Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ABSTRACT: The Bamana and Maninka of Mali greatly value twins, and
have elaborated a range of cultural beliefs and practices to assure their
survival. Rates of twinning among these two ethnic groups average from
15.2/1000 to 17.9/1000 births compared to 10.5/1000 births (without
assisted reproduction) in the United States and Great Britain. Twins
(flaniw) are regarded as extraordinary beings with unusual powers, and as
a gift from the supreme deity. A small altar (sinzin) is maintained in the
home of twins, and periodic sacrifices of chicken blood, kola nuts, millet
paste and millet beer regularly made to assure their protection. Albinos
(ye´fegue´w) and true and pseudo-hermaphrodites (tye´te´mousote´w) are also
considered twin beings. However, they are believed to be the result of
aberrant parental social behavior. The Bamana and Maninka believe that
all four groups (twins, albinos, hermaphrodites, and pseudo-harmaphro-
dites) are closely linked to Faro, an androgynous supernatural being who
provides equilibrium in the world. Faro is the original albino and
hermaphrodite who gave birth to the first pair of twins after self-
impregnation. Whenever a twin dies, a small wooden statue is sculpted
called a flanitoke´le´ (twin that remains). This commemorative figure is kept
close to the surviving twin, reflecting a belief in the inseparability of twins.
Eventually, the surviving twin takes responsibility for the figure. When a
surviving twin marries, another figure is often sculpted in the opposite sex
from the deceased twin, and placed with the original sculpture. Such
commemorative sculptures are not created upon the death of those who
are albinos, hermaphrodites, or pseudo-hermaphrodites. In recent years,
transformational belief patterns have evolved as increasing numbers of
Bamana and Maninka embrace Islam. Traditional beliefs are often given
Islamic myths of origin. However, even in this Islamic context, many
practices that assure twin survival are maintained.
Gavin H. Imperato, MS completed his graduate studies in biology at New York University, and
recently conducted field research on twinning in Mali; Pascal James Imperato, MD, MPH & TM is
Distinguished Service Professor and Chair of the Department of Preventive Medicine and Community
Health, State University of New York, Downstate Medical Center.
Requests for reprints should be addressed to Pascal James Imperato, MD, MPH & TM,
Department of Preventive Medicine and Community HealthSUNY Downstate Medical Center, Box 43,
450 Clarkson Avenue, Brooklyn, NY 11203, USA; e-mail: pascal.imperato@downstate.edu.
198
0094-5145/06/0600-0198/0 Ó 2006 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.
Gavin H. Imperato and Pascal James Imperato 199
INTRODUCTION
The Bamana (Bambara) of Mali in West Africa are the largest ethnic
group in the country, numbering close to 4.5 million. As such, they occupy
a dominant cultural, political, and social position in the life of modern
Mali. Although the Bamana and the closely related Maninka (Malinke)
have been undergoing conversion to Islam for a very long time, many retain
beliefs and practices whose origins are in Bamanaya, a traditional religion
and way of life characterized by initiation societies, blood sacrifices, and
belief in a complex religion characterized by several deities and a complex
legend of creation.1
The Bamana (Bambara) and Maninka (Malinke) conceive of twins
(flaniw) in a broad context. This includes monozygotic twins (two indi-
viduals born together and derived from one egg and one sperm), dizygotic
twins (two individuals born together and derived from two separate eggs
and two separate sperm), true and pseudo-hermaphrodites (tye´te´mousote´w),
and those who are albinos (ye´fe´gue´w). The respective singular forms are
flani, tye´te´mousote´, and ye´fe´gue´. The plural of Bamana nouns is generally
rendered by the addition of w as a suffix. When the noun is modified, the w
is added only to the modifier. There are regional variations of the word for
albino including ye´fe´gue´, yafe´ge´, ye´pe´ge´, ye´fougue´, and ye´fuge´. The word for
albinism is ye´fe´ge´ya. Another term used for albino is foune´, which also de-
scribes praise singers who in Bamana and Maninka society are part of the
nyamankalaw who are artisans, bards, and blacksmiths. It is noteworthy that
the term foune´ is also used by the Maninka and Khassonke for twins. Thus, a
female twin is called foune´mouso and a male twin foune´tye´. This is significant
since it demonstrates that a single term is used to describe both twins and
albinos because both are considered true twins.2 The term gomble´ or gombole´,
which literally means ‘‘red monkey,’’ is used to describe those albinos who
have a less severe form of the disease manifested by tan or bronze colored
skin and light brown hair.
Triplets (sabani) and quadruplets (nanini) are extremely rare
among the Bamana and Maninka, and are unknown to most. In many
areas, they are considered as twins. While monozygotic (identical) twins are
recognized as being different from dizygotic (fraternal) ones because of
their seemingly identical physical appearance and because they are always
of the same sex, they are not viewed differently from their dizygotic
counterparts in terms of cultural beliefs and practices. In part, this derives
from the often confounding characteristics present in monozygotic twins
such as inverse laterality and discordance in a number of traits. The former,
200 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
TABLE 1
In 1968, there were 761 twin births reported among 34,780 live
births in 52 maternity centers in Mali, representing about one quarter of all
live births in Mali. Thus, the rate of twin births was 21.8/1000 births. Data
for maternity centers serving Bamana and Maninka populations showed a
rate of 17.9/1000 births.8(128-131) These Ministry of Health and Social Af-
fairs data did not differentiate between dizygotic and monozygotic twins.
However, it can be assumed that the majority of these twins were dizygotic
because the rate of monozygotic twin births is fairly constant across dif-
ferent populations at 3.5/1000 births. In 1990, Dolo, Diall and Diabate
reported a twinning rate of 15.2/1000 births at the Hôpital National du
Point-G in MaliÕs capital, Bamako, whose patients are primarily Bamana.9
This 15.2/1000 rate is not significantly different than the 17.9/1000 rate
reported in 1968.
While monozygotic twinning rates are constant at 3.5/1000 births
across most population groups, those for dizygotic twins vary greatly. Be-
cause dizygotic twins contribute two-thirds of all twin births, they account
for these population rate differences. While routine DNA testing can often
differentiate monozygotic from dizygotic twins in developed countries,
such is not possible at present in much of Africa. Thus, one can only
compare overall twinning rates between African populations and those in
the United States and Europe.
The spontaneous (without assisted reproduction) prevalence of
twin births in the United States and Great Britain is about 10.5/1000 births,
of which two-thirds are dizygotic.10 Historically, twin birth rates rose in the
United States and Europe with advancing maternal age until the age of
39 years. Since the 1990s, older age at childbearing and the use of assisted
reproduction have greatly contributed to the overall dramatic rise in mul-
tiple gestations. By 1997, twin birth rates in the United States had risen for
white women to 28.8/1000, for Hispanic women to 19.5/1000, and for
African-American women to 30.0/1000. The overall rate was 26.1/1000
compared to the historical rate of 10.5/1000.11
Gavin H. Imperato and Pascal James Imperato 203
TABLE 2
TABLE 3
The Bamana and Maninka are well aware that twins are often born
prematurely, and that when born at term are often smaller than singleton
infants. This recognition of higher rates of prematurity and low birth
weights and their association with higher infant mortality no doubt con-
tributed to the elaboration of beliefs and practices favoring twin survival.
For among the Bamana and Maninka, twins are accorded a privileged status
that provides them and their parents with greater than usual access to a
variety of resources. Such access is not extended to hermaphrodites,
pseudo-hermaphrodites, and albinos, who are also considered twin beings.
For unlike twins, who are regarded as extraordinary beings with unusual
powers and as a gift from the supreme deity (Pemba, Bemba, NÕgala), indi-
viduals affected by these three pathologies are thought to be the result of
aberrant social conduct. Unlike twins, they are sometimes feared because of
their powers, and viewed with ambivalence because they are the result of
behavioral departures from societal norms.
The basis for considering four distinct groups of individuals as twins
is Bamanaya, a corpus of essential spiritual and cosmological beliefs and a
mode of living that define someone as Bamana or Maninka. To embrace
Bamanaya is to believe in the centrality in oneÕs life of nyama (vital life force,
energy, or power) and boliw (ritual objects which are regularly given blood
sacrifices). Boliw (singular boli) are great reservoirs of nyama whose powers
are increased and renewed through regular sacrifices. However, it is in the
legend of creation and in its principal deity, Faro, that the duality of human
nature (good and bad, male and female, strong and weak) and the concept
of twinning are both elaborated and codified for the spiritual belief system
that is at the heart of Bamanaya.
Gavin H. Imperato and Pascal James Imperato 205
There are two major variants of the Bamana legend of creation, and
subtle regional differences within them. The legend in the southern region
is depersonalized compared to its analogue in the north.14(80-83) While the
southern legend revolves around non-human forces, that in the north is
centered on supernatural personalities embodying known human virtues
and vices.15,16(1–55),17(116–120),18(1–6) It is within the context of this northern
Bamana creation narrative that societal values, attitudes, and practices
concerning twins, hermaphrodites, pseudo-hermaphrodites and albinos
are given metaphysical importance and historical legitimacy.
Zahan summarized this northern creation legend beginning with
belief in a supreme being known as NÕgala, Bemba, or Pemba. Closely asso-
ciated with him and with the act of creation are several supernatural
beings.18(1–6) Prominent among them are Mouso Koroni Koundye´ or Nyale´,
Faro, and Ndomadyiri. From a certain perspective, these beings are also
manifestations of God. During the first phase of creation, known as dali folo
(first putting in order, first creation), the earth was naked, and God
manifested himself as a grain (kise) known as Pemba. A balanza tree (Acacia
albida) grew from this seed. But when it became fully grown, it withered and
fell to the ground. Eventually, all that remained was a long beam of wood,
known as Pembe´le´. This wooden beam secreted mildew that accumulated
beneath it. Pembe´le´ mixed this mildew with his own saliva to create a new
being, a female, known as Mouso Koroni Koundye´ (little old woman with a
white head) (Figure 1).
Mouso Koroni then engaged in the creative process, engendering
vegetables, animals, and human beings. The latter were then immortal. Her
creativity was characterized by disorder, confusion, and haste. This is ex-
cused by some Bamana on the grounds that she wanted to populate the
earth with beings as rapidly as possible. Finally, Mouso Koroni planted the
Pembe´le´ in the ground, and he became a tree once again. Men worshipped
Pemba, now a balanza tree, the tree that eventually introduced them to
death. In time, men transferred their worship to Faro, another supernatural
being and manifestation of God, who is the master of water.
Some Bamana believe that Mouso Koroni disappeared at this point,
after spending a wretched life on earth authoring disorder. Others, how-
ever, believe that she continues to live, the personification of air, wind, and
fire. She is also the ‘‘mother of magic,’’ the first sorcerer, and as such is
called by another name, Nyale´.
206 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
FIGURE 1
Mouso Koroni was originally created with a soul that had two parts, a
ni and a dya, like those of all human beings. But at the time of her creation,
while God gave her the ni, he entrusted its double, the dya, to Faro. Thus,
Mouso Koroni was incomplete from the moment of her creation. Nonethe-
less, she authored the first phase of creation, characterized by prodigious
growth and fertility. As Zahan18(5) notes, as Nyale´, she gives strength to
newborns and hastens the ripening of grain. She is the source of all human
ideas which have been or will be given to man, and represents energy,
activity, and desire. But she is also the source of all malice, misunder-
standing, treachery, deviancy, and sorcery. She is an extravagant being,
Gavin H. Imperato and Pascal James Imperato 207
TABLE 4
the sea. Te´liko, a lesser deity, who was a winged albino and who is associated
with whirlwinds, dust devils, and the air, attempted to fly across the world in
order to dominate it. Warned about this by the dogfish (oulou-dye´gue´), Faro
decided to take Te´likoÕs body as his own and at the same time vanquish his
challenger. Te´liko gnawed at his own flesh in order to nourish himself to a
point where only his bone marrow remained. Eventually, his body was
transformed into red copper, and he fell into the sea. The dogfish, who was
lying in wait for him, sang in order to draw him closer. Te´liko, sensing a trap,
flew back up into the sky until he reached its limits. Losing strength, his dya
(double) fell into the sea where his body was seized by Faro, except for the
external male genitalia which Faro gave to the dogfish. Thus it was that Faro
acquired an albino head and trunk and a copper tail. Te´liko meanwhile
reconstituted himself as an albino but remains a lesser deity, traveling
across the earth on whirlwinds. He is perceived as a relatively innocuous
deity living in the air. Because he is the original albino, the Bamana and
Maninka believe that human albinos originally had wings and were capable
of flying, attributes that were lost through contact with the impure
earth.16(88) FaroÕs right hand is male, and the left female. He has no
apparent external genitalia, but impregnated himself and gave birth to
female twins when water first flowed on the earth.16(42) Thus, he is the
author of twinning and also the original hermaphrodite (Table 5).
Although FaroÕs role is to perfect the world, organize it, put it in
equilibrium, and give it eternal life, he is closely associated with twinning,
albinism, and hermaphroditism. He was born from GodÕs vaporous breath,
from a bubble of saliva while God was pronouncing the words of crea-
tion.15,17(118) Faro is GodÕs visible countenance and his word. However,
TABLE 5
during this second phase of creation, this word was unintelligible to hu-
mans, consisting of a language in which all the words were connected. It
was Ndomadyiri, the divine blacksmith, the third supernatural person after
Mouso Koroni and Faro, who made this primordial word into useful lan-
guage. He is, as Zahan says, what is left, the earth, after the evaporation of
water (Faro) due to the action of the wind (Nyale´). This provokes the notion
of fixity, of remaining in place after the withdrawal of his previous associ-
ations. So the Bamana and Maninka see him symbolized in trees, fixed and
powerful living beings, the source of the first life, Mouso Koroni. As a tree,
Ndomadyiri is the master of herbs and remedies, and a healer, a charac-
teristic of all blacksmiths. Thus, Ndomadyiri is the eponymous ancestor of all
blacksmiths, and the author of all healing. Faro and Ndomadyiri complement
one another. Faro represents water and rain, needed for life, while Ndom-
adyiri is the earth and fire, and has stability and provides man with a
home.18(5-6)
The third phase of creation is that of the present. As Zahan18(5)
observes, it is the stage when human beings and things confront one an-
other. The formation of human societies results in confusion and disorder
due to men asserting themselves and expressing their wills and emotions.
However, Ndomadyiri, as a blacksmith, is omnipresent, stabilizing society
through his supervision of its religious rites.
Mouso Koroni, who had retreated during the second phase of crea-
tion, appeared again during the third as Nyale´. While the second phase was
characterized by order, balance and harmony, the third has great potential
for the disorder and confusion characteristic of the first phase because of
her presence. Again, a male-dominated society which relegates women to
an inferior political and social position produces powerful religious and
metaphysical reasons for so doing.
Known in this last ongoing phase as Nyale´, Mouso Koroni represents
activity, energy, mystery, desire, secrecy and, as Zahan18 so well explains, a
desire for all that man wants to achieve. She is unbounded enthusiasm, and
extravagance, but also a source of fertility and creation. If left to the
influences of Nyale´ alone, man would indulge in all manner of excesses,
and society would break down. That is why Ndomadyiri is present, to control
and set limits.
Zahan cogently reasons that the Bamana creation story contains
both positive and negative elements.18(6) Nyale´ cannot totally disappear
because she is the source of all activity, animation, rivalry, and very
importantly, courage. The world cannot progress without her. But left
alone, her influence would result in a complete breakdown of creation.
210 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
TABLE 6
purposes of this discussion, they are all grouped under the rubric of her-
maphroditism (Table 6).
The genetic basis of albinism is complex. Currently, 12 different
genes have been identified that result in different types of albinism when
mutated. The best understood of these diseases and the most common is
oculocutaneous albinism type 1 (OCA1) due to a total lack of the enzyme
tyrosinase. This enzyme is essential for melanocytes in the skin to form
melanin. In individuals with this disease, the skin and hair are white, and
the irides of the eyes a blue-gray or pink, depending on light source. They
also have defective vision, significant light sensitivity, sunburn easily, and
are prone to skin cancers. In those with tyrosinase-positive albinism, the
enzyme is not totally lacking. Although their hair may turn yellow over time,
and their ocular irides turn a light brown, their skin is never darker than a
cream or pink color. However, in a third form of the disease, tyrosinase
variable albinism, the infant has white hair, pink skin, and gray eyes at
birth, but later develops light tanning of the skin and yellow or light brown
hair over time.26
The Bamana and Maninka refer to those with OCA1 and tyrosinase-
positive albinism as ye´fe´gue´w. These are albinos whose skin never tans but
which may burn on exposure to the sun.16(88) However, they use the term
gomble´, derived from gon (monkey) and ble´ (red), to signify ‘‘a red man’’ for
those with tyrosinase-variable albinism. They are not aware of the genetic
212 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
TABLE 7
FIGURE 2
tree (Acadia albida), or other trees. These flani daw usually consist of two
bowls attached side to side, and are often used by a female twin for washing
following childbirth, and by both male and female twins to protect them-
selves and others. Sometimes a three-lobed bowl is sculpted from the same
woods described above. These consist of a central wooden handle with two
bowls on either side and one at the distal end18(7–8).
In previous communications, significant details were provided
about a number of practices and beliefs related to twins.28,29 However, we
would like to emphasize here a few relevant to twins who reach adulthood.
Sometimes, two male twins married the same woman, representing a rare
example of polyandry.16(87),29 In most instances, two male twins married
different women, but at the same time. Similarly, two female twins married
different men at the same time.29 Male twins were permitted to have sexual
relations with one anotherÕs wives.32 Thus, the children of male twins are
never referred to as the children of a specific twin, but as the children of
the twins. The husbands of female twins were permitted to have sexual
relations with both women. Travélé reported that sometimes marriages did
not take place on the same day.32 In such instances, both female twins
entered the first husbandÕs house on the marriage night, and he had sexual
relations with both, starting with the oldest (the second born). When twins
were of mixed sexes, the brother had sexual relations with his sister before
she was taken to her husbandÕs house.32
Twins are believed to possess magical powers such as the ability to
walk on water because their dya resides there with Faro. Twins are also
believed capable of transforming themselves into scorpions, an arthropod
that symbolizes twins with its eight limbs, like those of twins. Twins often
served as intermediaries in settling disputes, and often marched at the head
of armies in time of war because of their special protective powers.
From the time of their birth, twins are the recipients of regular gifts
of food and clothing. When they are older, they often solicit gifts on Friday,
the Moslem day of observance. This practice ensures access to additional
food and resources for these children who are at greater risk for various
morbidities and mortality.
Hermaphrodites and pseudo-hermaphrodites are both known as ty-
e´te´mousote´w which literally means ‘‘not male and not female.’’ This term can
also be used for both male and female homosexuals. However, the term mouso
flana, meaning ‘‘the second female,’’ is sometimes used to describe a male
homosexual. Censorious Moslem Bamana often use the Wolof word gorjigen,
meaning ‘‘male female,’’ for a male homosexual. In so doing, they are
216 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
TABLE 8
child compared to an adult. Both ye´fe´gue´w and gomble´ albinos are considered
as equally valuable as human sacrifices.35
Even the various body parts of an albino are viewed as endowed with
special powers, thus adding to their risk of being used for sacrifices. The
head assures a large family and prosperity; the hair brings riches; the bone
marrow brings gold or copper; the excrement produces a good harvest; and
sitting on the interred bones of an albino assures that wishes are granted.
The Bamana consider albinos so powerful that even after death they will
attempt to disinter them.
Albinos are viewed as possessing an essence almost identical to that
of Faro. However, because they are the result of a serious sexual infraction,
they are nonetheless considered defective. This sexual infraction consisting
of daytime sexual intercourse might not strike non-Bamana and Maninka as
a serious matter in and of itself. However, this interdiction has little to do
with sexual relations between wives and husbands, which usually occur at
night, but more to do with extramarital sex. This proscription was especially
elaborated to prevent women from having extramarital affairs during the
day with lovers while their husbands are away in the fields farming. For such
affairs are difficult for women to have at night when men are at home. Thus,
the birth of an albino often raises suspicions on a husbandÕs part that his
wife had sexual intercourse during the day with a lover, unless he did
himself.35 Today, many Moslem Bamana believe that albinism results when a
child is conceived by a woman who had sexual intercourse while menstru-
ating.35
Gavin H. Imperato and Pascal James Imperato 219
If one of them dies at a young age, the blacksmith makes a small wooden doll
called flanitoke´le´, which receives the name of the deceased, and which the
mother places on the mat next to the living child. The latter carries this doll
with him at the moment of his circumcision, and keeps it with him during all
his retreat to bring it back to the paternal home where it must never leave.
When he marries, he plants the doll in the earth with another wood that sym-
bolizes the wife of the deceased (Figure 3).
FIGURE 3
FIGURE 4
viving twin. As mentioned previously, twins are usually given gifts of food
and other items by members of the community. Henry recorded that five
cowrie shells were usually given to the statue whenever a gift was presented
to the surviving twin.30(98) At that time, cowrie shells were used as currency
in the colonial French Sudan (Mali).
There are regional variations in the size and styles of flanitoke´le´w.
Some of the smallest figures, measuring two inches in height or so, are
222 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
found among the Maninka in the Cercle of Kita. Unlike the larger statues,
these are usually pinned to the inside of a motherÕs clothing and later to
the inside of a surviving twinÕs clothing. In the northwestern Bamana area
known as Bélédougou, flanitoke´le´w are often as tall as eighteen inches.
Similarly tall statues are frequently found in the west-central Bamana area
in the traditional regions of Djitoumou and Banimounitie, respectively
corresponding to the Cercle of Bamako and the northern portions of the
Cercles of Bougouni and Dioila (Figure 5).
Flanitoke´le´w in the Bambouk region of the Maninka country, which
corresponds to the Cercle of Kenieba in western Mali, average some ten
FIGURE 5
inches in height. This contrasts with the very small figures sculpted in the
eastern Maninka country in the Cercle of Kita. Flanitoke´le´w in the eastern
Bamana area in the Cercles of Segou, San, Macina, and Niono average
fourteen to sixteen inches. Contrary to their usual practice with wooden
sculpture, blacksmiths in the eastern Bamana country often do not char
the surfaces of twin figures. This may relate to the fact that unlike most
other forms of sculpture, twin figures are closely handled on an almost
daily basis.
Twin figures are frequently sculpted in abstract forms. However,
Maninka flanitoke´le´w often tend to be realistic in their architectonics.
Incorporated into these figures are the coiffures once traditionally worn by
Bamana men and women, as well as the traditional bamada hat worn by men
which is a powerful anti-sorcery symbol.
Despite the inexorable adoption of Islam by the Bamana and
Maninka, practices related to twins and rooted in Bamanaya still persist in
many rural villages. Similarly, attitudes toward albinos and hermaphrodites
remain unchanged in many areas. However, modernization and Islamiza-
tion have for some time now formed the basis for continuous transition and
change in Bamana and Maninka society. This has resulted in the gradual
disappearance or decline of the sinzin rituals in a number of areas, and
theological syncretism in which Faro has become a benevolent Islamic water
genie who resides at the bottom of the Niger River and in the ponds, lakes,
and wells. For many Moslem Bamana and Maninka, blessings once sought
from Faro through sinzin sacrifices are now provided through the rituals of
Islam.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Special thanks are extended to the late Djigui Diakité, the late
Makan Fané, the late Bafing Kané, and the late Moussa Kanté for their
assistance with field investigations conducted in the 1960s and 1970s.
Much appreciation is also extended to Modibo NÕFaly Keita, Kolékélé
Mariko, and Amadou Sanogo for their valuable help in those years, and
with more recent field investigations conducted from the 1980s through
2006. We also wish to acknowledge the assistance of Boubacar Doumbia
in interpreting several Bamanan-kan expressions, and that of Austin C.
Imperato with various aspects of our research.
224 JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
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