Abstract

Immigrants’ perception of sense of belonging in their host society is a major indicator of feelings
of social acceptance. But for ethnic minorities, like Nigerian descents in the U.S., this insight
seems to be fraught with measurable difficulties. Quests for higher education in the 1920s -1950s
drew a few Nigerians to the United States. The Hart Cellar Act of 1965 increased this number in
the 1970s. While some of these Nigerians returned to Nigeria after their study, others stayed back.
Economic hardship, exacerbated by political instabilities from the 1980s – 2000s saw another set
of Nigerians migrate to the U.S. either as students, U.S. Visa Lottery winners or through other
means with immigrant intentions. Eventually, these Nigerians achieved their “American Dream”
with the attainment of U.S. citizenship. This new status was expected to aid a sense of belonging
within their host society. Ironically, for the majority of them, a sense of acceptance was
problematic. Adopting the Model Minority, Spatial Assimilation and Segmented Assimilation
lenses, this study comparatively investigates factors responsible for these paradoxes with focus on
the first- third generation Nigerian- Americans in Texas and Maryland from 1965- 2015. A
historical method is adopted as data were collected from oral- interviews, private records,
journals, newspapers, books and internet materials. The study is qualitative and data is analysed
using mainly historical and partially ethnographic methods. The work reveals that absence of U.S.
national policy on integration creates difficulties for Nigerian immigrants to integrate. It was also
discovered that negative perceptions or prejudices of Nigerian immigrants in Texas and Maryland
from 1965- 2015 shaped their feeling of sense of belonging. The work concludes that cultural
DNA and the lack of cultural domestication of Nigerian immigrants accounted for the feeling of
social exclusion of the sampled population. The work recommends that Nigerian - Americans
should begin to have a change of mindset and be mindful of their social nuances that impede
social integration. The U.S. government should, however, come up with a national policy on
integration and effectively implement it in all its domains.
Keywords: Maryland, Nigerian - Americans, Race Relations, Sense of Belonging, Social
Integration, Texas.

1
 INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

Social integration involves economic integration and the development of social capital that is

diversified and composed of ties with members of the majority group. Unlike economic

integration (which is usually measured through income, labour market activity, occupation type

and education level), social integration is not defined according to an exhaustive list of indicators,

nor is it accurately measured using a generally agreed-upon approach. Gordon describes processes

of social integration to be (1) the development of social capital particularly ties with the

population of the host country; (2) mixed marriages (between an immigrant and a native-born

citizen); and (3) the development of a sense of belonging to the host country. 1 Socioeconomic,

cultural, political and the attitude of the host country have been identified as other areas of

integration. Hence, immigrants’ social integration increases only if the quantity and quality of

social ties with the local population of the host increases. The level of this social integration can

be measured using indices such as the sense of belonging of the immigrants to their host society

and racial relations between the immigrants and the host.

Given the multiple dimensions of social integration, hypothetically segmenting that of Nigerian-

Americans in the two states being investigated, education (which is primarily meant to be

harbinger of social mobility) takes 70 percent , economic takes 40 percent, and social integration

measured on the bases of perception of sense of belonging and race relations takes 20% - 30

percent between those that felt sense of exclusion and those who had perception of being socially

included in the mainstream of American society. It is on this note that this work investigates levels

of social integration of Nigerian- Americans in Texas and Maryland from 1965- 2015.

The concept of American education appealed to the first group of Nigerian students whose quests

for higher education saw their massive rush to the United States. Popular among them were

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Nnamdi Azikwe, N.D Oyerinde, Nwafor Orizu, Eyo Ita, Bolaji Macarthy, Asuquo Idiong, Abdul

Disu, Nnodu Okongwu, Julius Okala, Kobina Mbura, George and Kingsley Mbadiwe, Reubeon

Ikejiani, M.N Chukwuemeka and Ibanga Udo Akpabio.2 Records show that from 1920s through

the early 1940s, about 55 Nigerians left the shore of the country for the United States for higher

education-: 2, 2, 10, 9, 1, 1, 18 and 12 in 1922, 1938, 1939, 1946, 1947, 1948, 1949 and 1950

respectively. Specifically, the American Council on African Education (A.C.A.E) sponsored 50

Nigerians to the United States for Academic scholarships from 1947- 1953.3 U.S. Immigration and

Nationality Act of 1965 which repealed the national quotas, increasing number of migrants from

developing countries to the United States including Nigerians. While many of these Nigerians

returned home after their education in the United States, some remained and obtained their U.S.

citizenship.

The outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War in the late 1970s and economic woes in 1980s accounted

for the mass- migration of many easterners and middle-class Nigerian professionals to the United

States for better opportunities.4 In the same vein, the United States Immigration Act of 1990

which established Diversity Immigrant Visa program, paved a new way for wave of Nigerian

migrants into the country in the mid-1990s and early 2000s. Although controversial, but empirical

figures this study relies on, the 2016 American Community Survey estimates 380,785 residents of

Nigerian ancestry in the United States and ranked Texas, Maryland and New York as the highest

states with Nigerian born population at 60,173, 31, 262 and 29, 619 respectively.5

In contention with Asian- Americans, Nigerians are believed to be the most highly educated

minority ethnic in the United States surpassing whites and Asians. 6 Despite such educational

advantage, households headed by a number of Nigerians have only a slightly higher median

annual income than the general U.S. population ($52,000 versus $50,000), and Nigerian

households are no more likely than other U.S household in the highest quartile or decile of the U.S

income distribution.7 This disparity was sentimentally alluded to by the respondents as a result of

3
systemic discrimination against people of colour in American society. 8 This experience, as Julie

Greene argues, was not peculiar to Nigerian-Americans as the same trend occurred among other

minority groups in the United States.9

While systemic discrimination can be argued to have created barriers to the feeling of social

integration of a sizable Nigerian- American respondents, their unwillingness to be socially

integrated due to different factors that this study reveals had larger effects on their feeling of

acceptance in the U.S.A. For instance, this study discovered that many of them preferred to stay in

their ethnic enclaves forming clusters in their host societies thereby creating their own country out

of the host and racially – inclined places of worship. Religion for immigrants has been seen as a

factor that fosters social integration because it addresses migrants’ social needs, strengthens the

sense of belonging in the host country and increases the level of acceptance. However, when it is

intra- group as the case of many Nigerian- Americans in Texas and Maryland during the period in

focus, it becomes a potential source of social exclusion for ethnic minorities within the host

society. The exportation of “Nigerian Brand” under the disguise of religious affiliations with

people of same ethnic backgrounds, instead of domestication within the host society,

unconsciously impedes the feeling of acceptance and sense of belonging with the host.

While the United States is believed to be highly socially stratified and radicalised where white

Americans are integrating faster than other immigrants and generally have better socio- economic

outcomes than non- whites, immigrants and their U.S. born children from 1980s are believed to be

integrating faster than expected in a white- dominated American society. 10 However, contrary to

the argument that the longer immigrants live in the U.S, the more American they become socially,

economically, attitudinally, and politically, investigations showed that Nigerian- Canadians had a

better feeling of social integration in mainstream Canada; asides from their initial feeling of social

exclusion due to the lack of “Canadian experience”.11 Factors such as friendship ties, relationship

with neighbours, social participations, civic engagements, and residence collaborations as well

4
sense of belonging to the place of residence and communities in Canada accounted for this feeling

of social integration. Respondents, some of whom doubled as Americans, claimed they left the

United States and Nigeria in early 1990s and 2000s for Canada, upon arrival and having gained

their Canadian experience and Canadian citizenship, their paths to social inclusion became so

smooth so much so that they declared themselves as Canadians not Americans or Nigerians. 12

“Racism is everywhere, but it is subtle here. I have never experienced any racial discrimination

despite living in a white dominated neighbourhood here in Ontario for 22 years” 13, a Nigerian-

Canadian respondent claims.

However, in the case of the United States, systemic discrimination which is said to have increased

migrants’ feeling of not- belonging can be dismantled. As 2008 reports by Thomas Sowell shows,

migrants and their children can rise above this barrier and have a stronger sense of belonging in

mainstream America. In Fact, Americans with Nigerian descent were said to be markedly

overrepresented at Wall Street investment banks and blue-chip law firms. To argue that it is

possible to overcome racial barrier in the United States and feel more socially integrated, Thomas

Sowell avers thus, “by the time various immigrant groups have been in the United States for

generations, they are perceived in some quarters to have already risen, despite the welfare state

ideology that says they cannot rise”.14 However, Benjamin Okonofua contradicts Thomas when

he opined that, “despite a seemingly upward mobility of minority ethnic migrants in the United

States, historical progress made in the U.S. to Americanize increasingly significant others appears

to be receding with the new nationalism immigrants; whether first, second or third wave now

increasingly experience new difficulties obtaining work or gaining access to social opportunities.15

While social contradictions such as unconscious bias of white Americans towards Nigerian-

Americans, institutional racism, African- American / African - Immigrants dichotomy, intra-

religious gathering and self- inflicted social exclusion nuances were revealed to have impeded

social inclusion in a great number of Nigerian – American respondents sampled ; living above

5
these barriers and shattering them as the study also revealed, aided the sense of belonging and

promoted racial – relations of a spectrum of Nigerian- Americans in the two States; Texas and

Maryland during the period in focus.16 It is in light of this contradiction that this study seeks to

investigate and analyse the extent to which Nigerian- Americans of three generations socially

integrated into American mainstream societies in Texas and Maryland; historicizing factors that

aided or mitigated their social inclusion.

Statement of the Problem

Immigrants’ desirability to be socially integrated within their host society and the difficulties in

achieving it either from the side of the host or immigrants, creates uncertainty to the peaceful

coexistence of both the immigrants and the host. Feeling of acceptance with the host society

benefits immigrants because it helps fulfil universal needs to belong and self- esteem.This

positive - feeling then increases trust and social cohesion that are believed to stimulate

cooperation within the host society. Absence of a sense of belonging to immigrants within their

host society increases prejudice and stereotypes. Consequently, mistrust between different ethnic

groups develops as a result of perceived differences in race, ethnicity and culture. The seemingly

perceptual intra social interactions that exist among a larger percent of the Nigerian- American

respondents magnified the problem of social integration. From observations, these large

Americans of Nigerian ancestries are socially exclusive, only spending time with family members

and immigrants from similar national and social backgrounds. This has often been construed as

problematic because of the barriers it creates to full participation in the host society.

The idea that multiculturalism destroys a country’s national identity and ethnic purity has been an

argument advanced by mono - culturalists in the United States. One major criticism of this

spectrum is that multiculturalism undermines national unity and cultural assimilation and as a

result, leads to the fragmentation of society into several ethnic factions. This is a problem because

6
 this position counters the popular image of the United States as a melting pot. On the other

spectrum, multiculturalists believe that multiculturalism encourages the integration of various

cultures and its absence increases prejudice, intolerance, discrimination, inequality and social

conflict. The clash of ideas between Mono – culturalists and multi- culturalists creates difficulties

for social integration and attainment of immigrants within the host. One major feature of the

growing debate about the failure of multiculturalism is at the policy level where government

policies hitherto aimed at supporting migrant settlement and integration are being withdrawn in

favour of a more mainstream approach.17 Hence, critical issue of addressing social inequalities has

not taken centre stage and thus the marginalisation and the exclusion of cultural minorities within

the host. As it looks, multiculturalism is seen as a descriptor rather than as a normative project for

social equality. This complicated and problematic nature as Fethi et al, observe, is an indication

that multiculturalism is stuttering if not at a complete halt. 18 Hence, this will continue to pose

challenges to social integration attainment of immigrants within their host. Unravelling factors

that aided and mitigated social integration of Nigerian- Americans from 1965 - 2015 in Texas and

Maryland is the crux of the study.

Aim and Objectives of the Study

The study aims to comparatively investigate and analyse the extent to which Nigerian- Americans

in Texas and Maryland socially integrated from 1965 - 2015.

Arising from this, the specific objectives are to:

i. explore the levels of social integration of the three waves of Nigerian-Americans in Texas and

Maryland from 1965-2015;

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ii. examine the determinants of social integration of Nigerian-Americans in Texas and Maryland in

the period covered;

iii. investigate the factors that contributed to the disparities in the levels of social integration of

Nigerian-Americans in Texas and Maryland in the fifty- year period;

iv. scrutinise factors that marred or aided the levels of social inclusion of Nigerian- Americans and

how this affected their life chances during the period in focus;

v. identify and assess the commonalities as well as the differences in social integration patterns of

Nigerian- Americans in Texas and Maryland from 1965 to 2015.

Significance of the Study

Immigrants’ integration is inter - dimensional; there are economic, political, cultural, social and

other domains. However, the least studied area is immigrants’ sense of belonging, mindset and

racial relations especially in the United States. Hence, this study is significant because it fills an

important gap in the social history of the diasporic Nigerians. Furthermore, this study exposes

how personal nuances, day- to- day life experiences, immigrants’ mindsets, and lack of United

States’ national policies on social integration affected adversely or aided positively the feeling of

belongingness or un- belongingness of three generations of Nigerian- Americans. As a policy

study, it also serves as a blueprint to migration organisations such as NIDO – Nigerians in

Diaspora, IOM – International Organisation for Migration, CMS – Centre for Migration Studies of

New York and MPI – International Organisation for Migration to come up with policies that

8
mutually benefit the host and immigrants within their host community and in turn promote social

integration. Hence, the study would serve as a way of promoting inclusive and mutually beneficial

policy dialogue for immigrants – host nation’s social integration. The United States is believed to

be home to the largest number of Nigerian- born immigrants 19 so for attitudinal purpose, this

study equally serves as a model for diasporic Nigerians especially in the United States on how to

deliberately work toward their social integration in their host society despite their perceptions of

real or imagined systematic hindrances. Thought patterns of Nigerian- Americans revealed in the

study as Refusal Syndrome and Relative Perception 20 concerning their feeling of belongingness

or un - belongingness would serve as a useful research guide to social historians and other related

disciplines in expanding the debates on the impacts of the willingness and unwillingness of

immigrants to socially integrate within their host.

Scope and Delimitation of the Study

This work commences 1965, being the year, the United States repealed the national quotas and

introduced the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. The Act set the stage for a dramatic

increase in immigration from Asia and Africa.21 The year 2015, being the terminal date, marked

the 50th anniversary of this Act which was commemorated on the Capitol Hill in the United States

on October 15, 2015. The Act was said to have “continued to reshape the country’s

immigration”.22

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2015 also saw the era of Donald Trump’s populist ideology that characterised presidential

campaigns dotted with his anti- immigrants’ stance under the disguise of the “America First”

slogan. His electoral rhetoric was argued to have resonated with the yearning for the recognition

of white working – class Americans wishing to raise their relative status in relation to other

groups in the United States that they judged as less worth.23 As McElwee noted, Trump’s racist

and white supremacist campaigns helped him and halted progressive policy.24

The fifty-year period affords this work opportunity to comparatively historicize changing patterns

of social integration among the three generations. The choice of Texas (South Central) and

Maryland (Northeast) of the United States was borne out of the 2016 American Community

Survey which estimated the two states as the regions with the highest significant populations of

Nigerian- Americans respectively.25 It is in the southern United States that the fullest social

integration scope of the Nigerian- Americans dynamic can be gauged because southern heartland

not only reflects an understanding of the favourable geographic, economic and population settings

of Black America, but a necessary leaning towards its institutional mechanisms. Although these

factors are found in other regions, they are more directly identifiable in the south where Nigerians

can be defined culturally and demographically along African- American lines.

Research Questions

The research answers the following questions:

i. What were the levels of social integration of Nigerian- Americans in Texas and Maryland

10
 from 1965 to 2015?

ii. What factors aided social integration attainment of Nigerian- Americans in Texas and

Maryland during the period in focus?

iii. How did personal nuances of Nigerian- Americans mitigate the perceived social inclusion of

Nigerian- Americans in Texas and Maryland from 1965 to 2015?

iv. What were the commonalities and the differences in social integration patterns of Nigerian-

Americans in Texas and Maryland during the period in focus?

v. To what extent did these generations socially integrate into their host American states from

1965- 2015?

Operational Definition of Terms

The following terms are defined as they have been contextually used in the study.

Generations: These in the study are divided into 3: First- Nigerians who migrated to the U.S from

1965- 1990; second- those that migrated from 1990-2015 either as adults or 1.5 generation but

who have since become American citizens, and third- Nigerian- Americans born in the U.S.A

from 1980 -1990 by the first generation and who must have turned 25 and 35 years respectively

by 2015. Every informant in the study is an American adult - citizen form age 25 and does not

cover Nigerians with valid U. S. Visa or expired visa living in the country.

Host society- This in the study represents Texas and Maryland. However, it is not differentiated

from the general American society because the indices for social integration are similar.

Immigrants: Referred to in the study as foreign-born Nigerians who migrated to the U.S. from

1965 – 2015 but who have since become US citizens.

Race Relations: The way Nigerian – Americans in Texas and Maryland from 1965 - 2015

construed their race categorization and how this shaped or patterned their interactions with other

ethnic groups in the United States, especially white Americans in mainstream America.

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Sense of Belonging: Used in the study as the subjective feeling of accepting culturally and

racially within the host. This subjective individual or group feeling of social acceptance must be

deep and connected with inter - racial social groups, physical places, and collective positive lived

experiences which in turn, affect mental, physical and behavioural patterns of the immigrants

within the host.

Social inclusion: This is used in the study as a process by which efforts are made by migrants

and host society to ensure equal opportunities for all, regardless of their background, so that they

can achieve full sense of belonging and perception of race equality in the American mainstream

society.

Social integration: Used in the study as the dynamic and principled process of promoting

migrant’s values, relations and institutions that enable all people within the host society to

participate in social and cultural life on the basis of equality of rights, equity, dignity of each

individual, tolerance and non- discrimination. It depicts in this study, a society that is

characterised by openness, tolerance and participation of all groups.

Theoretical Framework

Model Minority, Segmented Assimilation and Spatial Assimilation theories have been adopted in

the study to help shed lighter on some key questions. Model Minority explains how ethnic

minority immigrants’ fixation on racial discrimination rather than working hard and having strong

family values like the Japanese- Americans impede their social integration attainment. For

Segmented Assimilation theorists, because the United States is a stratified and unequal society,

African immigrants are usually assigned the same as the most disadvantaged native group upon

entry into the U.S., hence, these immigrants experience downward assimilation. Spatial

Assimilation theory posits that “ethnic enclaves” residency impede a great deal the social

inclusion of immigrants of ethnic minority groups in the United States.

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Model Minority Theory

Praising Asian- American for overcoming racial discrimination and worst injustices and using

Japanese- Americans as model, Model minority theory argues that, “If one minority group can

reach a certain level of socioeconomic status in the United States like the Asian- American ethnic

minority group, other minority groups should and or exceed; the extent that the latter do not, is

attributable to their lack of effort or too much time spent worrying about racial discrimination.” 26

To a greater extent, Nigerian- Americans who in the course of oral interview, worried - less about

racial discrimination in the United States showed a greater sense of acceptance and belongingness

within mainstream America. Coined in 1966 by the American sociologist and demographer,

William Petersen, Model minority theory postulates that “family structure and cultural emphasis

on hard work allowed Japanese – Americans to overcome the discrimination against their group

and achieve a measure of socio- economic success in the United States.” 27 Petersen argues that the

Japanese -Americans’ ability to do so compared favourably with Black / African Americans who

were treated as problem minorities.28

Petersen’s emphasis on Japanese – Americans as though they were the only minority group in the

United States with strong family structure and with culture which emphasises on hard work seems

to be short- sighted. For instance, Nigerian - American respondents who claimed they had very

strong family structure with hard work as their hallmarks explained that systematic and

institutionalised negative day- to- day experiences and not time spent worrying about

discrimination increased their feeling of not - belonging within their host society. Focusing on

only Japanese- American minority ethnic groups in the same vein, fails to recognise other

minority groups in the United States. For instance, this study reveals many Nigerian - Americans

who despite negative racial experiences became a shining example of how to overcome

discrimination and be socially included in their host society against all odds.

13
Argument of model minority theorists’ that black failure to integrate and Asian success cannot be

explained by inequities and racism but by hard work and strong family values of the latter seems

an unfair judgement to African immigrants and hard- working Nigerian - Americans. The theory

fails to recognise the peculiarities of the two minority groups racially, culturally and socially. The

“model minority” image stratifies non-White racialized groups by pitting the “good minorities”

(Asian Americans) against “bad minorities” (Black/African Americans). But both communities

are systematically deemed divergent from the White cultural norm — or “othered.” It is

imperative to state here that the feeling of social exclusion was not peculiar to Nigerian-

Americans. Other African migrants interviewed also fall within the spectrum of this model.29

At the heart of arguments against the theory is the concept of racial resentment, which is different

from racism.30 The perception of universal success among Asian-Americans is being wielded to

downplay racism's role in the persistent struggles of other minority groups. At the root of model

minority pernicious argument, Kim argues, is the idea that black failure and Asian success cannot

be explained by inequities and racism, and that they are one and the same; this he claims, allows a

segment of white America to avoid any responsibility for addressing racism or the damage it

continues to inflict.31

Segmented Assimilation Theory

Segmented Assimilation theory states that “Second generation African - immigrants are assigned

the same race as the most disadvantaged native group upon entry into the United States,” this it

concludes, “may impede their social mobility and limit their access to opportunities, suggesting

second – generation African immigrants may experience downward assimilation. Although

formulated by Alejandro and his collaborators but it was elaborated and tested empirically by

Portes and Rumbaut.32

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This theory asserts that the United States is a stratified and unequal society, and that therefore

different “segments” of society are available to which immigrants may assimilate. It posits three

possible assimilation outcomes for the second-generation immigrants: upward assimilation,

downward assimilation, and upward mobility. The theory stresses the importance of parental

human capital (including parents' education and income), modes of incorporation (state definitions

of immigrant groups, eligibility for welfare, degree of discrimination and antipathy towards

immigrant groups), and family structure (single vs. married couple families as well as

multigenerational vs. nuclear family living arrangements) as yardsticks for the assimilation

immigrants fall into.33 A process Portes and Zhou call selective acculturation, might see more

advantaged groups among the immigrants embracing traditional home – country and use them to

inspire their children to achieve upward assimilation. Thus, while many children of immigrants

will find pathways to mainstream status, others will find such pathway blocked, particularly as a

consequence of racialization.34

Despite its theoretical framework for understanding the process by which new second generation-

the children of the contemporary immigrants- become incorporated into the system of

stratification in the host society using different processes, second – generation Nigerian-

Americans sample did not feature in Portes and Rumbaut so called “empirical framework.”

Hence, little attention is paid to the peculiarities of second- generation Nigerian- Americans. For

instance, against the posits of this theory, the study reveals second - generation Nigerian-

Americans that fall in the advantaged native group because of their level of education and

professional career and social class upon entry into the United States and assimilated upwards.

While the theory provides an insightful and, in some sense, necessary perspective on the

experiences of today’s immigrants and their children, it also suffers from interpretational

ambiguity, which results in operational imprecision. As Roberto opines, ‘it is naive to think that

assimilation into native minority culture is necessarily downward assimilation into the

15
underclass.35 In fact, Frederick Corder, argues that immigrants may well assimilate into the black

middle class, a possibility overlooked by proponents of segmented assimilation theory.36

Spatial Assimilation theory

Spatial Assimilation theory postulates that “If ethnic minorities disperse outside their enclaves,

they will have greater exposure to the rest of the population and therefore likely to mix with it,

make contacts, and form unions and marriages with the majority group outside their enclave and

thus integrate into it.37 As part of the school of thought of the Chicago Sociologist, this theory was

made popular in 1991 by Alba and Logan. The model which was used to study the formation of

various minority groups at the neighbourhood levels in the United States, gave rise to the concept

of the “ethnic enclaves” which are defined as residential areas where minority groups, composed

mainly of immigrants settle upon arrival due to limited economic resources and the existence of

affordable housing and a certain “cultural comfort.”38 This settlement pattern, particularly with

respect to the formation of ethnic neighbourhoods and the degree of concentration and dispersion

of populous with an immigrant background, the model argues , raises issues that is associated with

segregation such as marginalisation; economic, social and residential discrimination. 39 The theory

of spatial assimilation is based on the idea that the acquisition of a high socioeconomic status and

level of acculturation is usually followed by residential mobility that occurs outside ethnic

enclaves.

However, various studies have nuanced the negative effects attributed to this theory by concluding

that enclaves are not necessarily synonymous with social exclusion especially with highly

educated immigrants, especially Nigerian immigrants. As Carlos Teixeira opines, “Living in an

economically and culturally diversified enclave may be beneficial and conductive to the

development of extensive social capital, which would foster better economic and social

integration.40

16
Literature Review

There is no research done in isolation. Hence, it is essentially important to create a nexus of

previous studies on the subject matter. In doing, this research adopts a thematic approach to

review relevant literature and categorise reviewed work into 3 groups. First to be reviewed is

international migration, followed by works on social integration of immigrants in their host

American societies and finally, works on Nigerians in diaspora.

International Migration

Stephen Castles, Hein de Hass and Mark J. Miller, The Age of Migration: International

Population Movements in the Modern World,41 Rickard Sandell; The Migration flux:

Understanding International Immigration through internal migration; 42

Fabio Baggio’s edited

book, Africans on the move: Human Mobility in Ghana, Nigeria, Angola and South Africa 43 and L.

Bassarsky et al, International Migration Policies: Government Views and Priorities; 44 all discuss

related issues concerning international migration, ranging from policy issues and uncertainties

imbedded in immigrants’ choice of destination. Stephen Castles et al, provide an understanding

of the emerging global dynamics of migration and the consequences for immigrants and non-

immigrants everywhere. The work originally published in 1993 aims at providing accessible

introduction to the study of global migrations and their consequences for societies. Chronicling

international migration before 1945 in Europe and migration in the Americas from 1945 till 1970,

the work argues that, settlement of migrants and the formation of ethnic minorities can

fundamentally change the social, cultural, economic and political fabric of host society’s migrants

in the long term.

As regards international immigration, Rickard argues that, most potential migrants face a high

level of uncertainty regarding their choice of destination and their potential for making it in the

17
destination society. Equally, Baggio avers that the quest for a life- saving and better economic

fortunes elsewhere pressures Nigerians who he claims, remain a major source of international

migrants to migrate, but they are faced with stricter migration policies of receiving. Baggio asserts

that Nigerian migrants struggle to gain acceptance and integration pathways in the host nations.

Hence, Bassarsky’s report asserts that the recognition of successful integration of migrants into

the host society is the harbinger of equal opportunities for migrants and host society and a

completion of a holistic social inclusion process.

M. Karakoulaki, L. Southgate and J. Steiner, Critical Perspectives on Migration in the Twenty-

First Century;45 Douglas S. Massey et al, Theories of International Migration: A Review and

Appraisal46 and Antoine Pecoud, Depoliticising Migration: Global Governance and International

Narratives,47 all provide the theoretical lenses for the analysis of international migration. M.

Karakoulaki et al, use theory to discuss the modern philosophical history of the political centrality

of the migrants. It opens the discussions on migration and human rights and offers answers to why

people migrate. Massey et al, explicate and integrate the leading contemporary theories of

international migration and clarify their underlying assumptions and key propositions. This effort,

Massey believes lays the groundwork for necessary empirical work on international migration.

Pecoud’s work showcases a more benign seeming series of migration- related narratives that do

not at first glance seem to capitalise on the hysteria, fear, and politics driving migration industries

and policies. While he agrees that migrants need protection, he controversially argues that not all

migrants should be protected; those without legal status should not be protected. Jettisoning

Karakoulaki’s human rights argument, Pecoud avers that it would be highly misleading to give the

impression that international migrants are invariably or inevitably mistreated once they arrive in

their countries of destinations.

S. Antwi Darkwah and Nahanga Verter, Determinants of International Migration: The Nigerian

Experience48 explains reasons for international migration of Nigerians. He gives pre-eminence to

18
economic factors and argues that this plays a dominant role in people’s decision to migrate. He

alludes to unemployment as the main determinant of Nigerians’ quests to migrate abroad not

minding what befalls them. He advises the Nigerian government as a matter of urgency to create

better opportunities in Nigeria in order to discourage Nigerians unyielding quests for international

migration for greener pastures. None of these works discussed the issue of social integration as it

concerns Nigerian- Americans during the period in focus.

Social Integration of Immigrants in their host American societies

Rochelle Parks – Yancy et al, in their article, Talking about immigration and Immigrants: A

Qualitative Exploration of White Americans’ Attitudes explores how white Americans talk and

think about immigration and immigrants, which in turn, informs their public policy opinions. The

data in the study supports “symbolic threat” as the most unifying framework towards

understanding anti - immigration or immigrant attitudes. The authors contend that increased

weariness towards immigration and immigrants in the U.S.A in recent times was exacerbated in

the post 9/11 terrorist attacks when concerns about terrorism became intertwined with

immigration politics. This article is especially significant because it explains the role race plays in

American society concerning social inclusion of migrants. The article remarks that “Nativism

broadly defined as “restrictionist” beliefs about immigration and negative attitudes towards

immigrants and their effects on society has been an inextricable part of American history. Using

inclusive logic, they conclude that immigrants who came for American Dreams should be treated

with sense of inclusion because, in their word, “they are just like us.”49

This sentiment was not displayed by Randy Capps et al in their book, Diverse Streams: African

Migration to the United States, which argues that Black African immigrants generally do well on

integration indicators. According to them, these sets of immigrants have relatively high

employment rates exceeding 70 %. Despite these feats, they agree that Black African immigrants’

earnings are at par with other immigrants but lag behind those of native - white Americans.50

19
In “Assessing the Socioeconomic Mobility and Integration of U.S. Immigrants and Their

Descendants”, Brian Duncan and Stephen Trejo discuss issues that arise when investigating the

socioeconomic integration of immigrants and their U.S born descendants. They provide some

thoughts on what kinds of supplementary information might be valuable to collect to improve the

understanding of immigrants’ integration and of the intergenerational families. The issues

discussed by the duo are relevant for assessing the social and economic integration of U.S

immigrants. This is because they claim that, “historically, much of the socioeconomic mobility

achieved by U.S immigrant families took place across rather than within generation”. 51 Janina

Sohn’s work, “Unequal Welcome and Unequal Life Chances: How the State shapes integration

opportunities of immigrants”52 and Bloemraad Graauw, Immigrant Integration and Policy in the

United States: A loosely Stitched Patchwork53 present broader scientific debates on how state

generates and modifies life chances of individuals and social groups by highlighting specific ways

of institutional re- production of social inequalities. Janina explicates how specific contexts of

reception by the host government may impact integration outcomes. Bloemraad argues that the

laissez- faire integration policy of the U.S. government expects immigrants to largely use their

own resources, families, friends and social networks to survive and thrive in the United States.

She claims that immigration and issues of integration faded into insignificance for a large stretch

of the twentieth century in the United States of America.

M.C Waters and M.G. Pineau, The Integration of immigrants into American Society 54 using

different domains of integration, surveys the levels of social integration of immigrants and their

descendants into the U.S society. Waters notes that the well-being of immigrants and their

descendants is highly dependent on the immigration starting point and on the segment of

American society - the racial and ethnic groups, the legal status, the social class and the

geographical area- into which they integrate. The spatial dimension arguments of this work have

helped to broaden the horizon of this research.

20
Nigerians in Diaspora

Works investigating the levels of social integration of Nigerians in diaspora seem scanty, instead

there are abundant literary works on remittances and their impacts on homeland political affairs.

However, some of the works will be reviewed to broaden the research spectrums of this study.

In an attempt to understanding Nigerian and Mexican immigrants’ incorporation in Dallas and

Forth in Texas, Dennis Cordell and Manuel Griego’s paper, The Integration of Nigerian and

Mexicans immigrants into Dallas/ Fort Worth, Texas,55 investigates the extent to which race and

class affect the socioeconomic outcomes and the interrelation between ethnic background and

employment. In extending their analysis of Nigerian immigrants in the focused Texas region, the

authors argue that the educational background of Nigerians upon arrival and their fluency in

English language, afforded them clear advantages over Mexicans in incorporating into North

Texas in ways that enhance the possibilities for broader social inclusion, political participation

and economic success. The work however, fails to show empirical data to prove that Nigerians in

Dallas/ Texas achieved these feats.

Oluwakemi Balogun’s article, No Necessary trade off: Context, Life, Course and Social Networks

in the identity formation of Second-Generation Nigerians in the USA,56 identifies other factors

beyond economic mobility that inform identity, which are often – de- emphasised in the

segmented assimilation literature. She argues that those that are economically and structurally

incorporated into mainstream U.S. society might still resist identifying solely as Americans

contradicting the straight- line assimilation mode. M. Okome, Nigerian Immigrants in the U.S

Draft.,57 chronicles the emigration of Nigerians to the United States from 1914 to 2007 linking

their quests to leave Nigeria solely to desire for better education, employment and escape from

political turmoil. Okome opines that African immigrants in the U.S. including Nigerians who had

since become U.S citizens may be highly educated, but they are poorly paid when compared with

21
others with similar levels of education. Reasons for the disparities and the effect these have on the

level of social inclusion was not highlighted in her work.

K.T. Kollehlon and E. Eule, The Socioeconomic Attainment Patterns of Africans in the United

States58 and Arthur Sakamoto et al., The Socioeconomic Attainments of Second – Generation

Nigerian and other African- Americans: Evidence from the Current Population Survey, 2009-

2018,59 both examine the socioeconomic attainment patterns of African descents in the United

States within the context of assimilation and selectivity perspectives. Kollehlon and Eule point

out that despite higher education and occupational attainment, Africans generally tend to have the

lower earnings. The work surprisingly finds South African men to have the highest average

annual earnings and Nigerian men as well as Ghanaian men ranking 69 th and 85th positions

respectively. The study reveals that white and English-speaking African men have higher net-

hourly earnings than their non- white despite the latter having higher education attainment in the

United States. They conclude that race remains a salient factor in earning attainment in the United

States.

Contradicting Kollehlon, Sakamoto et al., using 2009 - 2018 population survey to investigate

education and wages among second - generation African- Americans with focus on second –

generation Nigerian - Americans, they indicate that the wages of American women with Nigerian

descents reached parity with third – and- higher generation white women. The earnings of

Nigerian men in comparison to South African and Ghanaian men, according to the authors,

reached parity with third- and – higher generation white men. Kollehlon and Sakamoto studies

broaden the race and gender spectrums of this research.

An overall appraisal of the literature reviewed demonstrates that the works focussed on various

aspects of international migration, social integration of migrants in their host nations and factors

that aid or mitigate social integration of Nigerian- Americans in the United States generally.

However, none of these works focus on the aim of this study.

22
Methodology

The study adopts mainly a historical methodology, thematic and partially ethnography in its

analysis. It involved the collection of information and data from primary and secondary sources.

For the former, data included oral interviews, personal stories, ethnographic and participant

observations; participating in religious gatherings and social gatherings, government publications,

dairies, family photos, event fliers, recordings, private records and newspaper articles. These were

carried out physically in Texas and Maryland in the United States and Quebec, Ontario and

British Columbia in Canada respectively. However, when COVID- 19 pandemic struck, gathering

evidence through primary sources resulted in WhatsApp voice and video calls. For the latter,

secondary sources like documents were collected from the University of Maryland Library,

University of Houston Library, Private Libraries of Dr Kayode Osunade and Colonel Seyi

Bankole in Baltimore and Houston respectively. Other secondary sources such as journal articles,

published books, unpublished thesis / dissertation, conferences / seminars, executive orders, and

policy statements were sourced from online libraries.

Based on historical ethnography, the study involved 196 demographically and socially diverse

participants within the ages of (25 -72). 51 first generation, 47 second generation and 55 third

generation Nigerian – Americans in Texas and Maryland. Equally, 20 Nigerian – Canadians and

23 other U.S. citizens with African descents participated in the study. Because the cardinal aim of

the study is to investigate patterns of social integration attainment of Nigerian – Americans in

Texas and Maryland through sense of belonging and racial relations indicators, thematic analysis

23
method was explored to qualitatively analyse collated data. The entire transcripts of the

respondent’s data collected through oral – interviews, observations, personal stories and

ethnographic observations were thoroughly analysed in order to understand the changing patterns

of social integration attainment of the sampled population of the study. The final report of the

findings was then historicized thematically. For confidentiality’s sake, some names and locations

of the respondents were changed but that did not alter the trajectory of the social integration lived

experiences of the sampled size.

Analysis and Findings

This study investigates social integration attainment and explores factors responsible for its

different levels among Nigerian – Americans in Texas and Maryland from 1965 – 2015 using two

measurable indicators of social integration; sense of belonging and racial relations. Participant

observations, personal stories and oral- interviews were used to gauge the respondent’s social

perception of mainstream America through their everyday lived experiences. Cumulatively, for 17

months, the thesis investigated patterns change and continuity of social integration attainment of

everyday diasporic experiences of the first, second and third Nigerian- Americans, specifically, in

the diasporic space of Texas and Maryland, United States, Quebec, Ontario and British Columbia,

Canada. Based on historical ethnography, the study involved 196 demographically and socially

diverse participants within the ages of (25 72). 51 first generation, 47 second generation and 55

third generation Nigerian – Americans in Texas and Maryland. Equally, 20 Nigerian – Canadians

and 23 other U.S. citizens with African descents participated in the study.

Participant observation was the major instrument of the study. However, the analysis relied

primarily on interview content, which was then supported by the knowledge derived from

participant Observations. Ethnography observations in the same vein, highlighted the nuanced

discrepancies between what the respondents claimed in interviews and what they actually

24
practised. This discrepancies of social nuances of the respondents accounted for patterns of

behaviours analysed in the study as Refusal Syndrome and Relative Perception.

Because the cardinal aim of the study is to investigate patterns of social integration attainment of

Nigerian – Americans in Texas and Maryland through sense of belonging and racial relations

indicators, thematic analysis method was explored to qualitatively analyse collated data. The

entire transcripts of the respondent’s data collected through oral – interviews, observations, person

stories and ethnographic observations were thoroughly analysed in order to understand the

changing patterns of social integration attainment of the sampled population of the study. The

final report of the findings was then historicized thematically.

The thematic analysis led to the identification of key indicators of social integration; sense of

belonging and racial relations, delineating among the first, second and third Nigerian – Americans

in understanding social integration patterns for each group. The analyses of both themes and

transcribed interviews were further examined individually with regards to the key indicators. Data

were stored with Microsoft office software, in which the transcribed oral interviews data was

retrieved and analysed.

The study thematically analysed individual lived experiences and perceptions of the first

generation, second generation and third generation respondents in order to identify relationships

and patterns which were then synthesised in line with the theoretical framework, aim and

objectives and research questions of the study in order to understand and interpret the participants’

own perceptions of social integration. Through thematic approach, the research questions were

answered and the analysis makes the following findings:

i. Level of social integration of the three generations differed remarkably. While the

U.S.- born Nigerian Americans and third generation seemed to have had a high sense

of belonging within the America mainstream because it seemed to be all they have

25
 known and where they have developed their social structures, second generation,

especially Visa Lottery winners seemed to have a higher sense of exclusion majorly

due to their negative racial experiences, accent barriers, downward assimilation,

enclave living, religious affinities and other social nuances. However, the feeling of

belongingness for the first generation was not clearly defined; while a larger

percentage of them saw themselves as Americans due to their long stay in the United

States, they looked forward to returning to Nigeria if social, political and economic

situations in Nigeria change for good.

ii. The disparities in the level of social integration of the three generations was a

combination of different factors. For instance, the hybridity perception of a good

number of the U.S.- born, created to a large extent psychological barriers to their

feelings of sense of belonging. Not principally because of their negative personal

experiences, but because of the ingrained prejudices transferred to them by their first-

generation parents. Religion affiliations of the first and second generations played a

vital role in their feeling of sense of social exclusion within the host. For instance,

these Nigerian – Americans created intra - racial religious congregations within their

host, transporting dominant Nigerian brands instead of domestication of their beliefs

and practices. As the study reveals, this nuance created social integration barriers

outside the Nigerian social milieu. Feeling of real or imagined racism as well as

systemic and institutional was most predominant among the second generation and this

perception patterned their sense of belongingness within their host society. Intra- social

relations of the majority of the first- and second-generation respondents was revealed

to have majorly created self- inflicted social isolation within the mainstream American

host society. Gender of the respondents was also discovered to be a major determinant

of the feeling of belongingness; for the sake of their U.S.- born children, 73 percent of

26
 female of the first, second and third generations of the respondents saw themselves as

Americans first, hence, had a great sense of sense of belonging within the America

mainstream.

iii. Social integration is a two- way process; the acceptance of migrants by the host and the

willingness of migrants to be socially integrated. The feeling of belongingness or un-

belongingness across the three generations was revealed to have been contributed to by

different lived experiences of the respondents. The study reveals that thought patterns

of Nigerian - Americans contributed to a greater extent their feeling of belongingness

within their host. Those with refusal syndrome, based their unwillingness to feel

socially accepted, on their occasional negative racial experiences, ingrained prejudices,

conscious bias, victim mentality within the host. Over 70 percent of the respondents,

especially first - and second-generation Nigerian – Americans in Texas and Maryland

displayed this pattern of thoughts. Respondents with refusal syndrome, were quick to

blame their feeling of unacceptance on racism, systemic and institutionalised bias

towards them in their host society even when their social nuances and personal

decisions as and ethnographic observations revealed, were to be blamed. On the other

hand, those Nigerian – American respondents whose patterns of thought this study

describes as relative perception, saw themselves more as being socially accepted in the

social scheme of things in their host society. Hence, they displayed a great sense of

belongingness with their host. The reason for the pattern of thinking of the latter, the

study reveals, was magnified with their self – persuasion and conviction of having

contributed their best career - wise to their host American societies. Hence, the need to

feel socially and economically belonging is not negotiable. A sizable number of first

generation and second generation but most third generation respondents belonged to

this category.

27
iv. African American and African immigrants’ dichotomy to a greater extent, as the study

revealed impeded the sense of belonging of majorly first and second generation and a

lesser percentage of the American born Nigerian- Americans. However, respondents

that had positive experiences with Americans outside their race and social backgrounds

neither felt intimidated, nor angry or uncomfortable around white or African

Americans. In fact, these Nigerian - Americans were convinced they deserved to be

socially linked with other races, hence their stronger feeling of sense of belonging and

great race- relations. As many respondents in this category concluded, “We did not see

colour, but Americans.”60

v. There seems to be commonalities in the feeling of acceptance of the first- and second-

generation Nigerian Americans in Texas and Maryland during the period in focus. The

two sets to a larger extent generally had a higher sense of un- belonging within their

host societies. The common mindset was their myths of “Home”. They commonly saw

the United States as a place of economic opportunities not where they should be

socially active outside their ethnicity. They yearned to return to Nigeria where they

regard as home but for her social, political and economic challenges. These sets felt

something was missing in them due to their seemingly inability to permanently return

to their social base - Nigeria. Hence, they increased their determination to have

economic powers within their host and paid less or no attention to getting socially

included outside intra- racial affinities within their host. Mindsets like this increased

their psychological feeling of not - belonginess within their host. However, the feeling

of sense of belonging due to positive racial relations and experiences was more

prominent among Nigerian- Americans in Maryland than in Texas during the period in

focus.

Conclusion and Recommendations

28
Debates concerning the death of multiculturalism and its negative impact on immigrants’ integration

has permeated Europe and specifically the United Kingdom discussions in recent times. This is as a

result of seemingly dying integration policies of the liberal countries of the West. This has resulted

in negative effects on immigrants’ feeling of acceptance within their host. Multiculturalism remains

a growing concern because of its recent perceived problematic nature and its inability to support the

principal ends of integration policy; the socialisation of immigrants into the host norms and

institutions. The mutual benefits of a well socially integrated society for the immigrants and the host

are enormous. This brings peace, harmony, mutually benefited development and egalitarianism to

the receiving society. Hence it is recommended in this study that holistic approach on the side of the

migrants and the host be applied. The need to achieve a more cohesive and harmonious society for

diasporic Nigerians is imperative. Slowly but surely, Nigerian - Americans’ emerging prominence

within American society is gaining momentum because of the determination of a larger number of

them to socially integrate against all odds. Hence, because the United States is generally perceived

as an immigrant’s country and the fact that the population of Nigeria- Americans keeps growing, the

need for the host to socially accept Nigerian - Americans and the willingness of the Americans of

Nigerian descent to want to be socially integrated within their society is a necessity.

Hence, the study recommends that effective social interactions concerning issues relating to social

integration of immigrants should be planned and developed at the local level. Although citizenship

or legal status has a strong influence on the feeling of acceptance of immigrants, the existence of

institutional or systemic racism as this study reveals erodes this sense of belonging. Hence, as a

state and federal policy issue of the United States of America, the need to urgently promote anti -

racist legislation in order to enhance more effective efforts to combat real or imagined racism

becomes imperative. Although the recently signed “Executive Order on Advancing Racial Equality

and Support for Underserved Communities through the Federal Government” by President Biden is

a welcome development, it only covers inequalities to educational access, wealth gap and healthcare

29
disparities.61 There is a stronger need to make racism offence criminal and socially unacceptable

under U.S. Federal criminal law with long sentence terms or huge financial fines. Immigrants’

social integration policies and programmes, this study recommends, should be on national scales

and codified by the US executive agenda.

Every immigrant in a new society comes with his or her own culture and other social nuances.

However, exporting it entirely instead of domestication as this research shows creates race- relation

barriers and in turn impedes sense of belonging in the larger spectrum of the host. While the study is

not advocating for cultural assimilation or jettisoning of Nigerian culture across the three

generations, it recommends the need for Nigerian- Americans and Nigerians in diaspora generally to

embrace social nuances of their host societies. Those Nigerian- Americans who tend to balance their

“Nigerian-ness” with their “American-ness” the study shows had a higher sense of belonging within

their ethnic settings and in the larger American societies.

Becoming reasonably comfortable in one’s skin comes with time, maturity and a long, hard search

for inner strengths. Hence, the study consciously recommends that the “noise” of racism among

Nigerian - Americans should be jettisoned as this shows victim mentality. Of course, racism is real,

and it is horrible, however, that cannot change the way someone feels. The way social integration

can be achieved for immigrants in the host society is through development of a positive mindset that

increases positive racial relations across racial groups and sense of belonging. Nigerian -

Americans should start to think beyond racism and the feeling of being unwanted within the host

American society as this feeling plagues their sense of social inclusion and in turn affects their

racial relations within their neighbourhoods.

There is a serious need for diasporic Nigerians to learn to go through life consciously oblivious to

most nuances around them that prevent their all-important social integration in terms of sense of

belonging and improved racial relations with the dominant ethnic groups. Nigerian - Americans

cannot segregate their hearts and integrate their mindsets - these two must come together for a true

30
social integration to be achieved in the host society. Racism and race relations alone cannot explain

problem of social integration; as brutal and unfair racism was and is, in spite of very real limitations

of race and relations, as this study reveals, it did not prevent 30 percent, 25 percent and 81 percent

of first, second and third generations Nigerian - Americans’ who displayed a high sense of

belonging within their host American society.

When individuals do not see themselves as the owner of something, they treat it differently; workers

disconnected from the employer and employment – engagement experience may take on the

destructive effects of “in late”, long lunch, leave early, in other words, becoming indifferent, giving

minimal effort, and displaying basic compliance. The problem is that these attitudes, approaches,

and perspectives never make anything great, anywhere. The description explains nuanced attributes

noticed in most disgruntled second generation and some third generation Nigerian - Americans who

revealed that their sense of neglects in the American socioeconomic process made them aggrieved

and led them to crime which further increased their feeling of social exclusion and created strain in

their race- relations outside their ethnic group. Mentality and mental conditioning as well as outlook

of life is everything. Having a positive attitude increases a sense of acceptance in the host society

while having a negative attitude increases the feeling of exclusion. When mindset is shifted, a

relationship that opens up social capital that in turn increases the feeling of social acceptance

increases. Hence, there is a need for mental upgrade both individually and ethically for diasporic

Nigerians.

Cultural DNA was revealed as one of the mitigating factors against the three generations of

Nigerian - Americans in Texas and Maryland up to 2015. Who you become or how you feel

depends on who you listen to or who you hang around. Inherited social and cultural characteristics,

unwritten norms and set of values displayed over time by the three generations adversely affected

their race - relations and sense of belonging. For the current Nigerian – Americans and the future,

for a sense of belonging and positive racial relations to be achieved, Nigerian - Americans and

31
diasporic Nigerians must focus on changing their cultural DNA in order to avoid a sense of un –

belonging caused by their social nuances. Hence, diversity should be seen as strength both racially

and socially and not otherwise.

Contribution to Knowledge

The study makes the following contributions to knowledge:

i. The study establishes that multiculturalism is an intricate and complicated activity

and it is for this reason that robust and coordinated interventions are required for

successful integration to be achieved.

ii. The work demonstrates that absence of national policies on integration in the United

States like the case in Canada has been a major issue in the slow process of social

integration of immigrants in the country.

iii. The study assumes that behavioural patterns: the refusal syndrome and relative

perception condition, manifested in ingrained negative disposition, transferred

prejudices, stereotypes, and conscious biases by immigrants as well as hostility to

foreigners by host communities are major determinants of social integration, and

addressing these hold the key to the achievement of social integration.

Referencing Style

 Chicago Manual Style, 16th Edition

32
Endnotes
1
Milton M. Gordon, Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and National
Origins (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), 37.
2
Monday Michael Ogbeidi, “Educational Exchanges in Nigeria-U.S. Cultural Relations 1938-
1988, a Ph.D. Thesis submitted to the Department of History, (Now History and Strategic Studies)
University of Lagos, Nigeria, 1999, 119.
3
Ogbeidi, “Educational Exchanges”, 123.
4
Interview with Irene Osemeka, Lecturer, 50+ University of Lagos, August 12th, 2018.
5 “
Nigerian Americans- History, Modern era, the first Nigerians in America”, Google, last
modified April 10, 2022, https//www.everythingculture.com/multi/Le-Pa/Nigerian-
Americans.html (Accessed on 18/04/2022), 3.
6
Leslie Casimir, “Blacks Urge Rosenthal to Quit: Leaders ‘Prayed’ with DA but now say he
misled them.” Houston Chronicle, January 12, 2008, 9.
7
Migration Policy Institute, “The Nigerian Diaspora in the United States,” Google, last modified
April 18, 2011, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sitesdefant/files/publications/RAD-Nigeria.pdf.
(Accessed on 25/03/2019), 11.
8
Interview with Omolayo Japheth, IT intern, 34, University of Maryland, December 16 th
December, 2017; interview with Gbemisola Bankole, Nurse, 36,Texas, 22 nd October, 2018;
interview with Abosede Adedeji, Lawyer, 44, Houston, 12th December, 2017; interview with
Adesoji Taiwo, Ph.D. candidate, 35, Houston, 18th January, 2017; interview with Biyi Onigemo,
Database Analyst, 27, Houston, 16th October,2018; interview with Bukonla Martins, Chef,
Baltimore, 6th February, 2017: interview with Temilola Vaughn, Janitor, Maryland, 6 th December,
2017 and interview with Kayode Osunade, IT Consultant, Baltimore, 26th December 26, 2016.
9
Interview with Julie Greene, Lecturer, 55, University of Maryland, 12th January, 2017.
10
John Skrentny, and Mary Waters “Integrating Immigrants,” YouTube video,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FWscen-hQCE&t=13s (Assessed on 8/02/2017, 2:6 mins.
11
Interviews with Aweh Pius, Engineer, 61, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 3 rd, January 2022; Interview
with Kadem Obasi, Teacher, 39, British Columbia, 3rd January, 2022; Marina Inyang, HR expert,
43, Alberta, January 3rd, 2022; and WhatsApp message to Adedunmade Ogunbiyi, IT expert, 35,
Ontario, January 3rd, 2022.

33
12
Interview with Bankole Ward, Banker, 33, Nova Scotia, 9 th January 2022; Interview with
Yemisi Pius, Ph.D. candidate, 37, Ontario; Interview with Emeka Obasi, Lawyer, 42, Ontario, 9 th
December 2022; Interview with Aremu Onisola, Technology expert, 38, Ontario, 9 th January,
2022.
13
Interview with Stephen Lawal, Nurse, 43, Ontario, 9th January 2022.
14
Thomas Sowell, “Immigrants don’t ‘blame society’-and they succeed.” Toronto Sun, March 22,
2014, https://torontosun.com/2014/03/22/immigrants-dont-blame-society--and-they-succeed
15
Interview with Benjamin Aigbe Okonofua, Researcher, 40+, University of Benin, 17 th
September, 2019.
16
Ethnographic observations of the following respondents in Maryland and Texas respectively:
Jide Onalaja, Pharmacist, 73, Maryland, 21st June, 2021; Badewa Olusegun, Medical Doctor, 60,
Houston, 17th October 2021, Osunade,I.T. expert, 50+, Baltimore, Kunle Osibodu, Property
manager, 51, Texas, Odumosu Sokunbi, Banker, 51, Houston and Femi Ojikutu, Medical Doctor,
49, Maryland.
17
Fethi Mansouri and Paula Muraca, Towards Post- Multiculturalism? Elite discourse,
Postmodernism and the challenge of diversity in multi- ethnic societies (New York: Routledge
2014), 8.
18
Fethi, Towards Post – Multiculturalism 2001.
19
Interview with Gerald Safrul, Lecturer, 57, HELP University, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 18 th
April, 2022.
20
Refusal Syndrome and Reflective Perception theories postulated in this study theorising how the
unwillingness and willingness of the respondents account for their feeling of belongingness or un-
belongingness within mainstream American stratified society.
21
George Mason University, “Who was Shut Out? Immigration Quotas, 1925- 1927,” accessed
March 3, 2018, http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5078/ "Table 10. Persons Obtaining Lawful
Permanent Resident Status by Broad Class of Admission and Region and Country of Birth: Fiscal
Year 2016".
22
Chishti Muzaffa, Faye Hipsman, and Isabel Ball, “Fifty Year on, the 1965 Immigration and
Nationality Act continues to Reshape the United States,” accessed April 20, 2022,
www.migrationpolicy.org/article/fifty-years-1965-immigration-and-nationality-act-continues-
reshape-united- states.
23
Michèle Lamont, “Trump’s Electoral Speeches and His Appeal to the American White Working
class,” Journal of the British Sociology 35, no. 1 (2017): 248.
24
Sean McElwee, “How Racism Helped Trump and Halts Progressive Policy,” Demos, 20 May
2017, accessed June, 2019, http://www.demos.org/blog/4/13/17/how-racism-helped-trump-halts-
progressive-policy.
25
Familypedia, “Nigerian American,” last modified June 6, 2018, Accessed18/12/2019.
https://factfinder.census.gov/bkmk/table/1.0/en/ACS/16_5YR/B05006/0100000US%7C0
100000US.04000.
26
Pierre, Jemima, “Black Immigrants in the United States and the “Cultural Narratives” of
Ethnicity Identities,” Journal of Global Studies in Culture and Power 11, no.2 (2004): 145,
https://doi.org/10.1080/10702890490451929. (Accessed on 29/03/2021).
27
William Peterson, "Success Story, Japanese American Style." New York Times Magazine,
January 9, 1966, 20-21.
28
Margaret M. Chin and Yung-Yi Diana Pan, “The ‘model minority’ myth hurts Asian Americans
– and even leads to violence Assuming that anti-racist efforts don’t work for Asian Americans
makes discrimination harder to eliminate”,

34
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/04/19/model-minority-myth-hurts-asian-
americans-even-leads-violence/ (Assessed on 20/4/2022). 39.
29
Interviews with Mensah Zoe, Ghanaian American, Teacher, 42, Maryland, Interview with Abai
Addisu, 11th December, 2021; Ethiopian American, Job unknown, 51, Land Rover, Maryland,
11st December, 2021 and interview with Jacobus Zanele,White South Africa, Insurer, 49,
Houston, 14th December 2021.
30
Viet Thanh Nguyen, “Asian Americans Are Still Caught in the Trap of the ' Model Minority'
Stereotype. And It Creates Inequality for All, “Time, June 18, 2020,
https://time.com/5859206/anti-asian-racism-america/. 2. https://time.com/5859206/anti-asian-
racism-america/ (Accessed on 18/ 2/2022).
31
Claire Jean Kim, “Opinion: Why labelling Asian Americans as the model minority is an insult
to Blacks.’’ (UC Irvine School of Social Sciences: Political Science, Medium), Oct. 10, 2020
https://medium.com/equality-includes-you/why-labeling-asian-americans-as-the-model-minority-
is-an-insult-to-blacks-d1c6b323f15f. (Accessed on 25/01/2022).
32
Portes Alejandro, and Min Zhou. “The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and
its Variants. The Annals. 1993; 530(1):74–96 and Portes Alejandro, Rumbaut Ruben G. Legacies:
The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press;
2001)18.
33
Portes Alejandro, Rumbaut Ruben G. Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant, 20.
34
Alejandro Portes and, Zhou Min, “The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and
its Variants,” The Annals. 530(1): (1993); 74–96.
35
Interview with Roberto Patricio Korzeniewicz, lecturer, 63, University of Maryland, 21 st
December, 2017.
36
Interview with Frederick Corder, Paediatrician,50+ Bowie, Maryland,12th November, 2017.
37
Alba, R.D., J.R. Logan, B.J. Stults, G. Marzan, and W. Zhang, “A Re-Examination of
Suburbanization and Spatial Assimilation,” American Sociological Review, Vol. 64, No. 3, pp.
(1999):446.
38
Ibid.
39
D.S. Massey and N.A. Denton, “Suburbanization and segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas.”
American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 94, No. 3, (1988): 592.
40
Carlos Teixeira, “Introduction to Part One: The housing experiences of immigrants.” in The
Housing and Economic Experiences of Immigrants in US and Canadian Cities ed. Carlos Teixeira
and Wei Li, (University of Toronto Press; 2018),40. https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442622890-
006 and R. Murdie, and Ghosh, “Does spatial concentration always mean a lack of integration?
Exploring ethnic concentration and integration in Toronto.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration
Studies, Vol. 36, No. 2, (2010): 293.
41
Stephen Castles, Hein de Haas, and Mark J. Miller, The Age of Migration: International
Population Movements in the Modern World (New York: The Guilford Press, 2020), 21-64.
42
Sandell Rickard, “The Migration Flux: Understanding international immigration through
internal migration,” in Social Sciences Working Papers Series in Economics and Social Sciences,
2011, accessed August 18, 2018,
http://www.socialsciences.imdea.org/international%migration/6%The_migration_flux_understand
ing_internal/pdf.
43
Fabio Baggio, Edmond Akwasi, Sergio Carciotto, and Sarah Pugh, African on the Move:
Human Mobility in Ghana, Nigeria, Angola and South Africa, 1st edition (South Africa:
Scalabrini Institute for Human Mobility in Africa, 2014), 117- 172.

35
44
Lina Bassarsky, Yumiko Kamiya, and Julia Ferre, International Migration Policies:
Government Views and Priorities (New York: United Nations Publications, 2013), 22-84.
45
Marianna Karakoulaki, Laura Southgate, and Jakob Steiner, Critical Perspectives on Migration
in the Twenty- First Century (England: E- International Relations Publishing, 2018), 180-197.
46
D.S. Massey, J. Arango, G. Hugo, A. Pellegrino and J.E Taylor “Theories of International
Migration: A review and Appraisal,” Population and Development Review, Vol. 19, No. 3
(September 1993): 431-446.
47
Antoine Pecoud, Depoliticising Migration: Global Governance and International Migration
Narratives (England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 46- 74.
48
S. A. Darkwah and Nahanga Verter, “Determinants of International Migration: The Nigerian
Experience”, Acta Universitatis Agriculturae ET Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 62, no. 2
(2014): 321-327.
49
R. Parks- Yancy, J. Shih, N. DiTomaso and C. Post, “Talking about Immigration and
Immigrants: A Qualitative Exploration of White Americans’ Attitudes”, International Review of
Modern Sociology 35, no. 2, (Autumn 2009): 285- 306.
50
R. Capps, K. McCabe and M. Fix, Diverse Streams: African Migration to the United States, A
project of the Migration Policy Institute’s National Center of Immigrant Integration Policy,
(Washington DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2012), 1-19.
51
B. Duncan and S.J Trejo, “Assessing the Socioeconomic Mobility and Integration of U.S
Immigrants and Their Descendants,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political Science
657, January2015 https://www.jstor.org/stable/24541795. (Accessed 17/10/2019): 108- 135.
52
Söhn Janina, “Unequal Welcome and Unequal Life Chances: How the State Shapes Integration
Opportunities of Immigrants,” Journal of Sociology 54, No. 2 (20013): 295- 326.
53
Irene, Bloemraad and Els de Graauw, “Immigrants Integration and Policy in the United States:
A Loosely Stitched Patchwork,” in International Perspectives: Integration and Inclusion, ed.
James Frideres and John Biles (Kingston: McGill- Queen’s University Press, 2012), 274-290.
54
Mary .C Waters and Marisa. G Pineau, The Integration of Immigrants into American Society
(Washington DC: National Academies Press, 2005), 207-239.
55
Dennis D. Cordell and Manuel G. Griego, “The Integration of Nigerian and Mexican
Immigrants in Dallas/ Fort Worth, Texas”, in Immigrants, Rights, and Incorporation in a
Suburban Metropolis,”
https://www.dfwinternational.org/resource_center/Study_of_North_Texas_Immigrant_Communit
ies_2003.pdf.( Accessed 23/7/2018): 2-19.
56
Oluwakem M. Balogun, “No necessary trade-off: Context, life course, and social networks in
the identity formation of second- generation Nigerians in the USA,” Ethnicities 11, No. 4
(December 2011): 436-466.
57
Mojubaolu O. Okome, Nigerian Immigrants in the USA Draft, (Research Gate, 2010):
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/325678319/pfd. (Accessed December 18, 2018): 1-48
58
Konia T. Kollehlon and Edward E. Eule, “The Socioeconomic Attainment Patterns of Africans
in the United States,” International Migration Review 37, No.4, (Winter, 2003): 1163- 1190.
59
Sakamoto, Arthur, Ernesto F. L. Amaral, Sharron Xuanren Wang, and Courtney Nelson. “The
Socioeconomic Attainments of Second-Generation Nigerian and Other Black Americans:
Evidence from the Current Population Survey, 2009 to 2019.” Socius: Sociological Research for
a Dynamic World Vol 7: (January 2021). https://doi.org/10.1177/23780231211001971 (Assessed
on 12/12/19): 1- 18.
60
As echoed by a good number of Nigerian- American respondents who felt socially integrated
within the U.S. mainstream.
61
Joseph R. Biden Jr, “Executive Order: Advancing Racial Equality and Support for Under -
deserved Communities through the Federal Government,” Presidential Actions, January 20,
2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/executive-

36
 order-advancing-racial-equityandsupport-for-underserved-communities-through-the-federal-
government/. (Assessed 12/ 05/ 21).

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42