POLITICS

&
NATIONAL
DEFENSE

BUDI PRAMONO

EDITOR:
LUKMAN YUDHO PRAKOSO

CV. AKSARA GLOBAL AKADEMIA

i
 POLITICS & NATIONAL DEFENSE
Author:
Major General Dr. Budi Pramono, S.I.P., M.M, M.A., (GSC)., CIQaR.,
CIQnR., MOS., MCE

Editor:
Dr. Lukman Yudho Prakoso, S.IP., MAP., CIQaR

Cover & Layouter:

Aksara Publications

ISBN:
978-623-6387-02-3
x + 177 pg, 15,5 x 23 cm

Published by:
CV. AKSARA GLOBAL AKADEMIA
E-mail: aksaraglobalpublications@gmail.com
IKAPI Member
INDONESIA

First printing, November 2021

All rights reserved
Contents of Posts outside the Publisher's Responsibility

Copyright protected by law

It is prohibited to quote part or all of the contents of the book in any way,
including by using a copier, without the legal permission of the publisher

ii
 PREFACE

B ismillahirrahmanirrahiim. By giving thanks to the presence of

Alloh SWT, so that the author can complete the book of anthology
with the title "Politics of National Defense". It is the result of a study
related to TRIDEK (Tri Dharma Eka Karma). In line with the journey
of democratization and political maturity in our country, which
continues to transform in achieving national ownership. Where politics
is important in the life of the nation and state and its application to the
optimization of the public service system developed by the Indonesian
government itself. For the protection of the state, defense policy always
considers the nature of threats, both from abroad, as well as all aspects
that exist with national defense, so that it is related to the Tri Dharma
Eka Karma which becomes defensive to ensure national protection and
security. and maintain world peace in general and security in the
Southeast Asia region in particular.
The national defense policy is implemented by taking into account: a.
Maintain a dynamic national state, increase resilience, and build a
national defense capability and strength that is in accordance with the
needs and capabilities of the state. b. increasing international
cooperation in efforts to prevent and maintain peace as well as fostering
regional cooperation to increase regional resilience and security in the
Southeast Asian region. Thus, this anthology is present as evidence of
the Tri Dharma Eka Karma study and strengthens the determination of
the political system towards national defense. In addition to concepts
and theories, the implementation in the field related to the study of
national defense politics by the author and his team is presented
systematically based on normative and empirical data so that it is
expected to be a reference for academics who conduct research and
training in the fields of politics and defense. This anthology is of course
still far from perfect, for that input in the form of criticism and
suggestions is requested, so that in the future the author is able to
produce even better written works.
Jakarta, June 2021
Major General Dr. Budi Pramono, S.I.P., M.M, M.A., (GSC)., CIQaR., CIQnR.,
MOS., MCE
iii
 ABOUT THE BOOK

I ndonesia Armed Forces (TNI) through war model becomes the

frontline in dealing with terrorism in New Order era. Along with
development the time, in Reformation Order today, TNI has two main
functions of Military Operation for War (MOW) and a supporting force
role in scope of Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW).
MOOTW has 14 points as a legal umbrella for the TNI in Carry out the
duties, including in dealing terrorist threats by TNI. After the policy to
separate the police from TNI, there has been a paradigm shift from a
war model to a criminal justice model by placing the police at the
forefront. This creates a dilemma on the ground.
End then, the world multipolarization put foreign policy into new
challenges of world power distribution, non-boundary and not centered
on two classical blocs (East and West). This condition requires the TNI
to have an adaptive capacity related to the role and ability in responding
to challenges in defense diplomacy tasks. There are 3 conclusions
related to defense diplomacy in strengthening the existence of country.
First, world multipolarization creates challenges to provide an
opportunity for Indonesia to use it as an opportunity to build more
constructive relationships in developing the country interests from the
economic, socio-cultural and defense sectors.
Second, actualization of defense diplomacy as a national policy must
be consistent with country interests, especially in eff ort to maintain
domestic stability which is closely related to regional situation. Third,
several strategic partner countries of Indonesia need to receive
comprehensively a systematic and programmed treatment in according
with character of defense diplomacy, namely Confi dence Building
Measure (CBM), enhancement of defense capabilities and development
of defense industry. Therefore, government needs to develop its
relevance by exploring defense diplomacy as the spearhead to
strengthen the existence of Indonesian nation and country. ***

iv
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page

COVER BOOK i

COVER COPY RIGHT ii

PREFACE iii

ABOUT THE BOOK iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS vi

ABOUT THE AUTHOR viii

ABOUT THE EDITOR ix

Chapter 1 DEFENSE DIPLOMACY AND 1

COUNTRY EXISTENCE
Budi Pramono

Chapter 2 THE ROLE OF INDONESIA 13

ARMED FORCES TO COMBAT
TERRORISM BEFORE AND
AFTER REFORMATION
Budi Pramono

Chapter 3 COLLABORATION 29
LEVERAGING ON MILITARY
INDUSTRY DEVELOPMENT IN
DEFENSE DIPLOMATION
PERSPECTIVE (CASE STUDY:
DEVELOPMENT OF TURKISH-
INDONESIAN MEDIUM TANKS)
Yudhi Swastanto, Budi Pramono,
Makarim Wibisono, Mhd Halkis

v
Chapter 4 HANDLING SOCIAL CONFLICTS 51
IN THE CONTEXT OF A
MILITARY CAMPAIGN
STRATEGY (STUDY IN THE
WORKING AREA OF THE BALIK
PAPAN POLICE RESORT)
Andi Azis Nizar, Budi Pramono,
Ridwan Gunawan, Lukman Yudho
Prakoso

Chapter 5 THE INDONESIAN 67

GOVERNMENT AUTHORITY IN
SECURING INDONESIAN
ARCHIPELAGO SEA LANES
Sartono, Budi Pramono, Lukman
Yudho Prakoso, and Dohar Sianturi

Chapter 6 THE TOTAL WAR STRATEGY 95

THROUGH OPTIMIZING THE
UNDERSTANDING OF
PANCASILA VALUES IN THE
MILLENIAL ERA.
Devis Lebo, Budi Pramono, Lukman
Yudho Prakoso, Helda Risman, and
Suhirwan

Chapter 7 THE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY 115

FOR EMPOWERING THE
DEFENSE AREA OF A NON-
MILITARY ASPECT IN PACIRAN,
LAMONGAN
Budi Pramono & A. K. Susilo

vi
Chapter 8 PUBLIC POLICY OPTIMIZING 149
THE PRACTICE OF PANCASILA
IDEOLOGICAL VALUES TO
SUPPORT INDONESIA'S TOTAL
WAR STRATEGY
Kasih Prihantoro, Suhirwan, Budi
Pramono, Rianto, Lukman Yudho
Prakoso.

Chapter 9 THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF 157

NATUNA EEZ FROM TIONGKOK
PERSPECTIVE
Budi Pramono, Makarim Wibisono,
& Tri Legiono Suko

vii
 ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Dr. Budi Pramono, SIP., M.M., M.A., (GSC)., CIQar., CIQnR.,

MOS., MCE. Born in Sidoarjo in 1967. He holds two Masters degrees,
at Hull University UK in the Field of Security and Strategy Studies
(1998) and the University of National Development Veterans Jakarta
(2005). When he was a colonel, he won a doctorate in Political Science
with a very good predicate. After graduating from the Magelang
Military Academy in 1988, he served in the TNI AD strategic forces
(KOSTRAD) for ten years, then took part in the intelligence world
(BAIS).
The author has a lot of experience taking various Military Education
courses, some of which are: Austfamil Course (SUSLAPA II-ART)
Australia (1996), National Security Intelligence Training Course in
Taiwan (1999), Command and General Staff College, School of
General Staff and Command in Manila (2001), best graduate with
awards (Honor Graduate): United Nations logistics Course at Port
Dickson (2002), Austfamil Course at Lavertoon Australia (2003), and
Emergency Management in Australia, UN Military Observer Course,
Port Dickson (2004).
Currently the author works as a Permanent Lecturer at the Indonesian
Defense University and continues to take part in carrying out the Tri
Dharma of Higher Education. ***

viii
 ABOUT THE EDITOR

Kolonel Laut (E) Dr. Lukman Yudho

Prakoso., S.IP., MAP., CIQaR.
Currently, he is the Department of
Defense Economics at the Indonesian
Defense University. He is active as a
writer and editor. Editor was born in
Cirebon, July 1973, graduated from the
Indonesian Navy Academy (AAL) as a
Navy Officer with the rank of Second
Lieutenant with the Electronics Corps,
with the qualification of Electronic Weapons in
1994 and Graduated from Seskoal Military Education Force 47/ 2009.
S1 education at the Open University Department of Administration
State, Hang Tuah University Master’s Degree in Public Administration
and Doctoral Degree from 17 August 1945 University Administration
in Surabaya. Assignment experiences include the Koatmatim Eskorta
Ship Unit, Dishidroos Satsurvey, TNI AL Headquarters Diskomlek,
KRI Diponegoro-365-class Corvette Task Force - Disadal TNI AL,
Disenlek TNI AL Armament, Surabaya Naval Academy, MLM Task
Force KRI Fatahila-361 - TNI AL AL, Center for Research and
Development Strahan-Balitbang Kemhan RI, Pokgadik Kodiklat TNI
AL, LP3M-University of Defense RI. The overseas assignments
include: Goodwill Shipment of Kartika Mesh Krida to Australia,
Comparative Study to Malaysia, Manning of Communication
Equipment in Nanjing China, Exocet MM40Block II, IFF, Spare Parts
Exocet Bloc III in France, Combat System in the Netherlands,
Navigation System, in Germany, Inspector of Project KFX/IFX in UK,
Seminar on Maritime Security Singapore. Academic achievement in the
best graduate of Dikpafung II Hidroos 2002. His merits are: Loyalty
VIII, XVI, XXIV Years and Jalsena Nararya. The books he has
published include: AHP SWOT Method, in Planning Defense
Strategies (2021), The urgency of networking transformation and the
driver force of defense policy (2021), Implementation of Electrical
Engineering Science in the Defense and Military Sector (2021). Book
ix
Editor: Public Policy, Implementation of Models in Higher Education
(2021), A collection of monograph methods covering the
implementation of problems in the management of the KRI TNI AL as
a patrol sector for Indonesian marine areas (2021), etc.***

x
 Budi Pramono

T his chapter aims to discuss defense diplomacy efforts by TNI to

strengthen the country existence. The world multiploidization put
foreign policy into new challenges of world power distribution, non-
boundary and not centered on two classical blocs (East and West). This
condition requires the TNI to have an adaptive capacity related to the
role and ability in responding to challenges in defense diplomacy tasks.
There are 3 conclusions related to defense diplomacy in strengthening
the existence of country. First, world multiploidization creates
challenges to provide an opportunity for Indonesia to use it as an
opportunity to build more constructive relationships in developing the
country interests from the economic, socio-cultural and defense sectors.
Second, actualization of defense diplomacy as a national policy must
be consistent with country interests, especially in effort to maintain
domestic stability which is closely related to regional situation. Third,
several strategic partner countries of Indonesia need to receive
comprehensively a systematic and programmed treatment in according
with character of defense diplomacy, namely Confidence Building
Measure (CBM), enhancement of defense capabilities and development
of defense industry. Therefore, government needs to develop its
relevance by exploring defense diplomacy as the spearhead to
strengthen the existence of Indonesian nation and country.

1. INTRODUCTION
The complexity of nation’s problems today creates various challenges,
both from within and outside the country. This condition requires the
TNI to have an adaptive capacity to deal. This situation is sufficient to

1
emphasize aspects of role and ability of TNI in responding to the
challenges of defense diplomacy tasks. This capability is based on
formal legal aspects referring to Law 37 of 1999 on Foreign Relations
that every diplomatic effort is always aimed at national interests and has
a strategic function.
As we know, all national interests that are accommodated in any
international diplomacy must be based on a constitutional politics of
“free and active” and not follow certain blocs. Figure 1 shows the
classic world powers/ blocs formed after the Second World War. The
strategic environment in multipolarization world has brought the “free
and active” foreign policy into new challenges where the international
constellation shows that distribution of world power has spread to
several countries, non-boundary and no longer centered on two classical
blocs (East and West). However, this challenge becomes an opportunity
for Indonesia to take advantage to build a more constructive
relationship in order to create a kind of mutualism symbiosis with many
countries in developing the country’s interests from the economic,
sociocultural and defense sectors. The reality shows that issues raised
in international constellation are growing from political and security
issues to strategic problems in economic, social, cultural, energy and
environmental development fields. The emergence of these problems
cannot be separated from the fact that without proper handling, it will
have an effect on vulnerabilities of fundamentalism, poverty, social
inequality and drugs. This condition becomes a kind of latent danger to
threaten regional security and world stability. It should be anticipated
early through a constructive approach and comprehensive diplomacy.

2
 Fig. 1.1. Classical Powers / Blocks of Post-World War II World
Description: Green: Coalition countries, Black: Axis Power, Yellow: Neutral
countries, Source: study.com

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

This case is a case study and observation on defense diplomacy
conducted by Indonesia. The case time was January to June 2020. The
study type is descriptive case to describe the case object to describe the
object under study. The method used by the author is qualitative.
Informants are individuals who have a direct relationship with the
implementation of Indonesia’s defense diplomacy. This case data
collection method consists of literature and field studies. Literature
study is the process to get data or information by studying the books,
journals, other written works, and internet sources. Field study is data
or information collection through direct case activities at case location
using three case instruments used, namely observation, interviews and
documentation. Data analysis in this study used a qualitative method. It
is done by examining all available data from various data sources,
studying the data, analyzing, compiling in a unit, which was then

3
categorized at the next stage and checking the validity of the data and
analyzing to get case findings from the data.

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

A. Defense Diplomacy Scheme
The dynamics trend of political and security threat accompanied by
fluctuating stability in economic, social and cultural fields make the
international diplomacy patterns play an important role for a country.
For Indonesia, referring to “Defense White Paper 2008”, there are two
levels of cooperation “layers” which can be derived into a defense
diplomacy format. The first layer is military cooperation with ASEAN
member countries, while the second layer is defense cooperation with
“external powers” such as China, Australia, United Countries and South
Korea. Judging from the development of above cooperation patterns, in
principle everything can be classified into two levels of international
relations institutions or what is known as “Track”. Track is a form of
international cooperation trafficking, and cyber security and so on. The
transnational maritime crime prevention uses the patterns such as joint
exercises and patrols as a continuation of Track-1, while academic
forums, scientific discussions, workshops are examples of Track-2
applications. The two tracks basically move in a system that provides
mutual input so that formulated agreement can be accepted by all
countries.
B. Character of Defense Diplomacy and its Implementation
The projection of multipolar international political constellation
encourages Indonesia’s defense diplomacy to move to create strategic
partnerships in defense sector with several developed countries.
Countries such as the US, France, Russia and China are currently
considered to have a fairly progressive level of military modernization
in world. The construction of Indonesia’s strategic partnership,
especially in defense sector, should be able to catch up and bench mark

4
itself with the countries for sake of strengthening, modernizing and
professionalism in building existing military structures.

Fig. 1.2. Conceptualization of Defense

Diplomacy Source: Winger (2014), Velvet Gauntlet: A Theory of Defense Diplomacy

The position of defense diplomacy for a country will also become the
determinant at this point. It is needed to provide direction for
development of its defense forces in order to secure national interests
in Avery dynamic strategic environment. In accordance with national
defense policy, modernization of defense forces does not only rely on
domestic national resources, but is also supported by cooperation with
friendly countries. Mertz (2015) described defense diplomacy as an art
of “playing” the tension between the bashing and bargaining. It can
mean a strategic partnership with a number of countries in order to
create opportunities and especially for Indonesia to strengthen its
defense diplomacy construction to achieve the optimal benefits in
defense sector. It contains the value of a partnership. This essence must
be as effective as possible to avoid the counterproductive impression of
a negative dependencies and unnecessary dependence on foreign
countries. To achieve this aim, Indonesian government needs to pay
careful attention to character of defense diplomacy in an effort to build

5
a defense diplomacy mechanism that beneficial for nation interests.
Therefore, the defense diplomacy should have character below:
a. Defense diplomacy should increase in Confidence Building
Measure (CBM).
The defense diplomacy should create a conducive strategic
environment for Indonesia. For this reason, it is time for defense
diplomacy to be prepared as a policy study in national defense
projections. Confidence Building Measure has a close relationship
with condition of national defense because this character determines
the nature of cooperation developed with other countries. The focus
is a series of efforts to build good relations with other countries in
order to share perceptions, creating a conducive climate bilaterally
and transparently. These steps will reduce the tension of mutual
suspicion, mutual threat so that development of a country’s military
capability is not misinterpreted as a threat to other countries. The
scope of defense diplomacy for CBM includes communication,
constraints, transparency and verification. If the objectives of CBM
are achieved, globally it will create security and stability at national,
regional and regional levels to support domestic and regional welfare
development programs. CBM’s current concrete efforts can be seen
in various diplomatic activities such as communication forums at the
bilateral and multilateral levels, country visits, information
exchange, cooperation agreements, and educational exchanges to
training and joint security patrols.
b. Defense diplomacy should increase the Defense Capabilities.
The emergence of military power elements in pattern of international
diplomacy is an important variable to affect the bargaining aspect.
Schelling (1980) stated that in a realist perspective, diplomacy is
interpreted as a bargaining chip, and then the presence of military
power becomes a separate element of intervention for this concept.
Therefore, national interest of a country in today’s modern era
increasingly requires the existence of its defense capability. This

6
situation put the defense diplomacy as a transformation tool to
increase the defense capability of a country which of course still
takes into account the elements of limited resources, threats,
challenges, vulned abilities and opportunities. For example, that
limited resources in an effort to increase defense capability can be a
starting point to exploit the defense diplomacy through an economic
and arms trade approach. The Export Credit (KE) mechanism in
purchasing Alutsista can be categorized as defense diplomacy with
a character of defense capabilities.
c. Defense diplomacy should increase Defense Industry
Capability Development.
Defense policy through developing forces to achieve Minimum
Essential Force (MEF) is implemented in form of modernization of
military equipment. The priority for domestic production is the main
program to meet this need. Referring to Law No.16 of 2012 on the
Defense Industry, format for procuring military weaponry needs
from foreign countries is permitted if it is not maximally fulfilled
domestically. Therefore, character of defense diplomacy specifically
emphasizes the role of diplomacy in developing the capability of
defense industry. Technically, this cooperation mechanism can be
regulated in more detail at several systems, including the structure
of counter trade, transfer of technology and others to produce the
high technology defense equipment required by TNI. The defense
diplomacy in developing the capability of defense industry should
be used to “hold” other countries contribution. There is a demand for
Indonesia to continue to proactively increase cooperation in defense
industry with strategic partners; the effective defense diplomacy
becomes the main foothold. The steps should take to be built mutual
benefits, among others, through the mechanisms of joint production,
joint development, training and case and development in an effort to
increase the capacity of human resources. The strategic setting of
defense industry development with a defense diplomacy platform
has broader opportunities to increase capabilities in terms of quality

7
 of human resources, technology, production and marketing. The
outcome of this is the creation of jobs which in turn will improve the
welf are of people, streng then the capability of domestic defense
industry and creating synergies with defense industry abroad. The
three characters of defense diplomacy above will ultimately be
useful to strengthen the existence of a country with a military
capability approach. For Indonesia, of course the TNI
professionalism is a key component to create a defense force
capability to secure national interests.
Therefore, the defense diplomacy can become the main gate for
military as one variable to show the existence of country to continue
the capabilities development. The cooperation to improve the
professionalism of soldiers with other countries has been
established, in form of joint training, education and training,
exchange visits and others. This diplomacy creates an opportunity
for TNI to improve the professionalism of its soldiers. Strategic
partnership through defense diplomacy is a great opportunity for a
country by increasing its military professionalism. Several countries,
such as the US, Australia, Japan, Korea and China, are strategic
partners in Indonesia and have a long history of military experience,
which has influenced the current doctrinal and defense strategy.
Although the doctrinal and defense strategies adopted by Indonesia’s
strategic partner countries are not the same as Indonesia’s defense
doctrines and strategies, they can enrich TNI’s insights to improve
its professionalism.

4. CONCLUSIONS
✓ World multipolarization brings foreign policy to new
challenges, namely the distribution of world power, non-
boundary that no longer centered on two classical blocs (East
and West). This presents a challenge that provides opportunity
for Indonesia to build more constructive relationships in

8
 developing the country interests from the economic, socio-
cultural and defense sectors.
✓ The actualization of defense diplomacy as a national policy
must be consistent with country interests, especially in effort to
maintain domestic stability which is closely related to regional
situation. This is a diplomatic ability of Indonesia as a country
entity that can communicate effectively to make relationship
between countries.
✓ Third, several strategic partner countries of Indonesia need to
receive comprehensively a systematic and programmed
treatment in according with character of defense diplomacy,
namely Confidence Building Measure (CBM), enhancement of
defense capabilities and development of defense industry.
✓ For the three characteristics, government needs to develop its
relevance by exploring defense diplomacy as the spearhead to
streng then the existence of Indonesian nation and country.
***

9
References:
Barbara Myslika, Agnieszka Turska-Kawab, Sofiya Tarasevichc, and
Spiro Kiousisa. (2020). He who pays the piper, calls the tune?
Examining Russia’s and Poland’s public diplomacy efforts to
shape the international coverage of the Smolensk crash.
Liudmila Khalitovaa. Public Relations Review, Volume 46,
Issue 2.
Berridge, G., James, A. (2003). A Dictionary of Diplomacy. UK:
Palgrave Macmillan.
ClilMagena and Ephraim Lapid. (2018). Israel’s military public
diplomacy evolution: Historical and conceptual dimensions.
Public Relations Review. Volume 44, Issue2, Pages 287-298.
Ghozali, Imam. 2016. Aplikasi Analisis Multivariete dengan Program
IBM SPSS 23 (Edisi 8). Cetakan ke VIII. Semarang: Badan
Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro.
Guy J. Golan and Terrance R. Carroll. (2012). The op-ed as a strategic
tool of public diplomacy: Framing of the 2011 Egyptian
revolution. Public Relations Review Vol. 38, Pages: 630– 632
Mertz N.T. (2015). Theoretical frameworks in qualitative case (2nd ed).
Los Angeles: Sage
Pramono, Budi (2021) "Defense Diplomacy and Country Existence".
Journal of Defense Resources Management (JoDRM) 2:186-
194. Romania, CEEOL.
Maleong, Lexy J. (2017). Metode Penelitian Kualitatif, cetakan ke-36,
Bandung: PT. RemajaRosdakaryaOff set.
Sanghamitra Nath. (2014). Strategic Partnership for Economic
Development: India’s New ‘Inclusive Trade Diplomacy’.
International Relations Conference on India and Development
Partnerships in Asia and Africa: Towards a New Paradigm

10
 (IRC-2013). Procedia - Social andBehavioral Sciences 157,
Pages:236 – 243
Scheling (1980). The Strategy of Conflict. USA: Havard University
Press.
ÖZKAN. (2015). Procedia – Socialand Behavioral Sciences,
Volume176, Pages: 35 – 43
Winger (2014). The VelvetGauntlet: A Theory of DefenseDiplomacy.
Institute for HumanScience.

11
12
 Budi Pramono

I ndonesia Armed Forces (TNI) through war model becomes the

frontline in dealing with terrorism in New Order era. Along with
development the time, in Reformation Order today, TNI has two main
functions of Military Operation for War (MOW) and a supporting force
role in scope of Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW).
MOOTW has 14 points as a legal umbrella for the TNI in Carry out the
duties, including in dealing terrorist threats by TNI. After the policy to
separate the police from TNI, there has been a paradigm shift from a
war model to a criminal justice model by placing the police at the
forefront. This creates a dilemma on the ground. This case uses
qualitative methods and Miles and Huberman analysis technique. A
phenomenological qualitative approach is done to get the conditions in
field. The primary data was collected by interviews with state officials
of the BIN, BNPT, TNI Commander, and the Staff related to role of TNI.
TNI's involvement to combat terrorism lately must go through state
political decisions that are formulated with indicators that are
consistent with democratic principles.

1. INTRODUCTION
The report of Tempo.co (2016) refer to BNPT data of January 2016
stated that 2.7 million Indonesians were involved in a series of terrorist
attacks. This number did not include followers and sympathizers of
terrorist networks whose number was estimated at 0.004 per cent or
equivalent to 1000 people. It is not surprising that Indonesia become an
important element for observers of world terrorism and radicalism.

13
The Global Terrorism Database notes that terrorism in Indonesia has
existed since 1977 and increased in 1996. The highest number of
terrorisms was in 2000 and 2001, marked by a number of terrorism
attacks cases: 101 cases and 105 cases, respectively. Meanwhile, the
largest victims of terrorism were 781 people in 2002; among them, 246
people died and 535 were injured. In following year, total number of
victims was 482 people, with 46 people killed and 336 injured
(Garnesia, 2018). The targets and victims of terrorism also vary widely,
both local and international community. For example, Bali Bombings I
attacked many foreign citizens. There are four history phases of
Indonesia's terrorism movement. The first phase was marked by
establishment of DI/TII, pioneered by Imam Kartosuwiryo in 1950s.
The second phase was in 1970-1980s with Komando Jihad group's
terror movement, some of the important figures were former of DI/ TII
leaders. The third phase was terror and violence action within and post-
reformation in mid-1990s until now. The fourth phase was the
development of third phase, radical ideology in Islamic groups. This
ideology's development was also encouraged and motivated by global
phenomena, including the emergence of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
(ISIS) in 2014 (Mubarak, 2015: 78). Consistent with above description,
intensity of terrorism action in Indonesia has increased, especially
within and post-reformation era. This phenomenon also coincides with
a paradigm shift or transition to counter terrorism in Indonesia from
authoritarianism to democracy and using a law enforcement approach
to tackle terrorism from previous war model.
Every country or regime generally has a different approach to respond
the terrorism, divided into two approaches, war models and criminal
justice systems (Mengko, 2017: 102). The first model considers
terrorism as a threat to the state's defense and existence. The military
forces have an important role to combat terrorism. On other hand, the
second model considers terrorism as a law violation and the law
enforcers and police become the forefront. The military force does not
really involve in combating terrorism. Mengko stated that there is no

14
country adopts the pure model. Many democratic countries use the
second approach, but it is possible to involve the army. The difference
was occurred in definition and conditions when the military can be
involved to combat terrorism.
Since the early days of Indonesian independence, several groups of
terrorism and separatism have emerged, including DI/TII,
Revolutionary Government of Republic of Indonesia (PRRI), People's
Struggle for Universe (Permesta), and Ratu Adil Armed Forces
(APRA). These movements had the spirit to establish a new country or
at least separate themselves from Indonesia. These movements of
terrorism and separatism were based on dissatisfaction with central
government. The terrorism and separatism also had various
backgrounds; DI/TII was based on Islamic ideology whose ideological
traces can still be felt today. Meanwhile, PRRI and APRA based their
movements on non-religious ideologies. The style of terrorism
movement in Indonesia had changed during the New Order era. The
religious sentiment-based backgrounds had colored the terrorism
movement in Indonesia. The most concern of terrorism action were the
Woyla incident in 1981 and Borobudur Temple bombing on January
21, 1985. Indonesia Armed Forces (TNI) was appointed as the
spearhead to deal with terrorism in these two incidents. This reality was
consistent with political system and centralized government system and
the TNI placement becomes an important instrument to maintain the
political stability and state security. It can be said firmly that state
prioritizes the war model in dealing with terrorism.
The fall of New Order in 1998 became the starting point of significant
paradigm change in TNI role to counter terrorism. One important
reform in security sector is the separation of POLRI from TNI with TAP
MPR number VI/MPR/2000 on the separation of TNI and POLRI, and
TAP MPR number VII/MPR/2000 on the role of TNI and POLRI. This
separation put TNI as secondary instrument to counter terrorism in
Indonesia. On other hand, Polri become the leading force to counter
terrorism. The involvement of TNI to deal with terrorism is stated in

15
Law No. 34 of 2004 on the TNI to carry out Military Operations Other
Than War (MOOTW), which also contains the obligation to overcome
terrorism.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

This case was conducted by phenomenological qualitative approach. A
phenomenological qualitative approach is done to get the conditions as
they are. The basic sample sources were obtained through interviews
with state officials BIN, BNPT, TNI Commander, and the Staff related
to role of TNI in facing the terrorism actions. Secondary sample sources
were obtained through open sources and personal sources during
interviews. The data analysis technique uses the data analysis model of
Miles. which starts with data collection, data condensation, data
display, and verification/conclusion. The technique of testing the
validity of data was done by triangulating the source.

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

Reformation becomes the starting point of this case because the
political events have changed the policy map, from a centralized and
authoritarian government to become democracy. The changes in
political system during the reformation are referred as revolution, not
reformation, by many observers of terrorism. This fact is due to a series
of amendments to the 1945 Constitution that have changed its political
structure, including changes to the highest state power. For example,
before the amendment, People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) had the
authority to elect and appoint a president/vice president, but after the
amendment, he became a high state institution (Article 3 of amended
1945 Constitution). The president and vice president are directly elected
by people. This amendment also affects the main duties and functions
of TNI, especially in responding to internal security disturbances.

16
A. The Role of TNI in Dealing with Terrorism at Beginning of
Indonesian Independence
Indonesia still had various unresolved problems in early days of
independence. Some of them were unity, where at that time still has a
real challenge. This condition was motivated by the existence of groups
with different views and dissatisfied with the shape and direction of the
new independent state. These groups show their disapproval in various
ways, from rebellion, separatism, until terrorism. One example of this
resistance movement was DI/TII that declared by Kartosuwiryo at West
Java in 1949. This group was born and guerrilla as a rebellion
movement against the Indonesian government (Minarva, 2017). This
group carried a mission to make Indonesia a country based on Islamic
teachings. Therefore, it is not surprising that DI/TII group could
immediately spread to several provinces, including Central Java, Aceh,
South Sulawesi, and South Kalimantan.
The widespread of DI/TII group became the most massive rebellion in
Indonesia at that time. TNI played a central role to overcome the
separatist movement by adopting various operational tactics that ended
successfully. TNI did the Bharatayudha operation in West Java using
the Betis Fence tactic to carry out an operation to suppress DI/TII. This
tactic involved collaboration between the TNI and people to narrow the
DI/TII rebellion space. This success was evidenced by the arrest of
DI/TII top leader, Kartosuwiryo, on June 4, 1962. TNI formed a special
force called the Banteng Raiders to defeat DI/TII in Central Java. These
troops implement the State Fortress Movement Operation under the
leadership of Lieutenant Colonel Sarbini, which ended up in leadership
of Lieutenant Colonel Ahmad Yani (Setyawan, 2016). Furthermore, to
defeat DI/TII in South Sulawesi, TNI launched a military operation by
sending troops from Siliwangi Division. This operation was quite
difficult because Kahar Muzakar's troops controlled the field and the
rebellion was defeated in July 1965.

17
The DI/TII in Aceh was defeated by different way, not involving
weapons. Colonel Yasin held the Aceh People's Harmony Conference
on 17-21 December 1962. The results were, granting special regional
status to Aceh and substantial autonomy rights from central
government. This fact made the DI/TII rebellion in Aceh ended with a
peace agreement. The DI/TII group's separatist movement was defeated
successfully. However, the Indonesian nation's struggle to face the
threat of terrorism did not stop. A new terrorism group called Komando
Jihad (KomJi) was emerged in 1970s. Some main actors of Komando
Jihad were former of Kartosuwiryo DI/TII, including Abdullah
Sungkar, Aceng Kurnia, Haji Ismail Pranoto, Danu Muhammad Hasan,
Dodo Muhammad Darda, Ateng Djaelani, Warman, and Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir. The Komando Jihad group starts the terror in Java and
Sumatra (Mubarak, 2015: 81-82). The most phenomenal terror
movement was the hijacking of Garuda Indonesia flight number 206. It
travels from Soekarno-Hatta Airport to Polonia Airport, Medan, in
1981. This group hijacked and took hostage a Garuda DC-9 Woyla
plane at Don Muang Airport, Thailand, after forcing the pilot to direct
the plane to Colombo, Sri Lanka. The Indonesian intelligence said that
the five hijackers were members of Komando Jihad. They were Sofyan
Effendy, Wendy Mohammad Zein, Zulfikar T Djohan Mirza, Mulyono,
and Mahrizal. The hijackers demanded the release of 80 Komando Jihad
members who were jailed for carrying out acts of terror during 1978-
1980. In addition, hijackers also demanded a ransom of USD 1.5
million. Responding to this incident, Indonesian government launched
a military operation by deploying the Sandi Yudha Forces Command
(Kopassandha) led by Lieutenant Colonel Sintong Panjaitan (Fadilah,
2015). These troops managed to defeat hijacker that lasted 65 hours.
The operation was success and well-known as Operation Woyla,
popularizing the TNI and Kopassandha troops, which later became
KOPASSUS. The TNI has vital role in dealing with terrorism in
Indonesia during the New Order era, it cannot be separated from
political situation at that time. Indonesia's analysts stated that New
Order system was colored and even dominated by military,

18
bureaucracy, and technocrats. The strong emphasis on political stability
to pursue development inevitably pushed the New Order government to
give a more significant role to the military, including to overcome the
terrorism. However, it cannot be denied that New Order's
authoritarianism has generated civil society antipathy, which led to the
1998 reform movement. Therefore, Reform Order political system must
be seen as an attempt to reverse the event during the New Order era.
B. Countering Terrorism in Post-Reformation Indonesia: TNI in
Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW)
The reformation era in Indonesia was marked by the fall of
authoritarianism. At same time, democracy becomes the basis of life of
nation and state in Indonesia. Law enforcement and upholding human
rights (HAM) are the community's demands and also affecting the
patterns of terrorism dealing in Indonesia. At the beginning of
independence until near reformation, TNI became the leading force to
combat terrorism. This role starts to change today. The TNI Law,
passed in 2004, provides guidelines for main roles, functions, and duties
of TNI. Article 5 of Law Number 34 of 2004 on the TNI stated that TNI
is a state instrument in defense sector. Then, article 6 states that TNI is
a means of defense functions : (1) to become forefront against any form
of military threats and armed threats from outside and within country
against territorial sovereignty and national safety; (2) to take action
against every form of threat, and (3) to restore the state security
condition which was disturbed due to security chaos.
TNI does these main tasks with two methods: Military Operations for
WAR (MOW) and Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW).
MOW and MOOTW are a division of military roles based on their
mission. MOOTW is a type of military operation outside the war
context. Therefore, these operations are more aimed at maintaining
world peace or preventing the war. In addition, the MOOTW operations
can also take the form of natural disasters handling, humanity, and
eradicating armed movements. Related to above description, MOOTW

19
has 14 points, one of them is to overcome terrorism and facilitating the
Indonesian National Police (POLRI) to keep the security task and
public order as regulated in the law. Careful observation shows,
especially referring to Law no. 34 of 2004 concerning the TNI, even
though not key actor, TNI still has the legitimacy to handle terrorism
through MOOTW. However, in its implementation, especially
MOOTW in dealing with terrorism, it still creates a lot of debate. The
debate is based on two reasons. The first is related to the legality aspect,
issuance of Perpu No.1/2002 concerning "Eradication of Criminal Acts
of Terrorism," which later became Law No.15/2003 on the Eradication
of Criminal Acts of Terrorism. The law states that terrorism is a
criminal act that the handling process must be done by law enforcement
officials, in this case, Police. In other words, involvement of TNI to
tackle terrorism is considered problematic because the TNI is not part
of law enforcement apparatus, such as the Police. The second is related
to the socio-political aspect, which response to the spirit of Indonesian
reform. This aspect has pushed the law enforcement agenda (pro-
Justicia) in dealing with terrorism and abandoned the military approach.
The two aspects mentioned above make the National Police legitimacy
becomes the leading institution to tackle terrorism at this time. It can be
seen clearly the shift in handling of terrorism, from a war model to a
criminal justice model. Considering that law enforcement takes
precedence over war, National Police has a greater mandate to tackle
terrorism than the previous era. It is undeniable that by prioritizing
criminal justice, police will actually bear a much heavier task burden,
especially when viewed from terrorism movement, which in its
operations is increasingly organized, has a wide network, and takes
advantage of technological developments. For examples are the attack
on Cirebon Police Headquarters in 2011 and attack on church in Solo
in 2012. The two attacks are manifestations of terrorism action with a
background of religious sentiment. This new pattern is characteristic of
early extremist movements. 2000. Referring to previous condition of
Bali Bombing I incident, which occurred on October 12 2002, prompted

20
the Indonesian government to issue Perpu No.1/2002 on the Crime of
Terrorism, which was later passed into Law No.15 / 2003 on the Crime
of Terrorism. Meanwhile, concept adopted by Perpu No. 15/2003 on
Criminal Acts of Terrorism is consistent with definition of terrorism
adopted by United Nations (UN), the terrorism action is defined as
criminal acts. In other words, this definition defines terrorism limited to
the activities done by non-government actors.
The terrorism handling with a criminal justice approach is indeed more
relevant today. This approach is more consistent with a democratic
system that respects civil supremacy. Moreover, this second approach
also received more support from civil society than the first approach,
which emphasized the “war” dimension in countering terrorism in
Indonesia. The involvement and success of TNI to combat terrorism in
one case can be seen from success of Tinombala Operations Task Force
in hunting down Santoso and his men in Poso. The operation in 2016
succeeded in paralyzing the leader of East Indonesia Mujahidin (MIT),
Santoso, otherwise known as Abu Wardah. Santoso died after being
involved in a firefight with TNI in mountainous region of Poso. The
Tinombala Operations Task Force combines elements of National
Police, in this case, Anti-terror Special Detachment 88 and TNI. The
TNI's experience in fighting terrorism movements in mountainous and
forest areas, such as when defeating the DI/TII group, made a positive
contribution to the operation to suppress the Santoso group.
The Head of Public Relations Division of Police, Inspector General
Police Setyo Wasisto, said in one occasion that involvement of TNI to
combat terrorism in Poso was very necessary.
“We have seen Tinambola Operation in Poso, where it was
'beyond police capacity.' So, if it exceeds the capacity of police,
TNI must play a role there. Who shot Santoso? It was the TNI who
shot Santoso. So, there is no problem with TNI being involved."
(Quoted from tribunews.com)

21
Careful examination shows there were 18 (eighteen) acts of terror in
several areas in 2018, including May 8, riots at Mobile Brigade
Command Headquarters in Kelapa Dua, Depok, West Java; May 10,
attack at Bhayangkara Hospital Kelapa Dua, Depok, West Java; July
15, throwing of a pot bomb at Indramayu Police Headquarters, Cirebon,
West Java; August 20, attacks members of Sat Sabhara Police, Cirebon
City Police, West Java; August 24, shooting of members of PJR Toll
Kanci-Pejagan, West Java. Subsequently, January 24, attack on Pasir
Putih prison, Nusakambangan; February 11, attack on Lidwina Church,
Sleman, D.I. Yogyakarta; being May 13, suicide bombings exploded in
3 churches in Surabaya, East Java; May 13, a bomb explosion at
Wonocolo Flats, Sidoarjo District, East Java; May 14, a suicide bomb
explosion at Police Headquarters in Surabaya, East Java; July 5, an
explosion at a house in Bangil, East Java; September 7, an explosion in
Cemanis Hamlet, Sumenep, East Java; November 20, stone-throwing at
Lamongan Marine Tourism Traffic Post, Lamongan District, East Java;
(2018-2019 BNPT Report Infographics).
In May 14, there was an attack on police members at Riau Police
Headquarters; in May 22, attack the members of Maro Sebo Sectoral
Police Office, Kab. Muaro Jambi, Jambi; and January 1, bombing of
Bantoala Police, South Sulawesi; (2018-2019 BNPT Report
Infographics). In 2019, there were also acts of terrorism in several
provinces, including June 7, attacks on a member of Pam in Pandeglang
Regency, Banten; October 10, there was an attack on TNI General
(Purn) in Pandeglang Regency, Banten; May 25, persecution of
residents in Sukabumi Regency, West Java; June 3, an explosion at
Police Station in Kartasura area, Sukoharjo, Central Java; July 4,
shooting of Traffic Monitor Post in Kulon Progo Regency, D.I.
Yogyakarta; August 17, attack on Wonokromo Police Headquarters,
Surabaya, East Java; March 12, there was an explosion at a house in
Sibolga, North Sumatra; March 13, a suicide bombing in Sibolga, North
Sumatera; November 13, a suicide bomb explosion at Medan Police,
North Sumatera; December 18, attacks on members of Special

22
Detachment 88 AT, in Tebo District, Jambi; August 26, attacks on
members of Police in North Tarakan District, North Kalimantan; and
June 22, and June 22, attacks in Kebun Torue Subdistrict, Central
Sulawesi; (2018-2019 BNPT Report Infographics).
The various terrorism incidents in 2018-2019 received direct responses
from Bilveer Singh, Head of Center of Excellence for National Security
(CENS) from Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) in an
interview with author on November 14, 2017. He stated that in current
era, MOOTW is very important, especially because wars are rare.
Moreover, currently, there are many domestic crises, and TNI is no
longer always at forefront to solve them. According to him, public's
view of TNI tends to continue to improve, so the TNI must always be
ready to implement MOOTW, because the biggest threat currently is
internal threats, including terrorism. He added, by looking at role of
TNI to tackle terrorism from beginning of Indonesia's independence,
TNI has been implementing MOOTW for a long time.
C. Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW) of TNI Seen
from a Defense Diplomacy Perspective
The development of military tasks in democratic era creates a concept
called Defense Diplomacy. Cottey and Forster (2004: 5-6) explained
defense diplomacy as a role change of military. Previous military role
was limited to traditional functions such as war, defense, deterrence,
intervention and other aggressive forms. The concept of defense
diplomacy today has emerged which includes the military role in
peacetime cooperation. This role can be done through various activities,
such as defense cooperation, military assistance, and peacekeeping
operations. Even in another definition, Cottey and Forster emphasized
the military role to support the democracy creation, good governance,
human rights (HAM), conflict prevention, and enabling the state to
overcome all forms of security problems itself (Cottey and Forster,
2004: 8). TNI’s MOOTW in defense diplomacy also has a broad
spectrum and does not only talk about the aggressive use of force.

23
Another definition of defense diplomacy also touches on involvement
of defense diplomacy actors. K.A Muthana (2011: 1-2) said that defense
diplomacy activities involve not only military actors or defense
officials, but also include other institutions that can become supporters,
including research institutes, academics, and universities. Furthermore,
he added that defense diplomacy aims to achieve national interests in
defense sector, both at domestic and abroad. It can be concluded that
military role in current democratic era has become very broad.
The close attention shows that TNI’s MOOTW and concept of defense
diplomacy have the same essence, regarding the military role in
democratic era. These two elements can help the community at large to
view to change military role when the democratic climate in Indonesia
develops. Society can begin to remove the negative stigma about the
military and/or the use of military force in democratic times. Moreover,
current defense and security challenges are very diverse and very
dynamic. Therefore, it cannot be denied that involvement of all
elements of state, including the TNI, is urgently needed, including in
dealing with terrorism. Related to above explanation and borrowed
K.A. Muthana statement, it is time for all elements of nation to sit back
together to determine firmly, precisely and directed, a legal umbrella in
what conditions and in what kind of conditions the TNI is fully involved
to counter terrorism without violating the principles of good democracy
today.

4. CONCLUSION
The terror action in past three years have no longer been aimed only at
destroying public facilities, causing casualties and loss of life, but also
the loss of sense of security in society by exploiting religious teachings
for political purposes, which is one of distinctive forms of terrorism.
Furthermore, political setting changes in Indonesia have also led to a
shift in counter-terrorism paradigm which no longer emphasizes on the
war model, but puts forward the criminal justice model to put the

24
National Police to response it. Countering terrorism, reformation and
implementation of democracy require a reduction in use of military
force which is considered part of authoritarianism of New Order.
However, this does not mean that TNI does not have a role to protect
the nation's unity from threat of terrorism.
TNI can still play an active role in MOOTW strategy, even though there
are frequent polemics. Therefore, based on terrorism data in Indonesia,
it is time for all elements of nation to sit down together to determine
firmly, precisely and with direction the legal umbrella to determines
when TNI is fully involved in dealing with terrorism. TNI has also
adopted the concept of defense diplomacy which enables this institution
not only to carry out traditional functions in form of war, defense,
deterrence, intervention and other aggressive forms but also includes
the military role in peacetime cooperation, including defense
cooperation, military assistance, and peacekeeping operations.
***

25
References:
Cottey, Andrew and Forster, Anthony, 2004. Reshaping Defense
Diplomacy: New Roles for Military Cooperation and
Assistance. London: Routledge.
Garnesia, Irma, 2018. “Terorisme Indonesia: Dari Separatisme hingga
Teror atas Nama Agama”, https://tirto.id/terorisme-indonesia-
dari-separatisme-hingga-teror-atas-nama-agama-cKUK,
diakses 7 Januari 2020.
Miles, M.B. dan Huberman, M.A., 1992, Analisis Data Kualitatif,
terjemahan Tjejep Suhendi, Penerbit Universitas Indonesia,
Jakarta.
Mengko, Diandra Megaputri, 2017. “Pelibatan TNI dalam Kontra
Terorisme di Indonesia Military Involvement in Counter-
Terrorism in Indonesia”, Jurnal Penelitian Politik, Volume 14,
No. 2 Desember 2017, pp. 197-208.
Mengko, Diandra Megaputri, 2015. “Problematika Tugas Perbantuan
TNI”. Jurnal Keamanan Nasional Vol. I No. 2.
Mubarak, Zaki M, 2015. “DARI NII KE ISIS: Transformasi Ideologi
dan Gerakan dalam Islam Radikal di Indonesia Kontemporer”,
Epistemé, Vol. 10 No. 1, Juni 2015.
Mubarak, Zulfi, 2012. “Fenomena Terorisme di Indonesia: Kajian
Aspek Teologi, Ideologi dan Gerakan”, SALAM: Jurnal Studi
Masyarakat Islam, Volume 15 Nomor 2, Desember 2012.
Minarva, Junian Hijry, 2017. “Inisiasi Gerakan Darul Islam/ Tentara
Islam Indonesia (DI/TII) Aceh Tahun 1950-1953 Dalam
Perspektif Pergerakan Sosial”, Jurnal Ilmiah Mahasiswa FISIP
Unsyiah Volume 1, Nomor: 10.
Muthanna, KA., 2011. “Military Diplomacy”, Journal of Defense
Studies, Vol 5. No 1. January 2011.
Putri, Puri Kencana, 2014. “Dinamika Hak Asasi Manusia dan
Reformasi Sektor Keamanan di Indonesia 2008-2013”.
Almanak Hak Asasi Manusia di Sektor Keamanan Indonesia,
2014.

26
Setyawan, Dony, 2016. “Penumpasan DI/TII”,
http://www.donisetyawan.com/penumpasan-ditii/, diakses
tanggal, 12 Juli 2019.
Singh, Bilveer, Head of Centre of Excellence for National Security
(CENS) di the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies
(RSIS), Singapura. Wawancara tanggal 14 November 2017 di
Jakarta.
Wibisono, Ali Abdullah, 2018. “Melegitimasi Pelibatan TNI dalam
Penanggulangan Terorisme di Indonesia” Kajian Kontra
Terorisme dan Kebijakan, pp. 15-28, Habibie Center edisi 1
Tahun 2018.
-----------------“Tidak Mampu di Hutan, Polri Dukung Pelibatan TNI
dalam Revisi UU Terorisme”,
https://www.tribunnews.com/nasional/2017/06/03/tidak-
mampu-di-hutan-polri-dukung-pelibatan-tni-dalam-revisi-uu-
terorisme, diaksestanggal 21 Juli 2019.
------------------ “BNPT Sebut Ada 2,7 Juta Orang Indonesia Terlibat
Terorisme”.
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/737905/bnpt-sebutada-27-juta-orang-
indonesia-terlibat-terorisme/full&view=ok, 20 Januari 2016, 17:51
WIB, January 10, 2020.

27
28
 Yudhi Swastanto, Budi Pramono, Makarim Wibisono, Mhd Halkis

T he development of the military industry has a country's economic

calculation and military strategy. If two or more countries
cooperate in the development of the military industry, then these
activities have direct and in direct implications in Defense Diplomacy.
For NATO members like Turkey, they are bound by the Single Europe
Act: consolidation and contraction of the defense industry. Likewise,
the geographical region of Indonesia has "ASEAN Ways" as an ethical
foundation in maintaining the same relations with ASEAN countries.
However, Turkey, in collaboration with Indonesia can develop and
produce a prototype Medium Tank that is in great demand from other
countries so that it not only impacts on the economic benefits and
military strategy itself but influences the strategies and attitudes of
other countries. The case aims to explain the multi-effects of developing
Medium Tank cooperation between Turkey and Indonesia. Through the
case study approach method, it can be understood that collaboration
between the development of military industry between countries can
increase Defense Diplomacy as a national defense leveraging, namely,
Confidence Building Measure (CBM), that affects the environment of
direct and indirect strategies. Thus, Defense Diplomacy not only builds
relationships with opposing or future opponents but is also able to
become a leveraging that makes state-of-theart technology a game-
changer.

29
1. INTRODUCTION
The conception of military power takes into account the number of a
country's resources and the level of its economic development
(Beckley, 2010). However, according to the Indonesian Defense
Minister Prabowo Subianto, the defense costs are not appropriate as a
state expenditure, but as a long-term investment. Because demand
based on the equilibrium of national income is indeed imperfect,
military spending is an extra ordinary category of public expenditure.
The defense is generally considered in the economic literature as a
function of state sovereignty par excellence (Herrera, 2013). Thus, the
issue of developing military technology is an integration of economic
and military problems. Where cooperation in the development of
military technology between the two countries has an economic effect
besides increasing Confidence Building Measures (CBMs), both direct
and indirect. Gentle relations between countries focus on how CBMs
relate to conventional military weapons to encourage weapon reduction
in order to realize development through communication, regional
approaches, and transparency (Brimley, S., Fitzgerald, B., & Sayler, K.
(2013). The development of the military industry for developing
countries is not linear between the costs and the products produced. It
is different from developed countries that make the defense industry as
a product of strategy because it has economic benefits that move
revenue to countries. For this reason, exploiting multi-effect military
technology development is expected to be able to make state-of-the-art
technology a game-changer (Gerhart. 2001). CBMs, as part of Defense
Diplomacy, can be a cornerstone of cooperation between countries in
the development of military technology becomes important besides
state branding and cultural relations (Gerhart,2001).
The threat and battlefield of each country are different; one of the
defense strategies is to protect the movement of troops with armored
weapons on military attack operation vehicles. To consolidate the
threats and defenses of each country varies at a specific level of
protection. NATO uses Stanag 4569, Protection Level for the Logistics

30
and Light Occupants of Armored Vehicles. In this specification, light
protection against global threats is desirable for the operational
weapons of NATO forces. Threats are separated into five levels.
Armored composites made from S-2 Glass â fiber and phenolic resins
have been tested against a range of threat levels that include this
specification. At a low threat level, fiberglass composite armored
security in overcoming threats; However, at a higher threat level, multi-
component armored weapons made with enough materials are needed.
The composition, construction, and ballistic performance of various
composite systems used in this case the testing needs to be understood
the position of the development of the medium tank needs to be built
because it involves the development strategy and the estimated market
needs.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

The purpose of the study explains the multi-effect Medium Tank
development cooperation between Turkey and Indonesia. Data and
information via the internet and confirmation to related parties such as
PT. Pindad and the Defense Industry Policy Committee/ Komite
Kebijakan Industri Pertahanan (KKIP) from the perspective of
Indonesia can explain the collaboration of the development of military
industry between countries can increase acountry's Defense Diplomacy
namely; Confidence Building Measure (CBM) and influence the
environment directly and not directly. The technology development
policy has been deemed successful by many, including the government,
industry, users, and the community. Defense diplomacy in the
development of military technology plays a role in the form of a series
of interrelated actions between the interests of the parties of Indonesia
and Turkey. Any element does not work alone because of the breadth
and complexity of the problem of developing defense technology.
Caseers studied in detail and in-depth through journals, news, and the
web of the institution of actors both the Ministry of Defense of the
Republic of Indonesia and Turkey. It is interviewing experts in various

31
fields of technology, law, business, and others. Author conducted
interviews and discussions about problems and solutions in achieving
the success of the medium tank development project. In conducting case
that is being studied initially, it can be in the form of individuals,
organizations, events, or actions, which exist in a certain time and place.
Case focuses on the subject, is Indonesia and Turkey, as a country, and
its supporting companies, especially FNSS-Turki and PT Pindad-
Indonesia.

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

Modern Medium Weight Tank (MMWT) design and development
project contract, called Kaplan MT (Turkey) or Tiger (Indonesia) by
FNSS-Turki and PT Pindad-Indonesia, was signed in 2014. The
development of Medium Tank with Indonesia consists of several
different phases, including reseach and development of new
technologies, final product development, production, service, and
deactivation of platforms and systems.
Companies consisting of the defense industry have a role to play in each
step of this process. Traditionally focused on R&D and production. The
experience of PT Pidad and FNSS has become a technical basis for
completing collaborative collaboration in the development of military
technology. Medium tank with diesel engine, automatic transmission
system (Matic) weights 30-40 tons. With a smaller size than the tank in
general, medium tank 7 meters x 3.2 meters x 2.7 meters, it is capable
of carrying three personnel, consisting of a rudder, gunman, command.
Medium Tank has been introduced at the Indo Defense2016 exhibition
in Jakarta. This prototype has been certified and also participated in the
Indonesian National Army Day parade on 5 October 2017 in Cilegon.
This Classification of Medium Heavyweight Tanks has an armored
platform that carries heavy weaponry with a flat, combined track,
tracks, armor, and weaponry. If PT Pindad removes one of the three
components, the vehicle will no longer be a tank. Non-track armored

32
vehicles that carry heavy weaponry with flat trajectories, for example,
are referred to as mobile gun systems (MGS).
The primary abilities expected are in accordance with the military
trinity doctrine, where infantry, cavalry, and archers are intertwined
both in attacking or defending. Medium Tank is certainly a
sophisticated curved shot, right on target, and anti-landmines. In battle,
MMWT is suitable for protecting mobile infantry troops in open fields,
swamp crossings, or mountains. The point is the concept of developing
Medium Tank with consideration in various tactical and strategic
interests in various conditions. Advanced electronic and suspension
control systems placed behind the vehicle make MMWT more
attractive. Electronic transmission produces a minimum ratio of 20 hp/
ton, which is used automatically. MMWT has six wheels with the
suspension system. Medium Tank shot capability is quite important in
battle. Cracks are very important for tank guns because they do not have
infantry. For this reason, the Medium Tank forces play a role in solving
the concentration of opposing infantry troops, the range prepared for
this medium tank on a flat road with two tanks up to 450 km.
Besides that, the battery is prepared with a power control controlled by
Silent Watch so that the battery lasts even when the engine is off. The
comfort of the crew and gunners in the tank was designed with very
heavy medallion. The commander's security is calculated so rigorously
that the commander in the tank is protected so well.
Ammunition used by MMWT is quite large, such as Armor Piercing
(AP) made from solid steel with high carbon and Explosive Filler (-
HE), which increases the ability of weapons in the form of fire
exploding after penetrating objects or targets that shoot. The MMWT
can also be equipped with a secondary 7.62 mm MG weapon for short
and medium-range self-defense. For this reason, MMWT has the role
of being able to counter light and medium steel tanks. For this reason,
this MMWT weapon is suitable as a support vehicle for combat, tank
opponents, reconnaissance, or transportation besides ambush and

33
counter operations against the main battle tank
(www.defenceturkey.com). With this capability, the success of
Medium Tank development is significant for the internal military
ofboth Indonesia and Turkey. Medium Tank for Indonesian military
matches with the terrain that has a lot of swamps, beaches, and small
roads, especially outside the island of Java. Likewise, with Turkey, by
considering; support the defense posture, support the country's borders,
especially with Greece, and resolve armed conflicts in the middle east
(Wiśniewski, 2015). The benefits outside the development of military
technology are seen from the perspective of defense diplomacy having
leveraging on issues of defense, economy, and relations between
countries.
a. Advantages in Defense Perspective
The arms race is not linear with economic progress, but collaboration
between countries to develop and possess sophisticated weapons
increases the value of a country's competition and progress (Lie, 2017).
Progress in the development of defense technology is not only seen
from the economic and business benefits directly but the effect of the
sustainability of the cooperation on other fields. The financing of the
defense sector should have been a long-term investment, and cannot be
seen from the expenditure and income of the annual state budget alone.
The dilemma for military institutions is that the role of the military in
supplying weapons has been large lyre placed by civilians because it
deals with issues of cooperation in peacetime under civilian control
(Apgar, 2004). Whereas the problem of military needs for developing
countries is much confidential nature, especially related to planning,
personnel, weapons, and strategies that are owned. Maybe not so for
developed countries, because everything is open except ownership of
increasingly sophisticated technology, the arms business becomes
important. The military technology market is associated with a rate of
return on capital, imperfect competition, and externalities. There is no
unconditional cooperation agreement because it is related to trade

34
protection. Licensing and other types of arms trade in technology -
measured by royalty income streams (Bernard n.y).
Medium Tank is a necessity in the title of the tactical force of national
defense, a running castle, and a safe troop house in addition to
increasing the number of trained personnel and improving the strategies
used (PT. Pindad, 2018). This weapon is vital for land borders and
coastal defense countries like Indonesia in general.
Turkey has an interest in maintaining its strength as a member of NATO
and dominance in the Middle East North Africa region (Middle East
North Africa (MENA). Turkey is considered as a country that has
calculated power at the global level both in terms of its political
influence and economic potential. Over the past decade, Turkey has
been catching up with decades of lagging international relations.
Turkey's role is getting stronger in the face of the Middle East crisis.
Turkish policy in supporting international security is very important,
especially since Turki is in two regions of Asia and Europe (Urhan,
2010).
Consideration of developing the military industry is most important to
meet the needs of the military itself is more important in addition to the
need for arms exports abroad. Political influence in military industry
transactions is crucial because negotiations consider the changes in the
strength of the environment of each country whether consumers buy or
not. For that reason, an identical weapon with power. Familiar alias is
an identical defense to the source of the weapon purchased. Indeed,
Turkey with Indonesia is not in one defense alliance but other
considerations that make a bond in the cooperation. The other
considerations in selecting partners are inseparable from Turkey's
strategy. In choosing Indonesia based on realistic considerations that
Indonesia has experience in making Tanks. The analyst's basis for
Turkey's consideration of strategic policy is that it has a global impact.
For this reason, the development of the Medium Tank military industry
remains within the framework of Turkey's defense policy.

35
The role of the defense industry in defense and security policy basically
plays three broad and mutually supportive roles: military, political, and
economical. The role of the military is the reason for the entire defense
industry base is the main driving force to get state policy support. At
the most basic level is to equip the national armed forces with a system
of weapons and military equipment that enables them to achieve
tactical, operational, and strategic military objectives, whether in times
of peace, conflict, or war (Wiśniewski, 2015). The need for weapons
depends on the escalation of threats and strategies in play. In principle,
weapons sometimes have what the enemy needs to know and not. Not
all weapons must be exhibited openly, let alone tactical in their use.
However, once the war expert has become no secret, what kind of
situation using what weapons. Turkey's national politics and security
have gone through a long history since the Ottoman rule of 1861. The
military regime has been so entrenched that it has built a strategic
cultural atmosphere of a specific Turkish country in Europe and Asia.
Turkey is trying to combine Europe with Asia. 1923 The Republic of
modern Turkey only retains part of the Ottoman Empire, thus initially
leaving the question of identity, is it Europe or Asia? However, 1963 is
included in the European Union. Dress like Europe but eat like Asia.
Originally, they came from Central Asia with a majority Muslim
population. Europe prioritizes free education from elementary to
tertiary institutions.
When compared with the development of the Turkish military industry
with Indonesia, of course, unbalanced, Indonesia, in general, lags
behind Turkey. There will not be many Turkish scientists who will learn
perhaps. However, by looking at Turkey's background, Indonesia needs
each other with ties of similarity in cultural backgrounds. According to
the Ambassador of Turkey to Indonesia H.E. Sander Gurbuz, Turkey's
relations with Indonesia for a long time, during the 16th-century
Ottoman raid helped Aceh by sending many warships in ousting the
Protugians. Turkey was also the first country to recognize Indonesian
independence. At present the Indonesian Togetherness of Turkey is

36
more visible in International Interaction, having much togetherness in
the United Nations and G-20, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation
(OIC) then later 2013 members of MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, South
Korea, Turkey, and Australia) (Jakarta Magazine, 2018). By using
instruments of mutual security interests, Turkey and Indonesia are
taking strategic steps to develop the economy and the military industry.
b. Economic Benefits
Medium Tank's business strategy is aiming at the military needs of
countries that have hilly terrain, swamps, forests, and beaches. The
market potential of the Medium Tank business is very broad because a
country that has a stretch of the desert has large tanks that also need to
be equipped with these medium tanks. According to the type and
capability of the weapon, the combination of protection, firepower,
accuracy, and mobility. Indonesia is important in requiring Medium
Tank. The development requires $ 330 billion in funds with a
composition of Turkish and Indonesian obligations of $ 150 billion and
Pindad alone $ 30 billion. Its volume analyzes the economic challenges
facing Turkey in its efforts to approve the European Union (EU). It
focuses on the extent to which Turkey is ready to join the Single Market,
complies with the EU's economic regulatory and directing body, The
Acquis Communautaire, and fulfills Maastricht's criteria for fiscal,
monetary and exchange rate policies. This body provides an assessment
of Turkey for accession requirements. It briefly describes what Turkey
needs to achieve in future economic policies to meet the requirements
for accession, progress to date, and the possible consequences of
applying all EU requirements. The most important benefit of EU
accession for Turkey is legal certainty and reducing competition-related
constraints by simultaneously increasing the flow of private investment
(Hoekman, 2005).
According to Indonesian Vice President Yusuf Kala Ministry of
Defense, the Indonesian Government has held an Indo Defense 2018
exhibition and forum from 7 to 10 November 2018 at JI Expo

37
Kemayoran, Jakarta. At this exhibition, it is held every two years to
promote the successful development of defense technology 2018, with
the theme "Building a Global Defense Partnership to Secure the
Future". The development of military technology in the context of
defense diplomacy is a cooperation between governments in supporting
mutual trust, where the leaders of each country and parliamentarians
believe that building partnerships with foreign parties will enhance
military capabilities directly or indirectly. In this exhibition, Indonesia
also wants to be shown that one country depends on another country.
For this reason, dealing with global security requires cooperation
between countries. Indonesia is constitutionally strict in participating in
supporting world peace the purpose of the military industry was formed
to meet the needs of Indonesia independently. The experience of
Indonesia had been a good teacher in the 1990s. Indonesia was
embargoed, Indonesia could not make optimal use of weapons
purchased from western countries, could not buy even for repairs just
cannot. Based on the notes that Indonesia made regulations on the
Defense Industry, Indonesia could not buy without the process of trade
returns, defense offset, transfer of technology, etc. However, that does
not mean that independence means closing down. We need cooperation
with other countries that support the domestic military industry. "Indo
Defense 2018 Expo & Forum" is expected to spur to improve the
progress and capability of the military industry. Indonesia hopes that
the military industry will be able to help drive domestic economic
growth.
Moreover, Indonesia's experience during the embargo in 1990 shows
how important the independence of military technology is in the future,
and this follows the Vision of President Nawa Cita. Indonesia's ability
to see its human and natural resources. Indonesia has great potential to
develop the military industry. The development of military technology
is a condition with the politics and interests of large countries so that
Indonesia must have a specific strategy in transferring technology and
developing more advanced techniques, the Pindad Memorandum of

38
Understanding (MOU) was signed with Rohde Schwarz (Germany)
(Wira Bulletin, 2018.
PT Pindad's Special Vehicle Development Manager, Windhu
Paramarta, Pindad holds a development program for medium tanks,
while Turkey appoints FNSS. The Turkish Ministry of Defense
appointed FNSS as a competent company in handling the construction
of the tank. Starting from this, Pindad and FNSS, who had never built
a combat tank, began to build the tank following the technical
specifications of the needs of the Indonesian military. Pindad had built
Anoa tanks, while FNSS had built "fighting falcon infantry." In October
2018, the tank was tested and received a proper certificate from the
Indonesian Army and the Ministry of Defense. Entering the production
phase, first Pindad conducted a trial first with a "play blast test" to prove
the ability of the tank twice. Tests conducted in Turkey, to see the
engineering capabilities, whether it is in accordance with the ability to
defend tanks against the threat of mines. "The standard used is the 45-
69 standard related to ballistic and my defense standards," he said. In
addition, a series of tests were carried out to see the extent of the human
effect operating the tank (www.mfa.gov.tr). Furthermore, this military
industry development cooperation can be included in the context of the
Indonesia-Turkey Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement
(IT-CEPA).
c. Culture and Defense Alliances
If alienation becomes a condition of cooperation, Indonesia cannot
cooperate with any country because Indonesia embraces "free and
active." Indonesia was born as a non-aligned country. In international
relations, the ethics of alliances and partners are highly respected in
cooperation. Several times the development of weapons also failed with
alliance partners. However, the implications of the success of Turkey-
Indonesia cooperation have a positive impact on other countries.
Starting with the agreement between Indonesia and Turkey for the
division of the Medium Tank market area, where Indonesia is the

39
Southeast Asian region and Turkey for the European and Middle
Eastern markets, showing the Alliance does not hamper relations
between countries. Top of the Agreement between the Ministry of
Trade of the Republic of Indonesia and the Prime Minister for Foreign
Trade (UFT) of the Republic of Turkey to establish a Joint Study Group
(JSG), which is tasked with reporting the initial conditions of Turkey-
Indonesia trade and economic relations, exploring realistic
opportunities for expanding relationships and recommending ways to
turn opportunities into reality for mutual benefit. In fulfilling its
responsibilities, JSG has agreed to hold three joint meetings: two
Turkish meetings and one in Jakarta. A group of people on both sides
prepared the material for the meeting. Recommendations are based on
group work (thejakartapost.com/news/2018).
Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) are directly seen in the form of
buying and selling Medium Tank components with partner countries
owned by Turkey. PT Pindad can order several strategic components
upon recommendation from Turkey. Then CBMs do not directly affect
cooperation with each of the friendly countries. Culturally the relations
between Indonesia and Turkey have evolved over the centuries in the
two countries, also producing different features. Apart from the
similarities rooted in shared Islamic religion between the majority of
people in both countries. Turkey is in the process of accessing the
European Union as a country located in both Asia and Europe.
Indonesia is one of the leading players in the development of the East
Asian community.
However, it is still attracted to Europe for historical reasons and to West
Asia by religious means. In other words, the basic natural and cultural
gifts of Indonesia and Turkey provide rich material for useful
relationships. On the other hand, Indonesia's potential for Turkey is the
fourth most populous country in the world, with a population of 265
million by 2018, projected to increase steadily. Turkey, on its side, is
home to 73.72 million people. The comprehensive Indonesia-Turkey
trade and economic partnership (Indonesia-Turki CETP) has the

40
potential to be relevant to the lives of more than 300 million people,
representing a sizeable number. BothTurkey and Indonesia have made
progress in macroeconomic stabilization. Inflation has been controlled
in both countries, and the commitment to wise monetary policy has
been strengthened in a credible way.
Collaboration between the two countries involved in the defense
industry of each state also requires cooperation in the maintenance and
repair of tactical radio vehicles. PT did this with the CMI Defense
industry (CMID) to enhance Pindad's ability as a partner in the
manufacture of tower weapon systems. The effort is by conducting
expert training and increasing local content suppliers from Indonesia so
that Pindad becomes asupply to advance Indonesia's export potential.
On another occasion, Indonesia had relations with Italy. Secretary-
General of the Indonesian Ministry of Defense Marsdya TNI Hadiyan
Sumintaatmadja in opening the second Indonesia-Italy Joint Defense
Cooperation Committee (JDCC) in 2018 explained that Indonesia-Italy
has a term of reference for joint defense cooperation signed on October
13, 2016. The forum was very important and provided many advantages
to enhance defense cooperation. The Italian delegation also visited PT.
Pindad and PT. Len in Bandung. The visit of the Italian delegation led
by Lieutenant General Nicolo Falsaperna as Secretary-General of the
Defense of the Republic of Italy gained a clear view of the part of the
defense industry. As a major country in Europe and NATO, Italy has a
great opportunity to become a good traditional Indonesian partner in
defense cooperation, education, and defense training. A total of 57
Indonesian military personnel have completed education and training in
Italy until 2018. Some valuable cooperation opportunities can be
recorded and carried out by the Ministry so that Indonesia can maximize
and implement the plan in a concrete manner. Then at almost the same
time as the cooperation between Indonesia and Turkey took place, it
turned out that Singapore bought Leopard-Germany. This means there
is a reaction to balance what is owned by Indonesia by a close
neighboring country. Data released by the German Ministry for

41
Economic and Energy Affairs explains that Singapore received 18
Leopard 2 battle tanks in 2017 to add seven tanks that were exported in
2016. Thus Singapore had 170 leopards in 2017. Manufacturers of
Krauss-Maffei Wegmann, according to some Leopard2A7 media for
Singapore and Qatar, specifically made. Germany previously said it had
exported 161 Leopard 2tanks to Singapore between 2007 and 2012 in
its report to the UN Conventional Weapons Database. Singapore
announced the receipt of 156 Leopard 2A4s during the same period.
The 2017 shipment was part of conventional$ 93 million weapons
exported to Singapore from Germany in that year, including recovery
vehicles, spare parts for tanks, various military vehicles, training, and
refueling aircraft in flight, and light weapons.
From the description above, it can be seen that the success of the
collaboration between countries in the development of the military
industry is related to the interests of the country's military strategy,
business strategy, economic benefits in cultural background. If this
cooperation consistently impacts defense diplomacy, namely
Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) both directly and indirectly.
Figure: Implications of leveraging collaboration in the development of
the military industry in the perspective of Defense Diplomacy
d. Discussion
The Defense Industry Strategy (DIS) as a basis for national security
policy is urgently needed. Industry knowledge, technology, and
capabilities are evaluated based on national security interests
(Gulube,2017). Non material resources in technological innovation are
crucial, because technology is basically intellectual creativity, for that
openness in development for all academics needs to be greatest. The
military industry is not only in the military, but academically it is
always evaluated and developed continuously.

42
Fig 3.1: Implications of leveraging collaboration in the development of the military
industry in the perspective of Defense Diplomacy

For this reason, democracies have military policy issues under civil
government. Because democracy, Western culture, high levels of
human capital, and friendly civil-military relations increase military
effectiveness (Schot, 2018). It would indeed be difficult for countries
that were so long under the military regime because academic traditions
have not yet formed. The first step that has been taken is the formation
of case and development institutions, the second is building a national
innovation system for the creation of knowledge and
commercialization, and the third is paying attention to the development
of the environment to guarantee the continued development of the
technology.

43
Indonesian Military Industry Development Strategy based on Law no.
16 of 2012 concerning the Defense Industry, Defense Industry. It was
explained that the national industry consisting of state-owned
enterprises and private-owned enterprises either individually or in
groups determined by the government to partially or wholly produce
defense equipment. Turkey has guide lines for the development of the
military industry, including the Turkey Case and Development Policy
Handbook. Both Turkey and Indonesia have a background in military
leadership, so the importance of the policy of military technology is
something that is shared. In principle, the evolution of policy can take
three forms: adding new goals and instruments, adding new reasons and
objectives without changing instruments, and adding instruments
without changing reasons(conversion) (Schot, ibid). In the development
of Medium Tank technology, both Indonesia and Turkey have almost
no regulatory or political constraints. Domestic commitments in each
country support the realization of the Medium Tank as a military need,
of course, market development by looking at economic calculations is
undeniable, but at least to meet domestic needs is a realistic minimum
target to be achieved.
However, it should be noted that the reaction of neighboring countries,
whether Singapore bought Leopard from Germany in the context of
blocking the development of Indonesia. Maybe Singapore does not
intend to compensate for that, because the island nation has been
equipped with a very high-security system. Alternatively, indeed,
Singapore is promoting Leopard so that ASEAN countries can purchase
it. Indonesia has shown its passion for having a Leopard since 2011, in
2013 Leopard was featured in TNI Anniversary, and 2016 Leopard also
took part in TNI Training in Natuna. Thus, Indonesia develops Medium
Tank, not in a contextual context but builds collaboration.
The significant impact of cooperation with Turkey is also seen by
Italian hospitality in continuing to work with Indonesia. Turkey and
Italy as part of the NATO alliance, seemingly familiar with accepting
Indonesia. Further implications in global trade will be that many

44
partnerships developed as Indonesia with Turkey have signed an
Indonesia-Turkey Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement
(IT-CEPA) MoU. This means that military cooperation has an impact
on building Confidence Building Measures (CBMs). The multi-effects
of the development of military technology had a profound influence on
the work of other fields, even breaking through the boundaries of the
defense alliance. Indonesia can work with NATO countries and vice
versa. It seems that Turkey and Indonesia have made progress in
macroeconomic stabilization. Agreement between the Ministry of
Trade of the Republic of Indonesia and the Under secretariat of
Indonesia from the Prime Minister for Foreign Trade (UFT) of the
Republic of Turkey to establish a Joint Study Group (JSG) to study
Turkish-Indonesian economic and trade relations. The group is
expected to be able to take advantage of realistic opportunities to
expand relationships and recommend ways to turn opportunities into
mutually beneficial realities (http://ditjenppi.kemendag.go.id).
Indonesia and Turkey officially started the first round of their CEPA
negotiations in early 2018. For Indonesia, bilateral trade with Turkey is
very important, given its strategic geopolitical position. This can help
the country expand its market access to European and Middle Eastern
countries. Seriousness in increasing current trade of $ 1.8 billion to $
10 billion was seen at a meeting between Turkish President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan and President Joko Widodo on the sidelines of the G20
Summit in Japan in June 2019. Erdogan is expected to visit Indonesia
in the first quarter of 2020 to sign a trade agreement called the
Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA).

4. CONCLUSIONS
Collaboration on the development of the military industry in addition to
being beneficial by each country to strengthen the defense system and
the country's defense strategy is also seen from the perspective of
defense diplomacy opening up economic potential, strengthening
cultural relations and Confidence Building Measures (CBMs). The

45
multi-effects of the benefits of Medium-tech development cooperation
for Turkey to build tank market segmentation, thereby increasing
defense industry development achievements on the international stage
in the field of technology development. The strong determination of
Turkey succeeded in cooperation with Indonesia, namely adding
opportunities in market developers in the European and Middle Eastern
Region. In the defense perspective, Turkey is able to convince the
market of the success of the medium tank. For Indonesia, in addition to
increasing international prestige, it is also increasing the ability of
Human Resources and increasing market development opportunities in
the ASEAN Region.
The effect of cooperation is the leverage outside the planned leverage
strategy in the field of defense. The benefit of the cooperation between
the two parties is to increase CBM between countries cross-border,
where neighboring Turkey, such as Italy, adds closer to Indonesia. Vice
versa, where Turkey with ASEAN countries such as Malaysia, Vietnam
became closer. This means that confidence-building measures emerge
and strengthen relations between countries. It does not close also does
not directly affect Singapore to strengthen its weapons with almost the
same class, namely buying Leopard from Germany. Even so, from the
perspective of defense, diplomacy studies are considered something
inevitable so that the development of the military industry is proven to
be a game-changer.
***

46
References:
Apgar IV, M., & Keane, J. M. (2004). New business with the new
military. Harvard Business Review, 82(9).
Beckley, Michael. “Economic Development and Military
Effectiveness.” Journal of Strategic Studies, vol. 33, no. 1,
2010, pp. 43–79, doi:10.1080/01402391003603581.
Bernard M. Hoekman et al, Transfer of Technology to Developing
Countries: Unilateral and Multilateral PolicyOptions,
Maurice Schiff for helpful comments and to Francis Ng for
assistance with data, documents.worldbank.org › pdf ›
wps3332, p.6
Herrera, R., & Gentilucci, E. (2013). Military spending, technical
progress, and economic growth: a critical overview on
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Brimley, S., Fitzgerald, B., & Sayler, K. (2013). Game Changers:
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Gerhart, G. M., & Cohen, H. J. (2001). Intervening in Africa:
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Perspective from China. She Ji, 3(2), 133–
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PT. Pindad, Annual Report (2018). Spread the Wings Through Strategic
Innovation.
Schot, J., & Steinmueller, W. E. (2018). Three frames for innovation
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change. Case Policy, 47(9), 1554–1567.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.respol.2018.08.011.
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Feasibility of A Comprehensive Trade And Economic
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Urhan, B., &Çelik, S. (2010). Perceptions of “National Security” in
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49
50
State defense threats that arise as a result of the development of the
global, regional and national strategic environment also include
social conflicts that are still widely found in various parts of
Indonesia. The preparation of a national defense strategy from an
early age is very much needed to face the worst possibility and the
government must hold a total war. The involvement of all national
resources is needed including human resources, social conflict is a
serious problem in the development of the defense force, so a solution
must be found. This paper uses a phenomenological qualitative
descriptive method and the theory of defense policy implementation
by Lukman Yudho Prakoso to analyze the current problems. The case
results show that there is still a need to carry out good handling in
handling social conflicts that are integrated, can communicate
interactively between entities, and implement transparent, controlled
and accountable activities. So that the conclusion can be formulated
that it is necessary to instill the value of State defense in handling
social conflicts, so that it is hoped that awareness will arise in the
community for responsibility in defending the State. Another
conclusion is that a strategy is needed to build the best network and
the involvement of an entity that functions as a Driver Force for
handling social conflicts in supporting military campaign strategies.

51
1. INTRODUCTION
The development of the global strategic environment, regional and
national impacts on the emergence of actual and potential threats to
Indonesia. The threats that arise at this time can be in the form of
military, non-military or hybrid threats. One of the threats that has
proven to be devastating to several countries in the world is an internal
conflict within a country which eventually causes divisions. Indicators
of internal conflicts related to social conflicts in Indonesia are almost
always present in every region. As the Minister of Home Affairs Tito
Karnavian has realized this and has ordered all regional heads to form
a team to resolve the social conflict problem (Lukman Yudho Prakoso,
2020).
The national defense system must be able to guarantee territorial
integrity, state sovereignty and the safety of the nation. One of the
factors in the national defense system is the ability of a country to carry
out military campaigns if needed. A military campaign is a military
operation with a large-scale long-term strategic military plan combining
a series of interrelated military operations or battles to form a distinct
part of a larger conflict, often called a war. The implementation of a
military campaign requires all national resources including human
resources (Prakoso, 2021). A strong defense system makes a country
have a deterrent effect or a deterrent effect on any party with bad
intentions to disturb. Article 30 of the 1945 Constitution states that
national defense is a right and an obligation for all Indonesian citizens.
So, it is very necessary to have the condition of Indonesia's human
resources with character who can defend their country if the time is
needed. How can citizens be used for the national defense system, for
example in involvement in military campaigns, if conditions that occur
in society there are still many social conflicts (Prihantoro et al, 2021).
The case locus was chosen in Balikpapan, because the area is a national
strategic area where the area is an area that significantly contributes
significantly to the state as a region as a national fuel producer.

52
Meanwhile, the actual conditions and potential social conflicts that
occur are quite large. The scientific consideration is that the social
conflicts that occur should not disrupt national stability if the energy
supply is disrupted from Balikpapan. In addition, in carrying out
military campaigns, logistical. Safeguarding the Balikpapan area is a
priority. For this reason, the problem of social conflict is very important
to find a solution in order to strengthen the stability of the country, and
can also be used for military campaign strategies.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

This case is a qualitative case using a library approach, as stated by Zed
(2004) who states that a library case is a case that utilizes literature
sources to obtain case data, so that in this study the literature reference
becomes the main source. The literature study in this case is carried out
by searching and studying various literatures, scientific articles, both in
the form of books, journals and other documents related to the
development of tourism villages.
Sources of data in this study are books, journals, web pages and other
references that are considered relevant to the theme in this study,
namely examining the development of community-based tourism
villages. Data analysis in this study was carried out through descriptive
analysis method, which is defined as an attempt to collect and compile
data, then an analysis of the data is carried out, while the data collected
is in the form of words, pictures and not in the form of numbers
(Surakhmad, 1990). In this case, the data regarding the development of
the tourism village were collected from various sources and then the
caseer carried out the analysis and interpretation of the data.

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

Social conflict is a phenomenon in society that usually occurs when
differences between individuals or groups cannot be reconciled.

53
Although the main cause of social conflict is differences in society,
many factors can be related to it. As a social phenomenon, conflict is
actually a natural thing that occurs in every society. This is because
every individual or group has the desire to increase welfare, power,
prestige, social support, and access various resources (Palupi et al,
2020).
When individuals or groups have the same desires as other individuals
or groups, while these desires are related to scarce resources,
competition is born. As for the excessive competition process, it can
lead to conflict. Likewise, when individuals or groups have different
desires from other group individuals, disputes will arise. These disputes
can lead to conflict if they are not reconciled.
Meanwhile, in sociology, social conflict is understood as a form of
impact on the process of social interaction. Social interaction is
considered to have an associative effect or strengthen relationships
between individuals in society, and it can also have a dissociative effect,
stretching relationships. An example of an associative form is
cooperation. An example of a dissociative form is conflict, as quoted
from the Kemdikbud Learning Center. There are many ways of looking
at social conflict in sociology. Therefore, social conflict is also not
always considered a negative thing. In community life, conflict can also
be an instrumental process that leads to the formation, unification and
maintenance of social structures and can define and maintain
boundaries between two or more groups. Even with conflict, groups can
re-strengthen identity and solidarity among their members (Dipua et al,
2020).
On the other hand, there are many kinds of social conflicts in society.
The kinds of social conflicts are divided into various categories. The
details can be observed in the following explanation.
1. Social conflict based on the position of the perpetrator. Based on
the position of the perpetrator, social conflict can be divided into 2
types. Both: vertical conflict and horizontal conflict. Horizontal

54
 conflict is a conflict between parties of the same degree or position.
Examples of this social conflict are clashes with violence between
ethnic groups, or clashes between villagers from different villages.
Meanwhile, vertical conflict is a conflict involving parties whose
positions are not equal. Examples of vertical conflicts are clashes
between police and communities who refuse to be evicted (Lebo et
al, 2021).
2. Social conflict based on the nature of the perpetrator. Based on the
nature of the perpetrator, social conflict can be divided into open
and closed conflicts. The two types differ in the appearance of the
conflict. For the first, namely open conflict, is a social conflict that
is known to everyone. So, the conflict is known not only to the
parties involved, but also to the general public who are not related
to it. Examples of open social conflict are labor demonstrations,
student demonstrations in 1998, demonstrations of activists and
students rejecting the Omnibus Law, and the like. Meanwhile,
closed conflicts are conflicts that are known to only a few parties,
for example only by the parties involved. For example, the
provision of salaries to Indonesian citizens with foreign employees
in a company is not the same, even though the roles of both of them
are in equal work. However, this social conflict has not yet
surfaced, so it is not known by anyone outside the company.
3. Social conflict based on time Based on time category, social
conflict can be divided into instantaneous conflict (spontaneous)
and ongoing conflict. A momentary conflict can occur in a short
time or for a moment due to a misunderstanding between the
conflicting parties. For example: clashes between residents due to
misunderstanding problems. Meanwhile, ongoing conflicts take a
long time and are difficult to resolve. This can be seen for example
in the prolonged inter-tribal conflict.
4. Social conflict based on organizational goals If viewed from the
organizational goals, various kinds of social conflict can be divided

55
 into functional and dysfunctional conflicts. Functional conflict is a
conflict that supports the achievement of organizational goals and
is constructive. For example, competition between scout
organizations and student council in a school which then
encourages each group to compete for achievements. The
dysfunctional conflict is a conflict that hinders the achievement of
the goals of an organization and is destructive (damaging). An
example is a conflict over the position of chairman of an
organization which has resulted in split of the board, perhaps even
triggering violent clashes.
5. Social conflict based on control If examined based on control,
social conflict can be categorized into 4 types, namely controlled
conflict, uncontrolled conflict, systematic conflict, and non-
systematic conflict. First, controlled conflict occurs when the
parties involved can control it well, so that disputes do not spread
and escalate rapidly. For example, a conflict between an employee
and a company regarding the value of a salary. Then the conflict
was mediated by the Manpower Office through a mediation
process, and finally an agreement was reached. Second,
uncontrolled conflict is a social conflict that has an uncontrollable
effect by the parties involved, resulting in violent action. An
example of this type is violent clashes between police and
demonstration masses. Third, non-systematic conflicts can occur
even without planning and a strong desire to win. The parties to the
conflict do not analyze how the conflict can be controlled or get
satisfactory results. An example of a non-systematic conflict is a
fight between groups of students that suddenly occurs, just because
of a motorbike bumping case on the road. Fourth, systematic
conflict occurs because there is a pre-arranged plan. Not only so
that the goal is achieved, but also with certain strategies so that one
of the winners can control the other party. To win the conflict, the
conflicting parties plan ways to subdue and dominate the opponent.
Examples of this systematic conflict can be seen in disputes

56
 between political parties, or between groups of social organizations
(Madrohim, 2021).
From the results of the mapping of the potential social conflicts of the
East Kalimantan Regional Police, it was recorded that as many as 199
potential conflicts existed in this area. Overall, the distribution of types
such as ideology, politics, economy, social and culture was 109 cases.
Then 16 cases of ethnicity, religion, race, between groups, natural
resources, there are 54 cases and cases of boundaries have been mapped
as many as 20 cases. For the first rank, most conflicts were in the Kukar
district with 67 cases of Ipoleksosbud, one case of ethnicity, religion,
race, between groups, six cases of natural resources and two cases of
territorial boundaries. These cases arose from widespread
undercurrents. Examples of several cases of ethnicity, religion, race,
and between groups prioritize temporary emotions but the
consequences are widespread because of intersectional intersections.
"Inter-ethnic cases spread quickly even though they are trivial issues
such as fighting over parking lots and so on," the potential for this
conflict could increase when East Kalimantan will hold a democratic
party for the election of the governor or the election of legislative
members later. Even now there is oversight of the ongoing Paser Regent
election (Saputro et al, 2021).
In East Kalimantan during the presidential election, the regional head
became vulnerable to conflicts in the community. So it requires fast,
precise and firm handling. This step can be taken through the Regional
Level Integrated Security Disturbance Management Team. This
integrated team includes all related and very strategic elements,
especially in an effort to guarantee the existence of a single unit of
command and control as well as clarity of ethnicity, religion, race,
Between group and action plans in handling. regional security
(Rachmad et al, 2021).
In accordance with the President's instruction, an Integrated Team for
Handling Security Disturbances should be formed at the central and

57
regional levels. Aiming at handling and anticipating domestic conflicts.
East Kalimantan has formed this institution, involving all elements of
Forkominda Kaltim (Governor, Attorney General's Office, Pangdam,
Kapolda, Chairman of the High Court) and the Regent/ Mayor along
with the Kejari, Dandim, Kapolres, Chairperson of the Court.
The East Kalimantan Integrated Team has been invited to the central
level together with other provincial integrated teams to submit action
plans to be implemented in the regions. Especially quick, precise and
decisive and professional steps in stopping all forms of violence
resulting from social conflict and terrorism according to the law and
respecting customs. Kaltim already has a map of potential social
conflicts that need to be taken anticipatory steps by involving all
potentials in the region, both community and religious leaders as well
as traditional leaders by optimizing the role of security forces at the
village level. Therefore, an action plan that is carried out by an
integrated team is needed, especially with regard to reconciliation,
rehabilitation and even the possibility of reconstruction so that the
community feels safe in carrying out their activities. Moreover, after
the issuance of Law Number 20 of 2012 concerning the Formation of
North Kalimantan as a result of the division of East Kalimantan
Province and Law Number 2 of 2013 concerning the Establishment of
Mahakam Ulu Regency, a fraction of West Kutai.
Although the majority of the people of Kaltara (Bulungan, Malinau,
Nunukan, Tana Tidung and Tarakan City) have accepted the issuance
of the law on the formation of a new autonomous region in East
Kalimantan, for these conditions the integrated team and security forces
at the lowest level should always improve coordination and intensive
monitoring in order to prevent the occurrence of this social conflict. In
addition, it is necessary to watch out for conflicts that have subsided so
far, which are feared to re-emerge at any time. Particularly in entering
the political year, both in the election of regional heads and members
of the legislative and presidential elections.

58
The attitude of defending the state towards the Indonesian nation is the
strength of the Indonesian state for the national development process
towards national goals and is a condition that must be realized so that
the process of achieving these national goals can run successfully.
Therefore, we need a conception of national resilience in accordance
with the characteristics of the Indonesian nation. With the awareness of
defending the country, we must be able to have attitudes and behaviors
that are in accordance with the struggle, love the country and are willing
to sacrifice for the country and the nation. In relation to the nation's
future youth, an attitude of love for the country should be instilled from
an early age so that their love for the nation and state is more confident
and deeper. In the attitude of defending our country, we should be able
to adapt to the situation and conditions that are going on in our country,
it is impossible for us to show a tough attitude if the national security
situation is under control.
State defense can be seen at micro and macro according to the country
of each element of life. On a micro level, the implementation of state
defense is manifested by every element of life in the form of defense of
the place where the feet stand and where a living as living expenses is
obtained. This means, there will be resistance to any intervention that
comes from other countries. In simple language it can be stated that
determining life choices is a right. However, after making a choice,
there is an obligation that must be fulfilled. Fulfilling the duty of life as
a human being with dignity at the place where our feet are foothold is a
micro form of state defense. At a macro level, the form of state defense
is manifested by the ability to mobilize all supporting elements to
achieve a common goal, namely the realization of a just, prosperous,
safe, peaceful, harmonious, peaceful, happy and prosperous society.
Thus, decision-making is carried out unanimously so that there is no
place to escape responsibility.
The form of state defense in various social environments is described
as follows:

59
 1. Family Environment: understanding the rights and obligations
in the family, maintaining family integrity and harmony, being
democratic, maintaining the good name of the family, etc.
2. School Environment: obey the rules of the school, say and
behave well, are responsible for the assigned tasks, do not
participate in brawls, etc.
3. Community Environment: active in community activities,
willing to sacrifice for the benefit of the community.
4. The environment of the nation and state; respecting the services
of heroes, daring to express opinions, preserving local customs
and culture.
"Meanwhile, Article 30 paragraph 1 mandates that every citizen has the
right and obligation to participate in national defense and security
efforts. From these two quotes, it can be understood that defending the
state is a constitutional right and obligation of Indonesian citizens ". All
children of the country must move and be motivated to protect the
country in accordance with their respective fields of service.
"The call to defend the country, can be made by farmers, teachers, TNI
soldiers, doctors, midwives, health workers, laborers, civil servants,
traders and other professions. State defense can be done through
professional dedication in various fields of community life. For young
people who do work according to their profession, it is part of defending
the country. Likewise, with friends who are currently at the forefront of
handling Covid - 19. "Because without them, defending the country will
not run well".

4. CONCLUSION
Case on Military Campaign Strategies through Strengthening the Value
of State Defense (Study of Social Conflict Handling in Balikpapan)
concluded that it is very important to implement the values of State

60
Defense in society to prevent social conflicts from continuing from time
to time. What is a significant finding in this study is that the handling
of social conflicts behind the social conflict in Balikapapan has been
carried out in an integrated manner between related entities, there has
also been interactive communication between entities, there has also
been a factor of budget transparency, a good and accountable control
system, but conflicts are still frequent. occurs due to most political
processes for the election of the head of the central / regional
government or legislative elections, so that from these findings
formulate a strategy so that the handling of this social conflict has a
national network and there is also an entity that becomes the driver
force so that it is expected to be effective and efficient in supporting the
strategy. military campaign, if one day Indonesia is in a very forced
condition to mobilize all national components in facing the enemy.
***

61
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66
A s a large archipelagic country in the world, Indonesia can become
a maritime axis for the world. This great potential is very possible,
given Indonesia’s position in a strategic crossroads for world shipping
in the Asia Pacific region. The concept of an archipelagic state is getting
stronger and obtaining international legality, but that legality must also
be balanced by the government by establishing 3 Indonesian
Archipelago Sea Route (ASLs) routes for the major interests of
international shipping. This consequence is the big responsibility of the
Indonesian government to be able to secure all maritime threats that
arise. This study is to determine the impressions and efforts of the
government in securing ASLS as part of the national security task. This
case uses qualitative methods, and with a literature study design. This
study finds that there are negative and positive impressions on the
establishment of ASLs, the formation of new institutions that become
the leading sector in efforts to safeguard Indonesia’s territorial waters.
Synergy and interoperability of all law enforcement and sovereignty
agencies are needed in maintaining the stability of the security of
Indonesian waters from traditional and non-traditional threats.

1. INTRODUCTION
As a large archipelago country, of course Indonesia has the potential to
become a maritime axis for the world. The maritime axis initiated by
the President of the Republic of Indonesia Joko Widodo in the first
period of his administration, is a strategic way to ensure connectivity
between islands and islands, development of the maritime industry in

67
the shipping and fisheries sector, improve services and infrastructure
for marine transportation, and maintain maritime security stability. In
this regard, the Government of Indonesia emphasizes the importance of
development in the maritime sector for a sustainable economy and
Indonesian national defense.
Being a maritime axis for the world, will be able to arouse the spirit of
marine and strengthen Indonesia’s identity as a maritime country, and
provide positive opportunities in improving the sustainable national
economy and national defense. [1] The potential to become a world
maritime axis is very possible, given Indonesia’s strategic position,
being in a crossroads of two continents, Asia and Australia, the two
Pacific and Indian oceans, and surrounded by Southeast Asian regional
countries that are growing and developing their economies.
The concept of the existence of an archipelagic state is getting stronger
with international recognition through the United Nations Convention
on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) on 10 December 1982 which took
place in London, England. This convention is known as the Law of the
Sea Convention or the Law of the Sea treaty, as an international treaty
that replaces the International Quad-Treaty 1958 Convention on the
High Seas. With international approval as an archipelagic country,
Indonesia has the obligation to provide several navigation routes or
international shipping that traverse Indonesia’s territorial seas.[2]
Then in 1996, the Government of Indonesia submitted a proposal on the
proposal to determine the Indonesian Archipelago Sea Channel (ASLs)
in Indonesian territorial waters to the International Maritime
Organization (IMO). The proposal was approved by IMO, and then
there were 3 (three) ASLs regulated in Law Number 6 concerning
Indonesian Waters. In general, ASLs can be interpreted as a sea lane
that can be traversed by international ships and aircraft under normal
rules, for transit that is direct, as fast and continuous as possible, and is
not obstructed through or over territorial seas and archipelagic waters
which are nearby, between the Indonesian Exclusive Economic Zone

68
(ZEEI) or one part of the high seas, and another ZEEI or part of the high
seas.
The benefits obtained by Indonesia from the establishment and
regulation of ASLS are: (i) becoming an integral part of the world’s
maritime civilization in the framework of building a sustainable and
sustainable marine economy; (ii) Indonesia is an important part of the
transportation of world trade activities; (iii) Indonesia can take a bigger
role in the activities of the Global Logistics Support System, especially
those related to Sea Lanes Of Communication (SLOC) and
Consolidated Ocean Web Of Communication (COWOC); (iv) the
territorial waters of Indonesia and the ASLS therein as an essential
bridge in Highly Accessed Sea Areas (HASA), where the Indian Ocean
and the Pacific Ocean meet in Indonesian waters; and (v) a stopover for
world shipping crossing ASLS with various cargoes, both dry and liquid
bulk.
In addition to providing benefits to Indonesia’s economic interests,
opening the ASLs route can also be detrimental to defense and security,
because it contains various threats and challenges that must be faced.
The threats summarized include: (i) illegal fishing activity (IUU
fishing); (ii) illicit trafficking in narcotics and illegal drugs, human and
gun trafficking; (iii) terrorism; (iv) piracy and / or piracy at sea; (v)
global warming and extreme climate change; (vi) illegal immigration;
(vii) energy security supply chain; (vii) food safety and clean water; and
(viii) the main danger in the presence of private military companies
(PMCs) in Indonesian waters to protect the interests of the charter
country and other commercial interests. This private military company
is a company that provides services and expertise related to the military
or similar fields, usually hired by certain countries to protect the
economic and political interests of their country.
The stipulation of the three ASLs as the right of peaceful passage for
foreign ships and aircraft, which will pass in the waters of the
Indonesian archipelago, is a form of simplification of the extent and

69
number of accesses into and out of Indonesian territory (Hidayat et al.,
2019). Thus, the waters and the air space above them must be
guaranteed their safety from all forms of disturbances and threats that
may arise at any time. Every ship passing on the ASLs route must be
ensured for its safety while in transit, and this security is an absolute
obligation of the Indonesian government as a provider of peaceful
cross-shipping routes.
The three Indonesia ASLs or ALKI that have been regulated and
established are from the north to the south, namely ALKI-I, ALKI-II
and ALKI-III (at the southern end into three: ALKI-III A, ALKI-III B
and ALKI-III C. (1) ALKI-I crossing is a shipping route from the Java
Sea – Sunda Strait – Karimata Strait – Natuna Sea, and leads to the
South China Sea, linking international shipping routes from western
Australia and Africa to the South China Sea or Japan and vice versa. (2)
ALKI-II links shipping routes from the Sulawesi Sea – Makassar Strait
– Lombok Strait – Flores Sea, which links international shipping routes
from Africa to Southeast Asia, Taiwan, China and Japan, as well as
from Australia to Singapore, China and Japan, or vice versa
(Nainggolan, 2015).
Meanwhile, (3) ALKI-III A is a shipping route link from the Pacific
Ocean – Maluku Sea – Seram Sea (eastern part of Mongole Island) –
Banda Sea (western part of Buru Island) – Ombai Strait – Savu Sea, this
route links shipping routes from Western Australia to the Philippines
and Japan, or vice versa. Then, ALKI-III B is a shipping route that links
shipping from the Pacific Ocean across to the Maluku Sea – Seram Sea
– Banda Sea – Leti Strait – Indian Ocean or vice versa. Next is ALKI-
III C, which links international shipping routes from the Pacific Ocean
– Maluku Sea – Seram Sea – Banda Sea – Arafura Sea, to eastern
Australia and New Zealand, and vice versa. The ALKI – III route
generally links cross-border shipping routes in two open seas, namely
the Indian Ocean in the southern hemisphere, and the Pacific Ocean in
the northern hemisphere. International shipping traffic routes that pass
through ALKI can be seen in Figure 5.1 below.

70
 Fig 5.1. ALKI Shipping Routes
Source: Directorate General of Sea Transportation, Ministry of Transportation,
Republic of Indonesia, 2021

From the description above, it can be seen how important and busy sea
traffic is on the ALKI route for the interests of world trade and
transportation, it is not wrong if the Archipelago State of the Republic
of Indonesia is also called the World Maritime Axis. You can imagine
the density of sea traffic in this archipelago, as an illustration, the
density of sea traffic in the Sunda Strait alone, in a period of one year
not less than 53 thousand ships of various types that pass. The
determination of the ALKI route for international shipping is of course
a consequence that must be implemented by the Government of the
Republic of Indonesia, namely ensuring the safety of shipping and
flights in the designated ALKI area.
Safeguarding international shipping routes through Indonesian waters
and the three ALKIs is the absolute responsibility of the Indonesian
Government. Negligence and weakness in safeguarding Indonesian
territorial waters and the three shipping routes in the ALKI can have an
impact on the entry of foreign militaries to intervene in securing the
territorial waters, as stated in UN Security Council Resolution Number
1816 dated June 2, 2008, as already stated. Set in Somali waters. With
the condition of maritime security which is still quite apprehensive in
some of these waters, of course it requires systematic efforts to maintain

71
the conductivity of Indonesian waters from all security disturbances,
transnational crimes, law and sovereignty. This is because, in fact,
Indonesia still has land and sea borders with 10 neighboring countries
which up to now still have several border problems, especially those
related to national borders at sea, which have not been completed. So
that this can be a potential for the decline in maritime security stability
due to the occurrence of transnational crimes and other crimes, which
can be in the form of traditional and non-traditional threats.
Based on the background to the problems described above, this case
will explain matters related to the impact and the Indonesian
Government Authority in securing ALKI and its surrounding waters as
a consequence of Indonesia establishing the ALKI’s right of peaceful
passage.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

The case method used here is a qualitative case method, with a literature
study design (literature). Sugiyono, in 2019, said that the qualitative
case method is a case method that uses the philosophical foundation of
postpositivism. This method is to examine the condition of natural
objects, and the caseer himself is the key instrument in the case itself,
while the data analysis is qualitative inductive, and the case results
emphasize the meaning rather than generalization of the thing under
study.
The literature study design, in terms of deepening the data, uses the
basis of theoretical studies and other references related to the values,
culture and norms that develop in the social situation being studied.
Qualitative case emphasizes multiple dimensions, interactive and an
exchange of social experiences that are interpreted by individuals. The
aim is to understand social phenomena from the perspective of the
participant or object under study. The qualitative case method was
chosen because it emphasizes the social phenomena that occur.

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3. ANALYSIS AND DISSCUSSION
A. Indonesia ASLs (ALKI) in National Defense
Makmur Supriyatno, 2014, in his book, states that defense science is a
science that studies the ways a country manages its national resources
and strength during peacetime, war and after war, in order to face all
military and non-military threats that threaten territorial integrity,
sovereignty. The state, and the safety of the entire nation in the context
of realizing its national security. Meanwhile, Syarifudin Tippe, 2016,
stated that defense science is an object of defense science itself, which
represents the actions of a country in protecting and maintaining the
sustainability and integrity of the country. Defense science can also be
said to be a science that studies all aspects related to security and safety
in the national spectrum (national security), which are integrated into
the objectives of national defense management.
Marsetio in a critical review of the book “Lintas Navigasi di Nusantara
Indonesia”, by Kresno Buntoro, 2014, explained that maritime security
is part of the national security of a country, while national security in
one aspect is national defense. The foundation in implementing state
defense is awareness of the rights and obligations of all citizens, as well
as confidence in their own strength in their efforts to maintain the
survival of the nation and state. With a stable maritime security
condition, it requires the involvement of all components of society,
especially those carrying out activities in the maritime sector, through
cooperation, interoperability and synergy of all parties, both
government, private and military.
So that safeguarding Indonesian waters and the three ALKIs as one of
the main things in the national interest in and or by sea will depend on
government policies that are structured, systemic, consistent and
serious in the architecture of its national strategy. Safeguarding the
waters and the three ALKIs are important and vital, considering the
impression that is generated if Indonesia is unable to secure it, namely

73
the occurrence of violations of state sovereignty due to the entry of
foreign military forces who interfere in securing Indonesian waters.
B. Legal Status of Indonesian Waters
Articles 2 and 49 of UNCLOS 1982 state that archipelagic states or
coastal states are given the authority to have sovereignty in archipelagic
waters and territorial seas. In this concept, Indonesia’s view is to
combine marine zones together into one term, namely Indonesian
Waters. As stipulated in Law no. 6 of 1996 concerning Indonesian
Waters, it is explained that Indonesia has sovereignty rights in the
Indonesian waters, which consist of Indonesian territorial seas,
archipelagic waters and inland waters. [10, pp. 18–19]. Although
UNCLOS 1982 provides different formulations for territorial seas,
archipelagic waters and inland waters, including rights held by other
countries in their respective waters. However, Indonesia still formulates
the three types of waters, in one term “Indonesian Waters”. In this
approach, when viewed from the nature of sovereignty in the three types
of waters, basically it has differences. The difference in the level of
sovereignty is, among others, in archipelagic waters and territorial seas,
Indonesia slightly “releases” its sovereignty by providing
accommodation in the form of traffic routes for the benefit of other
countries in the form of shipping and flights in the waters / sea and the
use of these waters / seas. Whereas in the interior waters of Indonesia,
it is a water area that is closed to other countries, or does not recognize
the rights of other countries in that territory.
The difference in the level of sovereignty can be understood where the
three types of waters are located or seen from the beginning of their
formation. When viewed from the place where the three types of waters
/ sea are located, inland waters have a higher and stronger level of
sovereignty than the territorial sea, because inland waters are inland
waters or closest to land. When viewed from the aspect of its formation,
inland waters are the longest formed waters since the Middle Ages,
based on the concept of inland waters. So that inland waters are very

74
reasonable to get the highest level of sovereignty and no other country
has access rights. In determining the sovereign rights over the waters of
a country, the most important thing is knowing the extent to which the
rights and obligations of that state, as well as what mechanisms will be
taken, which can then be applied to law enforcement and maintain
maritime security stability.
C. Challenges in Cross Peace ALKI
So far, Indonesian waters are one of the busiest shipping routes in the
world. In a report issued by The United Nations Conference on Trade
and Development (UNCTAD), entitled “Review of Maritime Transport
2008”, states that world trade by sea will increase by 44 (forty-four)
percent by 2020, and by 2031 it is expected to double (analysis
conducted before the Covid-19 Pandemic). The ALKI designation is a
way to facilitate the sea user state in utilizing the right of peaceful
passage in Indonesian waters for its interests.
As a country that has territorial sovereignty rights, this policy will
certainly make it easier for Indonesia to oversee and safeguard the
maritime sector. Therefore, of the many entry and exit gaps in
Indonesian waters, only three routes have been officially opened, and
this is of course a top priority to be implemented. As for the user
country, whose ship will cross the shipping route, of course, it must
follow all applicable procedures and regulations.
The increasing intensity of shipping will also encourage an increase in
various kinds of problems that occur at sea. Until now, problems in
maritime security have not found the right solution. Even in various
discussion forums related to maritime issues, it has always been an
important topic of discussion, in order to find solutions in overcoming
this problem. Basically, maritime security threats can be divided into
two models, namely traditional security issues and non-traditional
security issues.

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Traditional security threats usually involve state actors, while non-
traditional security issues usually involve non-state actors, and it is this
non-traditional threat that is currently becoming more prevalent.
However, traditional security issues do not mean that they just
disappear. In fact, Indonesia must be more vigilant about this traditional
threat, because it can arise at any time. Considering that Indonesia still
has a lot of homework related to maritime boundaries and continental
shelf boundaries with neighboring countries that need to be resolved
bilaterally.
Non-traditional security threats are often mentioned as a transnational
crime issue. These transnational crime actors are generally
professionally organized groups, whether large or small, or interrelated
with each other, whose main purpose is to get money, both legally and
illegally, by selling any export import commodities that can be used.
Provide large returns with the smallest risk. It can be seen that
Indonesian waters have various threat issues that still frequently arise,
including: issues of maritime terrorism, illegal trafficking of narcotics
and illegal drugs across countries, piracy and piracy using firearms /
sharp weapons at sea, smuggling of materials. Explosives and small
arms, illegal immigrants, human trafficking, illegal unregulated and
unreported fishing (IUU fishing) carried out by foreign and local fishing
vessels. Particularly in this last issue, the CEO of the Indonesian Justice
Initiative (IOJI), Mas Achmad Santosa, noted that Indonesia at least
experienced losses that could reach USD 4 billion per year or equivalent
to IDR 56.13 trillion.[12]
The establishment of this peaceful passage or ALKI has meant that
Indonesia is a country that is “open” to all access to international
shipping and flights. The geographic position is open to access/ gates
of entry and exit that spreads in various areas of Indonesian waters,
making it easier for criminals in Indonesian waters to escape to free
waters. Its status as an archipelagic country and has a number of
archipelagic sea lanes in it, implies that Indonesia must be ready to
assume a big responsibility in providing security guarantees to the sea

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and air space, from all forms of disturbances and threats. Sovereignty
in an archipelago, not only includes land and waters / sea, but also air
space in its territory. UNCLOS 1982 has regulated that air space
belongs to the state under it and can be exploited and utilized for the
benefit of the country.[13] The ALKI peace crossing has made
Indonesia’s position as a means of connecting the world in the north
and south, and two large oceans, because of its position that divides the
territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia into 3 (three)
parts, namely the western, central and eastern parts of Indonesia. This
proves that ALKI is very valuable and beneficial for countries that have
interests in the maritime sector, where for them the main interest is the
certainty of access to pass and the readiness of the resources that
complement it. The ALKI route is like a free sea that can be used by all
countries, foreign ships including warships (surface ships and
submarines), can cross the shipping channel freely without having to
get approval from the Indonesian government. In fact, foreign
submarines (submarines) can also cross this route without having to rise
to sea level. Likewise, with airships that can fly freely across the air
space above them.
After the ALKI was formally stipulated in statutory regulations, in its
development it was known that marine activity had increased quite
significantly. Many countries and non-state actors, everyday use the
shipping routes across ALKI and the surrounding waters which are
permitted for their various interests. The increase in these activities will
not only boost state revenue from marine economic activities, but also
increase the potential for conventional and non-traditional maritime
security threats.
Thus, the interests of countries, including non-states outside the region
in Southeast Asian waters that threaten maritime security stability, also
need to be a common concern for all regional countries. In global
interactions, there are several countries, which depend on their activities
in Indonesian waters, including the United States (US), whose foreign
trade reaches 95 percent through maritime sector services. For the US,

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Indonesian waters are an important bridge linking US interests with
other countries in the eastern hemisphere. Seeing the various potentials
that provide benefits in the Asia Pacific, the US continues to strive to
demonstrate its role in this region, by joining the Quadrilateral Security
Partnership (QSP) alliance. QSP is an alliance between the US,
Australia, India and Japan in the field of maritime security, with the
main objective of forming a power alliance to stem the influence of
China and Russia in the Asia Pacific. This alliance is clearly beneficial
for US interests in controlling and controlling the Sea Lines of Code
(SLOC), which stretches from the Indian Ocean, the Straits of Malacca,
the South China Sea to the Sea of Japan and the Pacific Ocean,
including several important choke points in the world in the waters.
Indonesia. To strengthen its influence in the region, the US is also
known to have diverted defense bases from Okinawa to Guam.
There is a classic reason that is always used by the US, to ward off
criticism from several other major powers. That reason is to realize
freedom of navigation and speed of action for US troops, increased
deterrence capability, global war on terrorism, strategic flexibility, and
the degree of repression in peacetime, as well as to face the possibility
of open conflict or war, as well as as a quick response in overcoming
various crises that occur in the region or globally. The US military
deployment in Guam, which consists of the Air Force, Navy and Marine
Corps, will continue to be increased up to 40,000 personnel, this
increase comes from the reduction in the number of US Armed Forces
personnel stationed in the European region.
From a security perspective, a change in US strategy in the Asia Pacific
region can certainly pose a serious threat to Indonesia’s maritime
security and sovereignty, because the power of the superpower is
standing right in front of the ALKI II choke point entrance and exit.
Here the US interests are very clear, so that the ALKI is of particular
concern. Even today, the US is still trying to urge Indonesia to open
new ALKI routes from east to west or vice versa.

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The next country is China, which has claimed most of the SCS territory
up to the North Natuna waters (nine dash line). China with
technological advances, and supported by its global strategy, has
succeeded in developing its naval force to become the Blue Water
Navy, which has projection capabilities to the south to the Indian Ocean
region. The development of China’s naval capability is to secure
shipping routes for trade and supply of its energy resources. China is
known to have purchased several large tonnage vessels, namely in the
form of tankers and giant container ships. As a consequence of the
operation of these giant ships, China needs shipping routes in deep sea
waters, namely the waters along the ALKI-II and ALKI-III routes.
Indeed, China desperately needs ALKI shipping lanes, especially the
ALKI-II (Makassar Strait) route, which is the main shipping traffic in
carrying out trade with Australia (Rustam, 2016). For China, besides
being used for trading various commodities, the ALKI-II and ALKI-III
routes are the easiest way to monitor the movements of the Australian
Navy towards the South China Sea region.
Next up is Australia, a close US ally in the south. It is no secret that
Australia has various interests in Indonesian waters. Australia’s greatest
wish that he will always fulfill is to become the leader of regional
countries, as well as the regional security administrator in the Asia
Pacific. Therefore, to make all that happen, Australia is trying to build
its maritime strength, namely by having 12 submarines equipped with
surface missiles to replace conventional Collins class submarines, eight
anti-submarine frigates with larger dimensions to replace class frigates.
Anzac and 24 anti-submarine helicopters, the plan to increase the
strength of this is mentioned until 2030. Like the US superpower,
Australia is one of the countries trying to urge Indonesia to open a new
ALKI channel from east to west. The unfulfilled desire to open a new
ALKI channel has prompted Australia to commit several times to
violate Indonesia’s maritime and airspace areas. Such as the violation
of Indonesian sovereignty by the Australian warship on January 6,
2014, where the Australian warship entered Indonesian waters up to 7

79
miles approaching the coast of Rote Island, East Nusa Tenggara, when
they tried to keep illegal immigrants from entering Australian
waters.[14] Apart from the aforementioned modern countries, countries
in Southeast Asia also have the same interests in Indonesian waters.
The problem of demarcating and delimiting boundaries, both on land
and at sea, is still a long task for Indonesia to discuss with a number of
friendly countries. In addition, in the interest of controlling commercial
shipping in the Southeast Asian region, until now Singapore has
strongly rejected Indonesia’s proposal to divert part of the shipping
routes of large-dimensional commercial ships, from the Malacca Strait
to the ALKI-II route (Lombok Strait and Makassar Strait). In this
regard, it is very clear that Singapore strongly disagrees, because this
will greatly harm the country’s income from the marine activities it
manages. Indonesia considers that the shipping route that crosses the
Malacca Strait is not only used by the merchant fleet, but also the
warships of all countries. Indonesia’s interest here is to see that there is
a possibility of disturbance, if there are warships from two conflicting
countries passing and passing by in the waters of the Malacca Strait, of
course they will show their superiority and the superiority of each
technology.
ALKI-I is Indonesia’s territorial waters with ships carrying around 45
percent of world logistics and trade. Based on the case of Poltak Partogi
Nainggolan in 2015, it is stated that the waters of ALKII are currently
vulnerable to the implications of conflict in the region as well as various
forms of transnational crimes such as terrorism, foreign intervention,
theft and ship hijacking, illegal fishing and others, which are very
detrimental to the state. The implications of conflict in the region for
ALKI arise from the (development) of the South China Sea (SCS)
conflict that has not been resolved, and has even experienced an
escalation of tensions. As a result, ships from countries using logistical
transportation routes are worried about the possible implications and
prospects for the SCS conflict on the surrounding waters.

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Concerns about the impact of the escalation of tensions in the SCS (state
actors) arose over the use of the ALKI-I peaceful passage through the
Malacca Strait route, Natuna waters and Indonesia’s EEZ in the
northern part of the Natuna Islands Regency. Meanwhile, various forms
of transnational crime, such as the threat of terrorism attacks, theft and
piracy / hijacking of ships, illegal fishing, are security threats coming
from non-state actors, which have increased their role recently. Since
the SCS situation could have a wider impact on the future of the region
and ALKI, it must be put as a form of serious and dangerous security
threat, which must be addressed. However, several forms of
transnational crimes that come from terrorism, theft and hijacking of
ships, as well as illegal fishing, together with security threats that come
from foreign intervention must also be considered.
The escalation of tensions in the SCS against ALKI-I, as the closest
international water area to the SCS, which is very busy with logistical
shipping activities, will be affected both directly and indirectly. This
means that Indonesia’s maritime security stakeholders, as well as users
and holders of sovereignty over their supervision must anticipate the
worst possible scenario, if an open conflict breaks out in the SCS. This
is because state revenues from base services, ship repairs, fuel, and
daily logistics can be significantly reduced. Meanwhile, conflict spill
over can have an impact on security instability in the nearby frontier
islands of Indonesia and in the wider region.
The development of the escalation of tensions that continues to
increase, brings the consequence of the need for Indonesia to prepare
various worst-case scenario measures to be able to prepare an
appropriate response. China’s increasingly aggressive stance with
military maneuvers and its efforts to continue building islands and
territorial waters that it claims, regardless of the objections of other
claimant states, as well as its old regional rival, the US, has made the
SCS a hotspot for conflict. US reconnaissance reports that reveal the
construction of a military airport and the deployment of Chinese
artillery weapons in its reclaimed area of the Spratly, which it contested

81
with ASEAN member states, made the SCS increasingly prone to open
military conflict. Along with Joe Biden’s victory over Donald Trump
in the US Presidential Election on November 2, 2020, this will provide
hope for a more conducive settlement of the SCS conflict, if China
reduces aggressiveness and submits to international regulations.
Military conflict in the SCS can have direct implications for maritime
security in ALKI, especially
ALKI-I and ALKI II. The escalation in tensions over the years has
caused a lot of concern to ALKI users, especially large countries with
logistical vessels, such as oil and gas tankers, as well as their merchant
ships, especially those passing through the Malacca Strait. Meanwhile,
China’s territorial claim to the SCS which includes Indonesia’s EEZ in
the Natuna Sea could have bad implications for the ALKI, which
Indonesia cannot maintain unilaterally. Therefore, Indonesia needs to
try to be aware of the expansion of China’s territorial claims in the SCS,
because it can directly impact maritime security in Indonesian waters.
With this argument, as an antidote to the aggressiveness and maneuvers
of the Chinese military, Indonesia needs to expand military cooperation,
which is bilateral and multilateral with countries in the region.
D. Security, Law Enforcement and Sovereignty in Indonesian
Waters
A maritime policy observer from the Indonesian Maritime Security and
Safety Institute (IK2MI), Sukemi, said that securing international
shipping routes, which pass through the three ALKIs, including the
Malacca Strait, the Sunda Strait, the Makassar Strait and the Lombok
Strait, is the full responsibility of the Indonesian government. The
government’s negligence in securing the transpeaceful shipping route
and the surrounding waters can provoke security intervention by foreign
parties by deploying its military. The consequences of this foreign
military intervention have been regulated in a UN Security Council
Resolution No. 1816, dated 2 June 2008. Therefore, the government in
this matter needs to implement systematic and concrete efforts of all

82
maritime security stakeholders to maintain maritime security stability
in Indonesian territorial waters. At the end of 2008, the UN Security
Council passed Resolution No. 1851 regarding piracy in Somali waters,
that this resolution gives full authority to all countries in the world, to
take part in efforts to combat piracy crimes in the Somali sea area.
Because one of the dictums gave excessive power to interested
countries to hunt down and eradicate pirates, not only offshore but also
entering the mainland of Somalia, this resolution attracted the attention
of many international legal experts. This authority is actually quite
acceptable, although somewhat unusual, because there are several
reasons related to regional security in Somalia’s failed state. Despite its
urgency, this resolution will certainly leave behind a problem for the
future. This resolution was initiated by the United States, and received
full support from France, Greece, Belgium, South Korea and Liberia.
Initially, it received many objections from members of the UN Security
Council itself, including Indonesia. Indonesia, as a country that also has
a high problem of piracy in the waters of the Malacca Strait, previously
objected to several dictum provisions in the proposed resolution.
Among other things, on the clause that provides flexibility in the use of
air space in the enslavement of pirates. It is clear that Indonesia does
not want this resolution to set a bad precedent in the future for the
interests of the entry of foreign military forces into Indonesia’s land,
sea and air space, as an effort to overcome piracy. But in the end, United
Nations Security Council Resolution No. 1851 stated that it could not
be interpreted as a common law between nations, so that its
implementation in the future could not be equated to all countries.
The issue of maritime security is still an actual theme that needs serious
attention. These issues include: (i) threats of violence at sea (piracy,
piracy, sabotage and terror of vital objects); (iii) threat of shipping
navigation hazards (due to shortage and theft / damage to navigation
aids); (iii) threats to marine resources (destruction and pollution of the
marine environment); and (iv) threats of sovereignty and law (illegal

83
immigrants, illegal fishing, illicit trafficking in narcotics and illegal
drugs, exploration and exploitation of wealthy maritime resources).
Based on data from the International Maritime Bureau (IMB), in the
first semester of 2020 there have been at least 15 (fifteen) attacks carried
out by pirates/ pirates/ thieves in Indonesian waters, this incident is the
highest in the world in mid-2020.[16]

Fig. 5.2. The following four locations contributed of incidents reported in the
period January – June 2020 (ICC IMB, 2021)

Reflecting on the dynamics of global challenges in the ALKI route and

the surrounding waters, the Indonesian government needs to make
efforts to improve the quality of security in the marine area as a top
priority for maritime economic development along with the
improvement of other maritime infrastructure. This includes several
straits used as shipping routes between nations, such as the Malacca
Strait, the Sunda Strait, the Lombok Strait, and the Makassar Strait.[17]
If it is not able to be maximally present in ALKI waters in order to
protect and secure the sea route, it is certain that Indonesia has the

84
potential to suffer major losses. It should be noted that the main aspect
in the effort to secure and control waters is to see the possibility of
infiltration and subversion activities, including the guarantee of security
in the management of maritime resources along the ALKI shipping
route and in the surrounding waters. The conception of national
resilience that is implemented here, needs to take into account well in
terms of building dynamic conditions, especially preparedness in the
face of contingencies against all forms of disturbances and threats that
occur in all Indonesian territorial waters.
Geopolitically and geoeconomically, ALKI is very vital as a sea trade
route to shorten the distance from the Indian Ocean to the South China
Sea to the Pacific Ocean. In general, it can be said that ALKI has a very
strategic value not only for Indonesia, but also for the countries using
this shipping route.[18] There are at least 3 (three) factors that are of
interest to many parties in the ALKI route, namely (i) for confrontation
and projection of armed forces to various parts of the world; (ii)
commercial interests in maritime commerce; and (iii) utilization of
marine resources. For the superpowers who use the ALKI channel, they
usually have great importance in the first and second. factors, while for
Indonesia and other developing countries, they are more dominant in
the second and third factors in their implementation. Therefore, it is
very logical if the existence of ALKI is a factor of geostrategic,
geopolitical and geo-economics considerations for all countries in the
world.
In optimizing security on the ALKI route, it is necessary to seek
cooperation and synergy from various sources related to maritime
security stakeholders in Indonesia. As stated in Lukman Yudho
Prakoso, Prihantoro and Suhirwan’s case, in 2020, entitled “Sea
Defense Strategy and Urgency of Forming Maritime Command
Center”, requires that the success of securing Indonesian waters and
ALKI is through good communication, synergy and one command in
movement, for all maritime security stakeholders.[19]

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E. Discussion
Even though there are many overlapping regulations in the maritime
security sector, there should be no reason as an obstacle related to
synergy in maritime security efforts to achieve the national goals of the
Indonesian nation. Given that law enforcement, shipping safety,
defense and state security at sea are one of the foundations of the
Indonesian government’s maritime policies. Therefore, in meeting the
needs of the security apparatus in the maritime sector and the
sovereignty apparatus in all territorial waters of national jurisdiction,
two institutions and two directorates can handle them, namely: (i)
Indonesian Navy (TNI AL); (ii) Maritime Security Agency of the
Republic of Indonesia (Bakamla); (iii) Directorate of Marine Police,
National Police Security Guard (BaharkamPolri); and (iv) Sea and
Coast Guard Unit (KPLP) of the Directorate General of Sea
Transportation (DitjenHubla) of the
Indonesian Ministry of Transportation. Maritime Security Agency or
Badan Keamanan Laut (Bakamla) Republic of Indonesia was formed
and inaugurated by President Joko Widodo on December 15, 2014. The
basis for its formation is Presidential Regulation No. 178/2014. It is
hoped that in the future Bakamla will become the leading sector in
maritime security management.[20] In her case, Juliawati said that the
Bakamla carries out guarding, supervision, prevention and prosecution
of legal violations in Indonesian territorial waters and Indonesian
jurisdiction, synergizes and monitors the implementation of marine
patrols by related agencies, and provides search and rescue assistance
in Indonesian territorial waters and Indonesian jurisdiction.
The Directorate of Marine Police (Ditpolair) of the National Police
Security Maintenance Agency (Baharkam) is tasked with carrying out
functions that include patrols, first handling of criminal acts and search
and rescue of accidents in water areas, and development of coastal /
aquatic communities. Initially Ditpolair was formed based on the
Decree of the Minister of Home Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia

86
No. 4/2/3/Um, dated March 14, 1951 concerning the Determination of
the Marine Police as Part of the National Police Service as of December
1, 1950, and up to now there have been various changes. Taking into
account the development of the situation and the existence of the
validation of the National Police’s organization, based on the Chief of
Police Regulation Number 6 of 2017 concerning Organizational
Structure and Work Procedures of Organizational Units at the National
Police Headquarters Level, Ditpolair has changed to become the Marine
and Air Police Corps (Korpolairud) Baharkam Polri.
Meanwhile, the existence of the Directorate of Marine and Coast Guard
Unit, Directorate General of Sea Transportation, has existed since the
Dutch East Indies colonial era in Indonesia under another name. Then
on the way, based on the Decree of the Minister of Transportation
Number KM.14 / U / Phb-1973 dated January 30, 1974, the name of the
organization of the Sea and Coast Guard was set at Directorate level
(Echelon 2). KPLP itself in accordance with Law Number 17 of 2008
concerning Shipping has an investigative and law enforcement function
at sea. KPLP in acting is also based on applicable international and
national rules.
The number of regulations that regulate maritime security should be a
spirit for synergy and interoperability between law enforcement and
sovereignty at sea. These different sources of regulation should be
combined with the existence of Bakamla as the leading sector in
maritime security. Like the National Narcotics Agency, which
synergizes with the National Police in eradicating the trafficking of
narcotics and illegal drugs. The purpose of safeguarding ALKI is to
prevent all crimes and violations of sovereignty with the aim of
avoiding problems such as in Somalia, which led to the UN Security
Council intervening to issue resolutions related to efforts by
multinational forces in overcoming piracy to the mainland of Somalia.
Prevent multinational forces (foreign military) from interfering in
handling Indonesia’s maritime security.

87
The emergence of potential threats in Indonesian territorial waters that
occur every year, especially in the waters of ALKI and its surroundings,
should be an important message and must be evaluated for the purposes
of optimizing security and supervision. So that in a security perspective
through the policy of state defense posture, the government can plan
allocations that are in line with the conditions and needs in an effort to
protect Indonesia’s territorial waters. The quality and capability of the
defense force must be supported by a modern and sophisticated fleet of
warships and government ships. At the very least, Indonesia must have
the strength of a fleet that can provide a deterrent effect for criminals to
stop their intentions of committing crimes and crimes in Indonesian
territorial waters. By having a strong defense posture, it can minimize
the intention of other countries to disrupt Indonesia’s sovereign
territory. Indonesia, as a large archipelagic country, is obliged to
demonstrate its dignity and assertiveness by being a key contestant in
the region for the creation of regional security stability. That way,
Indonesia will be able to ensure the stability of maritime security
properly in the waters of its jurisdiction.

4. CONCLUSION
The existence of Indonesia as an archipelagic country has been
officially recognized in the international world based on UNCLOS
1982, as a consequence it must provide access rights for foreign ships
through the establishment of the Indonesian Archipelago Sea Lanes
(ASLs / ALKI) which has been approved by the International Maritime
Organization (IMO).
The Indonesian Archipelago Sea Channel is a strategic route for the
shipping and world trade industries that utilize the sea as a means of
transportation. This strategic water area leads to the South China Sea
and East China Sea, as well as the Pacific Ocean. Important sea lanes
that are in Indonesia’s sovereign territory include the Malacca Strait,
the Sunda Strait, the Lombok Strait, and the Makassar Strait. The Strait

88
of Malacca became a popular shipping route during the current Trans-
Pacific trade period. This strait has an important role because it is
considered as the fastest and shortest sea route linking the Indian Ocean
and the Pacific Ocean.
As a consequence of establishing ALKI, apart from having many
benefits that stimulate economic growth and national development,
ALKI also presents a myriad of problems that Indonesia must always
be prepared to anticipate so that its sovereignty is not disturbed by
foreign military intervention in these waters. To be able to secure the
vast waters of the ALKI with complex problems, it requires synergy
and interoperability between law enforcement agencies and enforcers
of sovereignty at sea. Synergy and interoperability are urgently needed
to maintain Indonesia’s dignity and authority in the eyes of the world
as a large archipelagic country capable and optimal in securing its
maritime territory with all its limitations. The government must
continue to encourage maritime security stakeholders to synergize and
eliminate sectoral egos for the sake of an advanced and sovereign,
independent, and personable Indonesia. In addition, the government
needs to consider integrating civilian law enforcement officers in the
Ministry of Transportation with the Maritime Security Agency solely
for the sake of effectiveness and efficiency in the use of maritime
security forces.
***

89
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HIMSLAW Binus, Mar. 03, 2018.
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Buntoro, Lintas Navigasi di Nusantara Indonesia, Ed. 1. Jakarta:
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Indonesia-Sebagai-Poros-Maritim-Dunia/ (accessed Nov. 21,
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Robbery Against Ships Report for The Period 1 January - 30
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Pada Masa Pemerintahan Joko Widodo,” eJournal Ilmu Hub.
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94
Devis Lebo, Budi Pramono, Lukman Yudho Prakoso, Helda Risman,
Suhirwan

The Indonesian nation is a large nation, has a very dense population.

Inside there is the millennial generation who will play an important role
in the continuation of the life of the nation and state. However, with the
development of technology, the millennial generation has begun to be
influenced and the understanding of the values of Pancasila has begun
to fade. In writing this article, the author uses several defense theories
to strengthen the results of case and methods by collecting data and
information through the help of various materials contained in literature
(books) or also known as types of phenomological case associated with
qualitative descriptive. From the results of the literature case, the writer
finds that the understanding of the values of Pancasila from the
millennial generation is mostly starting to fade due to the influence of
foreign technology and culture, so that intolerance, radicalism and
speech of hatred appear between fellow children of the nation.
Therefore, the role of the government, institutions and society is needed
in optimizing the understanding of the values of Pancasila for the
millennial generation so that they are ready to be involved in Total war.

1. INTRODUCTION
The Indonesian nation since 1945 has recognized Pancasila which is the
basis of the nation and state. Ir. Soekarno called Pancasila the
Philosophy of the Grondslag or fundamentals, philosophy, profound
thoughts, souls and deepest desires of an independent Indonesia that
stands eternally (Doweng B Andreas, 2016).

95
According to President Joko Widodo that in Pancasila there are noble
ideals of the Nation which include the ideals, hopes and goals as well
as the formation of a united Indonesia. Pancasila is the embodiment of
the great soul of the founding fathers, scholars and freedom fighters
from all corners of the archipelago so that we can build a nation
agreement that unites us".
The Indonesian nation is a great nation and possesses extraordinary
wealth that is unmatched in this world. There are many potentials and
demographic advantages, which are strategically located on the
international shipping route, also have abundant biological and non-
living natural resources and are endowed with endless energy sources.
It is appropriate if Indonesia is dubbed the winning region, because this
country has everything (Joni, 2018).
With the independence that has been achieved and the increase in the
standard of living of the nation, which is marked by the decreasing
mortality rate, it greatly affects the increase in population in Indonesia.
During the New Order, the family planning (KB) program was
implemented, but now family planning has never been heard of again
in the hospital, in the media and so on. Based on data from the
population census statistical agency (SP2020) in September 2020, the
total population of Indonesia was 270.20 million. The total population
of the SP2020 results increased by 32.56 million compared to the
SP2010 results.
SP 2020 results are dominated by generation Z and millennial
generation. Generation Z are residents who were born in the period
1997-2012 and millennial generations who were born in the 1981-1996
period. Generation Z reaches 75.49 million people, equivalent to 27.94
percent of the total population of 270.20 million people. Meanwhile,
the millennial generation reached 69.90 million people or 25.87 percent
of 270.20 million people (Rr., 2021).
With a large population of Indonesia coupled with technological
developments and the rapid flow of information in the current digital

96
era, the use of the right formula in instilling the values of Pancasila to
all levels of society, especially the millennial generation, is a challenge
in itself. The method must adapt to the current development of the
digital world (Yakob, Arfin, Tyas, 2020).
The millennial generation or generation Y, currently aged 18–36 years,
is a generation in their productive age. Generations who will play an
important role in the continuation of the life of the nation and state
(Ester, 2016). The advantages of this generation are high creativity, full
of confidence and being connected to one another. However, because
they live in an automatic era, this generation tends to want something
that is instantaneous and very easy to influence. This condition can have
a very significant impact on the future of our country and nation. It
would be very unfortunate if the development of communication
technology is so rapid and massive, it is not used properly and is
beneficial for the millennial generation to be able to build unity and
integrity among the nation's children.
Because with this technological advancement, millennials tend to spend
their time in front of their computers or gadgets, but the time to meet
and meet face to face with fellow millennials has decreased, especially
in the midst of the current covid outbreak, almost 100% of all
interactions are done via computers or gadget. This greatly affects the
emotional relationship between one individual and another so that it
will damage interpersonal relationships (Ester, 2016), Besides that,
there is another influence, namely the understanding of the values of
Pancasila is starting to fade, this can be proven by asking the millennial
generation about the content of Pancasila and singing the Garuda
Pancasila song, many of them who do not memorize it.
This condition is a challenge for us to unite all components of the
nation, especially the millennial generation as cadres of state defense
who truly understand the values of Pancasila. A strategy is needed to be
able to optimize the values of Pancasila to the millennial generation so
that with the capabilities they have can support the implementation of a

97
total war strategy in defending the Unitary State of the Republic of
Indonesia (NKRI) which can be relied on to maintain the disintegration
of the Nation.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

This case is a type of case by collecting data and information through
the help of various materials found in literature (books) or also known
as phenomological case types. This type of case is a study aimed at
describing the phenomenon of the millennial generation in
understanding the values of Pancasila, which are currently starting to
fade. Events, social activities, attitudes, beliefs, perceptions, thoughts
of individuals or groups.
To describe the phenomenon of optimizing the values of Pancasila in
the millennial era. In depth, the case used literature study associated
with phenomonological qualitative descriptive. With literature study,
empirical findings can be described in detail, more clearly and more
accurately, especially various matters relating to the cyber community.
For this reason, through this paper, it is hoped that literature study can
help case in thinking and imagining, abstractly.
As previously stated, the strategy used in this qualitative case is
phenomenology. According to Creswell, phenomenology was chosen
because in it the caseer will identify a particular phenomenon, and
requires caseers to study the subject by being directly involved in
developing meaningful patterns and relationships.
In the context of the case that will be studied, the main focus in this case
is to carry out data searches through literature studies on optimizing the
understanding of the values of Pancasila in the millennial generation
whose lives have been influenced by technological developments. The
author will explore the activities carried out by the current millennial
generation, their social status and solutions so that this millennial
generation can participate in realizing national defense related to the

98
total war strategy. Meanwhile, the case location is the place where the
case will be carried out. Determining the case location is a very
important stage in qualitative case, making it easier for writers to
conduct case. This location can be in a certain area or a certain
institution in society. To obtain secondary data, the case location is
based on data obtained through books, journals and other electronic
media.

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The development of technology in the digital world greatly influences
the prevailing habits in the community, where almost all activities have
been carried out on a digital basis and strengthened by the internet
network. The impact is very significant, especially for the millennial
generation. In their daily lives, most of them spend time with their
gadgets or computers. Especially with the current Covid-19 pandemic
conditions, the trend of using gadgets and computers has greatly
increased both to support the teaching and learning process, as well as
being used for other activities such as playing games, e-commerce and
social media as a means of exchanging opinions in cyberspace and so
on.
According to the survey results, the use of gadgets in Indonesia
currently amounts to 66.39%, if categorized based on age, the age group
9-19 years is 65.34%, 20-29 years old is 75.95%, 30-49 years old is 68,
34% and age 50-65 as much as 50.79% and as much as 80.90% use at
home. Furthermore, the survey was conducted again and found that
more urban people own gadgets than rural communities. This is all one
of the impacts of the increasing number of smartphones being sold at
low prices in the market which has triggered the high ownership of
gadgets in Indonesia (Syaifullah, 2019).
Judging from the survey data, gadget users at a young age are very high,
more than 50%, this indicates that the need for gadgets among the
millennial generation is inevitable. The information that will be

99
obtained can be received more quickly, whether it is educational or not.
Kominfo has attempted to filter content with negative contents, such as
preparing a new Ministerial Regulation (Permen) to regulate social
media platforms and their users. (Pertiwi, 2020).
All efforts have been made by the government to overcome the spread
of hoaxes or what is now termed an infodemic. Kominfo has identified
2,020 hoax content circulating on social media to date. (Pertiwi, 2020).
In addition to negative content circulating in cyberspace, there are also
hate speech. With the existence of negative content and hate speech that
has been increasing lately, this indicates that the understanding of the
values of Pancasila has begun to fade. Fellow nationals insult each
other, blaspheme through social media just because they have different
opinions. Many incidents occurred due to trivial consequences resulting
in many casualties, victims of infrastructure and also lingering trauma.
Millennials are heavily involved in it, social media is often used by
certain parties to spread hate speech, incitement and propaganda
targeting the millennial generation (Arianto, 2019). This can be traced
from the many retweets and shares about information with the material
of intolerance and radicalism that are far from the spirit of Pancasila.
Including the increasing circulation of content campaigning for
alternative ideologies and opposing Pancasila. Every time there is an
activity carried out by the government, the private sector and even
individuals that are put on social media, the readers always get a
response. Some of the responses provided were supportive and some
were the opposite. Those who are opposite always respond with words
that are disrespectful and blasphemous. This condition is an indicator
that the dynamics in social media are increasingly being driven by ideas
of intolerance, radicalism and anti-nationality. If left unchecked, it is
feared that these contents will tend to form opinions and in turn will
divide the Indonesian people.
The millennial generation as the nation's successor who is expected to
maintain unity and integrity will disappear in the middle of the road,

100
this hope will not be achieved, the country will be destroyed, scattered
and separated between tribes, religions and ethnicities because the
understanding of the values of Pancasila has not been implemented too
seriously. With the development of science, most of the millennial
generation has received a proper education, where some of the
millennial generation have studied domestically and some have studied
abroad. Culture and customs acquired from abroad are sometimes
brought to Indonesia. So many times, these cultures are not in
accordance with what is on the basis of our country's Pancasila, even
these cultures have begun to break the ties of friendship between the
nation's children. Currently, radicalism cultures are starting to develop
which teach their religion better than other religions. As a result, some
people live in groups, some are according to their religion, some are in
groups due to ethnicity and some are grouped according to their
ethnicity. Several incidents in schools impose an obligation to wear
clothes according to a certain religion, because of the consideration that
there are many religions in the majority, minority groups must adjust
these rules, even though the school is a public school that can accept
children from all religions and ethnicities and its applicable regulations.
national rules are not foundation school rules.
Another finding is that a change in the mindset of the older generation
will have an impact on the millennial generation, so that the millennial
generation thinks that what the older generation is doing is right, this
will be a bad example for the millennial generation and then brought up
to adulthood. When President Soeharto was still in power, we rarely
heard of hate speech between ethnic groups and religions. There was
never even a war between the nation's children because of differences
in religion and ethnicity. At that time the program of practice for the
values of Pancasila went well and its implementation was very strict
and was followed by every citizen and was closely monitored by the
application of the application of understanding the values of Pancasila
in the midst of society.

101
The government program at that time was really carried out with full
responsibility, such as every employee who had just been hired was
obliged to follow the upgrading of the Guidelines for Living and
Practicing Pancasila (P4) and this was carried out in stages, levels and
continuously every year. This program also applies to the TNI and
secondary schools. This activity has a very positive impact, where
people can ultimately apply in their lives with mutual respect, mutual
respect, mutual tolerance between religious communities and the
emergence of mutual cooperation that has revived in accordance with
the culture of the Indonesian nation that was created by our ancestors
long ago moment. Currently, the Jokowi administration is trying to
restore public awareness of the understanding of Pancasila values
through the Pancasila Ideology Strengthening Sector (BPIP), a work
unit formed by the President in 2016 which has the aim of reviving the
P4 upgrading which is claimed to be able to ward off radicalism. This
plan reappeared in February 2020, following a statement by a former
member of the BPIP board, Mahfud MD, who said that several people
had been trained. (Ardanareswari, 2020).
From some data obtained through literature case, it is concluded that a
total war strategy will be difficult to implement by the current
millennial generation because they have been largely influenced by
technological developments. Technology changes everyone to be
selfish, disrespectful of others and do not want to know about other
people's conditions, especially with the conditions of the country.
Because in this technology contains bad influences such as hating
others, blaspheming others, not respecting each other so that the sense
of togetherness, mutual respect, and tolerance between the nation's
children has begun to fade. Therefore, there is a need for a careful and
precise strategy from the Government so that the millennial generation
can be involved in defending this nation from all forms of threats and
bad influences that seek to break the unity of this nation. The total war
strategy through optimizing the understanding of the values of

102
Pancasila for the millennial generation needs to be of special concern
in the midst of this increasingly rapid technological development.
The total war strategy is a strategy that is owned by the Indonesian
nation by involving all citizens, territories and national resources that
they have. Therefore, the state is determined to prepare as early as
possible all the capabilities it has in order to face the coming of a threat
(Lebo, 2021). By involving all citizens and national resources, it will
produce great and sustainable strength in maintaining the territorial
sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia. The universal defense
strategy is a concept of national defense that prioritizes the values of
struggle and is born from the history of the struggle of the Indonesian
nation (Mulyana, 2020). An assessment of the national defense power
is not only seen from the amount of budget obtained and the strength of
the defense equipment owned, but this power mainly rests on the unity
and unity of the people based on true love for the nation and state.
Because basically the people are the power base of the nation.
The total war strategy in involving the millennial generation will be
very beneficial for the strength of this nation, where the number of
millennial generations is very large, has the ability and ability to capture
excellent technology and still has the enthusiasm to carry out every
activity. Bung Karno once said, "Give me ten youths and I will shake
the world," which emphasized the importance of the role of youth or
the millennial generation in the progress of the nation and state. The
good and bad of a country can be seen from the quality of its youth,
because the young generation is the successor and heir of the nation and
state (Surattini, 2018). This statement from the First President Soekarno
proves that the millennial generation can be counted on to be able to
participate in the total war because basically the determination and
spirit of this millennial generation is still full of enthusiasm and high
optimism. Now it all depends on who directs where to take the
millennial generation in the future. Because without examples and
encouragement, the millennial generation has no direction

103
to get involved in national activities. According to the theory presented
by Sun Tzu (403-221) in his book Art of War, says "The supreme art of
war is to subdue the enemy without fighting." This means that "War is
an art, conquering the enemy without fighting is the highest art of war.
" This is very relevant to the capabilities of the current millennial
generation, they are no longer familiar with internet-based products. It
is predicted that the future war will not occur between countries again,
so that conventional war has begun to be abandoned because this war
requires a very large cost of war. Sun Tzu's statement is also very
relevant to the statement made by Lt. Gen. TNI JS. Prabowo stated that
the present and future total war should not be carried out by mobilizing
the population "all out" to be played as combatants in combat (Prabowo,
2019).
With the use of technology, various ways are carried out, one of which
is destroying the enemy in a hidden manner, no need to carry a large
army, it is enough to use the capabilities and expertise possessed, but
the impact of the damage is very large and can even collapse a country
and it takes a long time to recover (Lebo , 2021). Currently, there is a
war with low intensity or Low Intensity Conflict (LIC), where this war
mostly occurs within a country, not between countries. Meanwhile the
war between countries has been much reduced. Ethnic conflicts,
religions and civil wars are often exploited to create instability in a
country as a characteristic of a new style of war (Kertopati, 2021). It
does not rule out that Indonesia, which has enormous natural resources
with a very dense population and has various ethnic, religious and
linguistic variations, will be chaotic by other countries that do not want
to see Indonesia always safe and peaceful. They do not have to attack
openly but by exploiting Indonesia's strengths which are also
weaknesses Indonesia will collapse. This new style of war, or LIC, was
triggered by globalization, economic competition, competition for
resources, socio-economic inequality, paid organizations, the military,
as well as the core target of society. The use of the millennial generation
who master technology, if not anticipated from the start, will have fatal

104
consequences. Because they are a Demographic bonus for the next 10
to 20 years.
In the midst of current technological developments, it is hoped that all
of the nation's children can adjust to these developments, but are not
complacent about all the bad influences that will bring this nation from
destruction. Cultural influences from abroad and the influence of
technology have proven that at present the sense of tolerance between
religious communities has begun to fade. The spread of hate speech
among the nation's children is increasingly massive. Even to the
President, the people have dared to insult and blaspheme him. Citizens'
education is currently getting higher, but morale and culture are getting
lower.
Millennial generation who are very productive but easily influenced by
the bad influence of negative content, in the form of intolerance,
radicals, hoaxes and hate speech news as a result of their lack of moral
strength and a spirit of nationalism. The bases for strengthening the
spirit of nationalism are no longer in society. This national spirit, which
is starting to become weak, must be nourished immediately so that it
can grow back and become fertile. The role of the government in an
effort to restore the strength of the nation's character and nationalist
spirit should begin to be implemented. If necessary, imitate the P4
activities that have been carried out by President Soeharto. If deemed
necessary, this P4 activity will be returned again by adjusting the
current conditions.
The efforts made by President Jokowi by forming BPIP in which this
ministerial-level institution was formed directly under the President
with the task of coordinating, synchronizing, and controlling the
application of Pancasila values. Its implementation targets include
schools, government institutions to community organizations. Even
though the BPIP has been formed and the sanctions given are quite
heavy for those who violate it, it has not succeeded in eliminating hate
speech and intolerance among the nation's children. Likewise, with

105
other efforts, namely reducing the spread of intolerant and radical
content that appears in the digital realm, but the government is not
enough to simply block websites or take action against their
disseminators based on the ITE Law alone. It needs the support of other
competent institutions as well as the community in maintaining the
integrity of this nation.
Next is the government's efforts to involve providers Telkom, Google
and other application companies that have been granted a license to
operate in Indonesia to support the Government's program by
strengthening the dissemination of creative content that carries
Pancasila values on social media. The distribution of this content can
be done by official government accounts and netizen actors who care
about national values and Pancasila. With this step, at least it can
encourage the millennial generation to jointly share and offer
alternative information in the form of content with national values,
diversity and of course Pancasila (Arianto, 2019).
The role of the older generation is also very much needed both at home,
school and in the community to provide guidance to the millennial
generation. By understanding each other between the millennial
generation and the older generation, it is hoped that there will be an
adjustment to the conditions of the times. The older generation can be
a good example for the millennial generation. The role of the media is
quite crucial. In the past, media was only in the form of television, radio,
newspapers or magazines, but in this era, there is a fairly large
development of media, especially social media, which holds the key
among the millennial generation. Through social media, various
information is easily obtained. Integration between social media and
television or print media is indispensable. The contents must contain
the Pancasila ideology (DHI / DKP, 2016).
Currently, the Government has also enacted Law No. 23 of 2019
concerning the management of national resources for defense and its
implementation is strengthened by Government Regulation No. 3 of

106
2021 concerning Reserve Components (Farisa, 2021). This is done
because the concept of universal people's war that is owned by the
Indonesian nation puts forward a sense of nationalism and national
identity as the main power through understanding the values and spirit
of awareness of State Defense. This State Defense Awareness is a
proven and effective method to ward off all forms of threats to the
integrity and integrity of the Indonesian Nation and State (DAS / ACP,
2017) Through this State Defense program, the millennial generation
can understand the meaning of the struggle of the nation's heroes in
defending independence, so that the millennial generation with their
abilities can maintain the integrity of the Republic of Indonesia from
being split due to incitement and the spread of intolerant content and
hate speech. This State Defense Awareness will have an impact on the
awareness of the millennial generation to safeguard and preserve
Indonesia's identity, culture and natural wealth while maintaining the
integrity and national unity of Indonesia.
Furthermore, if everything is carried out well and with full awareness,
the total war strategy can be realized with the awareness of all citizens,
especially the millennial generation, in facing all possible threats, both
from abroad and from within the country. The millennial generation is
one of the largest generations in Indonesia. In today's modern era, they
are closely related and involved with technological advances and are a
generation in their productive age. Generations who will play an
important role in the continuation of the life of the nation and state.
According to the survey results, it was found that the millennial
generation is heavily involved in social media and is often used by
certain parties to spread hate speech, incitement and propaganda. If this
is allowed to continue, the younger people will be affected, the bigger
the millennial generation will form bad opinions and in the end the
country can go into chaos and lead to destruction.
The millennial generation is included in the citizenship so that in
applying the concept of total war which involves all components of the
nation and national resources, the millennial generation is a very good

107
and very productive force that will give birth to a large and sustainable
power in maintaining the territorial sovereignty of the Republic of
Indonesia. The government, institutions and society have attempted to
carry out coaching for the millennial generation in optimizing the
understanding of the values of Pancasila so that awareness will arise for
the state and can be mobilized in order to support total war through the
state defense program which can lead to a spirit of nationalism and a
sense of unity among the nation's children. activities that involve
Telkom providers, other applications by strengthening the spread of
creative content that carries the values of Pancasila on social media, the
involvement of the older generation in educating the millennial
generation so as not to be influenced by negative content, hate speech,
the role of the media integration of social media with television or print
media. The content must contain the Pancasila ideology, then the
Government forms the BPIP which has the aim of reviving the P4
upgrading which is claimed to be able to ward off radicalism and the
government blocks sites that contain negative content or takes action
against its disseminators based on the ITE Law.

4. CONCLUSIONS
In optimizing the understanding of Pancasila values in the current
millennial era, there are several advantages and disadvantages as
follows:
a. Advantages
The millennial generation is one of the greatest forces in this country
and is still of a productive age and has a fighting spirit that can be used
to support total war. The ability of the millennial generation in
mastering technology can be relied on in the face of low-intensity
warfare or LIC. The millennial generation can be a reserve component,
at any time it can be mobilized to be involved in a universal war.
Millennials who have advantages in the IT field can join the

108
Government in reducing and preventing the influence of negative
content containing hate speech and intolerance.
b. Disadvantages
The success of optimizing the understanding of Pancasila values
depends on the seriousness of the government, institutions and society
in fostering the millennial generation. Optimizing the understanding of
Pancasila values for millennial generations in rural areas will encounter
obstacles if Pancasila content is disseminated through gadgets. With the
current conditions of democratic freedom, efforts to optimize the
understanding of Pancasila values for the millennial generation will
encounter obstacles due to differences of opinion between one person
and another, resulting in new conflicts. The readiness of the budget by
the government in supporting activities to optimize the understanding
of the values of Pancasila can create its own obstacles.
From the existing strengths and weaknesses, recommendations are
needed so that the total war strategy through optimizing the
understanding of the values of Pancasila in the millennial era can run as
expected, as for the recommendations as follows: It is necessary to
reintroduce the P4 program from middle school to the time of getting a
job, so that understanding of the values of Pancasila is more embedded
in every child of the nation. In carrying out the socialization of the
Pancasila ideology, BPIP should also collaborate with private TV
stations because the public is more likely to join these TVs. It is
necessary to involve Babinsa or Babinkamtibmas in assisting the
Government in disseminating the Pancasila ideology in rural areas.
There needs to be special guidance for religious leaders, community
leaders, and educators who are always in touch with the millennial
generation in carrying out the socialization of the Pancasila Idiology.
***

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Dihidupkan Lagi. Tirto.Id.
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dihidupkan-lagi
Arianto, B. (2019). Pandangan Generasi Milenial terhadap Pancasila di
Media Sosial. Uny.Ac.Id.
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ission/review/29658-76077-1-RV.pdf
DAS/ACP. (2017). Penguatan Kesadaran Bela Negara Merupakan Kata
Kunci Menghadapi Modernisasi dan Globalisasi. Kementerian
Pertahanan Republik Indonesia.
https://www.kemhan.go.id/2017/08/18/penguatan-kesadaran-
bela-negara-merupakan-kata-kuncimenghadapi-modernisasi-
dan-globalisasi.html
DHI/DKP. (2016). Penguatan Pancasila di Kalangan Generasi Muda.
Watimpres.Go.Id.
https://wantimpres.go.id/id/penguatan-pancasila-di-kalangan-
generasi-muda
Doweng B Andreas, S. B. (2016). Pancasila Kekuatan Pembebas (L.
Dwikaratno (ed.); Elekteonik). PT. Kanisius.
Ester. (2016). Mengenal Generasi Millennial. Kominfo.Go.Id.
https://www.kominfo.go.id/content/detail/8566/mengenal-
generasi-millennial/0/sorotan_media
Farisa, F. (2021). PP 3/2021 Diteken Jokowi, Warga Bisa Jadi
Komponen Cadangan Perkuat TNI. Kompas.Com.
https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2021/01/20/12462321/pp-
3-2021-diteken-jokowi-wargabisa-jadi-komponen-cadangan-
perkuat-tn

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Joni, S. (2018). Nilai-Nilai Pancasila bagi Generasi Milenial di Zaman
Now. MEDIA INDONESIA.
https://mediaindonesia.com/opini/163965/nilai-nilai-
pancasila-bagi-generasi-milenial-di-zaman-now
Kertopati, S. (2021). Asymmetric Warefare Dynamics: Low Intensity
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Lebo Devis, A. S. (2021). Pemberdayaan Komunitas Siber oleh
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Semesta. Strategi Pertahanan Semesta, 6 Nomor 1, 101–111.
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Mulyana, C. (2020). Pertahanan Semesta Jadi Strategi ke Depan. Media
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114
 he Regional government of Lamongan Regency has made various
T eff orts in dealing with this non-military threat, but it is still not
suffi cient for the conditions expected. One of which is by
cooperating with several side agencies to overcome it (TNI-Polri and
other related agencies). This study aims at designing a strategy for
developing a state defense system of a non-military aspect in Paciran,
Lamongan Regency in resisting non-military threats. This study
employed SWOT-Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) method. What
makes this study diff er from previous research is there are aspects of
the astagatra (8 aspects of life) criteria included in the internal factors
of the SWOT analysis. Furthermore, the SWOT and AHP factors are
used to determine strategies in supporting non-military defense aspect
policies. In the formulation of a strategy for developing the
empowerment of the non-military aspect of defense in Paciran-
Lamongan, the selected strategy has been identifi ed, namely the ST
strategy (using strength to deal with threats) consisting of six sub
strategies. This research is expected to provide input for regional
governments in capability development based on regional
developments in facing non-military threats.

1. INTRODUCTION
The existence of the Paciran area as one of the accesses to large ships
has an impact on the entry of capitalism’s power in that area. Needless
to say, this possibility will also have an impact on the displacement of
small traders in the local area. In addition, the high number of
productive ages is not accompanied by the existence of educational

115
facilities and infrastructure around the Paciran area. The Regional
government of Lamongan Regency has made various eff orts in dealing
with this non-military threat, but it is still not suffi cient for the
conditions expected. One of which is by cooperating with several side
agencies to overcome it (TNI-Polri and other related agencies). There
are several weaknesses in overcoming these eff orts, including the eff
orts to overcome non-military threats still partially carried out between
related stakeholders, the development of the state defense system, in
this case Lamongan Regency, still using hardpower, the existence of a
communication gap between the central government, provincial
governments and district governments in the development of the
national defense system. Based on these problems, strategy of state
defense system development of a non-military aspect is required in
Paciran area, Lamongan Regency in confronting non-military threats.
This study aims at designing a strategy for developing a state defense
system of a non-military aspect in Paciran, Lamongan Regency in
resisting nonmilitary threats. This study employed SWOT-Analytical
Hierarchy Process (AHP) method. What makes this study diff er from
previous research is there are aspects of the astagatra (8 aspects of life)
criteria included in the internal factors of the SWOT analysis.
Furthermore, the SWOT and AHP factors are used to determine
strategies in supporting non-military defense aspect policies.
There are several references to support this research. References to non-
military defense, among others Indonesia Defense Strategy Dealing
With Shift The United States Strategy In Asia Pacifi c (Sari, 2017). A
review on defense innovation : from spin-off to spin-in (Leske, 2018).
Research on the plans and programs of the complex and interdependent
politics of national security carried out by the Republic of Macedonia
(Grozdanoska, 2014). Some references regarding the SWOT-AHP
include An Extension of Neutrosophic AHP–SWOT Analysis for
Strategic Planning and DecisionMaking (Abdel-Basset, et al., 2018).
Marketing Strategy Planning Using IE, SWOT and AHP Matrix
Approaches to Get Priority Strategy Alternatives (Tyas &
Chriswahyudi, 2017). SWOT - AHP Model For Prioritzation Of
Strategies Of The Resort Stara Planina (Nikolića, et al., 2015). The

116
Application of the SWOT and AHP Methods for the Assessment of
regions Strategic position in the Aspect of Wind Energy (Wota &
Wozniak, 2015). Prioritization of strategies for protected area
management with local people using the hybrid SWOT-AHP analysis:
the case of Kakum conservation area, Ghana (Fiagbomeh & Bürger-
Arndt, 2015). Performances Of Air Defence Systems Measured With
AHPSWOT Analysis (Şandru, 2016). Integrated SWOT-AHP
Approach in the Assessment of GSCM in Turkey (Koca & Behdioglu,
2017). This research is expected to provide input for regional
governments in capability development based on regional
developments in facing non-military threats. Next, it contributes to
nonmilitary defense science in the concept of developing non-military
defense forces and capabilities.
This paper consists of several parts. Part 2 discusses the theoretical and
methodological studies related to research, namely the concept of
strategy, PEST analysis, nonmilitary, SWOT method, AHP method,
research method, and research stages. Section 3 describes data analysis
and discussion of the development strategies of defense of non-military
aspects. Section 4 describes the conclusions and recommendations of
the study.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

Strategy Concept.
Strategy is a word having many meanings, and all of them are relevant
and useful to those tasked with setting strategies for companies,
businesses, or organizations (Özleblebici, et al., 2015). The strategy
comes from Greek, namely Stratego, which is defi ned as a plan to
destroy the enemy by using resources eff ectively (Athapaththu, 2016).
Koks and Kilika (2016) analyzed the role of strategy in product
development as a breakdown in business growth in response to a
theoretical perspective of direct strategic relationship to the role of
market characteristics. Purwono et al (2015) provided an analysis of the
strategy for developing business of Rumah Tempe Indonesia
(Indonesian Tempe House) in Bogor by formulating alternative

117
strategies and prioritizing development strategies. Arini and Utomo
(2017) provided a study of strategies for developing the
competitiveness of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) in
Tarakan (a city in North Kalimantan province, Indonesia) to face the
ASEAN Free Trade Area.
PEST (Political, Economic, Social and Technological) Analysis
PEST Analysis is the most common approach to considering the
external environment of a business/ organization (Gupta, 2013). In
analyzing the macro environment of an organization, it is important to
identify the factors and a number of important variables that might infl
uence the level of supply and demand of the organization and its costs
(Koumparoulis, 2013). PEST analysis is used to analyze Political,
Economic, Social, and Technological, and it describes a framework for
macro environmental factors used in the component of the strategic
management environment scan.

Fig. 7.1. Main aspects of PEST analysis. (Gupta, 2013).

118
Non-military
Based on Law No.3 of 2002 regarding the state defense system in
encountering non-military threats puts government agencies outside the
fi eld of defense as the main element, according to the form and nature
of the threats faced supported by other elements of the nation’s strength.
The key strength in dealing with nonmilitary threats is the main element
which is also a guarantee of synergy between military and non-military
defense in the implementation of state defense.

Fig. 7.2. Scheme to integrate military and non-military defense components

(Kemenhan, 2015)

Non-military threats are essentially threats using factors considered to

have the ability to endanger the sovereignty of the State, the territorial
integrity of the State and the safety of the entire nation. Non-military
threats can come from outside or within the country. Nonmilitary
threats possess diverse characteristics from military threats in which
they are unphysical, and their form is invisible. Some non-military
threats include:

119
 a. Ideological threats (individualism, materialism, radicalism,
anarchism.
b. Political threats (trust in government, separatism, environment,
democratization).
c. Economic threats (unemployment rate, infrastructure, economic
inequality, low competitiveness).
d. Socio-cultural threats (poverty, education level, racial confl ict,
social inequality, foreign culture, human traffi cking,
corruption).
e. Public safety threats (natural disasters, thuggery, terrorism, food
and energy, narcotics crimes).
f. Technological threats (cyber threats, technology lag, spread of
viruses).
g. Legality threat (human rights issues, overlapping regulations,
legal intervention).

A. SWOT Method
SWOT analysis is the most common technique that can be used to
analyze strategic cases (Hill & Westbrook, 1997). SWOT is a tool often
used to analyze the internal and external environment to achieve a
systematic approach and support for decision situations (Wheelen &
Hunger, 1995). SWOT is an acronym for strength (S), weakness (W),
opportunity (O) and threat (T). The fi rst two factors (strengths and
weaknesses) relate to internal factors of the organization, while
opportunities and threats cover the broader context or environment in
which the entity operates (CollinsKreiner & Wall, 2007).
Internal and external factors are referred to as strategic factors, and are
summarized in the SWOT analysis. Strengths and weaknesses are
factors in the system allowing and hindering the organization from
achieving its goals. Opportunities and threats are considered as external

120
 Table 7.1. Matrix SWOT

INTERNAL/
STRENGTH (S) WEAKNESS (W)
EXTERNAL
(Maximal) (Minimal)
FACTORS
Opportunities (O) S-O Strategy W-O Strategy
(Maximal) (Maximal-Maximal) (Minimal - Maximal)
Threat (T) S-T Strategy (Maximal- S-O Strategy
(Minimal) Minimal) (Minimal-Maximal)
Source: (Malik, et al., 2013)

factors facilitating and limiting the organization in achieving its

respective goals (Wasike, et al., 2010).
1. Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP)
Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) is a general measurement theory.
AHP was used to derive the ratio scale of both discrete and continuous
comparison pairs. This comparison can be taken from actual
measurements or from a fundamental scale refl ecting the strengths of
preference and objectivity (Saaty, 1987). AHP is a mathematically
based procedure which is very good and suitable for the evaluation
conditions of qualitative attributes. These attributes are mathematically
quantitative in 1 (one) set of paired comparisons. The advantages of
AHP compared to others are due to the hierarchical structure, as a
consequence of the selected criteria, down to the most detailed sub-
criteria (Makkasau, 2012).
AHP describes a complex problem of a multi-factor or multicriteria into
a hierarchy. According to Saaty, hierarchy is defi ned as a representation
of a complex problem in a multi-level structure, where the fi rst level is
the goal, followed by the factor, criteria, sub-criteria level and so on.
Down to the last level of the alternative with a hierarchy of a complex
problem, it can be broken down into groups then arranged into a
hierarchy as the problem will appear more systematically structured.
One of the main advantages of AHP diff erentiating it from other
decision-making models is that there is no absolute consistency
requirement. Therefore, the existence of problems can be felt and
observed, but the completeness of numerical data does not support to

121
model problems quantitatively. In determining the weight of each
criterion in AHP, it can be described as follows:

Fig. 7.3. AHP Structure.

In preparing the AHP procedure, it can be grouped into two steps

(Saaty, 1990):
a. Hierarchy formation, (Decomposition). Hierarchy is used to
show the eff ect and objective from highest to lowest level. A
hierarchy can also be used to decompose a complex problem;
hence, the problem becomes structured and systematic.
b. Pairwise Comparative. Pairwise comparison is implemented to
consider decision factors or objectives and alternatives by
taking into account the relationship between other factors/sub
factors or criteria/sub criteria.
Instinctively, humans can estimate modest quantities through their
senses. The most straightforward process is to compare two things with
a justifi able accuracy of the comparison. For this reason, Saaty (2006)
determined quantitative scales of 1 to 9 to assess the comparison of the
importance of another element. The scale of the comparison can be
explained as follows:

122
 Table 7.2. Rating Scale of AHP

(Source: Saaty, 1990)

B. Method/Stages
Based on the research focus and objectives, the research approach used
in this study is a quantitative approach. In this study, data sources
consisted of two types, primary and secondary data. The main data were
obtained from interviews and questionnaires from 6 (six) selected
experts. These experts provided information that will serve as the main
data source in the early stages of research development. Research
subjects are selected according to the needs of the empowerment of the
area where this research took place, including: Government of
Lamongan Regency, commanders of Indonesian Navy (TNI AL),
several Heads of related agencies, commanders of Kodim, and District
Heads were selected because the work units are directly related to the
development of empowering the defense aspect of the Paciran area.

123
 Table 7.3. Research Subject.

The research site was in Paciran sub-district, Lamongan Regency.

Paciran is one of the subdistricts in the Lamongan Regency, which is in
the Northern Hemisphere of the capital city of Lamongan Regency with
a distance of + 43 Km. Paciran sub-district consists of 16 villages, 1
urban village, 34 hamlets, 95 RW, 379 RT. The area of Paciran is
61,304 Km2 located at an altitude of 2 meters above sea level.

Fig. 7.4. Map of Lamongan Regency, (BPS-Lamongan, 2016)

124
 C. Research Stages and Objectives
a. Formulation and development strategy of national defense in
encountering non-military threats in Paciran, Lamongan
Regency.
b. Determining the priority of the national defense development
strategy in facing non-military threats in Paciran, Lamongan
Regency factors and the Astagatra corridor to identify internal
factors as well as non-military defense strategies. Second, the
strategy formulated in the SWOT analysis will form a strategic
hierarchy structure to identify the linkages between the
strategies. This condition aims at analyzing the correlation
between the development strategy for empowering nonmilitary
defense in mapping related strategies. Hierarchy preparation
and strategy determination in this

Fig. 7.5. Research Flow Chart

In this study, there are several stages to achieve the expected objectives.
First is the identifi cation and formulation strategies. In this study,
SWOT analysis method was used to identify and formulate several
strategies for developing empowerment of non-military defense in the
Paciran area. The SWOT analysis method used in this development
strategy is integrated with the Analysis area corridor of PEST Theory
to identify external
factors and the Astagatra corridor to identify internal factors as well as
non-military defense strategies. Second, the strategy formulated in the
SWOT analysis will form a strategic hierarchy structure to identify the

125
linkages between the strategies. This condition aims at analyzing the
correlation between the development strategy for empowering
nonmilitary defense in mapping related strategies. Hierarchy
preparation and strategy determination in this study were carried out
employing the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) method. Hierarchy or
decision structure is made to describe the identifi ed system elements or
strategic alternatives.

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The research stage began with data collection by conducting interviews
with six expert personnel (E1; E2; E3; E4; E5; E6) in the development
strategy for empowering defense area. After all data are collected, the
data are divided into 2, namely external and internal analysis. To fi nd
out the strengths and weaknesses in internal conditions related to
posture development, and to fi nd out the opportunities and threats, a
SWOT analysis is used. SWOT also serves to determine the current
condition of the Indonesian Navy (TNI AL)’s posture development.
After the analysis was carried out, it was extended by developing 4
types of strategies, namely: Strength-Opportunity (SO) Strategy,
Weakness-Opportunity (W-O) Strategy, Strength-Threat Strategy (S-
T), and Weakness-Threat (W-T) Strategy.
1. Formulation and Strategy
The external environment is external factors that can aff ect the choice
of direction and action and aff ect the organizational structure and
internal processes. External environmental analysis indicates the
opportunities and threats faced in development strategy for empowering
defense area. External analysis aims at gaining knowledge about new
opportunities can aff ect strategy development and is not only limited
to opportunities to implement the strategy but can also take the form of
obstacles or challenges.

126
 Fig. 7.6. Analysis of External Factors for Empowering Defense Areas.

Table 7.4. Analysis of External Factors for Empowering Defense of

Paciran, Lamongan.
Factor analisys Opportunity Resistance
World Maritime Axis - In line with the
Policy development for
empowering
defense areas
- Synergizing with
port development in
Lamongan.

Geographical Position - Located in a

and Physical Form strategic position in
waters of northern
Java
Population awareness - Maritime awareness
(Maritime domain is still low in
Awareness). Paciran in particular
and Lamongan in
general

127
 Factor analisys Opportunity Resistance
Population - Abundant workforce - Become a social
demographics burden if not
properly prepared
Population - Most of them are in
composition the central and
south Lamongan
region.
The character of the - Lamongan as the
Indonesian nation history of a
maritime country, a
maritime gateway
Economic growth - Economic growth - Uneven economic
above the national growth between the
average North and Central
Lamongan regions
Maritime Service - There is a maritime - Maritime Service
Industry service industry in Industry (Injasmar)
the North does not absorb all
Lamongan Region the workforce from
the local community
Information system - Having suffi cient - Still being partial
infrastructure and basic information
technology system
infrastructure and
maritime
technology
Budget - Empowerment of
defense areas is only
supported from the
central budget
Socio-cultural - The socio-cultural
level of religion is
quite good in the
North Lamongan
region

2. Internal Factor Analysis

Analysis of the internal environment aims at identifying a number of
strengths and weaknesses in the internal business processes and
resources. Resources and internal business processes are said to possess
strength if these resources and internal business processes acquire the

128
capability that will create distinctive competencies, so that an
organization will gain an advantage.

Fig. 7.7. Analysis of Internal Factors for Empowering Non-military Defense Area of
Paciran-Lamongan Region.

In the development strategy of non-military defense in Paciran area,

analysis of internal factors is used to identify strengths and weaknesses
(Fig. no. 7). The analysis of internal factors is based on several aspects,
including 1) Main Duties of the Indonesian Navy (TNI AL); 2) The role
of the Indonesian Navy (TNI AL); 3) AT Mahan theory; 4) Non-
Military Defense Theory. Based on the results of data collected through
interviews with relevant experts, research documents, observations and
some literature, internal factors can be formulated. Identifi cation of
these internal factors, including:
Indonesian Navy (TNI AL); 3) AT Mahan theory; 4) Non-Military
Defense Theory. Based on the results of data collected through
interviews with relevant experts, research documents, observations and
some literature, internal factors can be formulated. Identifi cation of
these internal factors, including:

129
 Table 7.5. Analysis of Internal Factors for Empowering Defense of
Paciran, Lamongan.
Factor analisys Opportunity Resistance
The role of the - As the biggest power in - Soldier’s welfare is
Indonesian Navy Southeast Asia. still low
(TNI AL) - As a balancing force in
Asia Pacific.
AT Mahan Theory - Character as a maritime - The area is mostly for
society - agriculture.
Lamongan is located - The city government
close to the Java Sea. has not maximized its
- Physical form as a maritime potential. -
maritime city - The The strength of
workforce is abundant. Municipal Police is
still limited.
Main Duties of the - Suffi cient defense and - Intelligence
Indonesian Navy security capabilities capabilities have not
(TNI AL) - Regional intelligence been supported by an
• Defense • capabilities integrated information system
Security • with other units. capabilities. - Cyber
Intelligence • - The ability to support capabilities are still
Support • and empower the separate. - The
Empowerment of defense area is quite ability to support still
Defense Areas good and has depends on
(Maritime domain cooperated with other nonalternative energy
Awareness). Regional Leadership - Non-military
Conference (Muspida). personnel are still
lacking at a technical
level
Non-Military Power - There is suffi cient - Development of
available reserve power nonmilitary defense
of Banser, Ansor and areas that are not in
Muhamadiyah. - line with development
State defense is based - Partial political
on religious ideology party. - Limited non-
that is quite strong. military technology.

3. Determination of Strategic Priorities

After the internal factors are grouped into strengths and weaknesses,
external factors are grouped into opportunities and threats. The next
step is to weight IFAS - EFAS. Based on the results of interviews and
questionnaires, it was found that the strategy of non-military defense

130
area in PaciranLamongan still has weaknesses and threats. Based on the
SWOT matrix, the following analysis results are obtained:
Table 7.6. Strength Analysis of Strategy for Empowering Defense
Areas.
No Internal Strategy Factors Weight Rating Score
S Strength
As the biggest navy power in
1 0.101 4.500 0.455
Southeast Asia.
As a balancing force in Asia
2 0.131 4.167 0.544
Pacific
Character as a maritime
3 0.077 3.667 0.282
society
Lamongan is located close to
4 0.107 3.833 0.411
the Java Sea
Physical form as a maritime
5 0.055 4.500 0.248
city
6 The workforce is abundant. 0.116 3.667 0.424
Suffi cient defense and
7 0.110 4.167 0.460
security capabilities.
Regional intelligence
8 capabilities integrated with 0.070 3.833 0.268
other units
The ability to support and
empower the defense area is
quite good and has
9 0.063 3.500 0.220
cooperated with other
Regional Leadership
Conference (Muspida).
There is suffi cient available
10 reserve power of Banser, 0.094 3.333 0.313
Ansor and Muhamadiyah.
State defense is based on
11 religious ideology that is 0.076 4.667 0.357
quite strong.
Total
1.000 3.985

131
 Fig. 7.8. Histogram of Strength Aspect

Table 7.7. Weakness Analysis of Strategy for Empowering Defense

Areas.
W Weakness
1 Soldiers’ welfare is still low 0.090 3.500 0.316
2 The area is mostly for agriculture 0.093 3.667 0.340
3 The city government has not 0.102 3.333 0.342
maximized its maritime potential
4 The strength of Municipal Police is 0.112 3.833 0.429
still limited
5 Intelligence capabilities have not 0.086 2.833 0.242
been supported by an integrated
information system capabilities
6 Cyber capabilities are still separate 0.071 3.000 0.214
7 The ability to support still depends 0.078 3.333 0.259
on nonalternative energy
8 Non-military personnel are still 0.106 3.667 0.387
lacking at a technical level
9 Development of nonmilitary 0.104 3.167 0.331
defense areas that are not in line
with development
10 Partial political party 0.081 3.000 0.242
11 Limited non-military technology. 0.077 3.333 0.258
Total 1.000 3.360

132
 Fig. 7.9. Histogram of Weakness Aspect.

From the results of the analysis on Table 6 and Table 7 above, the
Strength factor has a total score of 3.981, while the Weaknesses factor
has a total score of 3.247. The average score of Strength has a total
value of 3,985 meaning that each respondent gives a good score on the
company’s internal factors. The average score of Weaknesses has a total
value of 3.333 meaning that each respondent gives a score on suffi cient
internal factors.
In the power factor analysis, sub-factor of S2, in which Indonesia is as
a balance of strength in the Asia Pacifi c region, has the highest score
of 0.543. Whereas, in the analysis of the weakness factors, sub-factor
of W4, which is the limited strength of the personnel of the civil service
unit, has the highest score of 0.444.

133
Table 7.8. Opportunity Analysis of Strategy for Empowering Defense
Areas
No External Strategy Factors Weight Rating Score
O Opportunity
In line with the development
1 for empowering defense 0.119 4.167 0.494
areas
Synergizing with port
2 0.134 4.500 0.604
development in Lamongan
Located in a strategic
3 position in waters of 0.197 4.667 0.921
northern Java
4 Abundant workforce 0.099 3.500 0.347
Most of them are in the
5 central and south Lamongan 0.100 3.500 0.350
region
Lamongan as the history of a
6 maritime country, a maritime 0.302 3.500 1.059
gateway
Suffi cient defense and
7 0.048 3.667 0.177
security capabilities.
Total 1.000 3.929 3.951

Fig. 7.10. Histogram of Opportunity Aspect.

134
 Table 7.9. Threat Analysis of Strategy for Empowering Defense
Areas.
T Threat
1 Maritime awareness is still 0.109 4.167 0.452
low in Paciran in particular
and Lamongan in general
2 Workforce Become a social 0.044 4.333 0.189
burden if not properly
prepared
3 Uneven economic growth 0.313 4.833 1.512
between the North and
Central Lamongan regions
4 Maritime Service Industry 0.389 3.833 1.490
(Injasmar) does the
availability of not absorb all
the workforce from the local
community
5 Information systems and 0.053 3.833 0.204
technology infrastructure are
still partial
6 Empowerment of defense 0.093 4.000 0.374
areas is only supported from
the central budget
Total 1.000 4.167 4.220

Fig. 7. 11. Histogram of Threat Aspect

135
From the analysis results of Table 8 and Table 9 above, the opportunity
factor has a total score of 3.95, while the constraint factor has a total
score of 4.222. The average score of Opportunity has an aggregate score
of 3,929. The average score of Weaknesses has an aggregate score of
4.167. In the opportunity factor analysis, the sub-factor of O6, in which
Lamongan is as the history of the maritime gateway country, has the
highest score of 1.059. Meanwhile, in the analysis of threat factors, the
sub-factor of T3, which is uneven economic growth, has the highest
score of 1.512. Furthermore, the aggregate score of each factor can be
detailed as follows: Strength 3,981; Weaknesses 3,364; Opportunities
3,951; and Threats 4,220. Seen from the aggregate score obtained from
each respondent, the internal condition of the strength factor has a better
aggregate score than the weakness factor. Furthermore, from external
conditions, the threat factor has a better average score than the
opportunity factor. Therefore, these conditions can be identifi ed in the
following SWOT diagram:
Table 7.10. Matrix EFAS-IFAS on SWOT.

136
 Fig. 7.12. EFAS-IFAS Diagram SWOT Analysis.

From results of Table 10 and Fig. no. 12 above, It shows that the
development strategy for empowering the defense area in Paciran-
Lamongan is in the positive-negative quadrant (ST Strategy). This
condition is the most dominant position of internal factors in
anticipating all existing threats. The results of the diagram show that
the X axis which is the diff erence between Strength and Weaknesses
obtains a score of +0.618, and the Y axis which is the diff erence
between Opportunities and Threats obtains a score of -0.286.
This condition indicates the development strategy for empowering the
defense areas in the Paciran-Lamongan has a strong condition and a
fairly prominent threat. Therefore, it is necessary to make related eff
orts by utilizing existing strengths to anticipate or overcome the current
threats.

137
 Table 7.11. Sub Strategy for Empowering Defense Areas.
STRENGTH THREAT
S1. As the biggest navy power in T1. Maritime awareness is still low in
Southeast Asia. Paciran in particular and Lamongan in
general
S2. As a balancing force in Asia
Pacific. T2. Workforce Become a social
burden if not properly prepared
S3. Character as a maritime society
T3. Uneven economic growth
S4. Lamongan is located close to the
between the North and Central
Java Sea.
Lamongan regions
S5. Physical form as a maritime city
T4. Maritime Service Industry
S6. The workforce is abundant. (Injasmar) does the availability of not
absorb all the workforce from the
S7. Suffi cient defense and security local community
capabilities
T5. Information systems and
S8. Regional intelligence capabilities technology infrastructure are still
integrated with other units. partial
S9.The ability to support and T6. Empowerment of defense areas is
empower the defense area is quite only supported from the central
good and has cooperated with other budget
Regional Leadership Conference
(Muspida).
S10. There is suffi cient available
reserve power of Banser, Ansor and
Muhamadiyah.
S11. State defense is based on
religious ideology that is quite strong.
ST (Strength-Threat) Strategy
(ST)1. Arousing maritime awareness with the spirit of the character of the
maritime community, physical form and the location of the city of Lamongan
as a maritime city.
(ST)2. Preparing an abundant workforce is directed at supporting the
development of the Maritime City because there is a fairly good economic
potential.
(ST)3. Building available maritime potential and supporting potential to
provide economic equality in the Lamongan region. (ST)4. The development
of the potential of Maritime Service Industry (Injasmar) by prioritizing local
workforce to support the acceleration and absorption of local labor.

138
 (ST)5. Collaboration between muspida that has been quite well established can
be utilized by building an information system connected to networks and
technology, so that it is mutually integrated.
(ST)6. Providing allowances in the form of a religious organization because of
a strong enough religious basis to support the minimum budget for
empowering the regional defense areas.

Although the ST strategy is the best alternative strategy having the

highest weighting score, it is uncertain that all the existing sub-
strategies can be implemented simultaneously. Therefore, it is
necessary to prioritize if they encounter resource constraints in the
implementation of those substrategies. The determination of policy
priorities from several policy sub-strategies resulted from the SWOT
analysis in this study were carried out using The Analytical Hierarchy
Process (AHP).
Based on the results of the SWOT analysis and the expert validation,
the selected ST strategy obtained 6 (six) alternative substrategies in the
context of developing empowerment of defense areas in Paciran-
Lamongan. These sub strategies include:
a. Arousing maritime awareness with the spirit of the character of
the maritime community, physical form and the location of the
city of Lamongan as a maritime city.
One form of the glory of the Indonesian nation and state is the
breadth and abundance of maritime resources that can be
utilized by many people, especially the coastal areas of Paciran-
Lamongan. Therefore, it is extremely signifi cant to foster and
empower the determined attitude and identity of the maritime
community as a form of state defense to ensure the survival of
the Republic of Indonesia towards the world’s maritime axis.
In the maritime community, including in Paciran-Lamongan,
various sectors and sub-sectors of the maritime economy have
grown having created social segments or categories like miners,
industrial workers, tourism managers and employees, marines,
academics/researchers, bureaucrats and others. Another tangible

139
 form of empowerment is to authorize fi shing boats in the
context of business development supported by qualifi ed marine
fi shery’s technology accompanied by building human resources
for the maritime community itself. It will defi nitely experience
a positive impact in exploring existing marine resources and
reduce the risk of confl ict between fi shermen and weak
economies. Empowerment itself means creating opportunities
for maritime communities to determine their needs, plan and
carry out their activities, which in turn establishes permanent
independence in the life of the community itself.
b. Preparing an abundant workforce is directed at supporting the
development of the Maritime City because there is a fairly good
economic potential.
The success of other cities in developing their maritime sector
shows the importance of local government support and
integrated policies to create a strong maritime ecosystem. For
this reason, the synergy of maritime infrastructure development
includes several related sectors like shipping, fi sheries, tourism,
shipping and maritime human resources and their institutions.
Currently, economic products and activities in the maritime
sector in the Paciran-Lamongan do not refl ect the undoubted
potential due to a number of constraints such as the weak
shipbuilding and ship component industry, foreign domination
in shipping services, and limited quality maritime human
resources.
The demographic bonus can cause a demographic disaster if
human resources are not of good quality characterized by low
levels of education and skills. For that, it is necessary to consider
policies to optimize changes in the population structure.
Considering this demographic challenge is a cross-sectoral
issue, it is necessary to strengthen intensive coordination with
various stakeholders in formulating sustainable national
development planning policies. Cooperation between central
and regional governments, business actors, industry, education

140
 sector and community need to be carried out to prepare the
potential of young age groups in responding to demographic
challenges.
c. Building available maritime potential and supporting potential
to provide economic equality in the Lamongan region.
Maritime development is no longer positioned as a peripheral
sector, but it is perceived as a driving force for the economy as
well as a source of progress and prosperity for the people of
Paciran-Lamongan. If the potential of the maritime sector can
be managed and maximized by the local government, of course,
it will be qualifi ed to provide signifi cant other value to
development. Maritime economic potential consists of marine
wealth in the form of renewable natural resources like fi sheries,
coral reefs, mangrove forests, seaweed, and biotechnology
products. There is also the potential for marine energy: tides,
waves, wind, and OTEC or Ocean Thermal Energy Conversion.
d. The development of the potential of Maritime Service Industry
(Injasmar) by prioritizing local workforce to support the
acceleration and absorption of local labor.
All Injasmar companies operating in Paciran-Lamongan must
prioritize the recruitment of local workers. It is because the
existence of companies investing in this area is an eff ort to
create jobs for the local community. An understanding between
the Government of Lamongan Regency and the company in
recruiting workers should be existed. It is not just an appeal,
companies to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU),
regarding the company’s participation in empowering and
placing local workers. Therefore, local workforce receives
priority. In fact, It is not only in acceptance, but also in skills
training and apprenticeship for local men.
e. Collaboration between muspida that has been quite well
established can be utilized by building an information system

141
 connected to networks and technology, so that it is mutually
integrated.
An information system collaboration between Muspida can
increase the security of information on security. Currently,
organizing Regional Governments with more extensive
authority in the regions is one of the essences of decentralization
and regional autonomy. Preparation of decentralization
principles and granting autonomy to regions will further support
regional independence in formulating policies according to the
local wants, needs and characteristics. One of the necessary
policies that need to be carried out by Regional governments in
information technology development is the existence of an
institution functioning as an information technology manager,
whether in the form of information infrastructure, information
technology or network infrastructure; as a data processing center
work unit which is expected to act as a driving force towards
data automation for all levels of administration and regional
government services to support the implementation of Good
Government.
f. Providing allowances in the form of a religious organization
because of a strong enough religious basis to support the
minimum budget for empowering the regional defense areas.
In essence, religious harmony is a noble value has long been
taught and passed on by the ancestors of the Indonesia. This
nation has successfully constructed many traditional systems
and local wisdoms to create an atmosphere of harmony and
peace in a pluralistic society. However, considering religious
harmony is a dynamic condition that must continually be
maintained, the Government together with all components of
society must continue to strive to protect and preserve it.
g. To maintain the existing harmonious conditions, coordination
between religious institutions, government offi cials, media
agencies, and fi gures had also been carried out periodically,
either monthly, semiannually or annually. Interfaith Leader

142
 Coordination was attended by representatives from religious
councils and administrators of religious organizations.
Periodically and from time to time, coordination of the control
of religious harmony is also carried out. The involvement of
various elements of society in the eff ort to maintain harmony
also has a very high urgency, especially among youths, students,
and students in the area of Paciran-Lamongan.

4. CONCLUSIONS
In the formulation of a strategy for developing the empowerment of the
non-military aspect of defense in Paciran-Lamongan, the selected
strategy has been identifi ed, namely the ST strategy (using strength to
deal with threats) consisting of six sub strategies. The six sub strategies
include:
1) Arousing maritime awareness with enthusiasm as the character
of maritime society, physical form and location of Lamongan
city as Maritime city as sub strategy 1 (ST-1) with a weight of
0.212;
2) Preparing an abundant workforce directed at supporting the
development of Maritime cities because there is a fairly good
economic potential as sub strategy 2 (ST-2) with a weight of
0.195;
3) Developing available maritime potential and supporting
potential to provide economic equality in the Lamongan region
as sub strategy 3 (ST-3) with a weight of 0.154;
4) Development of the potential for Injasmar by prioritizing local
native labor, to support the acceleration and absorption of
regional labor as sub strategy 4 (ST-4) with a weight of 0.165;
5) Collaboration between muspida that has been quite well
established can be utilized by building an information system
connected to networks and technology so that sub-strategy 5
(ST-5) is mutually integrated with a weight of 0.163;
6) Providing allowances in the form of a religious organization
because of a strong enough religious basis to support the

143
 minimum budget for empowerment of regional defense areas
with a weight of 0.111.
Future Work
1) In strategic management, there are three stages: strategy
development, strategy implementation and strategy evaluation.
As a suggestion for further research, it is necessary to determine
an appropriate strategy implementation plan.
2) To further complement the research results, further research
should be carried out on mitigation and risk analysis.
3) In further research, it is necessary to formulate a road-map in
the development of strategy of non-military aspects not only in
terms of naval aspects.

144
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148
 Kasih Prihantoro, Suhirwan, Budi Pramono, Rianto, Lukman Yudho
Prakoso.

he dynamics of the global regional and national strategic

T environment have an impact on the emergence of various threats,
both actual and potential. The country must prepare for all the
possibilities that occur, including preparing for a total war involving all
human resources. Pancasila as the Indonesian ideology is one of the
most important resources in binding the spirit of the struggle of the
Indonesian people in organizing the Total War, so that Pancasila as the
state ideology is deemed necessary to always be maintained, maintained
and continuously optimized. The purpose of this study was to analyze
the “Total War Strategy through Optimizing the Values of Pancasila”.
The research method used is descriptive qualitative method using
secondary data sources in the form of previous research journals, books,
documentation, news, internet and others. Based on the results of the
study, it can be concluded that the total war strategy includes including
all levels of society in state defense activities in accordance with the
practice of the 4th precept of Pancasila. Providing information about
defending the state, and providing equal treatment to protect and
provide security for all Indonesian people in accordance with the 2nd
principle. The TNI together with the Government jointly provide
protection for the community based on the principles of democracy,
human rights and nondiscrimination which is in accordance with the
value of the 5th principle. Therefore, the values of Pancasila must be
maintained and optimized to create a country that is safe and peaceful,
a society that lives peacefully and is also prosperous.

149
1. INTRODUCTION
Pancasila As the basis of the state, ideology, views and philosophy of
life that guide life. Pancasila is the foundation of the state which
becomes the unifying principle for the Indonesian nation in defending
its sovereignty. Pancasila is a strong ideology as a milestone for society
to carry out various special life activities when it comes to relationships
between humans who have different religions, ethnicities, races and
norms. The various noble values that exist in Pancasila are based on the
character and culture of the nation that has prevailed throughout the
ages (Octavian, 2018). Along with the changing times and the
development of the nation, at this time the things that the founders and
the predecessors of the nation had struggled for are undergoing a test
phase to maintain them because of the various aspects that can affect,
one of which is globalization (Dipua et al., 2020). The era of
globalization has changed perceptions of threats to the existence of a
country. The threats that come are no longer in the form of physical
threats, but also in the form of threats that are more complex and reach
the dimensions of national and state life. covers all dimensions of
national life. Pancasila is the foundation of the state which becomes the
unifying principle for the Indonesian nation in defending its
sovereignty. Pancasila is a strong ideology as a milestone for society to
carry out various special life activities when it comes to relationships
between humans who have different religions, ethnicities, races and
norms (Bhagaskoro et al., 2019).
The values of Pancasila must be known, understood, and implemented
by the Indonesian people in everyday life in order to realize the ideals
of the proclamation of independence. However, at this time knowledge,
the understanding of the nation's future generations of the values
contained in Pancasila, is decreasing and being eroded because of the
many new values that are incompatible with the national identity. This
problem is of course a threat in itself to the sovereignty of the
Indonesian state.

150
Based on the description on the background, the purpose of this study
is to find out how the “Total War Strategy through Optimizing the
Values of Pancasila”.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

The research method is a scientific method that is applied to obtain data
and information for specific purposes. The research method in this
journal is the literature study method, which is a research method that
uses a review of the literature in the form of journals, books, notes,
documentation related to the research topic. This type of research
approach is descriptive qualitative. The qualitative descriptive analysis
approach is an approach to distinguish, examine, make comparisons,
and interpret meaningful patterns or themes. Meaning is determined by
the goals and objectives of the research being carried out. The same or
different data can be studied or evaluated from different points of view
to get answers to the formulation of a particular problem that is being
discussed. In qualitative research, researchers can use discourse,
textual, narrative, ethnographic approaches in accordance with the
objectives and orientation of the study (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). In
quantitative analysis, numbers and their meanings are material for
analysis. In contrast, qualitative analysis deals with words and is guided
by fewer Total rules and standard procedures than statistical analysis
(Miles, 1994).

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The research results obtained related to the Total war strategy through
the values of Pancasila can be explained as follows:
That the current war has a different form from previous wars involving
actors and victims who can be seen with the eye directly. At this time
war has various forms that are invisible and victims that cannot be
known directly, but the scope of war today is more systematic and also
has a very broad impact, for example cyber war, trade war and
intelligence war (Abdi et al., 2018).

151
Several studies that apply analysis from the point of view of Total war
strategy and indirectly use Pancasila values are as follows:
Research conducted by Abdi et al. (2020) in reducing the DI/TII
rebellion explained that the government implemented a form of Total
war strategy by including a reserve component from the community
around which the rebels lived. Its purpose is to weaken the rebel power.
The strategy of Total warfare is also being carried out by inviting the
public to work together to defend and protect the sovereignty of the
state and the environment in accordance with the 3rd Precept, namely
the Unity of Indonesia. In this case the DII/TII rebellion by the
Indonesian military was successfully contained. Through this strategy,
it can be seen that the uniting of the Indonesian people as a reserve and
supporting component shows that the community understands and is
willing to uphold the values contained in Pancasila (Prakoso, 2021a).
The Total war strategy through the application of Pancasila values can
also be done by strengthening the sense of nationality of the younger
generation. This is motivated by the fact in the field that the Citizenship
Education provided to students is still considered insufficient to instill
a sense of nationality. In this case the TNI carries out its duties in
Military Operations other than War (OMPS), namely by empowering
and strengthening the community as an agent of socializing state
defense to the community (Nofriady et al., 2018).
In carrying out the Total war strategy, the TNI conducts outreach to the
public through various media including advertisements on mass media
television, electronics and others. In carrying out the socialization, the
TNI provides various materials related to state defense. The attitude of
defending the state is one of the practices of the Pancasila precepts,
namely the 3rd principle of the Indonesian Unity.
The obligation to defend the state is the obligation of every person who
exists, lives and is the nationality of that country. The attitude of
defending the state means being brave and willing to sacrifice for the
state and nation with wealth and life for the integrity of the Republic of
Indonesia.

152
In order to empower the community as a reserve component and a
supporting component in national defense, the TNI provides
information provision for every member of society without exception
(Nofriady et al., 2018). This shows that the TNI in this case has
implemented the values of Pancasila, especially the 5th principle,
namely Social Justice for All Indonesians.
The steps taken by the TNI in improving the attitude of defending the
country through the provision of information to all Indonesians through
a special website aimed at making all people access without exception.
National defense as a Total or comprehensive war strategy is based on
the principles of democracy, human rights, general welfare, social
justice for all Indonesian people who are separated in an area consisting
of thousands of islands. This reflects the inculcation of the value of
Pancasila, namely the second principle, namely Fair and Civilized
Humanity. Fair means that security protection must be given to
everyone without exception, while being civilized means that security
protection is carried out in a manner that does not violate the laws,
customs and social norms that apply in Indonesia (Dipua et al., 2021).
Pancasila is the state ideology that must be maintained at all times and
must be practiced by every Indonesian citizen. Pancasila as an ideology
cannot be amended because the principles in Pancasila are directly
related to aspects of the life of Indonesian society as a whole, both
related to the relationship between humans and God and also the
relationship between humans and other humans.
Threats to Indonesia's national security and defense are no longer in the
form of conventional threats that are familiar to a country such as
colonialism or direct aggression in a country, but today's threats are
more difficult to detect or recognize. The complexity of these various
threats certainly requires an effective strategy, in this case a Total war
strategy.
In the Total war strategy as previously explained, defense in Total war
involves all Indonesian people. The Indonesian defense paradigm is
embodied in the values of Pancasila which are explained in the

153
preamble of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and
further explained in Law Number 3 of 2002 concerning Defense,
namely that the government has a duty to protect all people and the
country, promote the general welfare , educate bagsa life and also
jointly maintain world order (Prakoso, 2021b; 2020).
Furthermore, Article 30 of the Indonesian Constitution explains that
national defense and security efforts are carried out through the defense
and security system of the total people by the TNI and Polri as the main
component and the people as a reserve component.
In the concept of national defense, the values of Pancasila are the main
elements in the national defense system. Pancasila is the foundation of
national defense to protect the sovereignty and integrity of the
Indonesian state.

4. CONCLUSIONS
The Total war strategy can be done by optimizing the values of
Pancasila. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that the
Total war strategy includes including all levels of society or the Total
role of all components of the nation in state defense activities in
accordance with the practice of the 4th precept of Pancasila. Providing
information about defending the country by the TNI, and providing
equal treatment to protect and provide security for all Indonesian people
in accordance with the second precept.
The TNI together with the Government jointly provide protection to the
community based on the principles of democracy, uphold human rights
and non-discrimination in accordance with the value of the 5th precept.
Thus the suggestion that can be given is that the values of Pancasila are
the fundamental values of the Indonesian people that must be
maintained and optimized to create a country that is safe and peaceful,
a society that lives peacefully and prosperously within the framework
of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia.

154
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diplomacy, universal defense strategy, and irregular warfare in
handling the disintegration movement in Indonesia. Pulpit of
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Bhagaskoro, P., Pasopati, R.U., & Syarifuddin, S. (2019). Pancasila in
the Interaction of Local Wisdom and Transnational Ideology.
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132.
Dipua, A., Hermawa, R., Puspitawati, D., Harahap, N., Nurdiansyah,
D.R., & Prakoso, L.Y. (2020). An analysis of the south china
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Dipua, A., Harahap, N., Puspitawati, D., Aminuddin, F., & Prakoso,
L.Y. (2021). Sea defense strategy the indonesian navy in dealing
with the south china sea conflict. Italienisch, 11(2), 120-126.
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quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Sage publications.
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defense values with a binter approach in the region Kodim
0618/BS Bandung City. Ground Defense Strategy, 4(3), 83-102.
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 Budi Pramono, Makarim Wibisono, & Tri Legiono Suko

ndonesia was originally a non-claimant state in the South China Sea

I dispute. The potential conflict was created by considering Chinese
statement that some of the territorial waters of Natuna Islands are
Chinese traditional fishing ground, which in fact is within the
Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). This claim has potential
to threaten the sovereignty and sovereign rights of Indonesia's territorial
waters since Chinese aggressive attitude will certainly change
Indonesia's attitude on strengthening its diplomacy and defense posture
in the region. This study is aimed to analyze two critical issues; first,
the strategic values of Indonesia’s EEZ in Natuna from the Chinese
perspective and second, the appropriate Defense Diplomacy strategies
to respond to Chinese claims. The research method follows a qualitative
approach in which the data is collected from interviews, official
documents, field notes and others. The results show that problem
solving by defense diplomacy approach has been considered as a
strategic step. Therefore, Indonesia always prioritizes the use of
diplomatic method done by ministries and institutions to address the
Chinese claim.

1. INTRODUCTION
Indonesia sent a protest note to Tiongkok after some pressure from
Tiongkok via Chinese Coast Guard (CCG) vessels. A diplomatic protest
note from Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Kemenlu) does not necessarily
make the CCG ship withdraws from North Natuna Sea (Jawa Pos,
2020). In fact, the CCG ship entered to Indonesia's Exclusive Economic
Zone (EEZ) again in North Natuna Sea in September 2020. Maritime
Security Agency (Bakamla) data stated that the ship was detected

157
entering Indonesia since September 12, 2020. As a response, Nipah
Island KN-321 was sent by Bakamla to remind the ship to leave
Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone. Bakamla stated that Chinese
Coast Guard ship with hull number of 5204 was detected to enter the
Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone area in North Natuna Sea (Jawa
Pos, 2020).
The Chinese resistance and followed by Indonesia's response have
eventually created problems given the different stances between
Indonesia's arguments based on UNCLOS 1982 (Pratomo and Kwik,
2020) and Tiongkok's arguments based on the historical claims
(DeLisle, 2012) to jurisdiction in North Natuna Waters. In this regard,
Indonesia considers them as the non-Claimant State country. However,
Chinese claim on imposing some of the territorial waters of Natuna
Islands as its traditional fishing ground claim into Chinese territory
could worsen the situation. Furthermore, this jurisdictional maritime
boundary conflict in the North Natuna Waters will potentially involve
Indonesia.
One reasons why the Chinese make such actions is due to their
historical claim that Natuna region was the area ever controlled by the
Ming dynasty. This historical claim, is indeed not recognized in any of
international law. The worldonly recognizes the United Nations
Convention on Law of Sea (UNCLOS) in 1982 as a foothold in
determining the boundaries of marine areas, including the exclusive
economic zone (EEZ) of a country (Marciniak, 2017; Juan, 2013).
However, in the Spratly case, Tiongkok did not want to recognize the
decision of Permanent Court of Arbitration in Hague, Netherlands won
Philippines over the dispute over ownership of coral clusters in the
South China Sea. By controlling the Spratly, Tiongkok then applied the
nine dash line map as part of its territory. Indonesia, which was not
involved in the Spratly dispute, was also affected because the nine dash
line protruded into the North Natuna area. This area was also claimed
by the Chinese as part of the territory controlled by the Ming dynasty.
Chinese choose not to recognize the arbitration court's decision. While
as a country who follows the principle of independent and active in its

158
foreign policy, Indonesia choose to be in compliant with 1982
UNCLOS, despite the fact that Indonesia cannot bring this case on this
basis. Chinese attitude of rejecting the international law and followed
by Indonesia's statement have created problems given the gap between
Indonesia's arguments based on 1982 UNCLOS, Tiongkok historical
arguments for jurisdiction in North Natuna Waters in general and
Indonesia's EEZ in particular.
Based on the international maritime law, Chinese claim over
Indonesia's EEZ in Natuna Island is indeed a violation of law, in
reference to the concept of an archipelagic country and UNCLOS 1982
(Ras and Ritonga, 2001). Chinese claim to Indonesia's EEZ is a form of
arrogance to fully control the South China Sea area. This will surely
disturb Indonesia's sovereignty over in North Natuna Sea. In addition,
this Chinese claim to North Natuna Waters could destabilize
Indonesia's domestic security because it would trigger tensions between
Indonesia and Chinese.
Indonesia must maintain their defense and security postures in Natuna
waters as the response to this complex situation. The islands within
Natuna Waters cluster have been used as the base points for the
outermost territory of Indonesia in Government Regulation Number 38
of 2002 and Government Regulation Number 37 of 2008 concerning
Amendments to Government Regulation Number 38 of 2002 on List of
Geographical Coordinates of Line Points of Indonesian archipelago.
Indonesian government as a sovereign state and as an archipelagic
country has taken an important step on August 10, 2018 to defend its
territory by changing the name of its territorial sea from Natuna Sea to
North Natuna Sea based on the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)
between various ministries and institutions. This process has also been
reported to the International Hydrographic Organization.
The Chinese and Indonesian governments have not stated that there is
a maritime boundary dispute in the North Natuna waters. However, the
conflict potential between Tiongkok and Indonesia is inevitable,
especially when Chinese continue to enforce its claims in the North

159
Natuna waters by overlapping claims between Chinese traditional
fishing ground and Indonesia's EEZ claims.
This peace effort with Tiongkok is consistent with Indonesia's
development agenda as a World Maritime Axis with five main pillars,
in where the fourth pillar is advancing maritime diplomacy. Indonesia
invites all partners to work together in maritime sector. The fifth pillar
emphasizes on building the maritime defense force to create a dither
effect. Therefore, based on the aforementioned problems, researchers
will focus on this following title: "Strategic Value of Natuna EEZ from
a Chinese Perspective."
There are several references to support this research. References to
South China Sea crisis include Indonesia's diplomatic efforts to China
to solve tahun potential conflict on Natuna Continental Shelf in South
China Sea (Arifin, 2014), defense strategies in Natuna Sea to protect
national interests in facing conflict in South China Sea (Darmawan ,
2016), Indonesian diplomacy efforts to Tiongkok's claims of
Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone in Natuna Sea (Deni & Sahri,
2017), Chinese claims about traditional fishing ground in Indonesia's
Natuna Waters in of UNCLOS 1982 perspective (Idris et al, 2017), and
Indonesian defense diplomacy in the South China Sea conflict (Saragih,
2018).
The practical benefit of the study’s result can be used as a guide and
recommendation for related agencies to use the defense diplomacy
efforts to handle the claims of Chinese traditional fishing ground in
Natuna Waters. Therefore the settlement for this problem should be
done peacefully and Natuna waters can be avoided from tensions
between the two countries which may lead to the open war.

2. THE TROUBLESHOOTING TECHNIQUES

Defense Strategy
Tippe (2016) stated that defense from political side is a concept that
cannot be separated from everyday state life. Defense is a reality to

160
determine the safety and sovereignty of a nation and state. It becomes
important when the national needs aimed at achieving recognition.
Minister of Defense Regulation Number 25 of 2014 on the State
Defense Doctrine Book, State Defense Doctrine is essentially a
teaching on fundamental principles to provide direction for
management of defense resources.
The State Defense Doctrine is the basic principle believed to be the
basis for defense strategy. It is extracted from values of nation's struggle
and past experiences to serve as guidelines and teachings in developing
the concept of state defense and security. State Defense Doctrine at
strategic level has functions to create a universal defense system, both
in peace and war situation. State Defense Doctrine in peace time is used
as a guide to prepare the defense forces to have deterrent power. During
the war, it is used as a guide to use all national forces to save the country
from threats. The defense problem is the most crucial thing, territory
can be pawned only because of security and defense issues. Therefore,
diplomacy is a strategic choice for resolving disputes to avoid war.
Today, the defense diplomacy role in strategic environment
development becomes more important. The defense cooperation is a
real form of defense diplomacy to solve security problems jointly both
at the regional and international levels.
Theory of Sovereignty and State Sovereign Rights at Sea
The debate about the territorial sea boundary of a country has led to
various negotiations, such as the Den Hague Codification Conference
1930, 1st UN Conference and 2nd UN Conference at Geneva in 1960,
and finally formulated in 3rd UN Conference on Law of Sea, 1982,
which was a maximum width of 12 (twelve ) sea miles measured from
baseline.
The sovereignty thought as the highest power of a state in international
law has shifted. International law comprehension of sovereignty in
sense of unlimited supreme power is untenable, because of the current
rapid development of international relations, especially since the
international community in globalization era. The supreme power has
shifted to a more limited direction, namely only within boundaries of

161
state, while outside the boundaries of state is given and limited by
international law, as for example in UNCLOS 1982.
The state sovereignty in sea territorial is affirmed by Article 2 paragraph
(1) UNCLOS 1982 that sovereignty of a coastal state, apart from its
land and inland waters and, in case of an archipelago country, the
archipelago waters, includes a sea route border called as a territorial sea.
Determination of a country's sovereignty over its waters is very
important to determine the rights and obligations and what mechanisms
can be applied to law enforcement (Buntoro, 2014, p.19). The
sovereignty level of each maritime zone is different. The difference in
sovereignty level, among others, in inland waters (internal waters) does
not recognize the rights of other countries, while in archipelagic waters
and territorial sea, coastal state must accommodate the interests of other
countries in form of shipping and aviation and other uses.
UNCLOS 1982 regulates various maritime zones with different legal
status. Broadly speaking, Convention divides the sea into two parts of
maritime zones, namely zones under and outside national jurisdiction.
Zones under national jurisdiction are further divided into maritime
zones under the sovereignty of a coastal state, namely the archipelagic
waters and territorial sea, and maritime zones where the coastal state
can exercise sovereign rights, jurisdiction and special rights, namely the
contiguous zone and Economic Exclusive Zone. Figure 1 shows the
Maritime Zone based on UNCLOS 1982

162
 Fig. 9.1. Maritime Zone According to UNCLOS 1982 (Obaradai,
2020)
UNCLOS 1982 has two ways to explain concept of sea sovereignty.
First, sovereignty is seen in relation to maritime zone, where a coastal
state or archipelagic state has sovereignty over inland waters, territorial
seas and archipelagic waters. Second, sovereignty is linked to sovereign
rights and jurisdiction of a coastal state.
Defense Diplomacy Concept
Conflict resolution in defense diplomacy becomes a strategic step.
Defense diplomacy is used for the national interests of a country
through peaceful usage of defense capabilities and resources, especially
on how a country uses resources peacefully through the defense
spectrum to increase bargaining power in negotiations with other
countries (Simamora, 2013).
Defense diplomacy is done in peacetime using armed force and related
infrastructure as a security policy tool and foreign policy. Defense
diplomacy is also a process to involve state actors (such as armed
forces, politicians or intelligence agencies) and also non-governmental
organizations, think tanks and civil society. This differs from military
diplomacy, where military diplomacy focuses only to use military force

163
in diplomacy related to security issues (Saragih, 2018, p. 53). Defense
diplomacy aims to improve relations between countries through formal
and informal channels, with government and non-government, at low
risk and cost.
Article 33 of UN Charter stated that disputes over national borders at
sea can be resolved amicably, both legally through international judicial
bodies and diplomacy as efforts to build mutual trust (Confidence
Building Measures / CBM). Legal settlements can be made through the
International Court of Sea Law in Hamburg, International Court of
Justice in Hague and Arbitration Court and Special Arbitration Court.
Diplomatic settlement uses negotiation, investigation, mediation and
conciliation. CBM settlement is done through dialogue in various
international forums and collaborative surveys and research in maritime
sector (Wiranto, 2016).
Literature on international relations explains that territorial problems
are classic causes of conflicts between countries and are a constant
threat to international peace and security. Unclear boundaries in sea are
a latent factor that will destabilize relations between countries. This
unclear boundary creates overlapping claims which eventually lead to
border disputes (Indrawan, 2015).
Exclusive Economic Zone
Historically, concept of Exclusive Economic Zone was created from
practices done by Latin American countries through the unilateral
statements after the Proclamation of US President Harry Truman on
Continental Shelf in 1945. This concept is the latest development of
International maritime law regarding the national jurisdiction of coastal
states, namely the introduction of conception that coastal states have
been patrimonial hereditary to supervise every state and people's
interests in the sea area, later known as the Exclusive Economic Zone
(EEZ).
Chile, Ecuador and Peru countries in 18 August 1952 issued a joint
claim as outlined in Santiago Declaration. This declaration demands a
sea area with a width of 200 nautical miles as their territorial sea, where

164
the coastal state has full sovereignty. The expansion of three countries
is based on what they call the Biome Theory. According to this theory,
three coastal countries have a very close biological link between life on
land and life in sea. The off coast of three countries has islands that rich
in fertilizers derived from Guano bird droppings. These birds usually
eat Anchovy fish in the waters along its coast. These fish food is much
plankton from hot Humboldt Current flows from North to South at a
width of about 200 nautical miles from their coast (Syamsumar, 2010,
p. 30).
The members of Organization of Africa Unity (OAU) from African
countries issued a resolution in December 1971. This resolution is a
recommendation that African countries expand their territorial sea to
200 nautical miles. As a continuation, OAU held a regional seminar on
law of sea in Yauonde, capital of Cameroon in June 1972. One
decisions of seminar was to support the conception of EEZ, which was
then submitted by Kenya at UN Seabed Committee meeting held in July
1972.
The results of OAU seminar and Santo Domingo Declaration were used
as material for negotiations regarding the EEZ in 1982 UN Conference
on Law of Sea to make UNCLOS 1982 and Chapter V regulates the
Exclusive Economic Zone.
This researcher uses a postpositivist paradigm. The case study method
is used examine in detail and depth the study subject (case), as well as
the related contextual conditions. The research was conducted by
examining legislation, literature and key informants related to disputes
in the South China Sea. Informants were selected purposively based on
their competence in understanding disputes in the South China Sea.
This case study research is based on Yin (2009). This study uses a single
case study of South China Sea. Tiongkok uses history to claim that their
traditional fishing ground is South China Sea or in North Natuna
Waters. This claim overlaps with Indonesia's EEZ. Indonesia's claim
for North Natuna Waters is based on UNCLOS 1982 provisions which
should also be used as the basis for Tiongkok as a country that has

165
ratified the Convention. A single case study is appropriate to use to find
a new concept of dispute resolution in the South China Sea.
Data collection was done by reviewing legislation and literature related
to the South China Sea disputes. Interviews were also conducted with
officials authorized to handle the South China disputes, such as the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, BIN, Bakamla, Kasal Operations Staff and
strategy directorate of defense ministry. Interviews were conducted by
open questions. Researchers ask questions and if they are still lacking,
additional questions are asked to get a complete figure of the South
China Sea dispute.

3. ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The problem of national defense is very complex. The resolution does
not only rest on ministry to handles defense, but also becomes the
responsibility of all related agencies, both government and non-
government agencies. In understanding and knowing the strategic value
problem of Natuna's EEZ in a Chinese perspective, researchers
conducted interviews with Ministries and Agencies as the leading sector
or have the capacity to talk about Indonesian diplomacy related to
Chinese claim issue. They are Ministry of Foreign Affairs, BIN,
Bakamla, Kasal Operations Staff and strategic directorate of Defense
Ministry.
Tiongkok's View of South China Sea
The South Chinese Sea region, especially the North Natuna waters, has
a very large geopolitical role because it becomes a meeting point for
Chinese with the neighbors, especially with ASEAN region. The history
shows the territorial issues, security, natural resources and energy
security. Natuna waters for Tiongkok are very important for many types
of fish and also natural resources that can support their economic,
political and defense and security development.
Tiongkok's territorial sovereignty claims over the South Chinese Sea,
including both the Spratly and Paracel island groups within it, covering

166
approximately 1.7 million square kilometers. Chinese based its claim
on history that Chinese has long controlled and utilized the islands in
South China Sea, both in Spratly Islands and Paracel Islands. According
to the Chinese, they have been using the two islands since Emperor Wu
of Han Dynasty in 2nd century BC. The next dynasties as the last rulers
of Kingdom of Ancient Chinese, the Tang, Song, Ming and Qing
Dynasties, also took advantage of two islands. These dynasties used it
for economic, military and scientific interests for Chinese people. Thus,
Chinese as the heir to throne of these dynasties felt entitled to claim
territory over the two islands.
The People's Republic of China considers that historically they
inherited sovereignty over the South China Sea islands from past
Chinese administration. The Nine-dotted Line (11 dotted lines at that
time) was officially released by Government of the People’s Republic
of China in 1948. After the founding of People's Republic of China,
islands of the South China Sea came under the jurisdiction of
Guangdong Province and Hainan Province, respectively.
Sansha City, with jurisdiction over Xisha (Paracel Islands), Nansha
(Spratly Islands) and Zhongsha Island (Macchesfield Banks), was
officially founded in July 2012. Therefore, Chinese sovereignty over
the South China Sea is based on "historical rights" and evidence held
by Vietnam (Yamamoto, and Esteban, 2015) is clearly insufficient
(China Institute of International Studies, 2017, p. 122).
The “nine-dot line” includes too large area which violates the United
Nations Convention on Law of Sea. This is not only a misunderstanding
of Chinese claim, but also a one-sided interpretation of 1982 UN
Convention on Law of Sea. The Chinese government has never claimed
sovereignty over the entire South China Sea, but all of the islands and
coral reefs and surrounding marine areas. The area size of the nearest
ocean is depends on how people understand "nine-dot line." There is no
definite statement from China side.
Tiongkok tends to become aggressive to defend the claim. This
aggressive attitude in the South China Sea dispute can be seen from
various efforts to get de jure and de facto recognition. For example,

167
PRC (People's Republic of China) submitted a map to United Nations
in 2009 that contain nine dotted lines that cut across the waters of
Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Philippines. Apart from that, to confirm
its claim in the South China Sea, Chinese has also included a map of its
territoriality in its passport since May 15, 2012 that contain the disputed
islands. These passports indirectly force other countries to recognize
Chinese claim when their immigration officials put a stamp on
passports (Agus and Isman: 2016).
China has been more active to enhance the maritime capabilities and
provocatively and unilaterally claim the entire South China Sea. China
has even built its military air bases in disputed Spratly region, namely
in Subi, Mischief and Fierry Cross Reef. Through these three bases and
Woody Island, Chinese is expected to be able to carry out war
throughout the South China Sea region (Tjahjanto, 2017).
Based on analysis of observations of strategies and actions taken by
China, Head of BPPK Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Siswo
Pramono, explained that China maintains its coral islands in the South
China Sea because there is direct access to high seas, considering that
China is a land lock country, China uses it only for trade routes, not for
war, and the only option is via the South China Sea. Basically, Chinese
only wants this South China Sea route as its main trade route because
Tiongkok wants to become a major industrial country, so China must
leave South China Sea open but remain in its power. The key to South
China Sea is Indonesia as the largest coastal country in ASEAN.
Tiongkok tries its best in Natuna, but China cannot possibly control
Indonesia, because it will be a risk to China’s trade relations,
considering that Indonesia also has an important role in trade routes in
Malacca Strait.
Indonesian Diplomacy
Strategy Indonesia initially was not included in South China Sea dispute
because there is no claim to the coral reefs ownership. Indonesia
became the initiator for Workshop on Managing Potential Conflicts in
the South China Sea since 1990. Indonesia intends to become a
"peacemaker" to turn South China Sea from potential conflict areas into

168
mutually beneficial cooperation. Indonesia disputes after China in 2011
confirmed its claim to around 90% of South China Sea waters in Nine-
dash line. Some of lines claim the EEZ area of Natuna Island waters.
China fishing boats since 2014 have started open fishing operation in
Natuna waters that claimed as China maritime zone. Indonesia certainly
welcomes the 2016 International Arbitration decision which invalidated
Chinese Ninedash line.
Kasal Operations Staff, Rear Admiral Didik Setiyono, explained that
defense cooperation between Indonesia and China had started long ago.
One of them is military cooperation as the defense diplomacy between
the Republic of Indonesia and France. It was done through the Joint
Declaration between the Republic of Indonesia and People's Republic
of China on Strategic Partnership, signed by President of Republic of
Indonesia and President of China in Jakarta on April 25, 2005.
Indonesian Navy level signs the Term of Reference (TOR) for Navy to
Navy Cooperation Talk (NTNCT), in Beijing China on February 28,
2013. Implementation in form of implementation of 1st NTNCT / 2013
in Beijing, 2nd NTNCT / 2015 in Jakarta, 3rd NTNCT / 2017 in
Zhanjiang and 4th NTNCT / 2019 in Bali.
The strengthening of defense diplomacy was done in 2019 by attending
the 2019 China-Southeast Asia Maritime Exercise and 70th People's
Liberation ARMY (PLA) Celebration in Qingdao China,
Implementation of 4th NTNCT / 2019 in Bali to create future maritime
community initiatives and world maritime axis strategy. It was
agreement to face challenges in South China Sea through bilateral and
multilateral cooperation, submarine rescue cooperation plans, illegal
vessel interest information exchange plans, strengthening warship
visits, bilateral training plans, conducting mutual Passing exercises
(Passex) , inviting the PLA Navy to send a Seskoal Pasis and
Hydrographic Course, plans for Chinese language courses in China and
officer exchange activities, increasing high-ranking officials visits,
plans for defense industry cooperation and plans for 5th NTNCT in
China in 2021.

169
Minister of Defense at Ministry of Defense level visited China in
December 2019 to talks on strengthening dialogue and cooperation in
an effort to maintain regional peace and stability. The diplomacy
activities done by Minister of Defense were consistent with state
diplomacy strategy. RI-PRC bilateral relations are strategic relations
Partnership with highest level of relations compared to other countries
and an increase in cooperation level done by Ministry of Defense must
be balanced by Indonesian Navy with an emphasis on increasing
military diplomacy activities.
Many parties still doubt that China will make an open conflict in the
South China Sea region. Chinese power is arguably massive and tends
to overpower than small countries, but open conflict will be very risky
for China domestic situation, especially from an economic perspective.
Meanwhile the US has the world's number one military force. The
military strength, fighting experience in several countries and coalition
support makes the US should be concerned the power if there is an open
war with China However, far main bases and rely on bases at sea
(aircraft carriers) and several countries (South Korea and Japan) are a
separate danger for US to fight in South China Sea. Therefore, US likely
continue to implement Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPS)
to suppress China, but will not start an open conflict with China given
the large budget for fighting and operational costs that have been
incurred to support FONOPS.
The BPPK Head for Ministry of Foreign Affairs also made an analysis
of China's strategy patterns related to Chinese conflict in Natuna.
Indonesia should not be too hasty because China has much greater
economic cooperation with Indonesia, China will rethink about starting
a bigger conflict in Natuna. Chinese has only sent Coast Guard ships to
approach Indonesia's EEZ without a fight. Indonesia also doesn't need
to act too aggressively by starting attacks. Indonesia must have
defensive guard to emphasize that North Natuna waters is Indonesia's
EEZ and China cannot come without the permission to the coastal state.
Regarding the security of Indonesia's EEZ in North Natuna Sea,
Bakamla has implemented appropriate SOPs to deal with Chinese

170
maneuvers, synergizing with Indonesian Navy and KKP has certainly
built sufficient defense. Bakamla in mid-2020 has also inaugurated the
establishment of Indonesia Maritime Information Center (IMIC) as one
framework to support maritime vigilance. IMIC becomes a
Representation Center for collection and analysis of Indonesian
Maritime Security information, and information sharing center and
analysis to relevant stakeholders, both domestic and overseas. The
establishment of IMIC aims to increase the capacity and capability of
Bakamla as a National Maritime Information Center to support the
implementation of law enforcement; providing information support to
stakeholders; and confirming the reports of regional information
agencies.
Foreign Ministry also emphasized that Indonesia must think carefully
to take the next steps for bilateral negotiations and cooperation with
China in Natuna waters. Indonesia refuses to negotiate with Chinese
because the two parties use different legal bases. Indonesia uses 1982
UNCLOS, while Chinese only uses historical claims. Therefore the
points to be conveyed have never agreed because they use different
grounds. However, there is possibility that Indonesia will negotiate
cooperation with Chinese as long as 1982 UNCLOS is used as a legal
basis in negotiations, considering that Tiongkok is one country to ratify
the 1982 UNCLOS.
The competition for world powers between Tiongkok and US in the
South China Sea will affect Indonesia, but can Indonesia still hold the
principle of a free and active foreign policy. The BPPK Head for
Ministry of Foreign Affairs explained that Indonesia's impartial
attitude, both to Chinese and America, was good for Indonesian
economy and even ASEAN countries. There have been dozens of
countries recently enter to Indonesia because Indonesia does not side
with any big country. Indonesia has been created for a long time.
Indonesia does not take sides because it has become a stable country.
Indonesia basically avoids conflict in ASEAN because it will affect on
country's economy and war certainly requires a lot of money. It is better
to avoid open conflicts.

171
Indonesia is 2/3 of ASEAN region. ASEAN countries tend to submit to
Indonesia. This can be seen when the US asked Indonesia to join in
Indo-Pacific pact. Indonesia sees the two parties profitable and should
not remove one of them. Therefore, Indonesia created a concept called
the ASEAN outlook on Indopacific to creates cooperation projects with
both Indopacific, Tiongkok and US agree with Indonesia's perspective
and willing to make projects in ASEAN. This concept is approved by
all ASEAN countries because they do not have to remove a profitable
cooperative partner. These projects also serve to avoid the war. The big
countries will invest the projects in ASEAN and they will not damage
it by starting a war, and stability of region can be saved.

4. CONCLUSIONS
The South China Sea crisis could become the next cold war, but it is
unlikely to become an open war. Incidents involving military force are
possible but it will not cause the parties to declare war, especially the
US and Tiongkok. The US is unlikely to declare war with Tiongkok
because the war in the South China Sea is very expensive. US finances
are not ready for war. The US military power is far greater than Chinese
but scattered and handles conflicts around the world. The US requires
tremendous effort to fight in the South China Sea because the distance
is relatively far than distance between China and the South China Sea.
Moreover, Chinese is also unlikely to declare war with US because the
South China Sea is Chinese front yard. Chinese will not bring war to its
territory. Moreover, Chinese industrial centers are located along the
coast of South China Sea. Besides, Chinese must have realized that the
US military strength is still above the Chinese military strength. So,
Chinese might be brave enough to take an provocation action but it is
less likely to declare war with US.

172
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