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When speaking publicly, Mayor Adams often recites one of his political mantras: “ if
you don’t inspect what you expect, it’s all suspect” — but it appears very little is being
inspected in his most recent campaign fundraising filings.
A review by the Daily News shows several donors who contributed to the mayor’s
recent $1.3 million campaign cash haul have checkered pasts and, in some cases,
documented histories of malfeasance.
They include a man who got drummed out of the city Buildings Department for hosting
drugged-fueled parties in city offices, a used car salesman who agreed to pay a cash
settlement on the heels of a fraud probe and another named as a defendant in a civil
racketeering case, records show.
New York City Mayor Eric Adams speaks during a press conference in the Chelsea neighborhood of Manhattan on Monday,
July 24, 2023. (Luiz C. Ribeiro/for New York Daily News)
The release of Adams’ most recent campaign filing came just days after the Manhattan
District Attorney unveiled an indictment charging six people with concocting a straw
donor scheme to benefit his 2021 City Hall run.
One defendant in that indictment, Shamsuddin Riza, gave $600 to Adams’ campaign. LATEST
Years before donating, he was sentenced to six years in prison after being indicted on NYC Crime
24 counts of various “ extortion-related offenses .” Woman dies after crashing
three-wheel bike into
dumpster in Midtown
Donations like that raise questions about whether campaigns should accept cash from Manhattan
people who’ve had run-ins with the law. If not, what can and should they do to vet such 23m
donations?
Snyde
Martin Connor, a former state senator turned lawyer for political campaigns, said Kylie Jenner finally admits
to boob job after denying
vetting donors is not only difficult, but can be impractical for smaller campaign it for years
operations. In general, he said, the only campaigns that do vet donors are candidates 43m
running for district attorney because accepting donations from a convicted felon or
NYC Crime
someone under investigation could be politically fatal when vying to become a top
Two slashed with scissors
prosecutor. near famed Magnolia
Bakery in Manhattan’s
West Village
“It’s a difficult thing,” he said. “Even campaigns that try to vet are going to miss stuff,
47m
and if you think about what it would take to do a search — a campaign that has a
Shamsuddin Riza, pictured during his arraignment earlier this month, gave $600 to Adams’ campaign. (Curtis Means/Pool)
Aside from keeping donations within contribution limits, there are no rules on the
books requiring campaigns to vet their donors, Connor noted.
Long-time political consultant Hank Sheinkopf said it’s certainly possible for
campaigns to do more, though, and that requiring them to vet donations could help
candidates better protect themselves legally and in maintaining a clean reputation.
“If there were a vetting system, then people with these kinds of involvements would
not be able to taint decent campaigns,” he said. “It’s worth examining.”
While many big-name real estate interests have helped bankroll the mayor’s latest
campaign filing, another smaller subset of donors includes political benefactors who’ve
been in legal hot water over the years.
One donor who falls into that category is Ron Lattanzio, a former Department of
Buildings commissioner who was accused of throwing cocaine-fueled parties in city
offices back in 1986 and bribery in 1998 .
This May, Lattanzio maxed out to Adams with a $2,100 political donation, campaign
finance records show.
Exactly why he donated is unclear. Lattanzio didn’t respond to a call from the Daily
News, and his spokesman said simply that Lattanzio “supports the mayor.”
Ronald Lattanzio leaves Manhattan court on Centre St. after testifying on June 20, 2001. (Michael Appleton/New York Daily
News)
What’s more clear is Lattanzio’s long and sordid history as a city official as far back as
1986, and later as a wire-wearing snitch embedded into the same Buildings
Department he was fired from to gather incriminating information on former
colleagues.
That led, in 2000, to several arrests and Lattanzio’s testimony that, while working in
the private sector as a permits expeditor, he bribed department officials and cultivated
relationships with politicos like then-Queens Councilman Tom Ognibene. Lattanzio
testified that Ognibene “helped me place people in positions in the administration” and
“made phone calls for me to resolve certain problems.”
Ognibene was once a political mentor to another former Buildings Department official
who’s been in the news lately, Eric Ulrich. Ulrich served as that agency’s commissioner
until resigning from his job last November after investigators from the Manhattan
District Attorney’s office executed a search warrant at his Queens home . An indictment
in that case is expected as soon as next week .
Tom Ognibene is pictured at Our Lady of Hope School on May 20, 2008. (Jeanne Noonan/for New York Daily News)
A rep for Adams’ re-election campaign would not yet say if it intends to return the
donation from Lattanzio or other contributions like it — or whether there should be a
“The campaign already has the support of more than 2,000 contributors, but also has
limited staff with two years until the election. Our primary focus is ensuring that the
campaign always follows the laws and rules governing contributors and contributions
— and it always has,” said Vito Pitta, counsel to the campaign. “We will of course also
review any questionable contributions brought to our attention.”
Lattanzio’s donation, his first ever to Adams’ mayoral campaign, isn’t the only
eyebrow-raising contribution the mayor’s collected in recent months.
The campaign also raked in a maxed-out $2,100 donation from Tim Djuraev,
campaign records show. According to social media posts and public records, Djuraev
signed off on a New Jersey attorney general’s consent agreement as a result of a fraud
probe stemming from his company’s sale of used cars.
As part of the consent order, Djuraev agreed to pay $7,536 to cover civil penalties,
investigative costs and for failing to issue a written warranty. In exchange for being
released from civil claims, he also agreed to “not engage in any acts or practices in
violation of the New Jersey Consumer Fraud Act.”
Tim Djuraev, far left, and Mayor Eric Adams, far right, are pictured at the opening of Gosht Restaurant in Brighton Beach on
Saturday, June 17, 2023. (Michael Appleton/Mayoral Photography Office)
Another donor who’s faced trouble in court is Dmitriy Khavko, who also maxed out
with a $2,100 donation, according to records. Khavko acknowledged making the
donation to Adams’ campaign and called himself a “passionate supporter” of the
mayor.
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Court records online show Khavko was named as a defendant in a 2011 civil
racketeering case brought by GEICO in Brooklyn federal court.
The case was dismissed in 2012. When contacted by The News about it, Khavko said
simply that he was “just an employee” at the time. In the complaint against him, he
was listed as a secret owner of SS Medical Care and accused of using the company to
“submit large-scale fraudulent No-Fault billing to GEICO and other insurers.”
Records also show that Ariel Kandhorov, who donated $2,100 to the Adams camp, was
named as defendant in a lawsuit brought by the Allstate Insurance Company accusing
dozens of people of taking part in “schemes to defraud automobile insurance
companies.”
That lawsuit, which was filed in July 2013, resulted in a 2017 judgement against
Kandhorov and the company Six Star Supply for the amount of $416,050.
Records show that Kandahrov’s brother is Daniel Kandhorov, a friend of the mayor’s
who co-founded Financial Vision Group with Adams’ former chief of staff Frank
Carone. That entity sued Daniel Kandhorov last year, accusing him of providing faulty
investment information that caused its investors to lose $12.4 million.
Daniel Kandhorov declined to comment. Ariel Kandhorov did not return multiple calls.