); Fancy, £1+

C
(240d plus).
Cervelliere: 2/6 to 5/- (30-60d).
Coat of Plates: Basic, 7/6 to 12/6 (90-150d); Fancy,
£1/10/- up (360d plus); 2nd Hand (mid 13th century), 4/-
to 6/- (48-72d).
Coif: Padded Linen, 3-6d; Mail, 2/6 to 3/6 (30-42d).
Conical Helmet: 11th Century, 5/- to 7/6d (60-90d);
12th-13th Century, new, 3-6/- (36-72d) or, second hand,
E
2-3/- (24-36d).
Gambeson (Padded Jack): 12th-mid 13th Century, 5-6/-

L
(60-72d); Mid 13th-14th Century, 9-12/- (108-144d).
Great Helm: 13th-mid 14th Century, £1-2 (240-480d);
Late14th Century, 10-15/-- (120-180d).
Hounskull: £2 to £2/10/- (480-600d), stand-alone;
£2/10/- to £3 (600 to 720d), with Aventail.
Jack of Plates: Basic, 6/8 to 10/- (80- 120d); Fancy,
£1+ (240d plus). I
S
Lamellar Cuirass: £5-6 (1200-1440d). Arrow, Leaf Point, Sheaf: 9d to 1/- (9-12d).
Lamellar, ¾, Light: £6-7 (1440-1680d). Axe, Throwing: 3-4d.
Lamellar, 3/4, Heavy: £7-8 (1680-1920d). Axe, Two Handed: 2/- to 3/6 (24-42d).

Mail Shirt/Cuirass: New (11th Century), £2/10/- to £5
(600-1200d); New (12th Century), £2-4 (480-960d); 2nd
Hand (11th-12th Centuries), £1-2 (240-480d); 2nd Hand
(13th Century), 12/6 to £1/5/- (150-300d).
¾ Mail: New (11th Century), £6-8 (1440-1920d); New
(12th–13th Century), £4/10/- to £6 (960-1440d); 2nd
Hand (13th Century), £2/10/- to £3/10/- (600-840d);
New (14th Century), £2-3 (480-720d); Second Hand (14th
Century), £1-2 (240-480d).
Early Full Mail: New (12th Century), £6-8 (1440
1920d); New (13th Century), £5-7 (1200-1680d); 2nd
Hand (14th Century), £3 to £4/5/- (720-1020d).
Improved Full Mail: New (13th Century), £6/10/- to £9
(1560-2160d); 14th Century, £5-7 (1200-1680d).
Lamellar & Mail: £8-12 (1920-2880d).
Partial Plate: w. Breastplate, £15-20+ (3600-4800d);
w. Brigandine, £7/10/- to £11/5/- (1800-2700d).
Round Helm: 11th Century, 3/9 to 4/6d (45-54d);
12th-13th Century, New, 3-4/- (36-48d), 2nd hand, 1/9 to
2/6 (21-30d).
Scale Cuirass: £3/15/- to £4/10/- (900-1020d).
Shield, Heater: 4/- to 5/6 (48-66d).
Shield, Kite: 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d).
Shield, Round: 2/6 to 5/- (30-60d).
WEAPONRY
Arbalest: 14/- to £1 (168-240d); Windlass, 5/- (60d);
Cranequin, 10/- (120d).
Arrow, Bodkin Point, Sheaf: 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
Arrow, Broadhead (Sheaf): 2/- to 2/6 (24-30d).
T
Axe, War, Light: 2-3d.
Axe,War: 6-8d.
Bolt, Arbalest, Iron, Case: 2/6 to 3/- (30-36d).
Bolt, Arbalest, Steel, Case: 3/6 to 4/6 (42-54d).
Bolt, Crossbow, Iron, Case: 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
Bolt, Crossbow, Steel, Case: 2/- to 2/6 (24-30d).
Bolt/Quarrel Case: 6d to 1/- (6-12d).
Composite Bow, Long: 10-12/- (120-144d).
S
Composite Bow, Short: 8-10/- (96-120d).
Crossbow, Light: 3-5/- (36-60d).
Crossbow, Medium: 6-7/- (72-84d), Self; 7-10/- (84-
120d), Composite; 2/- (24d), Goatsfoot Lever.
Cudgel: ¼-½d.
Dagger, Baselard: 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).
Dagger Misericorde: 1/- to 1/6 (12-18d).
Dagger, Rondel: 2/- to 2/6 (24-30d).
Dagger, Quillon (Knight’s): 1/6 to 2/- (18-24d).
Longbow: 1-2/- (12-24d).
Mace, Heavy: 3-6d.
Mace Light: 2-4d.
Morningstar: 6d to 1/- (6-12d).
Polearm, Bill: 8-10d.
Polearm, Hafted Falchion: 1-2/- (12-24d).
Polearm, Halberd: 8-10d.
Polearm, Partisan: 4-8d.
Quarterstaff: ½-¾d.
Short Bow: 6-9d.
Spear, Angon: 4-8d, Held; 3d-6d, Held-Thrown.
Spear, Cavalry, Thrusting: 6-8d.
Spear, Lance: 1-2/- (12-24d). 271
 Spear, Lugged/Winged: 3-6d. 14th Century Rates, per annum
Spear, Spetum: 5-10d. Commercial Loans, France (early) 21½%
Sword, Backsword: 2-3/- (24-36d). Commercial Loans, Lombardy (late) 10%
Sword, Estoc (Early): 10-15/- (120-180d).
Sword, Estoc (Late): 7/6 to 10/- (90-120d). MEDIEVAL FUTURES
Sword, Falchion: 1-2/- (12-24d). Futures (12th-14th Centuries), per annum
Sword, Hand and a Half: 10-15/- (120-180d). Grain Futures, Average Return 12%
Sword, Knight’s: £1-2 (240-480d, 10th century), 15/- Wool Futures, Average Return 20%
to £1 (180-240d, 11th-12th centuries), 10/- to 15/- (120-
180d, 13th century), 7/6 to 10/- (90-120d, 14th century). ANNUITIES & CORRODIES
Sword, Mahaddab/Scimitar: 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d). Single Life Annuity, Yearly return 8-12%
Sword, Paramerion, Early: 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d). Two Life Annuity, Yearly return 4.8-7.3%
Sword, Paramerion, Late: 5/- to 7/6 (60-90d). Three Life Annuity, Yearly return 3.2-4.8%
Sword, Two Handed: 12/- to 17/6 (144-210d). Perpetual Annuity, Yearly return 4-6%

Corrody, Single person £40-50

BULLION & BANKS (#30-48) Corrody, Married couple £80-100
GOLD:SILVER EXCHANGE RATE
In the Western Med the official exchange rate varied MONEYLENDERS & PAWNBROKERS (#44-45)
between 8:1 and 14:1 but could be 200-300 points
higher unofficially because of debasement. In the Personal Loans (Rural) 2-4d/£/week
Eastern Mediterranean it was 12:1 at the beginning of Personal Loans (Urban) 1-2d/£/week
the period and remained 100-200 points below West-
ern rates due to a relative lack of silver.
Pawned Items, General 1d-2d-4d/£/week
COMMERCIAL PAPER (PAGES #38-42) Pawned Items, Subsidised (Italy) 18% pa
Bills of Exchange, Trade Related 12½% pa
Bills of Exchange, Money Transfer 1½-2% MORTGAGES (PAGE #45)
1/ -½ fee
Discounting Bills of Exchange 3 Basic Interest Rate (compounded) 25% pa
Letters of Credit (Money Transfer) 1½-2%
Promissory Notes 3-5% COMMENDA & SOCIETAS TERRAE (PAGE #46)

COMMERCIAL INTEREST RATES Commenda, Short Voyages 25-75%

12th Century Rates, per annum Commenda, Long Voyages 200+%
Commercial Loans 10-20%

13th Century Rates, per annum Short to Medium Distance trade 10-40%
Commercial Loans, Spain 20% Long Distance trade 50+%
Commercial Loans, Champagne Fairs 8¼% Long Distance trade, Spice-Silk-Gold 100+%
Commercial Loans, Italy (early) 20¼%
Commercial Loans, Italy (late) 8¼%
CAMPING GEAR (#144-154)
ACCESSORIES

Cauldron, Small 10 lb 2/- to 3/-

Flint & Steel neg. ½-1d
Folding/Collapsible Chair 5-15 lb 1/- to 5/-
Folding/Collapsible Table 20-40 lb 2/- to10/-
Hatchet 1-1½ lbs 1½-3d
Mess Kit 1 lb 3-4d
Pot 2 lb 8-12d
Spade & Shovel 3-4 lbs ¼-6d
Tinderbox neg. 2-3d
Tripod & Pot Holder 2-3 lbs 1/- to 2/6

BEDS & BEDDING

Bed, Collapsible, Canvas 15 lbs 2/6 to 5/-

272 Bed, Collapsible, Leather
Bed, Collapsible, Wooden
20 lbs
40 lbs
3/6 to 7/-
10/- to 15/-
 P
Bedroll or Swag – –
Blanket (Camp), Light 2-3 lbs 6-9d
Blanket (Camp), Heavy 4-5 lbs 1/- to 1/6
Canvas Sheet 2-3 lbs ½d to 1½d
Furs, Sleeping
Mosquito Netting
Oilcloth Sheet
4-5
neg.
3-4 lbs
3d-6d-2/-
3-6d
6d to 1/- R
I
Palliasse – 1-2d

CONTAINERS & LOAD CARRYING

Backpack, Canvas
Backpack, Leather
Backpack, Oilcloth
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
1-3d
3-6d
2-4d
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Backpack, Wicker
Bucket, Canvas
Canteen, Metal
Canteen, Pottery
n.a.
1-1½ lbs
n.a.
n.a.
¼ to ¾d
2-3d
2-3d
½-1d
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Canteen, Wood n.a. ¼-½d CLOTH PRICES
Carry Frame 5 lb ½ to 2d

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Coffer, Leather & Wood 5 lb 2/6 to 5/- Blanchet 1/- to 2/3
Coffer, Wood 5 lb 5/- to 7/6 Damask (Silk) 12/- to 15/-
Pole, load carrying n.a. ¼d Fustian, Average 2/9 to 3/9
Sack, Canvas n.a. ½-1d Fustian, Fine 5/6 to 7/-
Sack, Leather
Sack, Oilcloth
Satchel, Canvas
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
1½-4½d
1-2d
1-2d
Hemp
Linen, Average
Linen, Cheap
2-4d
3/6 to 4/6
1/6 to 3/- I
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Satchel, Leather n.a. 3-6d Linen, Fine 7/- to 9/-
Satchel, Oilcloth n.a. 2-4d Nettle 1-3d
Trunk, Leather & Wood 7½-12 lbs 1/6 to 2/- Silk 8/- to 10/-

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Trunk, Wood 15-20 lbs 2/- to 3/- Velvet £1-£1/10/-
Waterskin n.a. 1½-2d Wool, Average 2/- to 3/-
Wrappings, Leather n.a. ½d Wool, Cheap 8d to 1/3
Wrappings, Oilcloth n.a. ¼d Wool, Fine 4/- to 5/-

TENTS & SHELTER

Tarpaulin see text see text

Cloth of Gold
Cloth of Silver
£3 to £5
£1/10/- to £2/10/-
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Tent, Conical varies 2-4d Embroidery, Average 1/6 to 3/-
Tent, Saxon (‘Geteld’) varies 1-2d Embroidery, Elaborate 5/- to 7/6
Tent, Marquee varies 1½-3d Embroidery, Gold £1 to £2
Tent, Pavilion (‘Umbrella’) varies 3-6d Embroidery, Silver 10/- to 15/-
Tent, Wood Framed varies 1-2d Embroidery, Simple 8d to 1/-
Fur, Cheap 1/- to 1/6
Fur, Average 5/- to 7/6
CLOTHES & FASHION (#155-162) Fur, Expensive 10/- to 15/-
OUTFITS & CLOTH Kermes (Scarlet) 5/- to 7/6
Estimates from re-enactors suggest the following Kermes (Scarlet), Double-dyed 12/- to 18/-
amounts of cloth are needed for period style clothing. Tyrian Purple 2/- to 3/-

· Loose Tunics (Men): ~ 3-4 yards. CLOTHING PRICES (SAMPLES)

· Loose (Short) Tunics (Women): ~3-4 yards.
· Loose (Under) Shirts (Men): ~2½ yards. Belt, Leather, Average 6-9d
· Loose Under Tunics (Women): ~4-5 yards. Belt, Leather, Cheap 1-3d
· Lined Tunics or Doublets (Men): ~5-6 yards. Belt, Leather, Fine 1/- to 1/6
· Fitted Tunic/Undertunic (Women): ~6-7 yards Belt, Rope ¼d
· Fitted Shirts (Men): ~2 yards Boots, Cheap 3-4d
· Braies (Men): ~2 yards Boots, Fine 1/- to 2/-
· Underwear (Women): ~2 yards (Knickers)
· Breast Bag/Band (Women): ~1 yard
Boots, Good
Braies, Linen, Average
5-7d
10d to 1/3 273
 Braies, Linen, Cheap 6-8d Tunic, Linen, Average 4/- to 5/-
Braies, Linen, Fine 1/6 to 2/3 Tunic, Linen, Cheap 2/- to 2/6
Braies, Nettlecloth 2-3d Tunic, Linen, Fine 6/- to 9/-
Chemise, Linen, Average 7-9d Tunic, Nettlecloth 4-6d
Chemise, Linen, Cheap 4½-6d
Chemise, Linen, Fine 1/2 to 1/4 Tunic, Wool, Average 2/6 to 3/6
Chemise, Nettlecloth 1½-2d Tunic, Wool, Cheap 1/3 to 1/9
Cote Hardie, Linen, Average 7/6 to 9/- Tunic, Wool, Fine 3/9 to 5/3
Cote Hardie, Linen, Cheap 3/9 to 4/6 Tunic, Wool, Fur Lined, Average 6/- to 7/6
Cote Hardie, Linen, Fine 15/- to 18/- Tunic, Wool, Fur Lined, Cheap 2/6 to 3/9
Cote Hardie, Nettlecloth 9d to 1/- Tunic, Wool, Fur Lined, Fine 12/- to 15/-
Cote Hardie, Wool, Average 5/6 to 6/9 Under Tunic, Average 1/- to 1/6
Cote Hardie, Wool, Cheap 2/6 to 3/3 Under Tunic, Cheap 6-9d
Cote Hardie, Wool, Fine 11/- to 13/6 Under Tunic, Fine 1/6 to 2/6
Doublet, Linen, Average 6/- to 7/6 Underwear, Women’s, Linen, Average 6-9d
Doublet, Linen, Cheap 3/- to 3/9 Underwear, Women’s, Linen, Cheap 3½-5½d
Doublet, Linen, Fine 9/- to 11/3 Underwear, Women’s, Linen, Fine 10d to 1/4
Doublet, Nettlecloth 6-9d
Doublet, Wool, Average 3/9 to 4/6
Doublet, Wool, Cheap 1/8 to 2/2 FARMS & FARMING (#163-166)
Doublet, Wool, Fine 5/6 to 7/-
Hat/Cowl, Nettlecloth 2-3d Digging Stick 4 lbs ¼d
Hat/Cowl, Linen, Average 1/3 to 1/6 Flail, Winnowing 4 lbs 2d to 1/-
Hat/Cowl, Line, Cheap 6-8d Harrow 50-100 lbs 3/- to 6/-
Hat/Cowl, Linen, Fine 2/2 to 2/6 Hoe 4 lbs 3-8d
Hat/Cowl, Wool, Average 10d to 1/2 Pitchfork 4 lbs ½-1d
Hat/Cowl, Wool, Cheap 4-6d Plough, Ard (‘Scratch’) 75-80 lbs 4/- to 5/-
Hat/Cowl, Wool, Fine 1/6 to 2/3 Plough, Carruca 100-130 lbs 8/- to 10/-
Purse, Canvas ¼-½d Plough, Mouldboard 130-150 lbs 16/- to £1
Purse, Leather, Average 1-2d Plough Blade 2 lbs 6-8d
Purse, Leather, Fine 4-6d Rake 4 lbs ½-1d
Robe, Lined, Wool, Average 5/- to 7/6 Scythe 4-6 lbs 2/- to 3/6
Robe, Lined, Wool, Cheap 2/6 to 3/9 Spade & Shovel 3-4 lbs ¼-6d
Robe, Lined, Wool, Fine 9/- to 13/6 Sickle 2 lbs 6-9d
Robe, Fur Lined, Wool, Average 15/- to £1/5/- Wheelbarrow 20-50 lbs 1/6 to 3/-
Robe, Fur Lined, Wool, Cheap 5/- to 7/6
Robe, Fur Lined, Fine £2 or more FOOD (#167-184)
Shirt, Linen, Average 6-8d
Shirt, Linen, Cheap 3-4d Ale or Beer Wine Gallon 1½d
Shirt, Linen, Fine 10d to 1/- Eggs 12 3-4d
Shirt, Nettlecloth 1½-2d Hen 2-4 lbs 1-2d
Shoes, Basic 2-3d Herring, Fresh 8 lb ¾-1d
Shoes, Good 4-6d Lamb 12-14 lbs 5-6d
Tabard, Basic 1/3 to 1/9 Mallard (Duck) 1½ lb 2½-3d
Tunic, Hemp 2-3d Partridge 1¼ lb 3-4d
Pheasant 1½-2 lb 1/- (12d)
Pigeons 6 lb ¾-1d
Rabbit 1½-2 lbs 3-4d
Wine, Cretan or Provencal Wine Gallon 1/- (12d)
Wine, Red or Rhenish Wine Gallon 6d
Wine, Tuscan (Red) Wine Gallon 2/-

Ale or Beer (2C, 2P) Wine Gallon 1½d

Baked Fish (Other) 1 lb 2-4d
Baked Fish (Prestige) 1 lb 6d to 1/-
Baked Ham 1 lb 4½d
Cider (Apple) (4C, 1P) Wine Gallon 1d
274 Eggs, Boiled
Fried Fish (Other)
3
1 lb
1d
3-5d
 P
Fried Fish (Prestige) 1 lb 8d to 1/3
Pepper, Garlic etc. a taste ¼d
Perry (Pear Cider) (4C, 1P) Wine Gallon 1½d
Pottage with Fish 1 lb 1¾-2d
Pottage with Herbs
Pottage with Meat
Pottage with Poultry
1 lb
1 lb
1 lb
1¼d
1½d
2½-3d R
I
Roast Beef 1 lb 2½-3½d
Roast Chicken (Capon) Whole 6d
Roast Chicken (Hen) Whole 2½-4d

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Roast Game Bird, Common Whole 2-6d
Roast Game Bird, Prestige Whole 1/- to 2/6d
Roast Goose 1 lb 7d
Roast Lamb 1 lb 3-4d
Roast Mutton
Roast Partridge
Roast Pigeons
Roast Pork
1 lb
Whole
3
1 lb
2-3d
3½d
2½d
1¾-2¼d
Cinnamon Bun
Fruit Bun (3)
Gingerbread (3)
Gingerbread Cake
2 oz
2 oz
1 oz
4 oz
½d
¼d
½d
1d
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Roast Rabbit Whole 3-4d Honey Biscuit (3) 1 oz ¼d
Sausage, Beef ½ lb ¾-1¼d Honey Cake 4 oz ½d

L
Sausage, Mutton ½ lb ¼-¾d Lemon Biscuit (6) 1 oz ¼d
Sausage, Pork ½ lb ½-1d Milk Biscuit (12) 1 oz ¼d
Wine, ‘House’ (4C, 1P) Wine Gallon 4d Oatmeal & Honey Biscuits (12) 1 oz ¼d
Oatmeal & Honey Cakes 1 lb ½d

Bread & Cheese (8C, 4F)

Grilled Cheese (5C, 3F)
1 lb
8 oz
¼d
¼d
Orange Pie
Plum Tart
Quince Tart
4 oz
½ lb
4 oz
1d
½d
¾d I
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Gruel & Water (8C) 1 lb ¼d Spiced Bun (2) 2 oz ½d
Gruel & Milk (6C, 1F) 8 oz ¼d
Meat Pie (3C, 1P, 2F) ½ lb ¼d

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Pottage (5C, 1F) ½ lb ¼d Ale or Beer Wine Gallon 1½d
Pottage, Fish (4C, 1P, 1F) ½ lb ½d Pastie, Beef 8 oz 1d
Pottage, Meat (4C, 1P, 1F) ½ lb ½-¾d Pastie, Cheese & Onion 1 lb ½d
Pottage, Onion/Herbs (5C, 1F) 8 oz ½d Pastie, Chicken 8 oz 1½d
Sausage & Bread (5C, 1P, 2F)

Cheap Cocket
8 oz

5 lb 8¼ oz
¼d

¼d
Pastie, Pork
Pastie, Mutton
Pastie, Herb & Onion
Pie, Apple
1 lb
1 lb
1 lb
½ lb
¼d
¾d
¼d
¾d
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Cocket 5 lb 6½ oz ¼d Pie, Bean 1 lb ½d
Common Wheat 14 lb 8 oz ¼d Pie, Beef 8 oz 1½d
Symnel 5 lb 3½ oz ¼d Pie, Beef & Bacon ½ lb 1¼d
Treet 10 lb 9½ oz ¼d Pie, Chicken ½ lb 1½d
Wastel 5 lb 4¾ oz ¼d Pie, Pork 1 lb ½d
Wholewheat 8 lb 6oz ¼d Pie, Mutton 1 lb 1d
Rye, Sifted 12 lb ¼d Pie, Herb & Onion 1 lb ½
Rye, Unsifted 20 lb 5¼ oz ¼d Sausage, Beef 8 oz ¾d
Sausage, Mutton 8 oz ½d
Sausage, Pork 8 oz ¼d
Candied Orange Peel 1 oz 1½d Sussex Sausages 1½ lb +¼d
Candied Lemon Peel 1 oz 1¾d
Comfits, Almond 1 oz 2½d
Comfits, Fruit 1 oz 1½d 30 Pound (8 gallon) Barrel 10 lbs 6d
Comfits, Ginger 1 oz 2d Ale or Beer 8 10d
Comfits, Aniseed 1 oz 1¾d Apples, Straw Packed 30 lb 6-9d
Marzipan 1 oz 3d Bacon 30 lb 1/3d
Beans 30 lb 3¾d
Beef, Salted 30 lb 6/-
Almond Cake 4 oz ¾d Beef, Smoked 30 lb 7/6
Apple Pie
Apple & Orange Tart
½ lb
4 oz
½d
¾d
Bread, Black
Bread, Double Baked
30 lb
30 lb
3¾d
9d 275
 Bread, Honey 5 lb 1/3 Anvil, Semi-Portable 75 lbs 3/6 to 10/-
Bread, Honey & Nut 5 lb 1/9 Anvil, Heavy Forging 200 lbs 8/- to £1
Butter, Salted 5 lb 5d Balance, Steelyard, ‘Pocket’ 1 lb 1/- to 2/-
Cheese 20 lb 10d Bellows, Small, Portable 6-8 lbs 1/- to 2/6
Cheese, Smoked 10 lb 7½d Charcoal Fuel 64 lbs ~1/-
Fish, Dried (Stockfish) 30 lb 1/10 to 2/6 Chisel, Cold, Iron 2 lbs 3-9d
Fish, Salted 30 lb 1/3 to 1/6 Chisel, Cold, Steel 2 lbs 6d to 1/6d
Fish, Smoked 30 lb 2/- to 3/- File, Metal 1½-2 lbs 1/- to 2/-
Fruit, Sun-dried 5 lb 3-6d Forge, Portable 80-100 lbs £1-2
Hardtack 30 lb 9d Grindstone, Portable 25 lbs 1/- to 1/3d
Lemons (in a String Bag) 5 lb 2½d Hammer, Smith’s 5 lbs 1/3 to 1/9d
Oranges (in a String Bag) 5 lb 3d Iron 1 lb 1-2d
Peas, Dried 30 lb 6d Tongs 1½ lbs 3-6d
Pork, Salted 30 lb 4/- Whetstone ½ to 1 lb 3-4d
Pork, Smoked 30 lb 5/-
Raisins & Currants 5 lb 1¾d CARPENTER’S TOOLS
Sausage, Beef, Smoked 10 lb 1/6
Sausage, Beef, Smoked/Spiced 10 lb 2/- Adze 2-2½ lbs 3-4d
Sausage, Pork, Smoked 10 lb 1/- Auger 2-3 lbs 6d to 1/-
Sausage, Pork, Smoked/Spiced 10 lb 1/3 Bow Drill 2 lbs 4-8d
Vegetables, Dried 30 lb 4½d Brace & Bit Drill 2-3 lbs 9d to 1/3d
Vegetables, Pickled 30 lb 9d Carpenter’s Rule, Wood 2 lb 1½-2d
Vegetables, Salted 30 lb 1/- Carpenter’s Rule, Brass 1 lb 6-9d
Wine, Cheap 8 2/- Carpenter’s Square, Wood 2 lb 2-3d
Wine, Better 8 4/- Carpenter’s Square, Brass 1 lb 9d to 1/-
Chisel, Wood 1 lb 3-4d
File, Woodworking ½-1 lbs 4-8d
Common Herbs 1 lb ¼-½d Hammer, Carpenter’s 2-3 lb 3-6d
Cinnamon 1 oz 6d Twybil 3-4 lbs 5-6d
Cloves 1 oz 8d
Garlic, 1 String 1 lb ½d COPPER- & GOLDSMITH’S TOOLS
Ginger 1 oz 1½d
Mace 1 oz 5d Brass 1 lb 3¼-4¼d
Nutmeg 1 oz 7d Bronze 1 lb 2-3d
Pepper 1 oz 1¼d Copper 1 lb 1¾-2½d
Saffron 1 oz 1/- to 1/6 Pewter 1 lb 2½-3½d
Salt, Sea (Coarse) 1 lb ½d Scales, Twin Pan 2 lb 2/6 to 5/-
Salt, White 1 lb 1d Tin 1 lb 3-4d
Sugar, Pure White (2C/oz) 1 oz 8d Wire, Ductile Metal 1 lb x3
Sugar, Refined (2C/oz) 1 oz 6d
Sugar, Unrefined (2C/oz) 1 oz 4d MISCELLANEOUS TOOLS & GEAR

Block & Tackle, Single 10-12 lbs 1/- to 1/6

HARDWARE & TOOLS (#185-197) Block & Tackle, Double 20-24 lbs 2/6-3/6
BLACKSMITH’S TOOLS Chain, Heavy 12 lbs 3/- to 4/6
Chain, Light 3 lbs 9d to 1/-
Anvil, Portable 25 lbs 2/- to 6/- Chain, Standard 6 lbs 1/6 to 2/-
Chisel, Masonry, Iron 3 lbs 5d to 1/3
Chisel, Masonry, Steel 3 lbs 10d to 2/6
Cord, 3 yards ½ lb ¼d
Crowbar 4-5 lbs 1/- to 1/3
Gabion, Wicker n.a. ½d
Gabion, Withy n.a. ¾d
Glue, Wood ½ lb 1-2d
Grappling Hook 2-4 lbs 1/- to 2/-
Ladder, Rope, 1 yard 1-2 lb 1½-2d
Ladder, Wooden, 1 yard 3-5 lbs 2-6d
Measuring Tape, 1 yard 2 oz 1/4d
276 Nails, Iron
Paint, Oil
1 lb
1 pint
3d to 1/-
1-3d
 P
Paint, Oil, Ultramarine 1 pint 1/-
Pickaxe 4-6 lbs 10d to 1/3
Rope, Light, per yard ¼-½ lb ¼-1d
Rope, Medium, per yard 1-2 lbs 2-4d
Spike, Iron
Wire, Iron
Wedges, Wood (3)
1 lb
1 lb
1½-2 lbs
3-4d
3d to 1/-
¼-½d R
I
Wedge, Iron 1-1½ lbs 3-4d
Whitewash 1 Wine Gallon ¼-½d

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Chest, Wicker, Medium 10 lbs 7d to 1/-
HOME & FURNISHINGS (#198-214) Chest, Wicker, Large 15 lbs 1/3 to 2/-
BEDDING Chest, Wooden, Simple var var
Chest, Wooden, Small 10 lbs 2/- to 3/-
Bed, Collapsible, Wood (Camp) 40 lbs
Bed, Enclosed, Small
Bed, Enclosed, Large
Bed, Frame, Slat, Single
60+ lbs
120+ lbs
20 lbs
10/- to 15/-
12/6
£1
1/-
Chest, Wooden Medium
Chest, Wooden, Large
Coffer, Leather & Wood
Coffer, Wood
20 lbs
40 lbs
5 lbs
5 lbs
3/6 to 5/6
6/- to 9/-
2/6 to 5/-
5/- to 7/6
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Bed, Frame, Slat, Double 30 lbs 1/9 Lockbox, Iron-bound, Small 15 lbs 10/- to 15/-
Bed, Frame, Strung, Single 15 lbs 9d Lockbox, Iron-bound, Large 25 lbs £1 to £1/10/-

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Bed, Frame, String, Double 22½ lbs 1/4 Paychest, Iron 50 lbs £3-5
Bed (Mattress), Down 10-15 lbs 4/- to 6/- Seat, Great 50+ lbs £1+
Bed (Mattress), Wool Scraps 15-20 lbs 2/- to 2/6 Stool, Wooden 5+ lbs ½-1d
Bed (Mattress), Bedstraw 10-15 lbs 3½-6d Table, Folding/Collapsible 20-40 lb 5/- to10/-
Blanket, Linen 2-3 lbs
Blanket, Wool, Coarse, Light 3-4 lbs
Blanket, Wool, Coarse, Heavy 5-6 lbs
1-2d
4-6d
6-9d
Table, Simple
Table, Wooden, Small
Table, Wooden, Large
~20 lbs
~35 lbs
~60 lbs
3-6d
2/- to 4/-
4/- to 7/6 I
S
Blanket, Wool, Fine, Light 3-4 lbs 8-10d Trunk, Leather & Wood 7½-12 lbs 1/6 to 2/-
Blanket, Wool, Fine, Heavy 5-6 lbs 1/- to 1/3 Trunk, Wood 15-20 lbs 2/- to 3/-
Cloth Scrap Filling, Palliasse 15 lbs 1-1½d
HYGIENE

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Couch, Sleeping (Horsehair) 50+ lbs 1/- to 3/-
Couch, Sleeping (Wool/Cloth) 50+ lbs 15/- to £1
Couch, Sleeping (Down) 50+ lbs £2-3 Bath Tub 20+ lbs 6/- to 10/-
Coverlet, Bed, Plain (Cloth) 5-6 lbs 1/- to 1/3 Chamber Pot 1½-2 lbs 1-3d
Coverlet, Bed, Plain (Wool)
Coverlet, Bed, Plain (Down)
Coverlet, Bed, Fancy (Wool)
Coverlet, Bed, Fancy (Down)
5-6 lbs
4-5 lbs
6-7 lbs
5-6 lbs
2/- to 2/6
4/- to 5/-
4/- to 5/-
8/- to 11/-
Cloth, Small
Cloth, Medium
Cloth, Large
Stool, Close
–
–
–
–
¼d to ½d
½-1d
2-3d
+20%
S
Palliasse – 1-2d Toilet Paper – –
Sheet, Wool, Fine 1 1/3d
Sheet. Linen 1 2/- KITCHEN & TABLE
Straw Filling, Palliasse 10 lbs ¼d
Wool Scraps, Palliasse 15 lbs 1½-2d Bowl, Ceramic 1+ lbs 1-3d
Bowl, Brass 1+ lbs 3-6d
FLOOR COVERINGS Bowl, Wood 1+ lbs ¼ to ¾d
Cauldron, Small 10 lb 2/- to 3/-
Matting, Woven, Rush, 1ft2 1 lb ¼d Frying Pan, Small 2 lbs 6-8d
Matting, Woven, Straw, 2ft2 2 lb ¼d Griddle 5+ lbs 1/3 to 1/8
Oilcloth, Painted, 1 ft2 ¾ lb 1½d Knife, Utility ¼ lb ½ to 1d
Oilcloth, Plain, 1 ft2 ¾ lb ½d Mug, Boiled Leather ¼ lb ½d
Straw, Bundle, 5 ft2 10-15 lb ½-¾d Mug, Ceramic ½ 1b 1d
Reeds/Rushes, Bundle, 5 ft2 15-20 lb ¾-1d Plate, Ceramic 1+ lbs 1-2d
Plate, Brass 1+ lbs 2-4d
FURNITURE Plate, Wood 1+ lbs ¼ to ½d
Pot 2 lbs 8-12d
Bench, Trestle, Long ~35 lbs 3½-7d Pricker ¼ lb ½ to 1d
Bench, Trestle, Short ~20 lbs 2-4d Spoon ¼ lb ¼ to ½d
Chair, Folding/Collapsible 5-15 lbs 1/- to 5/-
Chair, Wooden
Chest, Wicker, Small
10-20 lbs
5 lbs
1/6-2/6
3-6d 277
 SOFT FURNISHINGS Portolan, Geographical £2-5+
Portolan, Navigational £1-2
Cushion 2 1d to 1/- Psalter 10/- to £1
Cushion Fine 2 2/6+ Rutter, Full 10/- to £1+
Embroidery var. Var. Rutter, Partial 2/6 to 5/-
Tapestry, Common 1 ft2 6d Rutter, Single Route 6d to 1/-
Tapestry, Good 1 ft2 1/- Renting a Book n.a. ½-1d
Tapestry, Fine 1 ft2 2/6 Traveller’s Itinerary, European £1-5+
Traveller’s Itinerary, National/Regional 5/- to 15/-
LEARNING & LETTERS (#215-235) Traveller’s Itinerary, Single Route 1/- to 2/6
BOOKS & SCROLLS
MATERIALS
Bible, Paper, Large £5-6
Bible, Paper, Small £1-2 Ink, Carbon Black, 1 Pint/12 oz 1-3d
Bible, Parchment, Large (Luxury) £15-20+ Ink, Iron Gall, 1 Pint/12 oz 2-6d
Bible, Parchment, Small (Luxury) £3-4+ Ink Horn 1-3d
Bible, Wycliffe, Paper, Small £2-3 Ink Pot 1-4d
Bible, Wycliffe, Paper, Small £4-5 Paper, Quire 8d
Bible, One Book/Gospel, Paper 5/- to 7/6 Paper, Ream 12/-
Bible, One Book/Gospel, Parchment 5/- to 7/6 Papyrus, Quire 1/6d
Book, Anatomy, Large, Parchment £6+ Parchment, Folio 2-4d
Book, Anatomy, Small, Parchment £2+ Pen Case 1-2d
Book, Classical, Paper 8d to 1/- Pen-Knife 2-4d
Quill, Writing ¼-½d
Book of Hours, Parchment 18/- to £1/16/-
Book of Hours, Paper 6/- to 12/- SCRIBES, NOTARIES & THE LAW
Book, Quadrivium, Large, Parchment £4-6
Book, Quadrivium, Small, Parchment £2-3 Advocate, County Court, per appearance 6d to 1/-
Book, Religious, Other, Large, Parchment £2-3 Advocate, Royal Court, per appearance 2/- to 5/-
Affidavit 6d
Book, Religious, Other, Small, Parchment £1-2 Affixing a Judge’s Seal 2-3d
Affixing an Official Seal 1d
Book, Trivium, Large, Parchment £2-3 Certifying a Deed 1/- to 1/6
Book, Trivium, Small, Parchment £1-2 Copying Legal Documentation 2d
De Civitate Dei, Parchment £2/10/- to £3/10/- Searching Court Records varies
De Re Militari, Parchment, Small £1 to £2 Warrant, General 4-8d
Ephemeris, Small (Parchment), Complete £2-3 Warrant of Recovery 8d to 1/3
Ephemeris & Star Chart £3-6+
Herbal, Parchment, Large £5-7 Writ, Quo Warranto varies
Herbal, Parchment, Small £3/10/- to £4/10/- Writ of the Peace varies
Map, Local 12d to 2/6 Writ of Restitution varies
Map, Mappamundi £3/10/- or more Writ, Royal Court 1/- to 1/6
Map, National/Regional 5/- to £1 Writing, Book Hand, per 12 lines 1-2d
Missal, Large, Parchment £1-2 Writing, Charter 2/6-5/-
Missal, Small, Parchment 7/6 to 15/- Writing, Court Hand, per 12 lines 3-4d
New Testament, Paper, Large £2-3 Writing, Cursive, per 24 lines 1-2d
New Testament, Paper, Small 10/- to £1
New Testament, Parchment, Large £4-5 LIBRARIES
New Testament, Parchment, Small £1 to £1/15/-
New Testament, Wycliffe, Paper, Small £4-5 Access ‘Fee’, Private Library 6d to 2/-
Donation, Church Library 1/-
Letter of Introduction 6d to 1/-

LIGHTING (#236-244)
CANDLES & TAPERS

Candle, Mixed 1 lb 2-3¼d

Candle, Tallow 1 lb 1½-2½d
278 Candle, Wax
Candle Trimmer
1 lb
neg.
4-6d
1-3d
 P
Candlestick, Wood ½ lb ½d
Candlestick, Brass ¾ lb 5-6d
Candlestick, Pewter ¾ lb 3½-4½d
Candlestick, Silver ½ lb 12/6 to 15/-
Lantern, Bullseye add-on
Lantern Base, Brass
Lantern Base, Ceramic
+¼ lb
2 lb
2 lb
+20%
1/- to 1/6
4-6d R
I
Lantern Base, Wood 1 lb 1-3d
Lantern Inserts, Glass +¾ lb +1/-
Lantern Inserts, Horn +½ lb 1-2d

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Lantern Inserts, Parchment +¼ lb ½-¾d
Lantern, Hooded, add-on +¼ lb +10%
Rushlight Holder ½-1 lb ¼-1d Average Shop, Large Town 6-14/- (72-168d)
Rushlight, Tallow (1 dozen) 1 ½d Prime Shop, Small Town £½-1 (120-240d)

OIL LAMPS

Lamp, Eastern, Brass ½ lb 4-6d

Prime Shop, Large Town
Burgage Rent *
Church Tithes
£2-5 (480-1200d)
1-6d
1d ** E
Lamp, Eastern, Brass 1 lb 8d to 1/- RESIDENTIAL RENTS
Lamp, Eastern, Ceramic ½ lb 2-3d Cottage 5/- (60d)

L
Lamp, Eastern, Glass ¾ lb 6-8d House £1 (240d)
Lamp, Floating Wick, Brass ½ lb 4-6d Large House £2-3 (480-720d)
Suburban Cottage & Tenement (Town)3-6/- (36-72d)
Lamp, Floating Wick, Glass ½ lb 6-8d Ditto above (Manorial) 18d-3/- (18-36d)
Lamp, Saucer, Ceramic
Lamp, Saucer, Wood
Lanterns
½ lb
½ lb
–
½-1d
¼d
–
As above, w/o Feudal Dues

STALL RENTAL
2-4/- (24-48d)
I
S
Olive Oil (Fuel) 1 Gallon 10d to 1/- Markets. Typically ~1d per day for most,or ¼d for
food stalls. Monthly and Yearly rates were possible.
TORCHES

T
Fairs. About, 1d per day, discounted by ~2/3rds. For
Flambeau Torch 3-4 lbs 4-6d a week long fair 8-9d, paid in advance.
Pitch, Birch or Pine 1 lb ½-1d
Torch, Pitch, Single Use 2 lbs ½-1d SMALL SCALE TOLLS, 12TH-13TH CENTURY
Torch, Pitch, Single Use
Torch, Rushlight, Single Use

MARKETPLACE BASICS (#50-65)

4 lbs
1½ lb
1½-3d
1d
Tolls on the sort of activity undertaken by most small
scale producers were usually based on the method by
which the good were brought to Market. S
SEASONAL FOOD AVAILABILITY (#62-63) Backpack (~60-80 lbs) ¼d
Packhorse (~350 lbs) ½d
Cereal Grains, Hard Fruits, Legumes August Cartload (~1000-1200 lbs) 1d
Vegetables & Herbs Year Round
Soft & Stone Fruits, Berries June-October GENERAL AD VALOREM TOLLS IN ENGLAND
Dairy & Meat (Fresh) May-November The average ad valorem rate was either 1d/pound
weight or ¼d per 5/- of value.

Not a Port nor on Trade route +20-25%

On a major Trade route +10-15% TOLLS, FEES AND FAIRS
Major Port/Multi-Trade route nexus +5-10% In general, there were no Tolls – but other charges
Rural areas Half Town rate applied that were probably equivalent.

MARKETS & FAIRS (#1-18) Firstly, charges as a fee for service basis (use of the
SHOP RENTAL Fair’s Notaries, Weigh Station or Warehouse, rent for
The annual Ground Rent for various sizes of shops in a Stall. Secondly, fees were split equally between the
Small and Large Market Towns are as follows, to buyer and the seller.
which needs to be added Burgage Rent.
The overall impost seems to have been ~5-10% range,
Small Shop, Small Town 2-6/- (24-72d) and individual charges in the ¼% to 2½% range.
Small Shop, Large Town
Average Shop, Small Town
4-8/- (48-96d)
4-10/- (48-120d) 279
 IMPORT-EXPORT LICENSES
TAXATION (#19-29)
PROPERTY TAXES 1294 on, during war with France 1/4d (16d) per £

Danegeld/Geld, per 120 acres 2-3/- (24-46d)

Fifteenth, per £1 (13th century), Rural 1/4d (16d) Haut Passage, 1294 7d per £
Tenth, per £1 (13th century), Urban 2/- (24d)
Poll Tax, per head 4d
License, 13th century on (see text) nil ?
License, from 1403 3d/15s (3d/180d)
Taille (mid 14th century) £1-9 (240-2160d)
Aides (mid 13th century) 1/4d to 2/- (16-24d) SALES TAXES (PAGE #23)

Alcabala, Castille & Possessions 5-10%

Servicia (to 14th century) varies
Servicio, Livestock (Mesta) varies OTHER TAXES (PAGE #24)

Monedas, 60 Maraverdis of land 8 M (1440d) Crusade Tax (Saladin Tithe), 1188 10%
Monedas, 60 Maraverdis, Borderlands 6 M (1080d) Ransom, Richard Coeur de Lion 25%
Monedas, 120 Maraverdis of land 16 M (2880d) Prise & Purveyance 1/4d–2/- (16-24d)
Monedas, 120 Maraverdis, Borderlands 12 M (2160d)
Monedas, 160 Maraverdis of land 24 M (4320d)
Monedas, 150 Maraverdis, Borderlands 16 M (2880d) Company of the Staple (England) var.
Maona of Alum (Genoa) ???
CUSTOMS DUTIES Payes de Grande Gabelle see text
Suit of Mill 1/30th to 1/10th
Ancient Custom, 1275-1292 on 1/4d to 2/- (16-24d)
Petty Custom, 1302-03 on, existing items +50% SIN TAXES
Petty Custom, 1302-03, everything else 3d per £
Ad Valorem Duty, everything else 6d per £ Lease on a Brothel, per month 6/8d
Ad Valorem Duty, 1347 on 1/- (12d) per £

Droit de Réve, 1332 on, Export Tax 4d per £ Lease on a Brothel, monthly, Cheap varies
Imposition Foraine, 1361 on 1/- (12d) per £ Lease on a Brothel, weekly, Moderate varies
Lease on a Brothel, weekly, Dear £1 to £1/10/-

Diezmo Aduanera or Diezmos de la Mar 10%

TRAVEL & TRADE (#245-268)
ACCOMMODATION

Hospice/Monastery (Rural), Dorm½-¾d

Hospice/Monastery (Urban), Dorm 1-2d
Hospice/Monastery (Rural), Cell 1-2d
Hospice/Monastery (Urban), Cell 1½-2½d
Hospice/Monastery (Rural), Stabling ½-1-2d
Hospice/Monastery (Urban), Stabling ¾-1½-3d
Inn (Rural), Basic 1d
Inn (Rural), Good 4d
Inn (Urban), Good 6-8d
Inn (Rural), Standard 2d
Inn (Urban), Standard 3-4d
Inn (Rural), Private Room 1/-
Inn (Urban), Private Room 1/6 to 2/-
Inn (Rural), Space in Inn Yard ½d
Inn (Urban), Space in Inn Yard 1d
Inn (Rural) per, Stabling, Special 3-4d
Inn (Rural), Stabling, Good 2d
Inn (Rural), Stabling, Standard 1d
280 Inn (Urban), Stabling, Special
Inn (Urban), Stabling, Good
4½-6d
3-4d
 P
Inn (Urban), Stabling, Standard 1½-2d
Monastery (Rural) Guest Room 1/- to 2/6
Monastery (Urban), Guest Room 1/6 to 3/9

CARGO AND RELATED COSTS

Cart, per day (Out of Town) 2/- to 3/- R

I
Common Carriage, by Cart 4-6-8d

Common Carriage, by Pack Train 6-9-12d

C
Common Carriage, by Waggon 8-12-16d
Courier, per mile 1d/3d
Despatch Rider, per mile 2d/6d
Pack Horse/Mule, per day 1-2d
Porter, In Town, per day

Porter, Out of Town, per mile/day

Runner, In Town, per message
2d

½-3d
¼-½d
E
Runner, Out of Town ½d (1d min) Saddle Bags, Leather n.a. 8-12d
Toll, Bridge ¼-1d Satchel, Oilcloth n.a. 6-10d

L
Toll, Civic varies widely Wheel, replacement 1/8 to 2/-
Waggon, per day 4-6d
BUILDING, BUYING & MANNING A SHIP
EQUIPMENT & GEAR

Cart, Farmer’s
Cart, General Purpose
2/6 to 3/-
5/- to 6/-
Coastal Cargo Ship (Undecked), 12 tons £4/15/-
Coastal Cargo Ship (Part Decked), 12 tons £7/10/6
Cog, 60 tons, 1½ decked £28/2/6 I
S
Cart, Passenger 7/6 to 10/- Cog, 130 tons, 1½ decked £41/5/-
Coach, Passenger £5-10 Complete Ship, Per Ton* 10/- to 15/-
Litter 1/- to 1/6 Cordage, 1 cwt (~112 Tower Pounds) 8d to 1/-

T
Litter, Horse 2/- to 2/6 Longboat 7/6 to 10/-
Saddle & Tack, Combat 7/6-15/- Mast, Main 15%
Saddle & Tack, General Purpose 2/6-5/- Mast, Secondary 15%
Saddle & Tack, Knight’s £1+ Nails, Clench, 100 1/9 to 2/6
Saddle, Pack
Waggon, Cargo
Waggon, Passenger
1/- to 1/6
8/- to 12/-
£1-2
Nails, Treenails/Trunnels, 100
Oars, Ship (each)
Oars, Galley (each)
Rowboat, Large
9d to 1/3
1/- to 1/6
2/- to 3/-
2/6 to 3/-
S
LIVESTOCK Rowboat, Small 2/6 to 3/-
Sailcloth, 1 Bolt 10/- to 15/-
Cart Horse 6/- to 7/6 Seagoing Cargo Ship (Undecked), 20 tons £10
Courser £10-15 Seagoing Cargo Ship (Part decked), 20 tons £15
Destrier £20+
Donkey 3/- to 4/6 CARGO AND PASSAGE COSTS
Hackney £1 to £2
Mule £1 to £1/10/- Charter Rates 2/-
Palfrey £3-5+ Shipping, Cargo, Coastal 1/-
Plough Horse 2/- to 2/6 Shipping, Cargo, Long Voyage 1/-
Rouncey £5-8 Shipping, Cargo, Short Voyage 1/-
Sumpter (Pack) Horse 5/- to 7/6 Passage, Multi-day, Below Decks 1/- to 1/6
Passage, Multi-day, Cabin 2/- to 3/-
MAINTENANCE & UPKEEP Passage, Multi-Day, On Deck 6d
Passage, Short (one day or less) 2-3d
Axle Tree, replacement 10d to 1/- Passage, Horse, Multi-Day 5/- or more
Cart Bed, refurbishment 1/- to 2/- Passage, Horse, Short (one day or less) 1/- to 1/6
Farrier, Re-shoeing a Horse ½-1d Tun, Standard 1/-
Farrier, Shoeing a Horse 1½-2d
Fodder, 1 Day, War Horse 6-9d
Fodder, 1 Week, Draught Horse
Horsehoes, one pair
1/8 to 3/-
1½-3d 281
 Royal Justice † (Senior Judge) £300 (72000d)
WAGES & SALARIES (#66-75) Kitchen Servant, Junior … 4/- to 6/- (48-72d)
Labourer * or … £1–2 (240-480d)
Apothecary Ý £5–£10 (1200–2400d) Lecturer, University † £5 (1200d)
Architect † or Ý £6–£12 (1440–2880d) Mason, Apprentice … 15/- to £1/10/5 (180-365d)
Armourer, Apprentice †£2 to £2/10/- (480-600d) Mason, Journeyman … £2/3/9–£2/13/3 (525-640d)
Armourer, Journeyman …£6 to £8 (1440-1920d) Mason, Master £4/7/6–£5/6/6 (1050-1280d)
Armourer, Master Ý £12 (3840d) Miller Ý £8 (1920d)
Bailiff, Farm * 13/4d to £1/3/4 (160-280d) Musician * or … £3/-/10–£4/11/3 (730–1095d)
Barber-Surgeon Ý £6 (1440d) Notary, Civic * or ** £5–£15 (1200-3600d)
Beadle ** (Chief Clerk of a Guild) £4 (960d) Notary, Ordinary Ý £6–£12 (1440-2880d)
Benefice * £5-15 (1200-3600d) Parish ‘Living’ (Average) £30-36 (7200-8640d)
Blacksmith, Apprentice † £1 to £1/6/8 (240-320d) Physician, Junior * or Ý £16/13/8d (4000d)
Blacksmith, Journeyman … £3 to £4 (720-960d) Physician, Senior * or Ý £25 (6000d)
Blacksmith Ý £6 (1440d) Porter (Mint), All ** £4/11/3 (1095d)
Carpenter, Apprentice † 17/6d to £1 (210-240d) Priest (Chantry) … £4/5/- to £4/13/4 (1020-1120d)
Carpenter, Journeyman … £2/13/4 to £4 (640-800d) Serjeant ** (London, 1310) £2
Carpenter, Master Ý £5/6/6 (1280d) Serjeant ** (Elsewhere) £1/10/5 (365d)
Carter * £4/10/- (1080d) Serjeant at Law (Senior Barrister) £300 (72000d)
Chamberlain ** (London, 1310) £5 (1200d) Servant, Female (Maid) … 10/- (120d)
Chanter † £5-£6 (1200-1440d) Servant, Male … £1 (240d)
Chaplain, Private † £4 to £5 (960-1200d) Surgeon, Junior * £12/10/- (3000d)
City Recorder ** (London, 1310 ) £15 (3600d) Surgeon, Senior * £25 (6000d)
Clerk, Common ** £2/10/- Swineherd … 10/- (120d)
Head Clerk of Household (Noble) † £6/1/8 (1460d) Thatcher’s Mate … £1/15/- (420d)
Clerk (Head), London Mint †£13/13/9 (3280d) Thatcher Ý £3/1/3 (735d)
Clerk (Head), Canterbury Mint †£13/6/8 (3203d) Town Clerk (London, 1310)** £10 (2400d)
Clerk, Parish ** and/or † £1 (240d) Vicar, Stipendiary (Average) … £3 (720d)
Clerk, Senior, Royal Court ** £136/17/6 (2920d) Warden, London Mint ** £36/10/- (8760d)
Clerk, Junior, Royal Court **£36/10/- (8760d) Warden, London Bridge … £10 (2400d)
Cook, Head, Noble Household † £15/4/2 (36500d) Weaver, Apprentice … 10-15/- (120-180d)
Cook, Master, Noble Household †£3/0/10 (730d) Weaver, Journeyman … £2/13/4 (640d)
Cooper, Apprentice † 7/6–10s (90-120d) Weaver, Master Ý £5/6/8 (1280d)\
Cooper, Journeyman … £1/13/4 (400d)
Cooper, Master Ý £3/6/8 (800d)
Curate, Stipendiary * or … £2 (480d) Archers £4/11/3 (1095d)
Dairy Maid * or … 6/- (72d) Archers, Mounted £9/2/6 (2190d)
Die-Keeper, Canterbury Mint £4/11/3 (1095d) Centenars & Constables £17/16/- (4272d)
Die-Keeper, London Mint £9/2/6 (2190d)\ Esquire (aka Squire) £17/16/- (4272d)
Goldsmith, Journeyman … £15–£25 (3600-6000d) Hobilar (Light Cavalry) £9/2/6 (2190d)
Goldsmith, Master Ý £30–£50 (7200-12000d) Knight £35/12/- (8544d)
Goldsmith-Banker Ý £100+ (24000d) Knight Banneret £71/4/- (17088d)
Herald † £17/16/- (4272d) Man-at-Arms, Armoured Infantry £9/2/6 (2190d)
Royal Justice † (Judge) £100 (24000d) Man-at-Arms, Mercenary £17/16/- (4272d)
Sailing Master (Ship) £9/2/6 (2190d)
Sailor £4/11/3 (1095d)
Vintenars £9/2/6d (2190d)
Vintenars of the Welsh £6/1/8 (1460d)
Welsh Infantry (Spearmen) £3/-/10 (730d)

282
A
P
P
E
N
D
I
C
E
S

283
 CHURCH & RELIGION
The Church played a huge role in the economic,
political and social life of Europe, both East and West
– but what did it provide in the way of ‘goods’ and
‘services’ for the populace?
CHURCH AS SERVICE PROVIDER
PARISHES & PARISHIONERS
Almost every Christian belonged, at least nominally,
to a local Church – and paid a Tithe (10%) of their
income as a direct impost for its services. They also (at
least in England) paid other imposts at certain life
events – such as their second best beast as death duty
(the Manorial Lord got their best animal).
What, exactly, did they get in return?
The right to attend Church services?
Yes, but anyone could do that, even someone from
another Parish who happened to be away from home.
The right to make Confession?
Yes, but, again, anyone could do that.
The right to be married in the Church?
Sort of. A valid marriage needed neither Priest nor a
Church ceremony (or even that it be held at a Church).
It didn’t even require a witness – though it might be
difficult to prove its existence if there were none …
many cases heard in Ecclesiastical Courts were to do
with issues arising from this sort of thing.
Most marriages were, in fact, ‘performed’ in the Church-
yard or on the Porch of the Church (which is why the
Porch is often so elaborate) as a way of making them
explicitly public. But there was no requirement for a
Priest to officiate.
284
The right to be buried in the Churchyard and to
have a Mass for the Dead said for the deceased?
Usually, though the allocated plot was not ‘in perpet-
uity’ as is common in the modern era … bodies were
eventually disinterred and the bones disarticulated to
be stored elsewhere, often in Charnel Houses.
The Mass was, of course, in a sense paid for by the
death tax the deceased or their family was charged.
However, the Parish Priest always seems to have found
‘extra’ charges for performing these services – even
though they had nominally already been paid for.
The right to receive Alms?
Theoretically. But mostly only theoretically. A set
portion of the Tithes collected were supposed to be
used for poor relief.
Surviving records show that, whatever the portion
supposedly was (and the belief of the parishioners was
invariably wildly different to the Church authorities), it
was rarely allocated and what was was extremely
difficult for all but the most dire cases to access.
Chantry Masses: A series of Masses said in the name
of a dead person in the belief that each Mass would
shorten their time in Purgatory. This was usually a set
number to be said over a set, usually terminating,
period of time – but well-to-do families could (and did)
pay for perpetual Chantry Masses by offering an
endowment to the Church as an investment.
The cost could vary as for the Special Masses (qv)
mentioned below, but a common arrangement was for
a month’s Masses, one said each week, for a slight
discount on the 1-6d rate for a Special Mass … and, of
course, more elaborate ceremonies could be paid for.
Indulgences: An Indulgence was a remission of time
that would otherwise be spent in Purgatory in return
for some penance, service or money payment made to
the Church.
Most Indulgences during the 11th-14th centuries in-
volved performing penances (saying a specific prayer
over and over, fasting in non-fasting periods, going on
a specific pilgrimage) or services (typically going on
Crusade) but it was increasingly possible to gain a
remission for paying money for specific purposes …
repairs or extensions to a Church, building and en-
dowing a Hospice and the like.

The gross abuse of the idea only started late in the 14th
century and only became blatant enough to earn the
excoriation by Luther and others in the 15th century.
How much did an ‘Indulgence’ cost – how much could
you afford?
Pilgrimage Badges: To show one had been on a
pilgrimage it was the practise, certainly by the 14th
century and probably much earlier, to secure Badge
at the sanctuary. These were usually mass produced of
cheap materials (bone, pewter or lead), but there was
also a market for more expensive ones for the well-to-
do … silver (or silver-plated), silver-gilt or even gold.
A dozen cheap pewter Badges cost around 1d and
would normally be sold for a penny each – securing a
nice profit for the seller. Bone badges were about half
the price or less. Some were even made of cloth and
were intended to be sewn onto a Cap or Cloak – and
could be made of Cloth of Gold for the wealthy.
The Church or Shrine itself usually didn’t sell the
Badges, they sold the rights to do so on land in close
proximity to the Shrine to private individuals.
Special Masses: To say a special Mass was, of course,
extra – typically a Priest could be contracted to do so
for 1-6d (usually depending on the perceived social
class of the person making the request), but usually
1-2d in a rural Parish and 3-4d in an Urban one.
This fee covered a basic service with minimal extras
(perhaps the lighting of a single Taper, for example).
More elaborate services could cost 1/- (12d) or more
and included more and larger candles and, in some
cases, the use of a Choir as well, though the real
expenses would be for Chantry Masses (qv)
What constituted a ‘special’ Mass?
Pretty much anything the Priest said … though, again, it
was more likely to be pitched to the obviously well-to-do
rather than to the poor.
A
P
P
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RELICS & RELIQUARIES
N
D
There was huge competition between Churches to
have a ‘holy draw card’ to attract pilgrims or patron-
I
age – and a common way of doing this was to secure a
Relic, an object related to a Saint or other Holy
person, often a body part (or the whole body if
possible) or some personal item that had belonged to
them … and it was not uncommon for rival Parishes
to steal relics or parts of relics from others!
C
E
How many of these relics were really Holy objects?
Almost certainly very few – very likely none at all.
Certainly the number of thorns from the Crown of
S
Thorns, Nails from Christ’s Cross and the like would
constitute the entirety of a forest of thorn bushes or
the output of an entire smithy for many months.
It is pretty likely that in many cases the Priests or
Monks involved faked the relics – or knew or suspected
they were fakes – and civilian benefactors seem to
have been particularly credulous, especially those
who bought their ‘relic’ on a pilgrimage to the Holy
Lands where there existed a perpetual market of fakes
of varying qualities and prices to meet the means of
anyone credulous enough to buy the seller’s patter.
That said, it was believed that merely having been in
prolonged contact with a Holy Relic, or at the site of
a Miracle, ‘rubbed off’ on an object – so, in that sense,
some of the ‘relics’ may have had some element of
holiness to them.
Cost: Basic, 1-6d each (mostly 1-2d in a Rural Parish,
3-4d in an Urban one); Elaborate, 1/- (12d) or more.
Sometimes free, but possibly up to 1d.
However much the seller believed they could get out
of the buyer. 285
 MANORS & CASTLES
MANORS
WHAT’S A MANOR?
Theoretically a Manor is equal to a Knight’s Fee,
enough to support a Knight and his family and allow
him to buy and maintain the armour, weapons,
horse(s) and other personnel and equipment needed
to support him for the 30 (or more) days of Feudal
Service he owed the Lord from whom he held it.
In reality, this was increasingly not necessarily the
case – certainly by the 12th century, and increasingly
thereafter, a Manor might only be counted as the
equivalent of a fraction of a Knight’s Fee … or as being
worth more than a single Knight’s fee. In addition, it
was common for Knights (and Lords) to own more
than one Manor of varying extents.
An ‘average’ Manor deemed sufficient to support that
single Knight and his family was nominally around
1200-1800 acres, at least in England, though the
amount of land depended on how rich it was and how
it was divided.
Typically a Manorial estate would be divided into
three parts – about 30-60% was held by Tenants (Serfs
mainly, but some Freeholders), about 20-30% was the
Demesne (the Lord’s lands) and the remainder was
either Commons (Meadow/Pasturage) and Woodland.
There was really no such thing as a ‘typical’ Manorial
Estate – not as far as the acreage or even the division of
lands were concerned … but it is a useful fiction.
By the mid-14th century it was deemed that the minim-
um income produced by something that could be
called a Manorial Estate should have been around
£40 pa – period records indicate incomes of those
identified as Knights (about 6000 families across all
of England) ranged from £40-400 per annum.
A Medieval Manor House
286
The majority of those ‘Knightly’ families had incomes of
£100 or less, very few had incomes of £101-400.
Even at the lower end of that spectrum it would have
been unusual for a ‘Knight’ to have a single, geo-
graphically consolidated, estate by that period – and
at the higher end it would have been routine for them
to have multiple landholdings across a wide area.
A lesser estate, for those rated as Esquires, and who
would have performed military service as a Serjeant,
the minimum income was rated at £20 per annum
and was almost always less than the £40 deemed the
minimum for a Knight – and, again, it is unlikely that
the lands producing the income would have been
geographically consolidated.
A small number of Esquires and Gentry (the latter norm-
ally with £10-19) had incomes in excess of these ranges
– most of this latter group were urban Merchants or some
of the richer urban Guildsmen, and the bulk of their
income came from trade and commerce with any landed
property usually being secondary by far.
Barons and above (about 70 families across all of
England) had incomes of £300-2500 – though the
overwhelming majority had only £1000 or less per
annum. A handful of the highest nobles in the land
had incomes of £3500-4000. None of these would
have had geographically consolidated estates.
The best way of handling any landed property that
comes into the hands of PCs in a campaign is to
simply rate the average amount of income it generates
in a year rather than jump through all sorts of hoops.
You can assume it all comes from one estate or you
can split it between several locations – the former
option is easier for PC management but the latter is
more historically realistic.
The minimum for a ‘Knight’s Fee’ means income
producing land of £40 pa at a bare minimum.
ACQUIRING AN ESTATE
PCs can acquire landed property in one of three ways
– inherit it, be given it, or buy it.
· Inheritance is more or less self-explanatory and
will be part of the PC’s background in whatever
game system you have chosen to use.
· Grants may be for life (more and more common as
the period goes on) or in perpetuity.

Life grants may be given as a retirement income, and
not involve any military service obligation – in which
case they will probably be worth less than the mini-
mum for a Knight’s Fee and somewhere above what
would be required to support an Esquire/Serjeant.
Grants in perpetuity will have the normal range of
feudal service obligations attached – such grants are
increasingly uncommon, but never entirely cease, as
the period progresses.
· Buying an Estate becomes increasingly common as
the period progresses.
What did land cost to buy? Usually around 6-8
times the yearly income it produced (probably net
rather than the gross) – and the average net
income from land (that’s averaged across a whole
Manor, including farmland, commons, woods and
waste land, so the cost per acre of farm land was
obviously much higher!) seems to have been 6-12d
per acre during the 14th century.
Assuming a Knight’s Fee/Manorial Estate of 1200
acres, that would give an income of £30-60 and,
therefore a purchase price of £180-480.
There would, of course, be obvious variables for the
existence of non-income producing elements present
on the Manor – for example, a Castle of any sort
would add value, even a well-built stone Manor
House or a number of particularly well constructed
(probably stone) barns, granaries and the like.
It really isn’t possible to give a definitive value-add to
the purchase price for such additions – except to say
they would add value.
CASTLES & MANOR HOUSES
Houses were no cheaper in the Middle Ages than they
are today – in fact, they were more expensive in
relative terms, especially those designed for elite use
such as Manor Houses and Castles.
MANOR HOUSES
These are not Castles – and may not even be fortified,
though most had some secure features included in
their basic structure.
They might be either Half-Timbered or Stone built
depending on the wealth of the estate – or even a
combination of the two methods.
They almost always formed part of a complex of
buildings connected with the manorial Demesne (the
Lord’s direct holdings) and were invariably separated
from the rest of the Manor by, at the very minimum,
a ditch and mound, or, more commonly, some sort of
wood or stone wall.
A
P
P
E
N
D
FRAMLINGHAM MANOR, 1270
Land & Related Income: 413 acres of Demesne
land, profit per acre, 6d (£10/6/6, 2478d); Rents from
I
Free Tenants, £13 (3120d); Rents from Customary
Tenants, £12/13/8½ (3044½d); Tolls, £2 (480d);
Lease of 3 Mills @ £1 each, £3 (720d); 21 acres of Hay
Meadow @ 2/- profit per acre, £2/2/- (504d); Pasture,
10/- (120d) per annum; Ditched Pasture, 4/- (48d);
Coppice (3 acres), 1/- per acres, 3/- (36d). Total =
£43/19/2½d (10550½d) C
E
Labour Service: 4262 customary work (days), 1d
each, £17/15/2 (4262d); 800 Summer work (days), ½d
S
each, £1/13/4 (400d). Total = £19/8/6 (4662d).
This could be commuted in return for a yearly cash
payment or, less commonly, by a larger one-off payment
in perpetuity … in effect converting the Serf into a
Freeman if the entire labour due was bought off.
Other Feudal Dues: 160 Hens, 1d each, 13/4 (160d);
1500 Eggs, 3d/100, 3/9 (45d); Fishery, 5/- (60d);
Court Income (Fines & Fees), £2/10/- (600d). Total
£3/12/1 (865d).
Church Living: £5/6/8 (1280d)
After hiring a Curate? Or what the Glebe was worth (i.e.
the lands attached to the Church) – but not including
any Tithes owed by the residents.
Grand Total: £72/6/5½d (17357½d)
Nominal Purchase price, £433/18/9 to £578/11/8
(104145-138860d)
This is a rather larger and more valuable manor than
the minimum that would be expected as a Knight’s Fee.
Land prices fluctuated wildly in the 14th century (the
Great Famine, the Black Death, the 100 Years War all
had an impact) so the income, and nominal purchase
price could vary, based on averages from across the
country by 10-15% either way.
287
 The ‘associated buildings’ would include a separate
Kitchen plus farm buildings – stables, granaries, dairies,
dovecotes and the like.
The ‘walls’ around the Manor-House compound rarely,
if ever, had walkways or crenelations – and the Manor
House, if stone, was often included as part of the
‘walled’ perimeter to save money.
Wooden Manors were larger, multi-roomed, buildings
similar in basic style to Peasant dwellings, but more
elaborate and more solidly constructed.
Stone-build Manors were always built with security
features – commonly this meant a main entry on the
upper floor, reached by narrow stairs (if there is a
door on the ground floor this was often to a stable or
storage area which had no access (or no easy access)
to the main floors above) to prevent battering rams
from being brought into play.
Only the upper storeys will have windows and there
will be few of them, and those that exist will be tiny by
modern standards.
Because each one is unique, it is impossible to give
more than a ball-park estimate.
Wooden Manor Houses seem to fall into the range
£25-30 for a two storey structure (Hall and public
rooms on the ground floor, private rooms on half the
upper floor … the rest is simply additional open space
over the Great Hall). Additional wings could be added
to this basic structure for £10-15 depending on size.
You could have one of these put up in the course of a
single Summer. Note that ‘wood’ would normally mean
half-timbered … with a timber frame (spaces between the
framing being filled by wickerwork which was daubed
with clay, which would then be whitewashed).
288
Stone Manor Houses cost £50-75 for a two storey
structure, stables below and Hall and private rooms
above (cost variation is directly proportional to the
size of the floorplan). Additional storeys add £15-20
for each one … typically no more than 3-4 storeys all
up (or £65-105) but possibly as many as 5-6 in areas
that were deemed less secure.
The smaller, cheaper, versions would take around 5-6
months to complete – from mid-Spring to mid-Autumn.
Larger ones would take the best part of two years on the
same basis.
Brick Gothic: In those parts of Europe (Eastern
Germany, the Baltics and Poland, for example) where
stone was not available locally it was possible to build
Manors in locally fired brick. Depending on the avail-
ability of fuel and how far the raw materials had to be
transported this would typically cost a great deal more
than stone construction would have in locations where
stone could be quarried locally – a minimum of 25%
and up to 100% more, and yet it would still be less
than the cost of bringing in stone.
CASTLES
Castles ranged from stand-alone towers through a
single tower surrounded by (or forming part of) a
crenellated wall to concentric castles with a central
Keep surrounded by at least two separate sets of
crenellated walls incorporating wall towers – and were
bloody expensive
Depending on how large and elaborate they were they
could take 5-10 years to complete even to their initial
plan. Later additions might be spread over double
that amount of time in dribs and drabs.
Estimated figures suggest that an average sort of wooden
Castle on a 16’ Motte (40’ wide at the summit) would
have taken about 6-8 weeks to complete and cost
perhaps £15-20.
A small, stand-alone Square Tower (i.e. with no circuit
walls or external buildings) of ~40’ x 40’ and 50’ to the
parapet cost around £200.
A square Keep, 17½ x 10 meters and 16 meters high
with walls ~1½ meters thick (faced with stone with a
rubble fill) integrated into a curtain wall with a stone
gate-tower complex. The higher figure applies to the 11th
century, the lower figure to the 12th century when
improved technology and techniques come into play.
Material Costs (From from lands owned by the Castle
builder, so only labour and transport cost applies) =
£1925-2141. Labour Costs = £957-1167. Total Cost =
£2582-3308.

However, if you assume that most of the grunt labour is
provided as feudal (i.e. unpaid) service, you can reduce
the costs by a half to two thirds – so the actual cost is
reduced to £860-1650.
The average workforce is 450 workers required during
the construction season each year for two years. Actual
Wage costs are difficult to estimate as many workers for
most would have been unpaid corvee working out
Feudal dues – but it’ll very likely be within ranges
indicated.
In 27 years (1277-1304) Edward 1 spent £78267 on
building ten castles in Wales – including Beaumaris
(1284- but still incomplete in 1330, by which time
£15,000 had been spent), Caernarvon (1283 on, and
when work was stopped in 1330 at least £20,000 and
perhaps as much as £25000 had been spent), Conway
(1283-1289, ~£15000 spent on completion), Harlech
(1282-89, ~£8190 at completion) and Rhuddlan (1277-
1282, ~£9613 at completion).
Dover Castle (Henry II) cost ~£6500 – it was refurb-
ished and added to by Richard I (~£1000) and then by
John I (~£2000), major works by Henry III for another
~£6500, or about ~£16,000 all up. It has been estimat-
ed that, if the castle had been constructed all at once
(well, if it had been under continuous construction) it
would have cost ~£10000.
Chateau Gaillard, built for the French crown, cost an
estimated £15-20,000 over three years, 1196-1198.
A front line garrison for a major castle, such as one of
those described opposite, would consist of a Castellan,
3-4 Knights and 25-35 Archers or Men-at-Arms, would
cost £300-400 per annum, to which you would need
to add another £80-125 for rations and that doesn’t
include the Blacksmith, Carpenter and other crafts-
men and labourers who would be needed (including
Kitchen and Household staff), nor does it include the
cost of food and fodder for the garrison’s mounts and
draught animals, probably another £75-150.
Total Cost = £455-675 per annum.
In theory, you can rotate Knights owing Feudal service
through the garrison over the course of the year, cutting
out their salaries, but you need the Castellan, Archers,
Men-at-Arms and maintenance staff at a very minimum.
Also note that this is a ‘’front line’ (well, ‘Conquest of
Wales’) establishment – a Castellan and maybe a third
of the Archers/Men-at-Arms and support staff in peace-
time costs maybe 30% of that (£150-225).
There was usually space inside the walls of a typical
castle for 5-10 times the peacetime or ‘front line’
ABANDONED & UNUSED CASTLES
A
It was not uncommon for the original reason for a
castle’s construction to, either gradually or quickly,
evaporate – and, since they were expensive beasts not
only to build but also to maintain, the natural result
of changed circumstances was for the owner to do one
of four things – abandon them to natural decay, P
P
deliberately slight (destroy) them, gradually (or quick-
ly) strip them of useful building materials for other
purposes … or convert them to other uses.
E
Castles were maintenance hogs and abandonment
would quickly render the inhabited parts … uninhabit-
able. Wooden structures, or the wooden parts of stone
ones, were always the first to be (progressively) affect-
ed, and the roof was usually the source of this decay N
D
– letting water into the rest of the structure as leaks
appear and multiply.
I
Even the stone parts will be progressively affected by
rising damp, general water damage, and also by the
growth of invasive plants in the mortar holding the
walls together.
If a Castle was situated in a contended area, then it C
E
was often desirable for the side abandoning it to
make it unusable for anyone else who might come
along wanting to occupy it.
Before the arrival of gunpowder this was commonly
done by setting it ablaze, even the stone bits will be
badly affected as there is enough wood inside even
S
them to damage the walls and ruin the mortar.
More time consuming, and of only short term effect-
iveness, was to remove the main gates by hacking
them down and/or removing the hinges (or, in the
case of a Portcullis or Drawbridge, removing the
chains or ropes and other mechanisms used to raise
or lower them
There’s a lot of ironwork in a castle and it can easily
be stripped out and recycled. Likewise, the wood,
especially the larger timbers, and the already cut and
shaped stonework are cheap and easy to ‘mine.’
In some cases, where the castle is suitably located, it
could be possible to use the basic structure as the
basis for a residence …
In general, you do not find abandoned castles in any-
thing like a usable condition and it will take many
months, even many years, to restore them to anything
like real usability as castles (though you can probably
camp inside them) … despite what any number of RPG
modules might imply.
289
 MANORIAL ESTATES
An Estate equivalent to a Knight’s Fee had to theoret-
ically generate an income of £40 (and was usually
~1200-1800 acres)… though this was not always found
in the one geographically compact location. Poorer
Knights did exist, and they might have estates rated
as a portion of a Knight’s fee, dividing feudal service
and dues proportionally … but, generally, they
needed to hold an estate that generated an income of
at least £15 before they would be best downgraded to
the status (and dues) of Serjeants.
So, for example, a Knight holding property which
generated only £20 would owe a half-fee’s worth of
service – 15 days of a nominal 30 day feudal wartime
summons, for example.
An estate usually cost 6-8 times the average yearly
income to purchase – and average income per acre
was ~1/- (12d) by the 14th century.
So, that £40 Knight’s Fee estate would cost £240-320 to
purchase.
Wooden Manor Houses cost £25-30 for a basic two
storey structure. Additional wings could be added for
£10-15 each, depending on size. These would
normally be included in the base purchase price
garrison – but it was extremely uncommon for any
castle to be besieged with such a complement. And
that’s even if you include any locals who might have
decided to retire to the Castle for protection and who
can be dragooned into manning the walls.
Despite what some sources claim or imply, it was rarely
the case that ordinary locals would be allowed inside a
castle … that is, specifically, the local serfs and peasants.
The local gentry and any manorial lord and his retinue
who didn’t want to rely on the lesser protection of their
fortified Manor House would probably be welcome, and
might even had an advanced invitation to be present,
and, of course, any Knights and their retinue who are
feudal subordinates of the Castle owner.
Ordinary Serfs and Peasants were, as often as not, more
of a potential threat than a potential component of a
garrison … and were expected to scatter into the local
woods/forests or other inaccessible or relatively inaccess-
ible place. Then, of course, they’ll consume the food
stocks inside the castle for no good military return … and
the besieger is in no way obligated to allow them to leave
(and, in fact, is allowed to force them to remain if you
try and expel them … something that remains part of the
Laws of Land Warfare even in the modern world).

Stone Manor Houses cost £50-75 for a basic two

storey structure, stables below and Hall and private
rooms above. Additional storeys add £15-20 for each
one … usually no more than 3-4, but possibly as many
as 5-6 in areas that were deemed less secure. These
would be an addition to the base purchase price.

CASTLES
Small, Wood Castles cost ~£15-20.

Stand-alone (Stone) Towers cost ~£100-200.

Small-Medium Stone Castles cost ~£800-3500.

Large Stone Castles cost ~£5000-25000.

These prices are in addition to the cost of any

Manorial Estate that comes with them.

Some Medium Castles and almost all Large Castles

do not have any attached estates as such – only the
greatest (and richest) Nobles or Royalty have the
resources to build (and maintain) such, and this cost
is normally spread across their entire estate and tax
based income.

The cost of maintaining a castle is ~5-10% of the purch-

290 ase price per annum. Garrison costs are also additional
to any purchase or maintenance.
 I
Verdigris, 1 oz. 1½d
ALCHEMISTS (#88-97) White Lead, 1 oz.
LABORATORY EQUIPMENT
SELECT ALCHEMICAL SERVICES
Alchemical Furnace, Fixed
Alchemical Furnace, Table
Alembic, Copper, 5 gallons
10/- (120d)
7/6d (90d)
15/- (180d)
Concentrating a Potion +25%
Daily Hire, Practical Alchemist 5/- (60d) N
D
Alembic, Copper, 1 gallon 5/- (60d) Daily Hire, Mystical Alchemist 2/6- (30d)
Alembic, Glass, 1 gallon 10/- (120d) Gas to Liquid (Potion) +50%
Alembic, Glass, 1 pint 3/6d (42d) Gas to Powder (Potion) +75%

E
Aludel, Earthenware 9d Gas to Smoke (Potion) +25%
Aludel, Glass 3/- (36d) Liquid to Gas (Potion) +50%
Ampoule, Single Dose, Glass 2½d Liquid to Powder (Potion) +25%
Ampoule, Double Dose, Glass 3¼d Liquid to Smoke (Potion) +10%
Athanor, Fixed
Athanor, Table
\Beaker, Glass, Small
Beaker, Glass, Large
12/6 (150d)
6/3d (75d)
1½d
3d
Mix Known Compound £1/10/- (360d)
Mix Unknown Compound 15/- (180d)
Powder to Gas (Potion) +75%
Powder to Liquid (Potion) +10%
X
Bottle, Small, Earthenware (S) 3d Powder to Smoke (Potion) +25%
Bottle, Medium, Earthenware (S) 6d Purify Materials +25%
Bottle, Small, Glass (R) 1/- (12d) Weekly Hire, Practical Alchemist 5 Days
Bottle, Medium, Glass (R) 2/6d (30d) Weekly Hire, Mystical Alchemist 5 Days
Crucible, Small 1/- (12d)
Crucible, Medium 1/6d (18d)
Glass, Clear, 1 lb x1.5
Glassware, 1 lb 9d
Lab Consumables £1/6/- to £2/12/- (312-624d)
Lab Equipment £3 to £6 (720-1440d)
Mortar & Pestle, Small, Stone 9d
Mortar & Pestle, Small, Brass 1/6d (18d)
Pelican, Copper, 1 gallon 7/6d (90d)
Pelican, Glass, 1 pint 5/3d (63d)
Phial, Single Dose, Copper (R) 1½d
Phial, Single Dose, Glass 5d
Phial, Single Dose, Silver 1/- (12d)
Phial, Double Dose x2 base
Vas Hermeticum, Ceramic, 1 gallon 5/- (60d)
Vas Hermeticum, Glass, 1 pint 10/6d (126d)
Mystical Laboratory £10 (2400d)
Practical Laboratory £30 (7200d

SELECT PRODUCTS & RAW MATERIALS

Alcohol, Medicinal, 1 oz. (S) 3d

Alkali, 1 oz. 1d/2d
Alum, 1 oz. 4d
Antimony, 1 oz. 8d
Aqua Regia, 1 oz. 1/6 (18d)
Aqua Vitae, 1 oz. (R) 1/- (12d)
Balm of Gilead, 1 oz. 10/- (120d)
Balsam, 1 oz. (S) 1/- (12d)
Cinnabar, 1 oz. 1/- (12d)
Hydrochloric Acid, 1 oz. 4d
Mercury, 1 oz 2/- (24d)
Nitric Acid, 1 oz. 8d
Orpiment, 1 oz. 6d
Sal Ammoniac, 1 oz. 1d
Saltpeter, 1 oz. 1½d to 2d
Sulphur, 1 oz.
Sulphuric Acid, 1 oz.
1d
5d 291
 INDEX
–A– Assize of Beer & Ale 22, 80 Bought Firewood 84
Assize of Bread 20, 77, 80 Bows 143
Abandon 289 A Sword is a Sword is a Sword . . . 127 Bows 129
Abandoned & Unused Castles 289 At the beginning 155 Boyar (Cavalry) 111
Access 14, 235 At the Market 172 Boyar (Heavy Mounted Infantry) 111
Accessories 146, 272 Attempts to control Food prices 19 Boyar (Medium Mounted Infantry) 110
Accommodation 249, 280 Availability 55, 58, 222 Brick 87
Acquiring an Estate 286 Average Beverage Prices 80 Brigandine 103
Activated Base States 97 Average Crop Prices 77 Budgets 19
Activity 59, 65 Average Daily Food Requirements 184 Building, buying & manning a ship 263, 281
Activity Factors 57 Average Dairy & Fish Prices 79 Bulk Purchases 96
Ad Valorem Tolls in England 5 Average Fuel & Lighting Prices 83 Bullion & Banks 30, 272
AD&D, D&D 3-3.5 & Pathfinder 120, 122 Average Lamp Oil & Cloth Prices 84 Bullion & Banks – Money & Commerce 48
Additional Services 284 Average Metal Prices 85 Bullion & Banks – Money matters 47
A French Noble’s Mortgage, 1201 45 Average Misc. Goods Prices 86 Bullion Inflation 61
Agent & Thief Careers 142 Average Pastoral Product Prices 78 Burgage Rent 8
Agility 117, 119 Average Spice Prices 82 Burn Time 243
Agility & Dexterity 119 Average Sugars & Sweeteners Prices 81 Business Hours 171
Aids 24, 29 Axes 128 Business Organisation 46
Aketon 101 Axles 247 Business, Commerce & Profitability 17
A Kitchen Complete . . . 210 Businesses & Businessmen 7
Alchemists 270, 283 –B– Butchery 183
Alchemists & Alchemy 88 Buying an Estate 290
Alchemists & Alchemy – Goods & Services 89 Backsword (14th Century) 134 By foot 246
Alchemists & Magic 88 Baked Goods 174 By Horse 246
Alchemy for the Mystics 89 Bakers, Piemongers & Pastrycooks 169 By vehicle 246
Alcohol: Medical/Drinkable 90 Banco di San Giorgio 42
A Mortgage to the Hospitallers, 1231 45 Banking & Commerce 37 –C–
An Average Manor 286 Bank of Venice 42
An English Peasant’s Mortgage, 1317 45 The Black Death (1346-1353) 76 Camping for pleasure 144
Angon (Throwing/Thrusting) 137 Banning Merchants of Piacenza (1243) 13 Camping Gear 146, 144, 272
Animal/Fish Fats & Oils 236 Barbarians – Foot 140 Camping, Legalities of 144
Annuities 43 Barbarians – Mounted 141 Candles – Tallow & Wax 85
Annuities & Corrodies 42, 48, 272 Bard 141 Candles & Tapers 238, 278
A Note on Cost & Weight 101, 128 Barter 30 Cargo & Passage Costs 266, 281
A Note on the Figures 9 Bascinet 102 Cargo and Related Costs 252, 281
A Pound is a Pfund is a Librum is a £! 31 Baselard (14th century) 133 Carpenter’s Tools 191, 276
Appendices 283 Basic Denominations 34 Carpentry & Building 185
A Privately purchased Corrody, 1390’s 44 Basic Weapon Types 127 Carvel Built 263
Arbalest 129 Battle Damage 126 Castle Garrisons 289
Archers & Archery 142 Bedding 201, 277 Castles 288, 290
A Reward for Royal Service, 1360s 44 Beds & Bedding 147, 272 Castles & Manor Houses 287
Arming Sword 134 Beeswax 86, 236 Cavalry Spear (Thrusting) 137
Armour 98 Better off, The 156 Cereals & Legumes 77
Armour – Practicalities 116 Bill (Thrusting) 137 Cervelliere 103
Armour – What’s available 101 Bills of Exchange 38 Champagne Fair(s) 13
Armour can be Decorative 115 Blacksmiths 186 Chainmail et al 98
Armour is durable 115 Blacksmith’s Tools 187, 276 Changing Purpose 16
Armour Rules – Optional & Otherwise 119 Body Armour & Helmets 101 Charcoal 85
Armour, Helmets, Shields 271, 282 Bolts 130 Charlatans 88
Armourers 185 Books & Booksellers 217 Chop Houses, Ordinaries & Taverns 169
Armour Longevity) 100 Books & Scrolls 215, 222, 278 Church & Religion 284
Armoury, The 98 Bookstores 217 Church as Service Provider 284

292 Arrows
A Spanish Peasant’s Mortgage, 1158 45
130 Boom & Bust
Boston Fair (June)
50
11
Church & University Libraries 235
Civic Tenements: Buy or Rent? 8
 I
Civilian Craft/Profession Yearly Pay71, 282 –D– Famine or Hunger? 51
Class & Proficiency 140 Famine Quantified 53
Cleric & Druid 141 D&D & Pathfinder 142 Far Byzantium 249
Clinker Built 263 D&D, Pathfinder, RQ & Mythas 244 Farmer, Herder, Hunter Careers 142
Cloth
Cloth Prices
Cloth Type
86
157, 273
157, 273
Daggers
Daily movement . . .
Daily or Weekly Shop. 172, 274
133
262
Farms & Farming 163, 164 274
Fatigue
Feast & Famine
122
51 N
D
Clothes & Fashion 155, 273 Dairy Component Breakdown 75 Field Rations 178, 275
Clothes & Fashion – Availability 156 Damage & Maintenance 123 Fields, The 163
Clothing Prices (Samples)160, 273 Dealing with Battle Damage 126 Fighter 141

E
Clubs & Maces 133 Debasement 32, 61 Financing and assisting Commerce 38
Coal 85 Decoration 222 Finding a Book . . . 219
Coat of Plates 103 Defining Famine 51 Fine Work 185
Codices 215 Developments 155 Fish Oil 236
Coif
Coin
Coinage 101
Combat Styles – RQ/Mythas 142
104
30
47
Dexterity

Dining Out
Documentary Problems
119
Dining at an Ordinary/Inn/Tavern 172, 274
172
40
Floor coverings
Floor coverings
Food
Food & Technology
277
203
274
62
X
Commenda (Societas Maris) 48 Domesday Toll Farms(~1086) 5 Food: Fast & Otherwise 167, 172
Commenda & Societas Terrae 48, 272 Drink Component Breakdown 75 Food: Foraging, Nutrition, Preservation 183
Commenda Contracts/Businesses 46 Drivers 248 Foot Serjeant (Early) 111
Commercial Activities 4 Druzhina 110 Foot Serjeant (Late) 111
Commercial Interest Rates 40, 48, 272 Ducal Kitchen, The 208 Foraging 183
Commercial Loans 41 Dublin, 1250 17 Foreign Trade 22
Commercial Paper 48, 272 Format (Size & Bulk) 222
Compagnia-Societas Terrae 46 –E– Framlingham Manor, 1270 287
Comparative Grain Prices 22 France (£ Tournois) 29
Comparing Wages and Prices 64 East Roman Denominations 36 Frankfurter Messe (~August 15th) 14
Compasses 262 East, The 218 French Coinage 34
Competition & Relations with the Locals 15 Eastern Cavalry 113 French Famines 54
Composite Bow 131 Eastern Mediterranean 36 French Gold Coins 34
Confectionery 175, 275 Eating at Home 167 French Silver Coins 32, 34
Conical Helmet 104 Eating In : Eating Out 167 Frequency & Hours of Operation 6, 12
Consequences 47 Eating out 168 Fresh Bread & Baked Goods 174, 275
Containers & Load Carrying 149, 273 Economic Management 19 Fuel & Lighting 84
Continent, The 29 Economics 53 Fuel Component Breakdown 75
Continental Bread Laws 78 Economics of the Fairs 15 Furnishings 201
Continental Stews & Brothels 28 Encumbrance 116, 119, 120 Furniture 198, 204, 277
Continental Tolls 18 Elite, The 156 Futures & Commodities Trade 41
Contracting for a Book . . . 217 Elite, Urban Household 199
Contractum Trinius 37 England 29 –G–
Convert 289 English Coinage and Denominations 33
Cooking at Home 167 English Fair Cycle 11 Gambeson (aka ‘Padded Jack’) 104
Cookshop Meals 174, 275 English Famines 53 Gathered Firewood 84
Cookshops 170 English Silver Coins 32 General Ad Valorem Tolls in England 18, 279
Consumer Basket, 1200-1400 69 English Stews & Brothels 27 General Purpose Markets 4
Copper & Goldsmith’s Tools 193, 276 Enhancement Type 158, 273 German Coinage 35
Coppersmith 186 Equipment & Gear 254, 281 German Famines 54
Copying a Book 216 Equipping & Unequipping 118 German Gold Coinage 35
Corrodies 43 Erfurt Beer Law, 1351 25 German Silver Coins 35
Cost of Living Estimates 70 Estoc (14th Century) 134 Gold Coin: Florins & Things 31
Cost of Living, Modern 70 External & Internal Layout 10, 11 Gold Coinage 35, 36
Coverage 119 Gold vs Silver 64
Crop Rotation 163 –F– Gold:Silver Exchange Rate 48, 272
Crossbow 132 Goldsmiths 186
Cudgel 133 Fairs 11, 13 Great Famine (1315-1317) 76
Curfew – What it was/wasn’t 171 Falchion (13th-14th Century) 135 Great Helm 104
Customs Duties 29, 280 Famine 65 Ground Rent 8
Famine & Pestilence
Famine Frequency
54
52 293
 –H– –J– Making a profit 44
Manor Houses 287, 290
Hafted Falchion – ‘Glaive’) 137 Jack (aka ‘Jack of Plates’) 105 Manorial Estates 290
Halberd (Thrusting) 138 Manorial Income 286
Hand and a Half Sword 136 –K– Manors 286
Hanseatic League 14 Manors & Castles 286
Hardware & Tools 185, 187, 276 Kitchen & Table 277 Manor & its Lands 163
Harness 248 Kitchen & Table – Crockery, Cutlery & Contents 211 Man-Made Variation 52
Heater Shield 108 Kitchens 208 Marketplace Basics 50, 65, 279
Heavy Physical Activity 184 Kite Shield 108 Markets 2
Helmets 100 Knight 112 Markets & Fairs 279
Herbs & Common Seasonings 181 Knightly & Other Income 286 Markets, Fairs & Shops 2
Herbs, Seasonings & Spices 181, 276 Knight’s Sword 135 Markets, Fairs & Shops – Prices 17
Here & Now Availability 59, 65 Maslin 53
Highways, Roads & Tracks 145 –L– Master Price List 270
Historical-Informal Markets 2 Materials 231, 278
Hobelar or Turcopole 112 Laboratory Equipment 89, 270, 283 Materials 231
Home & Furnishings 198, 277 Lamellar 105 Maximum Speeds 262
Home-Baked Bread 78 Lamp Oil 86 Measurement 76
Honey 81 Lance (Thrusting) 138 Meat Component Breakdown 75
Honey in Medicine 82 Land Taxes 20 Meat, Dairy & Poultry 79
Horseshoes 247 Land Transport 249 Medieval Beverages 80
Hounskull 105 Latitude 262 Medieval Cost of Living 70
How fast did the Letters travel . . . 221 Law & Order 14 Medieval Dairy Products 79
How many Books? 218 Learning & Letters 215, 278 Medieval East, The 218
How much Money? 47 Leather 98 Medieval Futures 48, 272
How much does a Manor House Cost 288 Legal Definitions 20 Medieval German Fairs (Messe) 14
How to use the existing figures 68 Leipziger Messe (Spring) 14 Medieval Home 198
Hubs 248 Letters and Communication 220 Medieval Illumination 236
Hucksters 171 Letters of Credit 41 Medieval Livestock 79
Hunger 52 Levee en Masse 109 Medieval Merchant Banks 38
Hunting, Foraging, Firewood etc. 145 Libraries 217, 235, 278 Medieval Mortgages 45
Huscarl 110 Light (Skirmish) Cavalry 114 Medieval vs. Modern 64
Hygiene 206, 277 Light Component Breakdown 75 Medieval West, The 218
Lighting 238, 278 Men’s Clothing 155
–I– Lighting 238 Mercantilism 19
Lighting the way . . . 238 Merchant’s Kitchen 209
Iberian Coinage 35 Livestock 257, 281 Metal Weapons 143
Illumination – Lumens & Lux 243 Load Carrying & Encumbrance 152 Metals 87
Import-Export (Customs) Duties 22 Location, Location, Location 6 Meysham, 1272 18
Import-Export Licenses 29, 280 Longbow 132 Middling Sort 156
Import-Export Licensing 23 Longitude 262 Military Incendiaries 242
Imported Spices 181 Loose Leaves 215 Military Wages Yearly Pay 74, 282
Impoverished Knights 113 Lugged/Winged Spear (Thrusting) 138 Minor Stone Castle 288
Index 291 Lumens 243 Minor Wood Castle 288
Index Number problem 64 Lux 244 Miscellaneous Goods 87
In Game Maintenance 124 Misc. Tools & Gear 194, 276
In Season 65, 279 –M– Misericorde 134
Incendiaries 86, 242 Mixed Wood/Metal Weapons 143
Increasing Frequency 6 Mace 133 Money 30
Inflation 61 Mahaddab/Scimitar 136 Money Supply, England & France 32
Inflation & Price Variability 60 Mail 106 Moneylenders 48
Iron 87 Maintenance & Damage 143 Moneylenders & Pawnbrokers 44, 48, 272
Italian Coinage 34 Maintenance & Upkeep 259,281 Monk 142
Italian Gold Coins 35 Maintenance & Upkeep 259 Monopolies 25, 29
Italian Silver Coins 34 Maintenance/Things fall apart 123 Mortgages 272
Italy 29 Major Disruptors 76 Mortgages 45, 48
Major Economic Cycles 50 Mounted Archer 114
294 Major Stone Castles
Makeshift Incendiaries
289
242
Mounted Serjeant
Moveable Property
114
21
 I
Mystical Alchemists 88 Pike (12th century on) 139 –S–
Plan & Facilities 3, 12
–N– Plant Resins/Saps 236 Saddles 247
Plenty 52 Sailor Career 142
National Experiences of Famine
Nature and the Scale of the Work 88
Noble Households 200
53 Ploughing
Poor, The
Poor Rural Household
59, 65, 163
156
198
Sales Taxes
Salted Food
Sample Businessmen
23, 29, 280
184
7 N
D
Nominal vs actual value 32 Poor Urban Household 198 Sample Cavalry Armour Sets 111
Non-Bank Finance 42 Population Based Levels 55 Sample Coin Weights 32
Non-European Leather Armour 99 Practical Alchemists 88 Sample Infantry Armour Sets 109

E
Northampton Fair (November) 11 Practicalities 156 Sample Interest Rates 40
Northampton, 1224 17 Preservation 184 Sample Market Tolls 17
NSA (aka ‘No Such Armour’) 98 Preserved Foods 178 SCA & LARP Leather Armour 99
Nutrition 184 Preventative Maintenance 123 Scale 108
Nutritional Ratings

–O–
184 Price Variation
Pricing Armour
Printed Books . . .
Private Libraries
62, 65, 279
115
216
235
Scout Career
Scribes & Notaries
Scribes, Notaries & the Law
Scrolls
142
220
232, 278
215
X
Of Stalls in the Market (Arras, 1036) 3 Problems with Medieval Wage Data 66 Sea Transport 263
Officers 13 Problem of Usury 37 Seafaring Technologies 262
Official Weigh Station (1174) 13 Problem with Wheat, The 52 Seasonal Food Availability 65, 279
Oil Lamps 240, 279 Processing & Storage 79 Seasonal Food Price Variability 63
Olive Oil 237 Productivity of Labour 64 Select Alchemical Services 96, 270, 283
One if by land . . . 246 Promissory Note (Secured), AD 1199 39 Select Fyrd/Levy 109
Opening Hours & Days 7 Promissory Notes 42 Select Products/Raw Materials 93, 270, 283
Orbis (http://orbis.stanford.edu) 261, 268 Property Taxes 29, 280 Selected Price Series 76, 77
Ordinance & Statute of the Staple, 1353 25 Property Taxes (Non-Feudal) 20 Service Descriptions 96
Ordinance of Stewholders, 1161 27 Protective Maintenance 143 Shamshir – Arab Sword 136
Other Causes 52 Purchasing Land 9 Sharpening 143
Other Interesting manipulations 37 Shields 100, 108
Other Metals 87 –Q– Shields & Decoration 115
Other Oils 237 Shields/Helmets – 1st Line of Defense 100
Other Seasonal Variabilities 63 Quantifying Armour 101 Shining a light on things . . . 243
Other Taxes 29, 280 Quantifying Weapons 128 Shipbuilding Technology 262
Other Taxes & Charges 24 Quarterstaff 139 Shop or Workshop? 7
Other uses 183 Quillon (‘Knightly’) Dagger 134 Shop Rental 17, 279
Outfits & Cloth 157, 273 Shops 7
Outfitting Costs 210 –R– Short Bow 133
Overall Availability 59, 65 Silver Coin: Pounds, Shillings and Pence 30
Ranger 142 Silver Coinage 35, 36
–P– Regional Fluctuations 36 Silver-Gold Exchange rate 36
Regulating Demand 26 Simple & Compound Interest 40
Paladin 142 Regulations of the Fairs (1164) 13 Sin Taxes 29, 280
Paper 215 Relics & Reliquaries 285 Sin Taxes & Related Matters 27
Paper 87 Rental Income 17 Slight 289
Paper or Parchment 222 Repealed 1364 . . . 28 Small Scale Tolls 5, 18, 279
Papyrus 215 Residential Rents 17, 279 Smithing 185
Paramerion/Sabre 136 Riding & Pack animals 247 Smoked or Dried Food 184
Parchment 216 Rise & Decline 16 Societas Terrae 48
Parishes & Parishioners 284 Rogue 142 Soft Furnishings 214, 278
Partial Plate 107 Roman Imperial Coinage 36 Some Commercial Tolls 5, 18
Partisan (Thrusting) 138 Rondel Dagger 134 Sorcerers & Wizards 142
Pastries & Buns 175, 275 Round Helmet 108 Spain 29
Pawn Shops & Pawnbrokers 44 Round Shield 109 Spears & Polearms 137
Pawnbrokers 48 RQ & Mythas 120, 122, 143 Specialised Markets 4
Pawnshops & Second Hand Shops 10 Rules & Regulations 12 Speed of Travel 246, 262
Payment in Kind 30 Spetum (Thrusting) 139
Penny Weights, AD 1160 32 Spices & Herbs 83
Petrochemicals
Peutinger Table
237
226
Spice Trade, The
Spurs
83
247 295
 St Ives Fair (Easter) 11 –U– Writing it all out . . . 216
Stall Rental 17, 279 Writing Material 215
Stalls & Shops 3, 12 Unbalanced Diets 184
Starches Breakdown 75 Under Oar . . . 262
Starvation 184 Under sail . . . 262
Statute of Labourers, 1351 67 Urban vs Rural Famines 54
Statute on Diet and Apparel, 1363 28 Using these Tables 87
Stirrups 247
Stone Castle 288 –V–
Storage Duration 184
Storage Format 215 Vegetable Oils 237
Strip 289 Vehicles 247
Sugar 82 Venetian Silver Coins 32
Sugar in Medicine 82 Vikings, The 262
Sugar, Sweeteners etc 81
Sugars Component Breakdown 75 –W–
Sumptuary Laws 29
Sumptuary Laws 28 Wages & Salaries 66, 282
Suspension 248 71
Wages & Salaries/selected Crafts & Professions

Swords 134 Wages before the 14th century 71

Wages, Salaries & Cost of Living 66
–T– War Axe 128
Wardrobe 156
Tacking vs Wearing 263 Warrior Career 142
Takeaway/Fast Food 176, 275 We take, but we pass on . . . 222
Tallow 85, 236 Weapon Classes & Proficiencies 140
Taxation 280 Weapon Rules 140
Taxes & Trade 19, 29 Weaponry 128, 271
Taxes, Rents and Dues 75 Weapons 127
Technical Limitations 33 Wearing Armour 116
Technology 247 Weighted Cost of Living : England 75
Ten Year Cycle 53, 65 Weights & Measures 76
Tent Materials 154 Well-to-do Household 199
Tents & Shelter 152, 273 West Roman/Mid Imperial Coins 36
Thirty Year Cycle(s) 65 Western & Central Europe 36
Thirty Year Cycle(s) 53 Westminster Fair (October) 11
Throwing Axe 128 West, The 218
Tightening 143 What are Spices? 83
Time to Equip 122 What is a Fair? 11
Tithes 9 What’s a Manor 286
Toll Exemptions 18 What is a Market? 2
Toll Farms in Medieval England 5 What’s NOT available/Doesn’t Exist 139
Tolls, Fees and Fairs 18, 279 Wheels 248
Torches 241. 279 Wheels within wheels 51
Trade 245 Where to Camp? 144
Trade & Commerce 1 Where to Eat 168
Trade & Taxation 20 Who carried the Letters . . . 221
Traditional Campsites/Commons 145 Who did (and Didn’t) Pay the Tolls 5
Travel 245 Who wrote the Letters . . . 220
Travel & Trade 245, 280 Why were spices so expensive? 83
Travel Money 36, 47 Why were spices used? 84
Two Corrodies 44 Wild Plant Foods 183
Two Handed Sword 136 Winchester Fair (September) 11
Two if by Sea . . . 262 Window Glass 87
Two-Handed Axe 129 Wine 81
Wine, Cider and Other Drinks 80
Women’s Clothing 155
Wood 84
296 Woodblock Printing
Workshops
216
10
Barons: Adam Grancell, Adrian Runchel, AJS, Alan Millard, Alessandro, Alexander Oliver, Allen H. Leung,
Alyksandrei, Andres Zanzani, Andrew, Andrew “Doc”, Andrew Marrington, Andrew Parent, Andrew Stafford,
Angus Abranson, Anonymous, Anthony Lanese, Anthony Agbo, Arensberg, Armin Sykes, Axel Castilla, Bart
Gelens, Barton, Bassinello, Becky Glenn, Bessonette, Big Al, Bob Harrison, “Bob, Ruler of”, Borysenko, Brett
Bozeman, Brett Sapp, Brian Richmond, Brian Chafin, Brian Koonce, Bruce Ballon, Bruce Ferrie, Burning
Wheel, Cabrero, Camithril, Carl Schnurr, Chad, Chamberlain, Chris “Dump”, Chris Hill, Chuck Wilson, Ciro
Alessandro Sacco, Colin Booth, Courtroul, Drew Cowie, Cthulhu Kid, d Bavo n, Dale Andrade, Dan Widrevitz,
Daniel C, Daniel Yauger, Darin Young, Darren “Cat Wrangler” Pawluk, David Castle, David Goodwin, David
Lars, David Terhune, Demon Knight, Dennis M, Devious Dragon, Diego, DKRaptor, Doug Bailey, Doug Grimes,
Douglas Meserve, Douglas Bailey, Drew Urbanek, E W Childers, Edmond, Edward Morgan Bambers, Eric
DeCourcey, Eric Neal, Eric Samuels, Eric Smiley, Esa Elo, F Leung, Filthy Monkey, Flemming Lemche,
FoxJones, François Uldry, Francis Helie, Francisco J, Frank Mitchell, FrankT, Fulton, Gaby Brillon, Gareth,
Gary Ingraham, Gary McBride, Greg “Father of Logan” Hardy, Gruner, Gus Badnell, Guy Edward Larke, Guy
Shalev, Harvan, Helmut Fritz, Henning “Auglim” Elferwing, Ian “Grendel Todd” Grey, Ignatius, Isobel & Theo,
JAB, Jack Egan, Jack Everitt, James, James A Lyle, James Knevitt, James Rodgers, Jamie Manley, Jason C Smith,
Jason Neff, Jeffrey Olsen, Jeff Workman, Jeremi T, Jerry Huckins, Jim Rittenhouse, Jim Cox, Joachim Schulz, Joe
Andrews, Joe DeSimone, John ‘Yeoman’ Garlick, John “johnkzin” Rudd, John W Leon, John Robertson,
Johnathan A Cohen, Jon Upton, Jonas Karlsson, Jonas Schiött, Jordan Linton, Joshua Goodbar, Julien
Lacambre, Justin Neal, Justin T Smith, Karl Deckard, Karl Fischer, KEEGAN FINK, Ken Finlayson, Julia
Nicholas, Kevin Buchanan, Kevan Chapman, Kevin Ramsell, KiraD, Knudson, Kris Pelser, Kristopher W, Lance
“UndeadViking” Myxter, Laura Lundy, Lawrence Alman, Lee Joseph, “Logan” Hardy, Luke Raymond, Paul
Lukianchuk, M Trout, Mac, Marek Hendziak, Mark Delsing, Mark the Bard, Martin Woodbury, Meg Leslie, Mike
Douglas, Michael Davis, Michael Pace, Michael Surbrook, Michael Wells, Montenegro, Morgan, Nicholas Butta,
Nicholas + Julius + Isobel + Theo Lowson, Nick Stamelos, Nigel Clarke, Olive Frédéric, Olivia Sonnet & Oliver
Benedict Olsen, Ols Jonas, Orjan Westin, Ovatha71, Patrick Healey, Paul D Watts, Paul Gasper, Pedro Obliziner,
Permutation449, Pete Gerasia, Peter Bensley, Peter Hollinghurst, Peter Sotos, Petree, Petter Olsson, Philip
Cohen, Philip J Whyte, Philippe Viguier, Phoeniix, Przadka, Qlippoth, Ralph Mazza, Randy Estep, Randy
Smith, Ray DeVries, Remi Letourneau, Rex Sleeman, Richard Iorio II, Richard Meyer, Riches, Rob Cater, Robin
Mayenfels, Ronald D Valle, Russell “Redjack” Petrie, RVH, Ryan Moore, Sabastian Wilkinson, SableFox, Sami
“FoxJones” Juvala, Saul Morales, SaullyG, Scott Kehl, Shawn P, Simon Stroud, Specht, Stephen Smith, Steve
Rubin, Steven M, T S Luikart, Tanderossa, Tannhausyr, Ted McClintock, Thalji, The 77th Demon Knight, Thimo
Wilke, Thor Olavsrud, Tim Morton, Tim Rudolph, Tod and Anna Casasent, Tom Langford, Tony Kerstan, Topi
Makkonen, Trevor Stamper, VinceKF, Vitas Povilaitis, Wesley E Marshall, Douglas Willetts, Williams, Y H Lee,
Masaki Yamazaki, Yes, Zachary M Pafford

Knights: Anonymous, Daniel Stutz, David R Miller, Ewan Spence, Fabiano Ferramosca, Guru Chrissi, Istrian,
J D Beers, Joaquín Cogollos, John M Portley, John Newell, Krellic, Marc Schlütter, Matt Thomas, Mikael Tysvær,
Neil McKeagney, Pierre Rossignol, Robert J McCarter, Will Hawke, Zbrojni z Middenheim.

Mounted Serjeants: A J Bohne, Camoudragon, Dennis Malloy, Jesse Goodman, pookie, Raoul Kent, Wouter
Storme, Zouron

Foot Serjeants: A Chenery, Adhika, adumbratus, Alan Brzozowski, Albe Pavo, Alex Gann, Alex Ransom,
Alexander Hillger, Allan Johansen, Allan Kumka, Anatoly Kudinov, André Rittersberger, Andrew Moreton,
Andrew Wright, Anthony Hargan II, Ariel Lo, Arnar Hafsteinsson, Arnaud von popov, Ben Paul Owens, Bentley
Burnham, Bethcai, Bill Haworth, Bjørn Toft Madsen, BK, Black Eagle, Bo Hasle Buur, Bob Huss, Boris, Brian
Whitaker, Brian Young, Brian Zuber, Burny, Carl Walter, Charles Lawrie, Chris Brostrup-Jensen, Chris Edwards,
Chris Nason, Chris Skuller, Christo Meid, Christopher E Eliasen, Cryoban, Daimadoshi, Dan ‘nevenall’
Behlings, Dan Smidler, Daniel Calhoun, Dave NeWaza, David Anthony Smithson, David Larkins, David-Jon,
Denis Mikhalkin, Ed Johns, EinBein, Elias Rizo, Elrico, Errius, Eurymachos, Florian Hollauer, Franklin Thijs,
Fred Herman, Fuzzy, G Noël, Galenorla, Geoff Nicholson, Geoff Watson, Geoffrey Sanchez, Gernot the Smith,
Giles Timms, Gilles Roy, Glinaur, Greg Bartman MMA & Self-Defense, Greg Forbes, Greg Hallam, Gregory D
Ford, Harmelinde, Hayes Edgeworth, Henrik L Bilski, Hynek Celar, Ian, Ian Blackmer, Ian Saxby, Illbeard, Jack
Brown, Jacob Tyler “JT” Conerly, Jaime Climent Fernández, jamie, Jamon Wagner, Jason Kindle, Jean-Philippe
Guérard, Jefferson Mills, Jeffff Effff, Jeremy W Huggins, Jesper, Jesse Reynolds, J M Navarro, John Boyne, Jon
Leitheusser, Jonathan O’Donnell, Jonathon Dyer, Joseph “Chepe” Lockett, Juan Fernández, Jussi Santaniemi /
Monarkia, Justin C Cain, Justin M Flint, JustSomeGuy, J W Binns, K L Svarrogh, Kelly E Cook, Kenneth Beaton,
Kent Taylor, Kevin Shrapnell, Kevin Whitaker, Kisa Gryphon, K J Potter, Lachlan Bakker, Lassi Into, Lazar
Stojkovic, Leon Towns-von Stauber, Liam & Aurora Bussell, Lord Peters, Lucjan Wilczewski, Lukasz Korzen, M
Alexander Jurkat, M Travis White, MacenKrace, Mad Tinker Gnome, Manuel Suarez, Marc Ammerlaan, Marja 297
 Erwin, Mark Leymaster of Grammarye, Mark S, Mark Shocklee, Martin Golay, Martin M, Matias iridiux,
Matthew @ProudNerdery, Matthew Emerick, Matthew Gooch, Maynedawg, Michael De Rosa, Michael E Kelly,
Michael Giacoma, Michael Raichelson, Michaël Ronchetti, Michael Young, Morten Helles, Nichole R Bechel,
Nick, Nick “News” Henry, Nick Gotch, Nick Keyuravong, Oliveloaf, Papyrolf, Pavel Gurov aka Miridin, pcmdm.
Pete Tracy, Peter Hartman, Philip Martin, Philipp Croon, Quigley Finch, Quirkworthy, Rafe Richards,
Redbeard, Reverance Pavane, Rich M, Richard Smith, Robert Fisher, Rune, Ryan Bonatesta, Ryan Chaddick,
Shannon Mac, Shawn MacFarland, Shen Hung-Yang, Simon Burling, Spenser Isdahl, Stefan Johansson,
Stephan Szabo, Stephen D Sullivan, Stephen J Pilch, Steve Fletcher, Steve Lord, Steve Pugh, Steven D Warble,
Steven S Long, Stuart Whitehouse, Svend Andersen, Theo, Thomas R, Thor, Tim Hitches, Timolution, Timon
Tomas, Tom Kawczynski, Tommy Pynnonen, TonoD20, Unimportant, WP, Yuessir, Zakharov “Zaksquatch”
Sawyer.

Man-at-Arms: James Harrison Brown, Kurt McMahon, Vojtech Pribyl.

Archer: Mark Morrison.

Spearman: Dragon Dawn Productions, Kay Hace, Lily Shafer-Lahnum, Michael Dunn-O’Connor, Rich VB.

298