Keyserling, Steiner, Jung, Exemplars of Pseudo-Rational Thought in Germany Between The Wars.

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MASTERS THESIS 13-10,332
SHULTS, Charlene Hoffman

KEYSERLING, STEINER, JUNG, EXEMPLARS
OF PSEUDO-RATIONAL THOUGHT IN GERMANY
BETWEEN THE WARS.
University of Louisville,
M.A., 1977
History, modern
Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan4S106

KEYSERLING. STEINER, JUNG
Exemplars of Pseudo-rational Thought in Germany

Between the Wars
By
Charlene Hoffman Shults

B.A., Oklahoma Baptist University, 1973
A Thesis
Submitted to the Faculty of the
Graduate School of the University of Louisville
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of
Master of Arts
Division of the Social Sciences

University of Louisville
Louisville, Kentucky
April 1 9 7 7
KEYSERLING, STEINER, JUNG
Exemplars of Pseudo-rational Thought in Germany

Between the Wars
By
Charlene Hoffman Shults

B.A,, Oklahoma Baptist University, 1973
A Thesis Approved on
by the Following Reading Committee:
Thesis Domector
bimei
_____
Dean or Chairman
11
ABSTRACT
This thesis will attempt to demonstrate that
Rudolf Steiner (I8 6 I-I 9 2 5 )» Hermann Graf Keyserling
(1880-1946) and Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961) in spite
of their bizarre or psychological or scientific trappings,
in spite of the fact, that they came from the periphery
of the German language area, were all typical examples
and exponents of German conservatism as it had developed
after I 8 7 O.
Ill
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
To James Edward Sutton, whose generosity with his
time enabled me to amass the necessary hours to graduate in
European history, and whose ironic humor braced me to finish
my thesis.
To Charles F, Breslin, who introduced me to the
philosophy of history and thus to an awareness of my own
"precritical stance,"
IV
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT .............................................iii
ACKNOVJLEDGEMENTS .......................... iv
KEYSERLING, STEINER, J U N G ............................. 1
APPENDIX A .............................................. 109
APPENDIX B ........................ . . 112
APPENDIX C ................................................. 1 1 6
APPENDIX D ................................................. 120
APPENDIX E ................................................. 124
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................ 126
V I T A ........................................................145
V
Even as a child I had alchemical
insights which would sound much
more astonishing than anything I
said about them in my libido book
/published in I 9 1 2 /. Other people
have them too. Originally we were
all born out of a world of wholeness
and in. the first years of our life
are still completely contained in it.
There we have all knowledge without
knowing it. Later we lose it, and
call it progress when we remember it
a g a i n .1
Jung, Keyserling and Steiner all held similar romantic
visions of childhood, in spite of, or perhaps because of their
own unhappy and essentially solitary (alienated) childhoods.
They bewailed all their lives the loss of the "visionary
dream." Not surprisingly all three men interpreted and
retold their childhood memories in a typically romantic
fashion. For example, all three claim to have had aspecial
(mystical/natural) understanding of animals— not unlike cer
tain saints whose affinity for animals was taken as a sign
of their "chosenness." Each man recast his childhood so that
the "Faustian" and "Paracelsian" elements were obvious. All
of them appear to have read Faust at an extraordinarily
young age, and been profoundly impressed. Rather than de-
mythologize or demystify their childhood these men chose to re-
C. G. Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. ed. Gerhard Adler

(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1973)» 1* 2 7 5 ,
For a similar romantic vision see Wordsworth's "Ode on Inti
mations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood,"
Appendix A.
mythologize it in the hope that by doing so they would be
able to regain the unity of the mystic vision, the primordial
unity of man and nature.
In spite of their frequently idealized descriptions
of childhood all of them had at best unpleasant childhoods
and at worst plainly terrifying experiences that "marked"
them for life. Jung for example, had terrifying dreams and
visions^ throughout his childhood, and at one point seems to

2
have suffered from a compulsion neurosis. He saw ghosts
and heard uncanny sounds while his mother was away during a
stay in a sanitarium. He had a series of psychosomatic
illnesses which culminated in a lengthy absence from school
since he invariably fainted when he tried to study.^ Steiner
also saw spirits as a child and felt dreadfully misunderstood
and alienated when he discovered that his classmates did not

4
see what was so obviously there.
Jung, a pastor's son, Steiner, a practicing Catholic
until late adolescence, a n d , :to a lesser extent, Keyserling
were mystics who found the established church insufficiently
"exciting" or rather found it stripped of all its "magic"
^For an example see Appendix B,

2
For an example see Appendix C.
■'^C. G. Jung, Memories. D r e a m s , Reflections, ed. Aniela

Jafftê, rev. ed,, (New York: Vintage Books, 19^5) , pp. 6-32.
For a relatively neutral analysis of Jung's childhood by an
analytical psychologist see Anthony Storr, C.G. J u n g , M o d e m
Masters (New York: The Viking Press, 1973)» pp. 1-18.
Ârthur P. Shepherd, A Scientist of the Invisible;

A n Introduction to the Life and Work of Rudolf Steiner .
Tbondon: Hodder & Stoughton, 195^)» pp. 2 9 - 3 0 .
by Social Darwinism and positivistic theology (e.g. Strauss,
Das Leben J e s u ) turned instead to the East for a rejuvenation
of religion and religious symbolism. For Steiner this was to
be a rejuvenation of what he assumed to be Christianity.
Jung, Keyserling and Steiner exemplified that mind-set
prevalent in Europe after about I 9 OO. It was a romantic or
neo-romantic view of the world which supported a reactionary
or even revolutionary conservatism.^ These three m e n were,
on the whole, "merely" reactionary conservatives, i.e.,
they wished to restore society to an earlier purer condition
("the Golden Age") and had indiscriminate animosity toward
anything "modern." Being reactionary conservatives, they
had difficulty explaining how a "Golden Age" could have
been lost. They found their explanation, as had many before
them, in a variety of forms of devil or conspiracy theories
of history. Steiner exemplified this in a rather bizarre
manner since his "golden age" was pre-Atlantean and, his
devils were "Luciferic" and "Ahrimanic" spirits. Jung and
Keyserling succumbed to a more conventional form of Devil
Theory. Both of them were violently and long-windedly a n t i
communist after 1 9 1 7 .
These men were also typically conservative in their
profound mistrust of what they termed "reason" and "mechanistic/
For an analysis of the contribution of neo-romanticism

to German conservative thought see George L. Mosse, The Crises
of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third R e i c h .
T W e w York: Grosset & Dunlap, 19^4), pp. 13-30» 42-66 and p a s s i m ;
and Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural D e s p a i r : A Study
in the Rise of the G ermanic Ideology. (New York: Doubleday-Anchorj
1 9 6 5 ), p a s s i m .
materialistic/rationalistic" thinking. They praised exp*or-
ience or "true" experience as a more reliable guide to truth
(or T r u t h ) than whay they termed a priori (read "radical" or
"un-aristocratic") conceptions of history or society. Being
fearful of reason they argued that its "voice" should be
balanced by the "voice" of natural emotion, or racial thought,
or archetypal thinking as well as supernatural faith (or as
Steiner asserted: supernatural knov/ledge). Along with all
conservatives, these men shared a sympathy for the principle
of hierarchy or differentiation— "an appreciation imrked
(like all aesthetic appreciation) by a detachment often
incompatible with a sense of social r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . J u n g
especially gloried in the variety of manking, in the fact
that all men are not created equal--though he was intensely
disdainful when speaking of the "masses" he enjoyed viewing
the contrast between them and himself.
While these men did not directly contribute to the
development of the National Socialist ideology— as for example
did Langbehn, Moeller van den Bruck, Guenther, Chamberlain,
Rosenberg— they did produce in their followers, acolytes and
disciples a certain predilection to passivity in the face of
"fate," (Schicksal) along with a familiarity of proto-racist
and irrational jargon over which they, with their fairly
respectable "academic" achievements cast a veil of pseudo-
^Klaus Epstein, The Genesis of German Conservatism.

(Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, I 9 6 6 ), p. 2 1 .
rationality. One should remember that all these men had
doctorates from quite respectable universities— one Ph.D. in
philosophy, Rostock, one Ph.D. in geology, Vienna, one M.D,
v/ith a specialty in psychiatry, Zurich. Jung was also awarded
honorary doctorates: I 9 0 9 , Clark University; 1936, Harvard
University; 1938, University of Calcutta, University of
Benares, University of Allahabad and Oxford University;
1 9 4 5 , Geneva University; 1955» Swiss Federal Polytechnic.
The last two were for his seventieth and eightieth birt h
day respectively.
I have chosen to treat this particular triad because
their life-and-works are easier to document than other more
obscure or less popular cultists, e.g. Heindel, Hellenbach,
Bo Yin Ra, Bartels, Driesch. Moreover, each of these three
men established relatively large, relatively long lasting
cults--all are still in operation today, although Keyserling's
movement seems restricted to his archive in Darmstadt.
"AnthropoSophy" and the "School of Wisdom" blossomed
almost immediately after the First World War while Jung's
psychology did not become well-known until I 9 2 1 with the p u b
lication of his Psychological Types in which he asserted the
existence of the collective unconscious, the archetype and
the anima figure.
Steiner's "Anthroposophy" was established in 1913--
although the break with Theosophy had been in the making since
1907--after a schism between Steiner and Besant. B esant
wanted a continued emphasis on Eastern-oriented mystical
theosophy, and in 1 9 1 3 had proclaimed her disevery of the

"new" Savior in India (a thirteen-year-old b o y ) S t e i n e r
wished to make Theosophy more Christocentric and Western in

2
orientation.
The "School of Wisdom" established at Darmstadt
was the result of Keyserling's influential book The Travel
Diary of a Philosopher, published in 1919» the same year as
Spengler's Decline of the W e s t . Each man had written his
book and had it accepted for publication before the war.
The Travel Diary had sales very nearly as great as those of
the Decline of the W e s t .
Jung's Psychological Types was a long exposition on
the introverted and extraverted "types," The terms were
immediately picked up and widely used in other psychologies
and by the public at large.
All three of these men had a series of influential
disciples, fellov/ travelers and acolytes. Numbered among
Keyserling's follov/ing were Thomas Mann, Hans Driesch,
Ernst Troeltsch, Leo Baeck, Max Scheler, and Erwin Rousselle.
Among Steiner's v/ere Marie von Sievers, a German Balt who

3
introduced him to the Russian mystic Solovieve, Mereschkovsky,
Generals von Blomberg and Keitel, General von Moltke , the
painter Kandinsky, the poet Christian Morgenstern, and Count
Sheph e r d , A Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 71-72;

and Floyd McKnight.""Rudolf Steiner and Anthroposophy. (New Yorki
Anthroposophical Society in America, I 9 6 7 )» p. 22.
2
Ibid., p. 7 0 and passim.
^Robert C. Williams, Culture in E x i l e ; Russian Emi

grés in Germany. 1881-1941. (Ithaca, New York: Cornel Uni
versity Press), p. 4 2 .
and Countess B r o c k d o r f f J u n g ' s followers tended to run to
2
middle-aged, upper middle-class and wealthy Americans,
but his influence on German psychiatry which was n o t , on
the whole, Freudian, was considerable.
All of these men claimed that the adoption of their
way of thought, their method of "analysis," their meditative
disciplines would lead their disciples into the "way of
initiation,""^ the way to "individuation." In actual fact,
they produced in their disciples (almost exclusively middle
class, upper middle class and aristocratic) a complaisance
in the face of "what is." Blomberg and Keitel were notori
ously spineless in their dealings with Hitler, The German
psychiatrists "saved" from Gleichschaltung by Jung complied
with Nazi hierarchs in such programs as "T-4" and "l4 f I 3 ."
Keyserling's echoes of the racism of Chamberlain and Gobineau
reinforced their allure and intellectual respectability.
In addition to this, all these movements reinforced
each other and v/ere associated together in the public m i n d .^
Hesse underwent an analysis with Jung and was associated with
Steiner's Dreigliederung-Bewegung. One of Jung's pupils
introduced him to Keyserling the result being that Jung
lectured several times at Darmstadt. When the Eranos Con-
Johannes Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner in Selbstzeugnissen

und Bi1d d o k m enten. (Reinbek bei Hamburg, West Germany;
Rowohlt, 1 9 6 3 ), p. 1 1 7 and pas s i m .
2
Storr, Jung, p. 80 and passim.
% e e Appendix E.
^See for example Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. pp. 204-05.
8
ferences were begun in 1933^ lecturers from Darmstadt lec
tured at Eranos, e.g. J.W. Hauer, Erwin Rousselle.
Rudolf Steiner was born on 2? February 1861 in Kral-
jevec, Austria, near the Hungarian-Croatian border. He
was the son of a minor railway official who by Steiner's
eighth year had v/orked his way up the ladder to stationmaster
at a small Hungarian town named Neudoerfl about half an hour

2
from a minor Austrian town named Wiener-Neustadt.
In later years Steiner tended to extoll the virtues
of having grov/n up in small villages which were, of course,
much closer to nature than cities. He described his trips
to the "friendly" flour mill in loving detail and expressed
his exasperation at not being able to enter the "unfriendly"
spinning mill. One of his biographers quotes him as saying
that "I never asked questions about it /the spinning mill/.
For it was my childish conviction that it does no good to
ask questions about something which you cannot look at,"
The commentary put on this remark by his biographer runs as
follows : "Already there was the germ of that attitude of
scientific realism that governed his whole life."
Sometime between his seventh and eighth year Steiner
became conscious of "another" world. When Steiner— like
^Jung, Letters i 1906-1950. p. 139-

2
Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 27-48; and
Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner. pp.~B-20. These are the standard
accounts of Steiner's childhood.
Shepherd, ibid., p. 28.

Jimg--attempted to explain this "other" world to his school
mates, he was rejected. He seems, in fact, to have had no
close childhood friends. In this world of "spiritual dark
ness," he discovered geometry. At the age of eight, his
Dortschule teacher gave him a copy of Euclid, and the question
"where do parallel lines acutally meet?" became a continuing
challenge to him. Steiner took geometry to be a "confirma
tion of his inner experiences of an unseen world as real as
the table at which he worked."^
On completing as much schooling at the Dortschule
in Neudoerfl could give him, Steiner's father sent him to the
Realschule at Wiener-Neust a d t . It was his father's ambition
that Steiner become a railway engineer, thus the Realschule
rather than a Gymnasium— at least according to Steiner.
Hov/ever, the Gymnasium was a more expensive type of schooling,
and Steiner had to work his way through the less expensive,
as well as less exclusive Realschule. This leads one to sus
pect that it was not merely his father's pig-headedness about
what Steiner's future career should be, but a real lack of
money which resulted in Steiner's attending the hated
Realschule.
The first two years at the Realschule were difficult
for Steiner. His village school had not prepared him overly
well; he was backward in spelling and composition. More
importantly, he spoke a village patois (so did Jung) which
McKnight, Rudolf Ste i n e r , p. 1 2 ; Shepherd, Scientist

of the Invisible, pp. 30-31; and Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner,
p. 1 6 . All three lay great stress on this incident in Steiner's
life.
10
rather effectively cut him off from his schoolmates, not
so much because he could not make himself understood as
because of where this placed him in the social hierarchy.
When he was about fifteen, Steiner began reading
Kant's Critique of Pure Reason--during the history lessons
he found so dull and "ineffective."^ From these readings
he formed three conclusions--Steiner shows a marked capacity
for finding threes* everywhere, just as Jung found fours,
and Freud found sixes and ones--(l) each thought must aim
at the standard of complete accuracy (2 ) there must be har
mony between the conclusions of thought and those of religion
(it should be remembered that until he left home Steiner was
a practicing Catholic) and (3) nothing could be excluded from

2
the realm and range of thought. This was a bizarre reading
of Kant, to say the least.
Like many ambitious but petty-bourgois Germans before
him, Steiner found it necessary to help pay his way through
school by coaching other pupils--by the end end of his second
year at the Realschule his academic standing in his class had
improved. Moreover, and Steiner seems to have felt this
keenly, he was "burdened" with domestic chores, and had to
help his father with their small holding.^
S h e p h e r d , Scientist of the Invisible, p. 32; and

Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, p p . 19-20.
^Shepherd, ibid., p. 32.
Shepherd, ibid., p. 33*

11
By the time he was ready to graduate from the Real
schule Steiner had formed another three convictions: (1 ) he
was convinced of the reality of the spirit world, the world
that lay beyond the fields of sense-experience (2 ) he was
convinced that there were no barriers, physical or psychical,
to the range of thought— in other words there were "higher"
forms of consciousness accessible to man. And, finally, the
only sound method of arriving at the truth was the "scientific
method." Superficially, the first two conclusions would
seem to be in opposition to the last one. Steiner, however,
like most pseudo-rationalist could take as "scientifically"
proven anything which suited his purposes.
At the age of eighteen Steiner entered the Technische
Hochschule in Vienna, He seems to have gotten along with
his fellow students fairly well, although reportedly two
of his character traits irritated his friends and teachers :
(l) his "vague mysticism" and (2 ) his ability to see all
sides of every question. Steiner commuted to school by train
and during one of these trips he met an herb gatherer, that
is, a man who gathered medicinal plants and sold them to
apothocaries in Vienna, Steiner was much impressed by this
man, whom he seems to have viewed as a kind of medicine man.
This meeting would ultimately result in Steiner's later
^Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 33-34.

2
Ibid., pp. 36-48; and Hemleben, Rudolf Stei n e r ,
pp. 20-43. These two sections deal with Steiner's years
in Vienna.
12
lectures on "medicine" and his support of homeopathy and
Bio-Dynamic farming— a kind of ritualized organic farming.^
Steiner continued to resist and resent yet comply
with his father's wish that he become an engineer. He reg
istered his "resistance" by reading Hegel, Haeckel, Fichte,
Herbert, Schelling and taking literature classes under P r o
fessor Julius Schroeer:who taught the history of German
literature. It was Schroeer, an enthusiastic idealist, who
perceived in Goethe the epitome of all idealism, who intro-

2
duced Steiner to Goethe,
In his studies at the Hochschule Steiner now faced
what his biographers refer to as "difficulties." The teaching
of biology at the end of the nineteenth century was p e r
meated with the theory of evolution as well as an extreme
positivism, Steiner intensely disliked the theory of evo
lution— that is the theory that human beings had evolved
from lower life forms--and persisted in "perceiving" the
human ego as essentially spiritual. He was however suffi
ciently "tarnished" by scientific thought, especially as
exemplified by Haeckel, to attempt throughout his career
to prove his theories "scientifically."^
Steiner had an equally intense dislike of the "me
chanical theory of heat and the wave-theory of light."
These two theories made all human perceptions "merely sub-
^McKnight, Rudolf Steiner, pp. 13-14,
^Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 38» 40, 42.
Îbid., pp. 38-39.

13
jective physical experiences, dictated by the response of
the different sense-organs to external movements." Steiner
decided that the way around the impasse posed by these "me
chanistic" theories was to posit a higher state of conscious
ness which would lift the soul to "direct intellectual ex
perience of the spiritual world.
Steiner, in an attempt to circumvent the material
istic, subjectivist wave-theory of light, embarked on a study
of optics which led him to a "conclusion that was contrary
to the teaching of recognized science." Steiner's conclu
sion was that since no one could "really" see light it must
be a "sensible-supersensible" form of reality--which proved,

2
of course, that spirits really exist.
Supposedly, Steiner had not read any of Goethe's
scientific literature up to that point; he now learned of
them when Professor Schroeer pointed out the similarity
between his ideas and Goethe's. Steiner continued his "re
searches" and again, independently of Goethe, arrived at
the theory of metamorphosis; "that is the transformation
of a lower physical form into a higher one, by the working
into it of a supersensible reality." It was here that
Steiner found his link between physical man and spirit-
reality.^
S h e p h e r d , Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 39-40.
Îbid., pp. 40-41.
Îbid., p..41.
14
Joseph Kuerschner at that time was publishing a
series entitled Kuerschners Nationalliteratur. In reply
to Kuerschner*s request that he suggest someone to prepare
an edition of Goethe's natural scientific writings Schroeer
recommended Steiner, This work was successfuly completed
during 1882 and 1 8 8 3 .^
In 1884 Steiner became the resident tutor to a
Jewish family. One of the four sons, a ten-year-old boy,
was regarded by his family as "mentally retarded." The boy
could hardly read or write, but perhaps more significantly
he had great difficulty in sitting still; it seems quite
possible that he was hyperactive. Steiner applied his
"supersensible" perception to this boy and "discovered" that
the boy's spirit was capable of development if "his soul-
life could be roused from its sleep detachment from his
physical faculties." After two years of work the boy was
able to enter high school and he eventually became a phys-

2
ician— he was killed during World War I,
In 1886 Steiner published the first of a long series
of books about Goethe, this one entitled Grundlinien einèr
Erkenntnistheorie der Goetheschen Weltanschauung. In 1888
he was invited to participate in the editing of a n e w edition
of Goethe's works which was being sponsored by the Grand
Duchess Sophie of Saxony. The collaboration was to take
place at the Goethe-and-Schiller-Archive in Weimar and was
^Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, pp. 3 8 , I 6 0 .

2
Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 41-42; and
McKnight, Rudolf Steiner, p. 1 5 .
15
not to begin until about 1 8 9 0 ,^

In the meantime, Steiner worked on a Ph.D. in phil
osophy under the sponsorship of Heinrich von Stein, who
was a professor at the University of Rostock. In I 8 9 I
Steiner received his Ph.D. for a thesis entitled Die Grund-
frage der Erkenntnistheories mit besonderer Ruecksicht auf
Fichtes Wissenschafts1 ehre.
In 1 8 9 0 Steiner took up residence in Weimar, he
resided at the house of a widow Anna Eunike, who would ulti
mately become his first wife, Steiner seems to have enjoyed
working in Weimar, although he preferred a "creative" approach
to Goethe, as opposed to the philological and comparative
literature approach adopted by his other colleagues. He met
Hermann Grimm, Erich Schmidt, Heinrich von Treitschke,
Hermann Helmholtz and Ernst Haeckel during his work at the
2
Goethe Archives, and generally seems to have had a much
more active social life than any he had had in Vienna.
He also published extensively during this period: Wahr-
heit und Wissenschaft. 1 8 9 2 * Die Philosophie der Freiheit.
1894; Friedrich Nietzsche, ein Kaemnfer gegen seine Zeit,
1895; and Goethes Weltanschauung. 1897.
Elizabeth Foerster-Nietzsche heard about Steiner's
Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 49-55;

and Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, pp. 4 3 ^9• These sections
deal with Steiner's work in Weimar.
^Hemleben, ibid., p. I 6I.

16
work at the Goethe Archives and invited him to look over
the materials of the Nietzsche Archives in the hope that
Steiner would agree to become one of the editors of Niet
zsche's works. Steiner, however, for a variety of reasons,
one of which seems to have been an intense dislike of Frau
Foerster-Nietzsche refused this job.
Walter Kaufmann in his book on Nietzsche quotes
Steiner as saying that Frau Foerster-Nietzsche requested
him to give her "private lessons in the philosophy of her
brother."^ Steiner said that
the private lésons . . . taught me

this above all: that Frau Foerster-
Nietzsche is a complété laywoman in
all that concei^s her brother's doc
trines . . 2feh§/ lacks any sense
for fine, and even for crude, logical
distinctions ; her thinking is void of
even the least logical consistency;
and she lacks any sense of objectivity.
• . . S h e believes at every moment
what she says. She convinces herself
today that something was red yester
day that most assuredly was blue.
These lines occurred in an article written b y Steiner in
1 9 0 0 for Das Magazin fuer Litteratur.
But as Kaufmann has pointed out Steiner's reading
of Nietzsche are equally misdirected, out-of-date, ill-
organized, and mystical,-^
Walter Kaufmann, Nietzsche: Philospher. Psychol

ogist. Antichrist. 3rd rev. ed., enl., (Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, I9 6 8 ), p. 4.
Îbid., pp. 4-5.
Îbid., p. 318fn,
17
By 1897 when Steiner was preparing to move to Ber
lin and take over the editorship of the Lehmann publication
Das Magazin fuer Litteratur he had evolved his own Erkennt
nistheorie. Steiner claimed that there were three types of
knowledge: (l) ordinary "intellectual apprehension" of the
spirit world (2) direct perception of "spirit realities
experienced inwardly in pure thinking" and (3) a knowledge
of sense realities "not arrived at b y penetrating logical
thought" but rather discovered by "direct meditation on
s ens e-phenomena,"^
According to Steiner the natural and spiritual sci
ences (and by G eisteswissenschaft Steiner, by no means,
referred to Dilthey ^ aT. ) were based on an intensive study
of sense-phenomena, but the natural scientists "rely too
much upon logical analysis and experimental hypothesis."
Steiner saw the "error" of the "natural scientific world-
out look" as entirely bound up with its "false idea of matter,"'
In essence, Steiner's argument was that while the brain
may be material it is Geist (which is immaterial) that
expresses itself through the material brain (similar views
were held by Jung and Keyserling).
One of Steiner's biographers states that it was as
he was preparing to go to Berlin to take up his editorship
that Stiner saw
S h e p h e r d , Scientist of the Invisible, p. 53.
Îbid., p. 5^.
18
. . , that all the forces of darkness

were massed against the revelation of
the spirit.^
Here we have the first hint of that typically reactionary
conservative belief in the Devil Theory of History,
From I 8 9 7 -I 9 OO Steiner, in collaboration with Otto
Erich Hartleben, edited Das Magazin fuer litteratur as well
the Dramaturgischen Blaetter. He became involved with the
"Freien Literarischen Gesellschaft" and the "Freien Dramat-
ischen Gesellschaft," he gave lectures to a group calling
itself the "Kommenden" circle (The Coming Ones) who ran
their own press, at least until 1 9 ^ 5 and published occult
and mystical literature. He also lectured at the Arbelter-
B ildungsschule between 1899 and January I 9 0 5 . This worker's
school was, according to Steiner, under the direction of
Wilhelm Liebknecht who ultimately expelled Steiner for bring-

2
ing "spiritual solace" to the workers. Steiner also gave
frequent lectures to the members of the Giordano-Bruno-B u n d .
Steiner, according to Shepherd, found his editorship trying
and uncongenial: his audience was too aesthetic and insuf-
ficently "spiritual."
During 1900 Stefan Zweig was a member of the circle
around Steiner; he described him as follows:
In Rudolf Steiner, whose disciples were

later to build magnificent schools and
academies for the propagation of the
teachings of the founder of Anthroposophy,
Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, p.

2
Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, p. 73*
19
for the first time since Theodor Herzl

I approached a man to whom destiny had
given the mission of guiding millions
of people. Personally he was not so
much of a leader as Herzl had been, but
he was more engaging. A hypnotic power
lay in his dark eyes and I listened to
him better and more critically when not
looking at him, for his ascetic, thin
face, carved by spiritual suffering, was
well disposed to be convincing— and not
only to women. At that time Rudolf Steiner
had not yet formulated his theories, , . .
On occasion he recited for us commen
taries on the color-theories of Goethe,
v/hose portrait, as he drew it, became
more Faustian, more Paracelsian. It
was exciting to listen to him, for his
education was stupendous and quite dif
ferent from our own, which was confined
to literature a l o n e . I always returned
home from his lectures, and from many
good private conversations, both en
raptured and somewhat depressed. However,
if I ask myself today whether I would
have foretold for that young man his
great philosophical and ethical effect
upon the masses, I must admit, to my
shame, that I would not. I had expected
great things from his questing intellect,
and I would not have been in the least
astonished to hear of some important bio
logical discovery which his intuitive
spirit had accomplished; but when many
years later I saw the grandiose Goetheanum
in D o m a c h , this "school of wisdom,"
which his pupils had founded as a pla-
tonic academy of anthroposophy, I was
rather disappointed that his power had
run to material and sometimes even into
the commonplace. I do not claim any
judgment of anthroposophy, for even
today I am not quite clear as to what
it seeks or means, and I believe that
on the v/hole its seductive power is
bound up not with an idea, but with the
fascinating personality of Rudolf Steiner.
. . . In his fantastic and at the same
time profound knowledge I realized that
true universality, which we, with the
overweening pride of high school boys,
thought we had already mastered, was not
20
to be gained by flighty reading and

discussion, but only by years of
burning endeavor.
When we examine the above quotation, we observe
that Steiner shared certain traits with that other charis
matic leader, Hitler, They both had "hypnotic eyes." They
both swept their listeners away from cirticism and into
enthusiasm and mysticism. They both appealed to youth
(Zweig was only nineteen when he met Steiner). They both
appealed to the masses, and they both had a certain facility
for charming money out of their followers. Equally they
both shared a passion for rather extraordinary architecture
designed by themselves. Steiner was more influenced by
"organic" art nouveau architecture, while Hitler was influ
enced by late nineteenth-century neo-Baroque and rococo.
The above quotation also indicates that Zweig shared
a rather common failing with other members of the German
intelligentsia, that is, a refusal to come to grips with
"movements" claiming to be "philosophical" or "ethical."
The Germans of both left and right suspended judgment about
certain movements: the Jugendbewegimg. Anthroposophy, the
School of Wisdom, et cetera, but most notoriously the NSDAP
(Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei). There
was a general failing among the educated, or half-educated,
to distinguish between pseudo-rational cults, irrational
and millenarian political movements/parties, and the cogni-
^Stefan Zweig, The World of Yesterday; A n Auto-

biographv. (New York; The Viking Press, 19^3)» pp. 115“
lI3\
21
tively responsible left. That is if Steiner and Hitler were
bad, (encouraged irrational behavior, et cetera) the SPD
was just as bad. If Hitler was violent the Communists were

*
even more violent.
Beyond this, the very real failings of the German
school system were illustrated. Gymnasium and Realschule
were separated by a great gulf. Socially the middle and
upper middle classes attended the Gymnasium while the lower
middle class attended the Realschule. The curriculum of
the Gymnasium was centered on the humanities and the clas
sical languages, with science, at least in practice, taking
a somewhat secondary role. The Realschule concentrated on
a technical, scientific, and trade curriculum. Thus Zweig
and many other even less astute than he, could be enamored
of a "failed" technician-cum-scientist who spouted anachron
istic color-theories (anachronistic even in Go e t h e ’s life
time) and could believe him to be a "true" and "intuitive"
scientist. At the same time, the graduate of the Realschule.
in an attempt to be upwardly mobile, could read Kant and
be firmly convinced that he "really" understood Kant and
K a n t ’s theory of knowledge when this was obviously not the
case. That cults attract those who are least able to judge
their claims critically is an obvious truism. That those
least able to judge should be educated in a school system
that was world-renowned during the nineteenth-century as the
epitome of education and critical thought is highly disturbing,
The KPD (German Communist Party) in spite of its

rhetoric did not murder as many people as did Hitler's NSDAP.
22
The industrialization and unification of Germany seemed to
unhinge the German school system, so that it taught by the
end of the nineteenth-century, nothing but conventional
wisdom.'
After 1 9 0 0 and his resignation from his editorship,
Steiner continued to lecture extensively and to publish.
He published, for example, Haeckel und seine Gegner. and
lectured to seven-thousand workers who were in the publish
ing trade on the five-hundredth anniversary of Gutenberg’s
birth. The lecture was entitled Gutenbergs Tat als Mark-
stein der Kultur-Entwicklung.^ In I 9 0 0 , for the first time,
he lectured to the Theosonhischen Bibliothek at the home of
Count and Countess Brockdorff, Technically, this was not
yet a branch of the International Theosophical Society but
rather a sort of reading society for like-minded people.
St e i n er’s first lecture was dedicated to Haeckel and was

2
entitled Welt- und Lebensanschauungen im 1 9 . Jahrhundert.
During I 9 OI he continued giving lectures to the
Theosonhischen Bibliothek. His most important was Das
Christenturn als mystische Tatsa c h e . To the "Kommenden,"
circle meanwhile he lectured on Von Buddha zu Christus.
In 1 9 0 2 he lectured at the Arbeiterer-Bildungsschule. the
Theosonhischen Bibliothek. the Kommendenkreis, the Giordano-
Bruno-Bund and other even more obsucre societies. During
^Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, p. I 6 I.
Îbid., pp. 7 8 , 1 6 1 .
23
July of that year, he attended the International Theosophi
cal Society’s congress in London and while there met his
future wife, Marie von Sievers, a Baltic German, who intro
duced him into Russian 'ânigr^ circles. In October I 9 0 2 an
official chapter of the Theosophical Society was founded in
Germany by Count and Countess Brockdorff with Rudolf Steiner
as its General Secretary, During that year, Steiner had
also begun the publication of a periodical called Lucifer
(or sometimes Luc ifer-Gnosis). In 1903 and 1 9 04 he lectured
extensively as an official representative of the Theosophi
cal Society. During 1904 his main lecture cycle was entitled
Goethe als Theosophe.^
As can be seen, Steiner was an indefatibable lec
turer; one of his biographers states that he gave over six-

2
thousand lectures during his lifetime. While on a lecture
tour in France (1 9 0 7 ), Steiner met Eduard Schurb, a French
occultist, who began to publicize Steiner’s work in France.
In 1 9 08 Steiner made the first of many trips to Scandinavia,
where his ideas on education became widely known and where,
after I 9 2 0 , a number of Waldorf-Schule were established.^
In 1 9 0 4 Marie von Sievers, his "manger and admin
istrator," established the Philosophical-Theosophical Press
^Hemleben, Rudolf Ste i n e r , pp. I 6 I-I 6 2 .
^McKnight, Rudolf Steiner, p. I 7 .
^Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, p. 75; and

Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, p. I 6 2 .
24
whose main purpose was to publish Steiner’s v/orks (after
the break with Theosophy the press was renamed the Philo
sophical -An throposophical Press), The first book Steiner
published with the press was entitled Theosophie (1904);
in 1 9 0 9 he published Occult S o i ence: An Outline, generally
accepted by his disciples as his first truly great and
mature w o r k .^
From 1 9 0 7 Pnward, Steiner and mainstream theosophy
began to go their separate ways, although the official break
did not come until I 9 1 3 . Theosophy centered itself around
Indian mysticism and Buddhism and considered Christ a mere
avatar of the "true" savior yet to come. Steiner’s heresy
was to center Theosophy on Christ. He claimed that Christ’s
birth took place at the exact center of time and was thus the
formative influence on all things which had come before,
and all things v/hich were to come after it.
Steiner also had the unpleasing habit (in the view
of Theosophists) of developing "new" methods of meditation,
as opposed to using yoga. For example, in I 9 1 2 Steiner,
along with Marie von Sievers, developed a technique called
Eurhythmy, a "new art of movement." Eurhythmy "expresses
in movement the same spiritual forces which are expressed
in speech and movement." It was claimed that its practice
was both curative and educational. Steiner declared that
"art is the instrument by means of which the gods can speak
to us," and related his "new art" along with all the other
^McKnight, Rudolf Steiner, p. 2 0.

25
n.l
arts to an element "in the evolution of man's soul":
Architecture is related to the Physical-body,

Sculpture to the Etheric-body
Painting to the Astral body, . . .
Music to the Ego,
Poetry to the Spirit-Self andg
Eurhythmy to the life-spirit.
It perhaps should be added that Steiner considered himself
a "true" artist and filled his temple, the Goetheanum.
with v/orks sculpted and painted by himself. (Judging by
photographs, they are among the most truly hideous works
of amateur sculpture in existence in any semi-public
building).
Like the Theosophists and Keyserling, Steiner was
an advocate of "meditation" by which it should, presumably,
be possible to arrive at a "direct perception of spirit,"
and thus to "combat" mechanistic-materialistic forms of
scientific thinking. By using this method, Steiner discov
ered the spiritual world which lies behind the merely material
world, and in 1 9 0 9 published the findings of his "research"
in Occult Sci e n c e t An Outline.^ According to Steiner,
there were spiritual beings whose one aim was to force men
to acquire a materialist-mechanistic world-view. He believed
that there were spirits hostile to Man's progress up the evo
lutionary scale, and that these spirits had brought about
the Fall of Man.
S h e p h e r d , Scientist of the Invisible, p. 162.
Îbid., p. 162.
%emleben, Rudolf Stei n e r , pp. 93-97•

26
Steiner, like other Theosophists, believed in the
existence of Atlantis and Lemuria v/hose inhabitants were
spiritual (i.e., disembodied spirits) rather than physical,^
Steiner believed that through the use of occult science one
could reach back into the past and reconstruct the "true
historical record of man's evolution." These historical
facts were preserved in what Steiner chose to call the ‘
"Akashic Record," which is perceptible and accessible to
higher consciousness. Steiner and his biographers agree
that this seems somewhat unlikely, but they encourage the
reader to remember that "it is impossible for the ordinary
reader, at the level of physical consciousness, to verify
the fact of the Akashic Record.
This record reveals that the evolution of the Earth
is the expression of the "creative activity of spirit-beings,"
and that the evolution of Man occurred in four phases which
gradually gave him each of his four "components." That is,
pysical man as he exists today, consists of the following
four parts: the physical body, the etheric body, the astral
body, and the ego which is the "spirit-core" of Man.^
His rather bizarre cosmogony provided substance for the
"Devil Theory:" Man eventually came under the influence
of some spirit-beings who; were "inimical to the divine
^Martin Gardiner, Fads and Fallacies in the Name of

S c i e n c e , rev.ed., (New York: Dover Publications, Inc.,
1957), p. 1 6 9 .
^Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, p. 99.
Îbid., pp. 101-102,
27
plan of human evolution." Under the influence of those
spirits, Man sought independence from the "higher spirit-
beings" who had previously guided his existence and evolu
tion. The result was that man's ego became too "deeply
interfused with his material environment." Thus the FallI^
Steiner dared to describe Atlantis which came into
full bloom only after the Fall (of Man and of Lemuria).
it was in the Atlahtean age that Man "began to be differen
tiated into races, at different cultural and moral levels."
While Luciferic spirits brought about the downfall of L e
mur ia, it was to be Ahrimanic spirits who brought about the
fall of Atlantis. The Luciferic spirits tempted Man into
spiritual independence of higher spirit beings, while A h r i
manic spirits sought to establish a material earthly kingdom

2
alienated from spirit.
His discovery of "inimical spirits" enabled Steiner
to "re-find" Christianity,^ The Incarnation, or the "Mystery
of Golgotha" as Steiner preferred to call it, was the pivo
tal fact in all history, human and divine. Christ's death
on Golgotha was not to be looked at as a "mere" article of
faith, but as a "mystical fact" that interpreted all history
before it and affected every department of earthly life after it.'
S h e p h e r d , Scientist of the Invisible, pp. 102-103.
Îbid., pp. 103-104.
Îbid., pp. 133-142 and 165-173» sind Hemleben, Rudolf

S t e i n e r , pp. 9 7 -1 0 2 .
^Shepherd, ibid., p. 6l ; and Hemleben, ibid., pp. 98-99.
28
The resulting fusion of theosophical thought with
Christianity had great popularity in Germany; eventually,
in 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 2 2 a Christengemeinschaft (Christian Community
Church) was founded in Berlin. Though not under the direct
"guidance" of Steiner's Anthroposophy, many of its members
were also follov/ers of Steiner, and Steiner encouraged the
organizers of this project in their venture. Ultimately,
the Nazis closed the Christengemeinschaft building/temple
in Berlin (1941), but after the war the movement was resur
rected and "flourished."^
Like most occultist before him, Steiner wandered
farther and farther afield; he supported and taught homeo
pathic medicine, "Bio-Dynamic" farming a sort of mystical
organic farming which rested upon the notion that the earth
2
breathes (in a quite literal sense) twice a day. In the
field of education, Steiner met v/ith considerable success
in treating hyperactive and depressive children. The first
Waldorf-Schule was established in I 9 2 0 by Emil Molt, a manu
facturer in Stuttgart, and was intended to be a school for
the children of his factory workers. Some Waldorf-Schule
have been aimed at "difficult" children, while others seem
to be aimed primarily at followers of Anthroposophy who
wished to educate their children in a spiritual atmosphere.^
^Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, pp. 137-141.
^Gardiner, Fads and Fallacies, pp. 224-226.
Shepherd, Scientist of the Invisible, p. 7 6 ; H e m

leben, Rudolf Steiner, pp. 125-128; and McKnight, Rudolf
S t e i n e r, pp. 3 9 -4 0 .
29
Shortly before World War I, Steiner had been given
the land for the site of his future temple (the tBoetheanum)
in D o m a c h , Switzerland. Thus, the construction of the
building, which was not completed in detail until 1922-23,
went on throughout the war years. During the war Steiner
lived alternately in D o m a c h and in Berlin and seems to have
had no problems with the German authorities about his travels.
At the end of August 1914, at the instance of Generalstabchef,
G en era l ob ers t Helmuth von Moltke, Steiner traveled to Koblenz
in order to give spiritual council to him during the Marne-
Schlacht
Steiner, like Thomas Mann, supported the German war
effort--at least in the sense that they both saw Germany
as more "spiritual" than the "mechanistic" or "civilized"
West. Like Keyserling, Steiner was appalled at the Wilson
Friedensnrogramm and the Versailles Treaty, declaring that
since both appealed to "egoism" both were doomed to failure.
In 1 9 1 9 » partly in response to Versailles, Steiner issued
a proclamation (Aufruf) entitled ^ Das deutsche Volk und
an die Kulturwelt. It was signed by many prominent Germans:
Prof. Dr. Hans Driesch, a grenzosvchologe or parapsychological
researcher, a whole series of Professor Doctors, including
Hans Ehrenberg, Heidelberg; R. Gaupp, Tuebingen; Hugo von
Habermann, Munich; Paul Natrop, Marburg; W.J, Hilger, Di-

2
rector of the Hansa-Lloyd Works, Bremen; and Hermann Hesse,
^Hemleben, Rudolf Steiner, p. 117-
Îbid,, pp. II 8 -II 9 .

30
writer (Hesse wrote Demein, which was published in 1919»
under the influence of an analysis with Jung)
The proclamation foreshadowed and was the basis to
a more organized movement: Bund fuer Dreigliederung des
sozialen Organismus (Die Dreigliederungs-Bewegung). Essen
tially Steiner attempted to revamp and revivify the three
medieval Staende, which had been destroyed by the French
Revolution. Steiner saw the state as a three-fold entity
each component of which "controlled" a particular portion
of human life. The Rechtsstaat in Steiner's view should
concern itself solely with those institutions necessary to
keep order and protect property (the police and the ar m y ) ;
its motto should be equality. The second "realm" should be
concerned with economics, but the state should not concern
itself v/ith economic enterprises, rather a Gremium (committee)
of "producers" and "consumers" should regulate themselves in
accordance with an unsentimental Bruederlichkeit, Brueder-
lichkeit was to be the motto of the second realm. Presumably,
the above Gremium would consider both owners and workers as

2
"producers," although this is not at all clear. And, finally,
in the "realm" of spirit, liberty was essential. Steiner
declared this to mean that art, science, eductaion, and
^H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society: The

Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890-1930. (New York:
A.A. Knopf, 1958), p. 3 8 2 .
^Hemleben, Rudolf S t e i n e r , pp. 120-123.

31
1
religion could, flourish only in the realm of free spirit.
The Dreigliederungs-Bewegung seems to have been a
response to the November Revolution in Germany, but died a

2
natural death sometime druing 1921. It was a conservative
movement with cultural overtones and some "revolutionary"
rhetoric. It appealed primarily to the middle classes and
was simply not extremist enough to survive long during the
post-war period as "anything more than a phrase.
Hemleben, Rudolf Ste i n e r , p. 122; and Shepherd, S c i e n

tist of the Invisible, p. 199» Hemleben sums up Steiner's
ideas on the three-fold state as follows:
" F r e i h e i t i m Geiste,
G l e i c h h e i t vor dem Recht,
B r u e d e r l i c h k e i t in der
Wirtschaft--so gab Rudolf Steiner den
alten Ideallen der Franzoesischen Rev
olution einen neuen, realistischen Inhalt."
(Hemleben, ibid., p. 122)
2
Hemleben, ibid., p. 120,
32
Keyserling, like Steiner, was mentioned repeatedly

in social histories of Germany between the wars. Usually in
"one-liners" like the following by H, Stuart Hughes:
Meantime unknown scholars such as
Spengler and Keyserling found eager
buyers for their suspect wares. These
"half-educated" dilettantes-- . , .
offered fervid, sweeping interpretations
of the course of world history which
made the conventional products of schol
arship. seem thin fare indeed,1
But Keyserling had some very persuasive adherents among whom
was Thomas Mann. In a letter of 18 January 1920, Mann said
that "nothing was more important than to provide German con
servatism with a solid intellectual foundation," and indi
cated that the "School of Wisdom" supplied this. Mann also
wrote an open letter to the Count supporting his establishment
of the "School of Wisdom" and ending with a "vision of a fu
ture Germany devoted to culture, . . . , a model for the
nations.
Laqueur has observed that the confusion which pre
vailed in German philosophy after World War I worked to the
advantage of border-line philosophies.
The confusion . . . is neatly re
flected in a little book, Die Philo
sophie der Gegenwart in Deutschland,
written by August Messer, the holder
of the chair of philosophy in Giessen.
This was the most widely-read short
survey; by 1934 some forty thousand
^Hughes, Consciousness and Society, p. 372.

2
Thomas Mann, Reden und Aufsaetze. II, pp. 341-351*
as paraphrased in Walter H. Bruford, The German Tradition of
Self-Cultivation; Bildung from Humboldt to Thomas Mann.
(London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), PP» 242-243.
33
copies had been published. Of its

1 2 0 -odd pages fewer than half were d e
voted to 'scientific philosophy*--
including Spengler (who got three pages)
and Cassirer (who got half a line). The
rest of the book deals with theology as
well as such 'philosophers* as Walther
Rathenau and Hermann Graf Keyserling,
with theosophy and spiritualism (ten
pages) and, of course, Adolf Hitler
(four pa g e s ) . 1
Hermann Graf (Count) Keyserling was b o m on 2 0 July
1880 in Raykuell, Èstonia of German parentage. At first his
education was accomplished through private tutoring, which
left him opportunities to "wander in the forest," and to
"tame wild animals." He boasted in one interview that "not
so much as one animal ever deserted me." He stated that his
favorite pastime as a youth was hunting and that his first
ambition was to be an explorer. He spent two years at the
Gymnasium in Pernau and then attended the universities of
Geneva, Dorpat, and Heidelberg before ending up in Vienna in

2
1 9 0 2 where he took a Ph.D. in geology.
While in Vienna, he met Houston Stewart Chamberlain,
the two men became correspondents after Keyserling left
Vienna. Chamberlain exercised an immense and continuing
influence over Keyserling. He seems to have been the first
to introduce Keyserling to racist thought. In 1903 Keyser
ling traveled to Paris where "he underwent a dolorous exper-
•j
Walter Z. Laqueur, Weimar; A Cultural History.
1918-1933. (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1974), p. 206.
^"Keyserling Explains," The Living Age 330 (3 July

1 9 2 6 ) ; 74; and "Keyserling at Fifty," The Living Age 339
(November 1930) : 265-266.
34
ience of a sentimental nature" under which influence he
wrote his first book. In 1 9 05 the Russian Revolution "des
troyed" the family estate at Raykuell so that rather than
return home Keys erling went to Berlin. He resided in Berlin
from 1 9 0 6 - 1 9 0 3 , and it was at this juncture that he began
"to have visions and to study Yoga,"^ In I 9 O8 he finally
returned to his estate at Raykuell and continued to live
there as a gentleman-farmer until I 9 II. He then entered
upon those travels which were to make him famous after the
war. He took a long, leisurely trip to the Orient and upon
his return wrote The Travel Diary of a Philosopher. This
book was published immediately after the end of the war and
ran through seven editions between 1919 a-nd 1923» It was
a massive book:--two volumes, containing a total of seven
hundred-plus pages--rivaling Spangler’s Decline of the West
in both mass (weight) and appeal. Like Spengler, Keyserling
abhorred western rationalism, materialir ■

’ and mechanism but
he was more optimistic than Spengler. He expected to find
salvation in -the "primitive" peoples of the world. Since
they lacked "civilization," a judicious mixture of their
more direct (primitive) apprehension of reality would enable
the West to find it way around (or over, or beyond ) mere

2
rationalism.
"Keyserling Explains," pp. 74-75; and Williams, Culture

in Exile, pp. 42-43.
2
Hermann .Graf Keys erling, The Travel Diary of a P h i l o
sopher. t r a n s . J, Holroyd Reece, (New York: Hare curt & Brace,
and Co., 1925)» pas s i m .
35
Keyserling’s racism occurred in its least virulent
and most romantic form in The Travel Diary and in Europe
(published in 1928). In those books he asserted that if
every nation in Europe could succeed in producing the "high
est type of individual" possible for it, then Europe would
cease her "spiritual slumber" and give a great message to
the world.^ In other of his works,, however, Keyserling
adopted a less "Herderian" stance, and called for the elimin
ation of the unfit.
In 1 9 1 9 Keyserling married Goedela von Bismarck, the
daughter of Prince Herbert von Bismarck and the only grand
daughter of Prince Otto von Bismarck. In that year he also
established, under the protection of Grand Duke Ludwig of
Hesse, the "School of Wisdom" at Darmstadt. This was non-
denominational and proposed not
to create a new faith, but to arrive

at a deeper comprehension of old
faiths ; not to teach a special doc
trine, but to attain a state of under
standing that transcends the limits
of any single doctrine."^
Thus the school could attract a fairly wide, though predom
inantly conservative, following, Rabindranath Tagore, a
Hindu mystic and poet, who was in vogue in Europe and America
during the twenties, lectured at the principal sessions of
the "School of Wisdom" during September I 9 2 I. Tagore and
Keyserling formed a sort of mutual admiration society, and
^Hermann Alexandr Keyserling, Europe, trans. Maurice

Samuel, (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., I 9 2 8 ), passim.
2
Alesandro de Bosardi, "School of Wisdom at Darmstadt,"
Tha Living Age 3 2 5 ( 1 3 June I 9 2 5 ) ; 5 7 I.
36
disciples and praise at each other quite frequently.^
(Wittgenstein read Tagore to the Vienna Circle, since, theo
retically this was more to the point than "philosophical
discussion," even assuming that such a thing as a philosoph-

p
ical discussian existed.) Professor Enrst Troeltsch lec
tured at Darmstadt in 1922 on "The Element of Chance in
Historical Truths," At this particular lecture there were other
followers of Keyserling present, notably. Dr. Erwin Rousselle,
Otto F lake, Major Wolfgang Muffe, Dr. Leo Baeck, and Dr.
Claudius Bojunda.
^Rabindranath Tagore, "Keyserling as a Philosopher,"

The Living Age 328 (l6 January 1926) : I 5 8 -I 6 0 .
2
Allan Janik and Stephen Toulmin, Wittgenstein*o
V i e n n a, (New York: A Touchstone Book-Simon and Schuster,
1 9 7 3 ), pp. 2 1 5 , 2 5 7 .
G e r m a n G gorge Schef fauer, "The School of Wisdom, "

The Forum 69 (March 1923) : I 3 6 6 -I 3 6 7 * This is one of the
most fulsome, even hysterical, "analysis" of Keyserling*s
ideas written during the twenties. For example, Keyserling
is described as "this dynamic personality, this Philsopher
of the Present, a kind of blond and middle-aged Faust out
of the Baltic borderlands,"
. . . /whg/" has succeeded in establishing

a modern and secular Glastonbury in which,
himself administering as High Priest, he
uplifts the Grail of a new human dispensa
tion. A firm and luminous nucleus has been
established in the pretty Hessian capital ;
there is a novitiate of faithful pupils
and disciples and a loyal following among
well-known modern intellectuals in Germany
and the adjoining lands, a monument of
solid and constructive philosophical works
and inspirational pamphlets--such are a
few of the achievements of this remarkable
man of thought and action.
(Scheffauer, "The School of Wisdom," pp.
1361-1362.)
37
Erwin Rousselle was a Sinologist and Buddhist schol
ar, In 1 9 2 3 he was a lecturer at Darmstadt, Later he b e
came a professor at the University of Peking and, after
1 9 3 0 , Director of the China Institute at the University
of Frankfurt a. M, Rousselle also lectured, in 1933» 1934,
and 1 9 3 5 » at the Eranos conferences--a yearly congress of
Jungian fellow-travelers and disciples
In Istvan Deak's book on the Weltbuehne circle,
Otto Flake was described as a "fighter for the Vergeisti-
gung of political life." Tucholsky is supposed to have
described him as "the most important German essayist next
to Heinrich Mann." Until 1918 he worked in the political
section of the German army. But in that year he went to
Switzerland to engage in "pacifist propaganda." During the
Weimar years he became "increasingly conservative" and evinced
a "growing interest in elitist ideas and in a conservative
revolution." While he was able to remain in Germany
after 1 9 3 3 » "he v/as relegated to obscurity because of his

2
Jewish wife and fierce individualism."
Dr. Leo Baeck was a prominent rabbi and head of
the J u d en-V er eini gung.
Between 1922 and 1927 some of the guest lecturers
at Darmstadt were Carl Gustav Jung, Max Scheler, Hans Driesch,
Paul Dahlke, Nicolai Arseniew and Count Albert Apponyi, the
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. p. 4l.

2
Istvan Deak, Weimar Germany*s Left-Wing Intellectuals ;
A Political History of the Weltbuehne and Its Circle, (Berkeley,
California: University of California Press, I 9 6 8 ), pp. 237-238.
38
latter tv/o members of the Russian emigre society in the West.^
Keyserling*s basic argument, repeated in all of his
books at great length, was that the East (through meditation)
has emphasized the inward meaning of life at the expense of
outward expression (by which he meant that it has a lower
standard of living than the West), while the West, because
of its dependence on materialistic science, has been left
spiritually almost (since Keyserling was basically optimistic)
bankrupt. Thus the thinkers at Darmstadt were to find the
balance between (or achieve a synthesis of) understanding
and action.
Keyserling, like Steiner and numberless mystics b e
fore him, believed that the "ideal . , . man" was
one raised above all opinions, knowing

all things directly and perfectly b e
cause he S t a n d s / ” in necessary and
direct relation to the totality of the
universe
Keyserling repeatedly stated.that facts have no value in
themselves, just as Jung would say that "reality is an anthro
pomorphism." ^
One of his favorite "metaphors" was the following:
Just as A, B, hnd C are dead symbols

until placed together in preconceived
sequence to make a phrase, so the iso
lated phenomena of life are without
’meaning* until they are related by
^R. B. Perry, "Salvation by Philosophy," The Saturday

Review of Literature 6 (26 October 1929) : 309.
2
C. Hartley Grattan, Keyserling:. Peddlar of W i s
dom," Outlook and Independent Ï55 (23 July 1930) : 449.
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. p. 2l4.

39
the creative faculty, . . . It is sig

nificance that creates facts, and not
vice versa. Our m o d e m machines must
also be thought of as an alphabet, not
as the essence of life, if we hope to
graduate from.mere civilization into
real culture.
Accordingly, if vie accept this relation between "meaning"
and significance, i.e., if the "immaterial creates the material'
then
. . . the ancient magician, who surely

succeeded on the whole in less than m o d
ern inventors do, was in his outlook
much nearer the truth. /This is a view
Keys erling shared with J u n g ^ Our pre
sent dominion over nature is the work
of magic; it is nothing else but imag
ination become fact. . . .
In what sense, under these circum-

stances, are philosophers at all right
in calling our m o d e m age a mechanistic
and materialistic, and not a spiritual,
age? They are right in this sense, that
m o d e m man believes in the ultimate
reality of facts and matter. . , .
since all material inventions really are
"meaning" expressed in "matter," nothing
can prevent man from incarnating a deeper
meaning in the world of facts. . . .'
Clearly, Keyserling, like the young Thomas Mann, was an un
political, conservative German, but Keyserling, unlike Mann,
did not and would not learn from experience. His estates
were seized by the Russian communists during 1919» and he
never returned to his "birthright." While he was a Russo-

3
phile Balt, he detested communist and communism.-'^
^Count Hermann Keyserling, "The Alphabet of Life,"

The Forum 75 (February I 9 2 6 ) ; I 9 6 .
Îbid., pp. 1 9 9 -2 0 0 .
^Jilliams, Culture in Exile, pp. 43, 317.

4o
During his vogue in the twenties and early thirties

Keyserling was compared to Marx, Spengler, Friedell, Einstein
and Wilhelm Meister, not necessarily unfavorably, though
the most fulsome book reviews were usually written by ad
mirers prone to romanticism, who saw in him a knight searching
for the Holy Grail.^
While most of his books were translated from German
into the relevant languages, his articles written for the
American public were not translations, Keyserling both
wrote and spoke Russian, German, French, English, and Span
ish, and enjoyed displaying his linguistic abilities by
writing in his audiences* native languages rather than his
own.
The following are short summaries of his most typi
cal articles published in American periodicals.=
In "Peace, or War Everlasting?" Keyserling was res
ponding to the Treaty of Versailles. Like Steiner and other
Germans, he found this treaty reprehensible and made the
standard conservative response: that the Versailles Treaty
necessarily prepared the way for the next war. His article
of 1 9 2 9 entitled "America and Germany" is strongly remin
iscent of Moeller van den Bruck’s theory that since Germany
Grattan, "Keyserling," pp. 449-451; Scheffauer, "The

School of Wisdom," pp. 1361-1362; George E, G. Gatlin, "The
Mage of Darmstadt," The Nation 128 (12 June 1929 ) * 712;
John Gould Fletcher, "Spengler, Marx and Keyserling: Three
Visions of History," The Living Age 333 (15 October 192?)
: 7 2 3 -7 2 7 ; and Kuno Franckel "A German Voice of Hope,"
The Atlantic Monthlv 135 (January 1925) : 95*
4l
and America are "young nations" they are natural allies and/
or enemies--neither of them was clear on this point, depending
on the context America m i ^ t be either an enemy or an a l l y .^
"Caste in America," written in 1928 and "Our American
Matriarchs," based on an interview given in 1928, both de
precate the woman's "rule" of America and suggested that
the American male had better stop behaving in a middle-class
manner and assert his "aristocratic rights"--after all it
the human male who was the natural aristocrat of the bio-
2
logical world,
"Man Biologically Monogamous" was a trite tirade
against "Bolshevist" ideas about marriage. Keyserling also
expressed abhorence for divorce and for the American idea of
"companionate marriage" saying that unhappy marriages were
sent to try us and to develop our "spirit" in the face of
tragedy. His last words were "marriage should be based on
unselfish love."^
Hermann Keys erling, "Peace, or War Everlasting?"

The Atlantic Monthly 125 (April 1920) ; 556-563» Hermann
Alexandr Graf Keyserling, "America and Germany," The Forum
81 (April 1 9 2 9 ) : 199-203; and Stern, The Politics of Cul
tural Despair, pp. 268, 2?0.
2
Hermann Alexandr Keyserling, "Caste in America,"
The Forum 80 (July I 9 2 8 ) : I O 3 -IO 6 ; and "Our American M a t r i
archs," The Literary Digest 9 6 (21.January 1^28) : I 3 .
3
^"Man Biologically Monogamous, an Interview with
Count Hermann Keyserling," The Literary Digest 97 (7 April
1 9 2 s) : 2 7 -2 8 .
42
In "Genius Loci" (I 9 2 9 ), Keyserling was determined
to find American equivalents for the German concept of Helmat
a n d the European concept of aristocracy. He found both i n
Virginia, where localism has produced a "true culture" because
it was based on a "true aristocracy," He chose to contrast
Virginia with Chicago and Chicago with Berlin— Chicago a n d
Berlin were depicted as nightmare cities, more properly
belinging to the year " 3 OOO A.D,"^ "The South--America's
Hope" returned to a depiction of an idyllic Virginia.
In Virginia the cavalier tradition

still survives. . . , /as does/ the
aristocratic tradition which means that
the quality stressed in man is his
uniqueness . . .
Keyserling went on to deleare that
. . . only an inner adjustment of the

aristocratic type is capable, in prin
ciple, of leading to the development
of a complete s oui.^
H e finished the article with a racist flourish which he later
returned to in "What the Negro Means to America."
Under all circumstances, there are

two varieities of authentic natives of
America— a white and a black variety.
And we have to face the possibility that
time may work for the latter on all
lines. . . . 3
After all the white man was not so "physically vital" as
the black man, since the white man lived in cities.
^Count Hermann Keys erling, "Genius Loci," The Atlantic

Mo n t h ly l44 (September 1 9 2 9 ) : 3 0 9 ,
Îdem, "The South--America*s Hope," The Atlantic

M o n t h ly l44 (November I 9 2 9 ) ; 6 0 5 .
Îdem, "What the Negro Means to America," The Atlantic

M onthly l44 (October I 9 2 9 ) ; 446.
43
as far as we can look back in

/ B ot/
history, towns were, from the point
of view of biology, places of spend
ing and not of earning or saving.^
This fear of "going native" was reiterated by Jung during
his trips to Africa and America in the twenties. An article
equivalent to Keyserling*s was written by Jung in 1930 and
entitled "Your Negroid and Indian Behavior." Put crudely,
Jung*s thesis v/as that all Americans look like Indians and
2
swing their hips like Negro women.
After 1931 no further articles by or about Keyser
ling appeared in American periodicals until his death in
1946. During 1931 he was ill, both physically and emotionally,
as his letters to Jung demonstrated. He had heart and lung
ailments, nightmares (especially a recurring dream of being
executed),, and had entangled himself with a South American
writer (female).^ After 1931 he published no new books until
after the end of the Second World War when Darmstadt began
to reissue old v/orks as well as a book of his interviews and
reminiscence s .
One of Keyserling*s obituaries read:
^Keyserling, "What the Negro Means to America," p. 446,

2
Carl Gustav Jung, "Your Negroid and Indian Behavior,"
in The Collected Works of 0 . G . Jung, ed. Herbert Read, Michael
Fordhann and Gerhard Adler, vol. 10: Civilization in Trans
ition /hereinafter cited as CW lO/, (New York; Pantheon Books,
1953- ), pp. 5 0 2 , 5 0 5 .
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950, pp. 82-86.

44
Count Hermann Keyserling, 6 5 » . . .

at Innsbruck Austria, April 26. . . .
After Hitler came to power he had fre
quent brushes with the Nazis.1
It is possible (though I have found no evidence for
this), that Keyserling may have been in some way associated
with the Nationalist para-military organization the Kampfring.
This organization was headed by Herbert von Bismarck, the
grandson of the Chancellor's elder brother and thus related
to Keyserling through the latters marriage to Goedela von
Bismarck. On 30 May 1933 1 Hitler threatened the Kampfring.
numbering about 100,000, with the SA b y telling Kampfring
leaders that unless they disbanded the organization he would

2
loose the SA on them in a "three-day blood bath." Though
the Kampfring was suspended, it immediately resurrect it
self (2 June 1 9 3 3 ) in an organization called the "League of
the Upright." This organization did n o t last more than "two
or at the most three weeks" when it was finally suppressed,
"in some cases after violent conflict." ^ All of this sug-
"Obituaries," Newsweek 27, P t . 2 ( 6 May 1946), p. 54.

I have found no evidence, except the fact that he ceased to
publish n e w works, which suggest that Keyserling in fact had
"brushes" with the Nazis. Considering his vogue in America
and his flair for self-advertisement, I would suspect that a n y
"brush" v/ould have been well-reported in the American press.
Nonetheless, it is quite possible that as a conservative
monarchist Keyserling might have felt it politic to undertake
a sort of "inner emigration."
2
Eliot Barculo Wheaton, The Nazi Revolution 1933-1935:
Prelude to Calamity. With A Background Study of the Weimar E r a .
(Garden City, N e w York: Doubleday-Anchor Books, Ï 9 6 9 I ,
pp. 1 3 1 , 3 4 3 .
%Carl Dietrich Bracher, The G erman Dictatorship : The

Origins. Structure, and Effects of National Socialism, trans.
Jean Steinberg, (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1 9 7 ^ , p. 2 3 3 .
45
gests that it was at least possible that Keyserling may
have been considered "guilty by assoication,"
I suspect that like many conservatives Keyserling
was not terribly happy with the "drummer" but that he was
not unhappy enough to resist, to oppose, or to emigrate.
Carl Gustav Jung was b o m 26 July 1875» the son of
a German-Sv/iss pastor. His family on his mother's side had
resided in Switzerland for more than five-hundred years,
while on his father's side the first Jung had settled in
Switzerland in 1822
It is instructive to read Jung's autobiographer.
Memories, Dreams. Reflections, not because it contains sub
stantial factual material but because it contains his self
constructed myth. There are very few names or personalities
aside from Jung's own in this book— his wife is mentioned

2
once in a footnote and Toni Wolff, his collaborator, if you
are a disciple, his mistress if you are not, is not mentioned
even once. Dates are more in the nature of— "this happened
when I was nine," "this happened when I was ten et cetera" --
he did mention I 8 9 6 when his father died and I 9 2 5 when he
went on a trip to Africa,
Jung, CW 10, "The Swiss Line in the European Spectrum,"

p. 482; and Joseph Campbell, Introduction to The Portable J u n g ,
ed. Joseph Campbell, (New York: The Viking Press, 1 9 7 1 ), p. viii,
2
Jung, Memories. Dreams. Reflections. p. 215fn,
46
Jung also went to some trouble to disprove his
"legendary kinship" with Goethe, Family tradition had it
that Jung's great-grandmother, Sophie Ziegler, had had an
illegitimate child by Goethe, and "that this child was my
grandfather, Carl Gustav Jung."^ Later in the book he dis
cussed the effect that this "annoying story" had on him as
a child.
This annoying story . , . corroborated

and seemed to explain my curious r e
actions to F a u s t , It is true that I
did not believe in reincarnation, but
I was instinctively familiar with that
concept which the Indians call k a r m a , ^
Jung's "curious reaction" was to identify with Faust to the
point that he "felt personally implicated" in Faust's wrong
doings, especially with the murder of Philemon and Baucis,
"I felt guilty, quite as if I myself in the past had helped
commit the murder of the two old people." Jung also felt
that Faust demonstrated the universality of evil and, "more
importantly— the mysterious role it played in delivering man
from darkness and suffering."^
It is unclear how old Jung was when he first read
Faust, Prom the context it appears he was approximately
twelve to fifteen years of age, and it was his mo t h e r — of
whom he was terrified--who suggested that he read it
^Jung, Memories. D r e a m s . Reflactions, p. 35^^.
Îbid., p. 234.
Îbid., p. 234, 60.

4
Ibid., pp. 59- 60 .
4?
Jung did not have even that ambiguously "happy"
childhood given to most children--he seems never to have
felt a moment's security. He felt rejected by his mother
who "left" him when he was about three for an extended stay
in a sanitarium, and he felt contemptuous of his weak, u n
successful, confused, and unhappy father.^ Jung attributed
the trials of his childhood in good part, to his father's
loss of faith in Christianity, It is perhaps more instructive
to note that his father had had ambitions to be that epit
ome of nineteenth-century German "academic" respectibility,
a professor of Oriental languages (or a philologist). All
his life Jung's father looked back to his years as a student
at the University of Goettingen as a kind of "golden age,"

2
and would reminisce to his son about fraternity life.
Instead of living this dream his father was faced with the
reality of being a pastor, who, as is usually the case with
pastors at all times and places, v/as underpaid and overworked,
Jung's father kept up with the most recent scholarship just
enough to be infected by Darwinism and the blossoming art
of psychiatry, which Jung reports, led his father to believe
that there had been discovered "in the place where mind
should have been /tha;^ there was only matter, and nothing
'spiritual'^
^Jung, Memories. D r e a m s . Reflections. pp, 3-113,p a s s i m ,
Îbid., pp. 9I- 92 ,
Îbid., p, 94 .
48
Jung's parents, like Steiner's, made considerable
sacrifices to keep Jung at a "good" school. As a result,
part of the agony of Jung's childhood derives from being
one of the poorest (most moneyless) children in his class.
Jung managed to earn respectable and even good grades during
his years at the Gymnasium, but he seemed to make no close
friends, and asserted that his "schoolmates alienated me
from myself."^
Throughout Jung's childhood fun two particularly
disturbing threads--his relation to his mother and his
awareness of v/hat he labelled personalities No. 1 and No. 2.
Jung asserted that both he and his mother had two person
alities, though he claimed that
The play and counterplay between

personalities No. 1 and No. 2, which
has run through my whole life, has
nothing to do with a "split" or dis
sociation in the ordinary medical sense.
It should be noted that it was his mother's No. 2 person
ality which told Jung to read Faust--his mother's No. 2 was
frightening, primitive, and quite powerful. He saw in his
mother (projected on to her) uncanny, even evil, and threat
ening powers. The result was that he "developed a deep dis
trust of women in general, and an ambivalent attitude towards
his mother in particular."^
^Jung, Memories. D r e a m s . Reflections, p. I 9 .
Îbid., p. 45 .
Îbid,, pp. 24-83 p a s s i m ; and Storr, J u n g , p. 2.

49
During his last year at the Gymnasium Jung oscil
lated between choosing a profession in the sciences or one
in the humanities. He steadfastly refused to adopt the "family"
profession of the ministry. At the last moment, as the r e
sult of two rather curious dreams, Jung elected toregister
for the science faculty at the University of Basel, In the
first dream, Jung was walking along the Rhine when he
" . . . came to a . . . burial mound

and began to dig. After a while I
turned up, . . . , some bones of pre
historic animals, . , . and at that
moment I knew; I must get to know
nature.^
The second dream also took place in a wood where
. in the darkest place I. sav/ a

circular pool, . . . Half immersed in
the water lay the strangest and most
wonderful creature; a round animal,
shimmering in opalescent hues, and
consisting of innumberable little
cells, or of organs shaped by tenta
cles. It was a great radiolarien,
measuring about three feet across. It
seemed to me indescribably wonderful
that this magnificent creature should
be lying their undisturbed, in the
hidden place, in the clear deep water.
It aroused in me an intense desire
for knowledge, so that I awoke with
a beating heart. These two dreams de
cided me overwhelmingly in favor of
science, and removed all my doubts
It should be obvious from the above statements that
Jung's response was to Natur conceived in romantic and Goethean
terms and not to late nineteenth century positivist science.
^Jung, Memories. Dreams. Reflections, p. 85.
Îbid., p. 85.
50
Darwinism (and social Darwinism) in Germany took the form of
a "pseudo-scientific religion of nature worship and nature-
mysticism combined with notions of r a c i s m . J u n g and his
father v/ere both influenced by these Darwinian concepts.
I have been unable to determine whether Jung was
aware of Haeckel's Die Radiolarien, first published in 1862

2
and expanded into two volumes during the 1880's.' However
it is of interest to note that Haeckel was fascinated by these
primitive organisms and "in the end preferred to view them
with an artist's eye." He began to paint them and, accord
ing to Gasman, "objectivity is forsaken in favor of bizarre
beauty."^ The only mention of Haeckel Jung made was in a
letter to Gerhard Adler written in 1934 in which, during an
attack on Freud and his "materialistic, rationalistic" world
view, he counted Haeckel, Dubois-Raymond and Buechner along
with Freud as "typical exponent/s/^ of the expiring nine-

4
teenth-century." But as Gasman makes clear, the view that
Haeckel was a "materialistic" scientist is very far from the
truth. For example, Haeckel, throughout his life (he died in
1 9 1 9 )» held firmly to the belief in spontaneous generation,
Daniel Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National

S o c i a l i s m ; Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German
Monist Leaguel (New York; American Elsevier, 1 9 7 1 % p. xxiii.
2.
Ibid., pp. 8 -9 .
3}
■"Îbid., illustration III between pages 8 and 9 .
4
Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. p. l64.
51
"to pan-psychism or the belief in a world soul, . . . and
to the Biogenetic Law." The Biogenetic Law was a theory
put forward by Haeckel which declared that "ontogeny reca
pitulates phylogeny." This "Law" exercised ■enormous inf
luence in the nineteenth century and for fifty years b i o
logical literature was under its influence. Further, "it
was not until the second or thir decade of the twentieth
century that biology began to free itself from its allure
ments," Freud's Totem and Taboo was clearly influenced by
idea, as was Jung's theory of the collective unconscious.^
Jung's decision to specialize in psychiatry was as
abrupt and unpremeditated as his decision to become a physi
cian (although it should be noted that Jung did admit to
monetary reasons for pursuing a career in medicine).
During the studying he did for his final exams in medicine
he began to read, by way of review, Krafft-Ebbing' s text
book on psychiatry.
Beginning with the preface, I read:

'It is probably due to the peculiarity
of the subject and its incomplete state
of development that psychiatric textbooks
are stamped with a more or less subjec
tive character,' . . . My heart began to
pound. . . , My excitement was intense,
for it had become clear to me, in a flash
of illumination, that for me the only
possible goal was psychiatry. . . . Here
was the empirical field common to bio
logical and spiritual facts, which I had
everyvjhere sought and nov/here found.
Here at last was the place where the
^Gasman, Scientific Origins of National Socialism.

pp. 1 0 , y4fn.
2
Jung, Memories. Dr e a m s . Reflections, p. 85.
52
collision of nature and spirit

became a reality.^
Thus in I 9 OO, with his newly earned medical degree,
he took a position as Assistant Staff Physician to B u g en
Bleulsr at the Burghoelzli, a psychiatric clinic run by the
University of Zurich and the official insane asylum of the
Canton of Zurich. There under the sponsorship of Eugen
Bleuler, Jung wrote his Ph.D. dissertation, "On the Psychology
and Pathology of So-called Occult Phenomena."
Joseph Campbell, one of Jung's disciples, and the
editor of The Portable J u n g , has provided a mainstream Jungian
analysis of this dissertation, noting that there were five
major themes which would occur as leitmotifs throughout
Jung's later work. The first leitmotif was the "autonomy
of unconscious psychic contents ;" the second, that psycho
logical disturbances have a teleological significance; the
third, that the unconscious is a carrier of memories lost to
consciousness; the fourth, that the unconscious is an intuiting
agent with a receptivity to stimuli "far exceeding that of
the conscious mind;" and fifth, the "fact" that the medium
brought forth
-, . . a curious mythological concept

of the cosmos which resembled other
occult 'systems' scattered about in
works to which this girl had no access. . . .
Therefore . . , inherent in the human
psyche, there is a patterning force,
v/hich may, at various times . . . spon
taneously put forth constellations of
fantasy; . , , One could almost say that
^Jung, Memories. Dreams, Reflections. pp. IO 8 -IO 9 .

53
if all the world's traditions were

cut off at a single blow, the whole
mythology and the whole history of
religion would start all over again
with the next generation.
However, Jung's "so-called" research into the "so-
called occult" was not remarkable for its scientific method
ology. In the first place, the medium was his fifteen-year-
old cousin, though this was kept a secret by Jung and Bleuler
at the time he defended his dissertation. In fact, it was
not until 1 9 3 5 that evidence was presented that the medium
and Jung were related, though the internal evidence in the
dissertation made it obvious that Jung and she must have known
each other rather well.
In 1 9 3 5 Albert Oeri, a frined since they had attended
university together and the editor of the Bas1er Nachrichten.
wrote an essay in honor of Jung's sixtieth birthday in which
he revealed that S . W . , the medium in Jung's dissertation,
was Jung's cousin. Jaffe's article written in i 9 6 0 made
further revelations about the psychic "propensisties" of
the Presiwerk side of Jung's family tree (i.e. his mother's
side of the family). Jung's maternal grandfather,and grand
mother, as well as his mother all suffered from hallucinations.
S.W.'s father (Jung's uncle) and two

brothers (cousins) . . . all . . . had
w a k i n g h a l l u c i n a t i o n s , . . . . Jung's
aunt 2^.VJ.'s mother/ was a congenital
Campbell, Introduction to the Portable J u n g ,

pp. xii-xiii.
2
Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950, pp. 57-58; and Nandor Fodor,
F r e u d . Jung and Occultism. (New Hyde Park, N.Y.; University
Books, 1 9 7 1 ), p. 8 8 ,
54
psychopath who had two sisters, one

of whom was a hysteric and visionary,
while the other suffered from nervous
heart attacks , 1
With reference to point five above, that this girl
had no access to occult literature, the girl v/as acting as
a medium to a circle of people some of whom v/ere spiritualists

2
and v/ho asked leading questions. Moreover, it seems quite
possible that Jung.himself introduced her to the work of
Justinus K e m e r who wrote a book widely influential in
occultist circles entitled Die Seherin von Prevorst.^
Jung would cite Kerner as "evidence" throughout his life's
work. More interesting still, Jung himself admited that
S.W.'s occult system seemed definitely to be based on a
bizarre reading of Kant's Natural History and Theory of the
Heavens.
I can remember clearly that in the

v/inter of 1 8 9 9 / 1 9 0 0 we spoke several
times in S.W.'s presence . . about
Kant's Natural History .
and
S.W. was subjected to numerous sug

gestions in regard to scientific ques
tions. Generally, towards the end of
the séances, various subjects of a sci-
ientific or spiritualistic nature were
^Fodor, Freud. Jung and Occultism, p. 8 8 .

2
Carl Gustav Jung, "On the Psychology and Pathology
of So-Called Occult Phenomena," in The Collected Works of
C. G. Jung, ed. Herbert Read, Michael Fordham', and Gerhard
Adler, vol. 1 : Psychiatric Studies /hereinafter cited as
CW 1/, (New York: Pantheon Books, 1953- ), p. 30.
^Jung, "So-Called Occult Phenomena," CW 1, p. 27 .
Îbid., p. 39.
55
discussed and debated. S.W, never

took part in the conversation, but
sat dreamily in a corner in a semi-
somnambulistic condition.-*-
Yet at the end of his dissertation, in spite of his know
ledge of her family life and connections, Jung asserted that
"at her tender age, and in her surroundings, the possibility
of any such study /of occult literature/ must be ruled out

2
of account,"
Be-tween I 9 0 2 and 1 9 1 3 1 Jung researched and wrote
his most empirical works. In the latter year he broke with
Freudian psychoanalysis. From 1913-1919 Jung underwent what
his disciples describe as a "spiritual agony," while his
enemies describe it as a psychotic breakdown and what those
more neutral toward his work describe as a period during
which Jung displayed pre-psychotic symptoms. He had waking
hallucinations, he had apocalyptic and bloody dreams (which
he later chose to view as visions foretelling the outbreak
of World War I). Normally a withdrawn person, he withdrew
even more. It v/as during this period that he discovered his
"anima," the collective unconscious, and the archetype.^
The result of his v/ork during this period was the publication
in 1 9 2 1 of his most influential (in the sense of having a wide
public appeal) book. Psychological Types. It was this book
^Jung, "So-Called Occult Phenomena," CW 1 ,,p. 39*
Îbid., p. 1 0 6 .
•^Jung, Memories. Dreams, Reflections. pp. 186, 1 7 O-

1 9 0 passim.
56
which introduced to the world-at-large Jung's concepts of
the collective unconscious and the archetype. The following
definition is found in an essay originally delivered at the
"School of Wisdom" and published as part of a symposium edited
by Keyserling in 192?. It was quite characteristic of Jung's
views to 1 9 3 9 »
, , , the unconscious, as the totality

of all archetypes, is the deposit of
all human experience right back to its
remotest beginnings, , , , It /the un
conscious/ is also the source of the
instincts, for the archetypes are sim
ply the forms which the instincts assume.
From the living fountain of instinct
flows everything that is creative; . . . .
The collective unconscious contains

the whole spiritual heritage of mankind's
evolution, born anew in the brain struc
ture of every individual. His conscious
mind is an ephemeral phenomenon that
accomplishes all provisional adaptations
and orientations, for which reason one
can best compare its function to orien
tation in space. The unconscious, on the
other hand, is the source of the instinc
tual forces of the psyche and of the
forms or categories that regulate them,
namely the archetypes. All the most
powerful ideas in history go back to
archetypes. This is particularly true
of religious ideas, but the central con
cepts of science, philosophy, and ethics
are no exception to this rule. In their
present form they are varients of arche
typal ideas, created by consciously ap
plying these ideas to reality. For it
is the function of consciousness not
only to recognize and assimilate the
external world through the gateway of
the sense, but to translate into, visi
ble reality the world within us.
— T
Carl Gustav Jung, "The Structure of the Psyche," in
The Portable J u n g , ed. Joseph Campbell, (New York: The Viking
Press, 1971), pp. 44-46.
57
Jung too, would accept that the "immaterial creates
the materialJ" that inwardness is of greater value than out
wardness. All three of the men in this thesis would fit
into Thomas Mann's description of the part the concepts of
inwardness /innerlichkeit/ and culture /BildungZ played in
the typical educated German's responses to democracy, poli
tics, Weimar,
The finest characteristic of the typical

German, the best-known and also the most
flattering to his self-esteem, is his in-
wardnes. . , . The inwardness, the culture
of a German implies introspectiveness;
an individualistic cultural conscience;
consideration for careful tending, the
shaping, deepening a n d perfecting of
one's own personality or, in religious
terms, for the salvation and justifica
tion of one's own life; subjectivism in
the things of the mind, . . . the world
of the objective, the political world,
is felt to be profane and is thrust a-
side v/ith indifference, 'because, ' as
Luther says, 'this external world is of
no consequence.' ^
Jung's first and most popular work was "nothing but"
a long exposition of this "Germanic" idea, which places
Innerlichkeit before the objective. In spite of protesta
tions to the contrary Jung definitely favored the introvert
over the extravert. The extravert was given all the negative
factors associated v/ith materialism; the extravert "is gov
erned by the object," and
. . . thinks, feels, acts and actually

lives in a way that is directlv corre
lated with the objective conditions
Thomas Mann, a speech given in 19^3 to a group of

republican students in Munich, as cited in Bruford, G erman
Tradition of Self-Cultivation. p. vii.
58
and their demands
Jung continues by reminding his readers that
from a higher point of view it by no

means follows that the objective situa
tion is in all c ireumstanc es the nor
mal one.^
He primarily attacked the extravert as being prone to con
formism (implying that the introvert was not) and implied
that "all" extraverts were philistines--all the examples Jung
uses of extraverts were businessmen.
The introvert, on the other hand, oriented himself
not by the object and objective factors but by subjective
factors.
By the subjective factor I understand

that psychological action or reaction
which merges with the effect produced
by the object and so gives rise to a
new psychic datum.
In his introduction to the Psychological Types Jung
seemed to succumb to the blandishments of inherited traits--
that is to a form of Social Darwinism. He delcared that
"facts" show that the "attitude-type" is a "general phenom
enon" with apparently "random distribution." Therefore,
"the type-antithesis must have some kind of biological
^Jung, "Psychological Types : General Description of

Types," in The Portable Jung, ed, Campbell, p. I 8 3 .
Îbid., p. 184.
Îbid., pp. I 89, 182-229 passim.
Îbid., p. 231,
59
foundation."
The relation between subject and

object, biologically /italics mine/
considered, is always one of adapta
tion, . . . . There are in nature two
fundamentally different modes of adapta
tion which ensure the continued ex
istence of the living organism. The
one consists in a high rate of fertility,
with low powers of defence and short
duration of life for the single indi
vidual; the other consists in equipping
the individual with numerous means of
self-preservation plus a low fertility
rate. This biological difference, it
seems to me, is not merely analogous to,
but the actual foundation of, our two
psychological modes of adaptation. . . .
The fact that children often exhibit

a typical attitude . . . even in their
earliest years forces us to assume that
it cannot be the struggle for existence
in the ordinary sense that determines a
particular attitude. . . .^
Jung's writing style suffered from the standard
ailments of "scholarly" writing; he was long-winded, repe
titious, muddy and, like Steiner, he had an absolute passion
for neologisms. Furthermore, he had a habit of lovingly
quoting rather long phrases in Greek, sometimes even quoting
whole passages, or making up his own "phrases"--without
bothering to translate his meaning (a few times his wording
was so ambiguous that his meaning escaped even his disciples).
^Jung, "Psychological Types," The Portable J u n g .

pp. 180-181,
■3^
When writing for the press, which he did throughout
his life, Jung could be relatively succinct and relatively clear,
Since, for the most part, his longer works are extensions of
some "seminal" essay, I have availed myself of the opportunity
60
Jimg and Keyserling were "introduced" to each other
by one of Jiang's pupils, Oskar A. H. Schmitz. It was at
Schmitz's instigation that Keyserling read Jung, and it
seems to have been Schmitz who persuaded Keyserling to in
vite Jung to lecture at Darmstadt. Schmitz was a German
author whose most important book was Psychoanalyse und Y o g a ,
published in 1923» He sent a copy of the new book to Jung
and in a letter da'ted 26 May 1923 Jung replied:
. . . to the extent that I regard

the psychoanalytic and the psycho
synthetic method as an instrument for
self-improvement, your comparison with
the method of yoga seems to me extremely
plausible. But I feel it necessary to
emphasize this is merely an analogy.!
Jung then argued a point, frequently reiterated by Keyserling
and Steiner also, to wit: that the East and West are incom
mensurable; therefore, a third way must be found in which
to unite logic and emotion, materialism and the spiritual,

2
to "marry heaven to hell." Jung continues by saying that
these
/Eastern/ antecedents do not apply to
to quote from his articles rather than his scholarly tomes.

As Jungians have correctly argued, quoting Jung out
of context is an unusually dangerous occupation. One could
probably prove any conceivable thing using a few phrases from
Jung, I have, therefore, used relatively long passages from
Jung's works and letters. Unlike his disciples, I do not
think this works to Jung's advantage.
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950, p. 39»

2
George L. Mosse, Germans and Jews: the R i g h t , the
L e f t , and the Search for a "Third Force" in pre-Nazi Germany.
(New York: H, Fertig, 1 9 7 0 ), passim. A good brief examina
tion of the German search for a "third way."
61
us. The Germanic tribes, when

they collided only the day before
yesterday with Roman Christianity,
were still in the initial state
of polydemonism with polytheistic
buds. . . . Like Wotan's oaks, the
gods were felled and a wholly incon
gruous Christianity, b o m of mono
theism on a much higher cultural level,
was grafted upon the stumps. The Ger
manic man is still suffering from this
mutilation,!
Jung also deprecated Darmstadt's artificiality (i.e., its
emphasis on yoga and meditative forms). Instead of "build
ing high up aloft"
We must dig down to the primitive in

us, for only out of the conflict b e
tween civilized man and the Germanic
barbarian will there come what we
need: a new experience of God,
There was a warning!
Do you not find it , . . rather

suspect to nourish the metaphysical
needs of our time v/ith the stuff of
old legends? . . . .
Shouldn't we rather let God himself

speak in spite of our only too compre
hensible fear of the primordial exper
ience? . . , This path /the path to a
direct experience of Go^/ is so diffi
cult that I cannot see how the indis
pensable sufferings along the way could
be supplanted by any kind of technical
procedure. Through my study of Chris
tian writings I have gained a deep and
indelible impression of how dreadfully
serious an experience of God is
During 192? Jung lectured at Darmstadt on "The Strue
ture of the Psyche" and "Mind and Earth." During 1930 he
would give a lecture on "Archaic Man." His first recorded
^Jung, Letters t 1906-1950. pp. 39-40,

Îbid., pp. 40-4l,
62
letter to Keyserling was written on 21 M a y I 9 2 7 and was a
reply to a letter from Keyserling asking him to analyze a
dream (Keyserling had frequent dreams of being executed)
Most of the correspondence between Keyserling and Jung dealt
with Jung's analysis of Keyserling's dreams, and/or his analysis
of Keyserling's latest book. The Jung-Keyserling corres
pondence continued at a fair rate between I 9 2 7 and 1 9 3 2 at
which time the debate over whether one should go "deeper"
or "higher" in order to attain to a true soul estranged them.
There was one further letter written in 1945 in which, in
a response to a letter from the Count, Jung said he was glad

2
to hear that Keyserling was alive.
During 19^5» Keyserling eidted a book edited a book
called Das Ehebuch (it was published in English as The Book
of Marriage in I 9 2 6 ). Jung submitted an essay to Keyserling
for publication in this book, an essay sufficiently typical
and mainstream so that Campbell included it in an edition
of Jung's selected works.
A motley assortment of conservatives of all types and
racist theorists were drawn together in this book of essays.
All of the contributors were selected by Keyserling (George
Bernard Shaw refused to participate), and were sent a state
ment written by Keyserling to which they were supposed to r e s
pond. This statement was the first essay in the book, and
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. p. 46,
Îbid., p. 401.
63
was entitled "The Correct Statement of the Marriage Prob
lem." Keyserling defined marriage as "the tensile relation
between two equivalent poles," and cited the Standesehe.
the aristocratic marriage of convention, as the ultimate
goal at which all marriages should aim.^ A t the risk of
oversimplification, it may be defined as follows: one should

2
not marry a "mistress-type';" rather one should marry a mother.
Keyserling' described the ideal woman (mother/wife)
as having
No doubt the requisite faculty /to keep

her marriage happy/ since this faculty
is inborn in wo m a n , As a type, she
has to bear with life. . . . Further,
as she is the primarily altruistic ele
ment in humanity, she experiences no
difficulty in sacrificing her personal
will; . . . 3
This was, in effect, the standard description of a good H a u s -
f r a u . a future winner of Hitler's Mutterkreuz.
Keyserling also declared, as do most conservative
males and females, that it is the female who determines with
whom she will "mate" and that since this is so
. . . coercion very seldom takes place,

and seduction without latent consent is
hardly possible.4
Keyserling cited Mathilde Ludendorff in support of his belief
Count Hermann Keyserling, arranger and editor. The

Book of Marriage : A New Interpretation by Twenty-four Leaders
of Contemporary Thought, (New York: Blue Ribbon Books, 19^6),
p, 32.
Îbid., p. 6 .
Îbid., p. 33.
Îbid., p. 34.
64
in the myth of feminine evil--or, more exactly, in the myth
that women are sexually insatiable,^ One should remember
that Keyserling was raised on what he himself described as
a feudal estate in Baltic Russia, It seems rather likely
that he v/as well aware of the possibility of an owner's
"coercion" of his female servants,
Keyserling described, in what I suspect is a semi-
autobiographical manner, the male's innate unfitness for
marriage. Keyserling had made a Standesehe, at the age of
39, to a v/ell-off woman after his own estates in the Baltic
were irrevocably lost to the Russian Revolution,
By nature , . . /the male/ has no

direct interest in marriage, , . , He
represents the adventuresome and irre
sponsible element in humanity and since
there are lacking in him just those
motives which make woman a predestined
artist in this sphere, he may be said
to have no natural capacity for mar- ■
riage. This is why marriage more fre
quently harms a man's spirit an^ soul
than it does a woman's; . . . .
3
The above was a view also held by Jung.
The most racist essays in this volume were those
written by Count Thun-Hohenstein and the second essay by
Keyserling, Thun was an Austrian "diplomat, poet and critic"

4
and sometime editor of the Europaeische Revue,
^Keyserling, The Book of Marriage, p, 34n,
Îbid., pp. 34-35.

^ e e below pp.
4
Keyserling, The Book of Marriage, p. 510,
65
Thun was clearly monarchist and a reactionary con
servative, as the following lines demonstrate:
Only marriages which comply with the

conscious conception of class (Stand)
/and the middle class is not a Stand/
preserve the ethos of a whole race
and consequently its vitality.!
Thun argued that the Standeeehe--technically only aristocrats
and peasants can make Standesehe since they are the only
Staende--is what has preserved the "Teutonic courage" of

2
Europe. He cited an example of a "true" Stande s e h e :
One of the most remarkable women of

the nineteenth century, is the Empress
Charlotte of Mexico, . . , She put all
her energy and strength into this fresh
ethical conception of empire, an empire
that had yet to be established. Being
herslef childless, she insisted on adopt
ing the last descendant of the old royal
family of Iturbide, in order both to
create and to transmit a tradition. She
sacrificed her all to sustain the empire,
and then finally, during her vain and
abashing pilgrimage throughout Europe,
overcome by disappointment and beset by
doubt, she fell a prey to insanity. Those
who according to their rank live on
the heights, if they really comply with
the conditions laid down by their station
in life, . . . , are living superpersonally.
Ever, the impoverished nobleman lives super
pers onally, for pride of family and sta
tion give him a yearning beyond his own
forgotten existence. And so does the
peasant, for he assumes responsibility
for the holy heritage of the^homestead
and in his turn hands it on.^
1
Keyserling, The Book of Marriage, p. 142.
Îbid., p. 1 5 1 .
Îbid., pp. 147-148,

66
Keyserling's second essay is just as haughty and
reactionary as Thun's. Entitled "The Proper Choice of Part
ners," this essay revolved around the thesis that since the
Standesehe is the only spiritually true and significant form
of relationship between a man and a woman, it must be rejuv
enated. Moreover, the future of the race would depend on
its c on tinuanc e .
In defending his concept of marriage Keyserling
followed the approved racist line:
Only people of the same standing can

be complementary to one another in the
true sense. If they belong to different
planes they do not properly complement
one another, . . . In accordance with
the laws of gravity the lower tends to
pull the higher dov/n. . . . To be on the
same plane really amounts to equality of
birth, , . . Consequently, the claim for
equality of birth is not only absolutely
justified but imperative, , . . Soul re
acts on soul, and gene on gene (hereditary
factor), so that if marriage takes place
between people who are not of the same
status by birth, it leads with but few
exceptions to personal deterioration and
proves a cultural retrogression for the
human race.!
H. S. Chamberlain and Heinrich Himmler would have approved.
To support his thesis that
What produces a good or bad effect

during an association of souls p r o
duces a corresponding effect in the
hereditary factors (genes)^
Keyserling cited the following authorities: Baur, Fischer
and Lenz, Grundriss der menschlichen Erblichkeitslehre und
^Keyserling, The Book of Marriage, p. 286,
Îbid., p. 2 9 1 .
6?
Rassenhygiene, G. Schreiber, Eugenique et Mariage, and
Eugénique et Selection, the English j o u m a l s The Eugenics
Reviev/ and Biometrics. Guenther's Kleine Rassenkunde, Stoddard's
Revolt Against Civilization, and The Rising Tide of C olor
Against White World Supremacy and Madison Grant's The Passing
of the Great R a c e .^
In fact, Keyserling fastened upon the dream of a
pure race:
In the light of modern knowledge it

should be deemed plainly criminal to
bring into the world children who in
all probability are bound to be degen
erate.
While it would be "irrational" to forbid marriages merely on
the ground that the offspring might be defective,
where there is a danger of degeneracy,

birth control should be obligatory.
And in cases such that the necessity
for birth control is not likely to be
respected, the parents should be ster
ilized by the state.
He stated a little further on in the essay that "as far as
I can see, social-surgical interference cannot be avoided,
if the race is to be improved." In a manner again strongly
reminiscent of Himmler, Keyserling suggested that
proof of ancestry should be generally

introduced and as strictly kept as in
noble families.3
^Keyserling, The Book of Marriage, pp. 2 9 I - 2 9 6 nn.
Îbid., p. 2 9 3 .
Îbid., p. 2 9 4 .
68
"For the sake of health," no more bad stock should be allowed
to breed. This would enable society to allow the bad stock
"extant today" to become "extinct," In order to "elevate
the standard of all classes without exception, there should
be only pure stock bred." More importantly, in the connection
with later events, this goal "appears to be quite attainable."^
Jung's contribution to the Book of Marriage was one
of the least conservative, but it was by no means an enlight
ened essay. As most of Jung's biographers point out, this
essay seems to have been a semi-autobiographical descrip
tion of the course of Jung's own marriage. Jung seldom
mentioned his wife in any context, but he mentioned both
her and his family during his correspondence with Freud. What
we know about Emma Jung is based in great part on a short
series of letters she wrote to Freud in October and Nov e m
ber 1 9 1 1 , She was an astute woman who seems to have been
aware that it was necessary for Jung to view her, depend on
her, as a mother figure, equally she was aware that Jung and
Freud were already well on their way to a break-up almost

2
two full years before the official, final break came.
Jung was also notoriously unable and unwilling to
work with or to attempt to understand children— either his
own or anyone else's. One of the prime differences between
^Keyserling, The Book of Marriage. p. 2 9 4 .

2
Sigmund Freud and Carl Gustav Jung, The Freud-Jung
Letters ; The Correspondence between Sigmund Freud and C , G . J u n g ,
ed , , Rrlliam McGuise, trans,, Ralph Mannheim and R . F . C . K a l i ,
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1974), pp.452-
4 5 3 » 455-457, 462-463, and 46?.
69
Jungian and Freudian psychology was that for Jung the child
did not have any problems before the stage of adolesence.
In the childish stage of conscious

ness there are as yet no problems /Italics
mine/; nothing depends upon the subject,
for the child itself is still wholly de
pendent on its parents. It is as though
it were not yet completely born, . . .
Psychic birth, and with it the conscious
differentiation from the parents, normally
takes place only at puberty, with the
eruption of sexuality. . . .
Until this period is reached the

psychic life of the individual is gov
erned largely by instinct, and few or
no problems arise , 1
As Glover and Marcuse correctly have pointed out
this view irrevocably placed Jung on the right-wing of psy
chiatry. The Freudian revolution in psychiatry was precisely
the elucidation of the sexuality of the child. It was the
conservative psychiatrist or psychologist who was horrified
at the thought that sweet, innocent children might harbor

2
murderous, sexual, primitive anarchic desires.
In part, I suspect that Jung's own very painful and
far from problem-free childhood (a childhood he never fully
assimilated) dictated his "ignorance” of childish sexuality.
In "Marriage as a Psychological Relationship" Jung
asserted that, while
^Carl Gustav Jung, "The Stages of L^fe," in The P o r t

able J u n g , ed, Joseph Campbell, (New York: The Viking Press,
1971), p. 7.
2
Edward Glover, Freud or Jung? (New York: W.W. Norton
& Co., 1 9 5 0 )» passim; and Herbert Marcuse, Eros and Civiliza
ti o n ; A Philosophical Inquiry into Freud, (New York: Vintage
Books, 1962}, pp. 134n, 175, 218.
70
a more or less instinctive choice / o f

partner/ might be considered best from
the point of view of maintaining the
species, . . . it is not always fortun
ate psychologically.
A n instinctual marriage, if it remained instinctual (i.e.,
unconscious) would merely put the partners at the mercy of
"the life urge" in which "the woman becomes the mother,"
the man the father, and both would be "robbed of their free
dom," Jung did not approve of remaining unconscious all
one's life, rather he "hoped" for individuation. Individ
uation, hovæver, was not open to the masses
Jung argued that marriage for a man was an obliga
tion, a duty, a symbol of his crossing the brdige between
childhood and adulthood. Then he described the evolution
of a "normal" marriage.
First it was passion, then it became

duty, and finally an intolerable b u r
den, a vampire that battens on the
life of its creator. Middle life is
the moment of greatest unfolding, . . .
But in this very moment evening is born,
. . . . Passion now changes her face and
is called duty; 'I want' becomes the in
exorable 'I must,' . . . conservative
tendencies develop if all goes well;
the real motivations are sought and
real discoveries are made. . . . But
these insights do not come to him easily;
they are gained only through the severest
shocks
What Jung v/as describing there were his own mid-life crises.
Carl Gustav Jung, "Marriage as a Psychological R e

lationship, "in The Portable Jung, ed. Joseph Campbell, (New
York: The Viking Press, 1 9 7 1 ), p p , I 6 6 -I 6 7 .
Îbid., p. 168.
71
Jung continued in the same rather planitive tone
for some time, and then asserted that "every man" carried
within himself the eternal image of woman.
This image is fundamentally unconscious,

an hereditary factor of primordial ori
gin engraved in the living organic sys
tem of man, an imprint or 'archetype* of
^ the ancestral experiences of the female,
, . .— in short, an inherited system of
psychic adaptation. /Goiâre this with
Freud's Totem and T a b o o ./ Even if no
women existed, it would still be possible,
at any given time, to deduce from this
unconscious image exactly how a woman n
v/ould have to be constituted psychically,
Jung denominated the eternal image of the feminine held by
man as the "anima." In spite of its being a projection made
b y a man onto a woman, Jung argued that this "anima type"
could be, and often was a real description of Woman. The
ideal description of the "anima-type" was to be found in

2
H, Rider Haggard's S h e . both Freud and Jung considered this
description an adequate description of the female-whom-no-
man-can-understand.^ 'In The Second S e x , Beauvoir has demon-
that this type of thinking means that men project their
fears (especially their fear of death), their distrust, their
myths, their longings onto woman as "the Other", and then
refuse to see any merely real woman in terms ouside of those
they have given to this myth of the unknowable, mysterious
(and thus evil and threatening) Other. That the two men
^Jung, "Marriage as a Psychological Relationship,"p. I 7 3 .
Îbid., p. 174n.
^Philip Rieff, Freud: The Mind of the Moralist.

(New York: Viking Press, 1959)» p p . 180-181, 37 6 n.
72
who founded two of the most influential branches of psycho
analysis should see fit to see in Haggard's She a realistic
description of woman as a type illuminates their conservatism,
their romanticism and their latent (and often manifest) n o
tions of the natural, innate, biological superiority of man.
In this respect their definition of what woman was, what her
purpose was, differed very little from mainstream National

1
Socialist ideas about women.
Besides Keyserling and Jung a wide variety of con
servatives and "intellectuals" contributed to this Book of
M a r r i a ge. There was Paul Ernst a playwright and "critic"
who v/rote such books as Per Zusammenbruch (breakdown) des
Marxismus and Die Zerstoerung (destruction) der E h e . In
the category of "creative" writers were Ricarda Huch, Jakob
VJasserman and his wife, Marta Karlwels, Princess Mechtilde
Lichnowsky and Thomas Mann; Baroness Ungern-Sternberg, sister
of the editor, also contributed, Richard Wilhelm, founder
of the China Institute at Frankfurt a.M., contributed an
article on "The Chinese Conception of Marriage," Wilhelm
and Jung would later collaborate on The Secret of the Golden
Flov/er, Jung's first alchemical work.
Among the psychoanalysts and psychologists were
Alfred Adler, Havelock Ellis, Ernst Kretschmer (of whom more
belov;), Mathilde von Kemnitz and Alphonse Maeder, Maeder was
^Rieff, Mind of the Moralist, pp. 148-185. This chapter

deals with Freud's views on women, see esp, pp. 181-182,
73
a disciple who sided with Jung after the break with Freud,
Later he became associated with the Oxford Movement of the
American evangelist Frank Buchman.^
One of his biographers has entitled his chapter on
Jung's "collaboration" with the Nazis "The Flirt with the
Devil." Stern has delcared Jung to have been
a political romantic /who/ , . .

initially welcomed this revolution. , . .
When he told a group of American journ

alist that he considered oligarchy the
best form of government, it was no
careless remark. . . . /He s h a r e d
with the Swiss petit bourgeois . . .
a fanatical hatred of Communism, which
. , . was the constant in his vacil
lating political opinions. To him,
Bolshevism was the devil incarnate
because it appeared to push the leveling
of individuality to its furtherst ex
treme, because of its totalitarian u-
surpation of the religious sphere,
because of its technocratic rational
ism, and, not least of all, because
of its godless irreverence for the
sacred property rights of persons like
himself. /Jung's wife was the daughter
of a wealthy industrialist, and it seems
to have been her money that built their
quite palatial home/. 2
Stern's suggestions as to why Jung reacted the way he
did to Nazism are the most neutral I have discovered— Jung's
disciples turn cartwheels trying to exonerate him and his
enemies prove at length that if he had only been a good Freudian
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. p. 25,

2
Paul J. S t e m , C ,G. Jung--the Haunted Prophet,
(New York: G . Braziller, 1976), pp. 211-212, 211-221 p a s s i m .
74
"it never would have happened.
In 1 9 3 0 Jung had been elected to the position of
vice-president (honorary president) of the Allgemeine A e r t z -
liche Gesellschaft fuer Psychothérapie, a non-Freudian p s y
chiatric society founded in 1928, Professor Ernst Kretschmer
was elected president in the same year. Kretschmer resigned
this position on 6 April 1933» and Jung thus became acting-

2
president and ultimately president. It is possible that
Kretschmer*s resignation was the result of the April 1st
boycott. When describing the "Medical Case" in one of the
war crimes trials the prosecutor described those schandalous
event in these words;
The notorious "boycott day" . . .

was a day of disgrace for German medi
cine. Members of the National Socialist"
Physicians* Society, who knew the m e m
bership lists of the Socialist socie
ties and the lists of Jewish physicians,
broke into the apartments of their S o
cialist and Jewish colleagues in the
early morning hours, pulled them out of
their beds, beat them and brought them
to the exhibition area near the Berlin
Lehrter Station. There, all of them,
including men up to 7 0 years old, were
forced to run around the garden, as in
a hippodrome, and they were shot at with
pistols or beaten with sticks. There
they had to stay for several days with
out sufficient food, and then were handed
over to the SA which carried part of
them to the cellars at the Hedemannstrasse
Êdward Glover's Freud or Jung? is an example of this

type of analysis.
^Jung, CW 10, "A Rejoinder to Dr. Bally," p. 535n;

and Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. p. 124.
75
jail for further tortures
Prior to 1 April, the new National Socialist govern
ment had made other moves against "non-Aryans." For example,
on the sixteenth of March Bruno Walter was debarred from his
concert platform at Leipzig--other "non-Aryans" were like
wise kept from performing in or conducting German orches
tras --among them Artur Schnabel, Otto Klemperer and Emil
Feuermann. On 26 March and 13 April a National-Socialist-
con trolled newspaper and a pro-Nazi German student organiza
tion called for the burning of books not in tune with the
true "German spirit"— on 10 May Goebbels led a gigantic book-
burning rally. It is unlikely that Jung was completely un
aware of these and similar happenings. After all, one of his
primary arguments in defense of himself was that by becoming
president he had "saved" the Society from being completely
gleichgeschaltet.
The Allgemeine Gesellschaft was dominated by Germans
since they held the main executive positions. The society
had not been in existence long enough to build up a truly
international membership. Technically, however, its mem
bership was international, and its congresses were inter
national in character.
Upon Kretschmer's resignation, . . .
Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military

Tribunals under Control Council Law N o . 10, vol 1; "The Medical
Case," p. 57.
2
Wheaton, Prelude to Calamity, p. 280.
76
Jung was probably for a short time

acting president, by virtue of his p o
sition as vice-president. /The socie
ty's rules were not equipped to handle
resignations/. Almost at once, however,
with the agreement of his colleagues,
he reorganized the society so as to
make it formally international, Jung
was then elected president of the /Â 1 1 -
gemine Aertzliche G e s ellschaft fuer
Psychothérapie/, The statutes were
ratified at a congress at Bad Nauheim,
May 10-13, 1 9 3 4 . , , , The society's
headquarters were located in Switzer
land, A separate German society, under
the presidency of Professor M.H, Goering,
was founded in Berlin on September 1 5 ,
1 9 3 3 , as the German section of the . , ,
society.^
In describing the G1eichschaltung of the intellectuals
and the "educated," Braeher has suggested two reasons why
this should have been accomplished v/ith such great ease. First,
Hitler and National Socialism were "in a long-standing tradi
tion of German political thought." The second explanation
applies to Jung more completely than the first, that is
The development of National Socialism

is the history of the underestimation
of politics and the over-estimation of
order. It was widely believed in 'ed
ucated circles' that National Socialism
essentially was a movement of forces of
order and strong government against
chaos and Communism. All that was needed
was to support these decent forces,
free them of the dross of everyday poli
tics, and lift them up to the heights
of culture and philosophy once the nec- p
essarily dirty fight for power was over.
^Jung, CW 10, "A Rejoinder," p. 535n.

2
Bracher, German Pictatorship. p. 247.
77
Furthermore, National Socialism seemed to Jung to offer a
way back to the "real roots" of man, back behind/beyond civi
lization to the true roots of Germanic culture. And, as his
essay on Wotan would show, he found this mystical reason
for collaboration at least as compelling as the more "rational"
reasons. There is also the fact that Jung like most late
nineteenth century "educated men" had imbibed a certain amount
of Social Darwinism--in Gasman's phrase he had "notions of
race" even though technically, he may never have behaved'
as a. racist.
Thus note the following in his first editorial p u b
lished in the Zentralblatt fuer Psychothérapie und ihre G r e n z -
gebiete einschliesslich der Medizinischen Psychologie und
Esychischen H y g i e n e . (hereinafter Zentralblatt). the official
organ of the Allgemeine Gesellschaft. in December 1933»
First Jung explained that
Owing to the resignation of Prof,

Kretschmer . . . the presidency and
with it the administration of the Zen
tralblatt . . . have fallen to me. This
change coincided with the great upheaval
in Germany, Although as a science p s y
chotherapy has nothing to do with poli
tics, fate has willed it that I should
take over the editorship . . . at a
moment when the state of affairs in psy
chotherapy is marked by a confusion of
doctrines and views not unlike the pre
vious state of affairs in politics.
/italics mine.)T%
The above is also a delicate reference to the fact that German
^Jung, CW 10, "Editorial (1933)," p. 533.

78
psychotherapists were being instructed to develop a strictly
German psychotherapy just as their colleagues in physics,
for example, were supposed to develop a strictly "Germanic"
pysics,
Jung continued . . .
One-sided and mutually exclusive methods

of observation have exerted too far-
reaching an influence not only on spe
cialized medical opinion but also on
the . '. , laymen. . . . It will therefore
be the primary task of the Zentralblatt
to give impartial appreciation to all
objective contributions, , . . The dif
ferences which actually do exist between
Germanic and Jewish psychology and which
have long been knov/n to every intelligent
person are no longer to be glossed over,
and this can only be beneficial to sci-
enc e .1
When, inevitably, many of his colleagues retorted
angrily to what was, at best, an insensitive and ill-timed
remark on "Jev/ish psychology, " Jung was very hurt and seems
never to have understood how his remarks could "really hurt"
anyone. After all, even though the German society was in
structed by M.H. Goering to bar all Jews from membership,
Jung repeatedly pointed out with hurt pride that he had ex
pressly written into the statutes adopted by the society at
the Bad Nauheim Congress that any person of any race could
become a member of the Allgemeine Gesellschaft even though he
might be ineligible to join his particular nation's "branch."
Moreover, as Jung pointed out, many of my "best friends (and
disciples) are Jews," and "I helped some Jews get out of Germany
before the end." While partially true, this was beside the
^Jung, CW 10, "Editorial (1933)/'p. 533.

79
point. After all most Nazi hierarchs had pet Jews whom they
protected or were willing to allow certain Jews to buy their
v/ay out of Germany.
In an article (March 1934) written in reply to Dr.
Bally, one of the colleagues, who disliked Jung's stance, Jung
pronounced the following justification:
Thus a moral conflict arose for me as

it would for any decent man. Should
I, as à prudent neutral, withdraw into
security this side of the frontier and
wash my hands in innocence, or should
I — as I was well aware— risk my skin
and expose myself to the inevitable m i s
understandings which no one escapes who,
from higher necessity, has to make a
pact with the existing political powers
in Germany? /Cf. Chamberlain and Dala-
dier, Munich, September 1 9 3 8 ^ Should
I sacrifice the interests of science,
loyality to colleagues, the friendship
which attaches me to some German phy
sicians, and the living link with the
humanities afforded by a common lan
guage- -sacrifice all this to egotistic
comfort and my different political
sentiments?!
Moreover,
As conditions then v/ere, a single

stroke of the pen in high places would
have sufficed to sweep all psychother
apy under the table. That had to be
prevented at all costs for the sake of
suffering humanity, doctors, and— last 2
but not least--science and civilization.
But did Jung's action actually save anything?
^Jung, CW 10, "A Rejoinder," pp. 535-536.
Îbid., p. 5 3 6 .
80
In a section entitled "Prostitution of German Medi
cine under National Socialism" presented during the "Medi
cal Case" trials at Nuernberg the following description of
how medicine "evolved" under NS rule v/as given;
The most emphatic and repelling es^res-

sion of those new aims and goals /pop
ulation policy and racial concepts in
applied medicine/ came from the Nazi
Director of Public Health in the Mini
stry of the Interior, Dr. Arthur Guett,
who took office in 1933. In a book
published in 1935 entitled 'The Struc
ture of Public Health in the Third
Reich,’ Guett announced that 'the ill-
conceived 'love of they neighbor* has
to disappear, especially in relation
to inferior or asocial creatures. It
is the supreme duty of a national state
to grant life and livelihood only to
the healthy and hereditarily sound por
tion of the people in order to secure
the maintenance of a hereditarily sound
and racially pure folk for all eternity.
The section further reported that already in the summer of
1 9 3 3 » the medical profession was being reorganized (gleich-
geschaltet) along lines which would facilitate those poli
cies and that by 1 9 3 6 this was "substantially completed."
Even psychiatric social service agen

cies, which did thorough and well-
organized work prior to 1 9 3 3 » were
reduced to mere screening stations
for hereditary and racial selection.
And a little later . , ,
Particularly deplorable was the deg

radation of psychiatry. Psychiatric
•university teaching declined to the
level of a mere rehashing of the Nuern
berg and sterilization laws. The mod
ern techniques of psychotherapy had
abandoned, and treatment deteriorated
to pep talks full of Nazi indoctrina-
81
tion admonitions and threats
Jung continued his "rejoinder" to Dr. Bally by
dealing v/ith a rather complicated affair that had occurred
in connection with the political oath of allegiance which
all German doctors had to take, if they wished to continue
to practice. Along with Jung's editorial in the December
1 9 3 3 issue of the Zentralblatt (cited above) a "Manifesto"
written by M,H. Goering appeared. This Manifesto stated that
the German section of the Allgemeine Gesellschaft would
adhere to Hitler's political, racial and ideological prin
ciples. Jung had been assured that this Manifesto would
appear in a special supplement for exclusive circulation in
Germany, "Whether by accident or design the Manifesto appeared
not only in the supplement , . , but, in a slightly altered
form, also in the Zentralblatt without Jung's having been

2
apprised of this fact,"
Jung made valiant attempts to explain away the oath
of allegiance and the "purity of political sentiment" re
quired of the German society. He argued that since the
Communists (Russians) have become the totalitarian Church,
"quite logically" it is "no wonder /that/ National Socialism
makes the same claim!"
It is only consistent with the logic

of history that after an age of cler-
^Trials of War Criminals, vol. 1; "Medical Case,"

pp. 58- 60 ,
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. p. l44.

82
ical G1eichschaltung the turn should

come for one practised by the secular
State.
But even in such an age the spirit

is at work . . . heedless of whether
the contemporary situation be favour
able or unfavourable, for there is some
thing in man that is of divine nature
and is not condemned to its own tread
mill and imprisoned in its own struc
ture. (Gf. Leonard Krieger, The German
Idea of Freedom.)
Jung then, in effect, argued that it was useless to
resist for
Martyrdom is a singular calling for

which one must have a special gift. . . .
To protest is ridiculous--how protest
against an avalanche? It is better
to look out. Science has no Interest
in calling down avalanches; it must
preserve intellectual heritage,even
under the changed conditions.
Jung argued that medicine must continue to exist and
that since it was threatened in Germany unless it was National
Socialist, then it should adapt in order to survive. Un
fortunately, National Socialist doctors adapted all too well.
The "policy of mass extermination could not have been so
effectively carried out without the active participation

2
of German medical scientists." Doctors took part in high-
altitude "experiments," freezing "experiments," malaria "ex
periments," mustard-gas "experiments," sea-water "experiments,"
epidemic jaundice "experiments," sterilization "experiments,"
^Jung, CW 10, "A Rejoinder," p.,537.
^Trials of War Criminals. vol. 1: "Medical Case,"

p. 38.
83
typhus "experiments," poison "experiments," incendiary bomb
"experiments," and helpfully collected skeletons of Jews in
onder to "substantiate" Nazi racial theories. All of these
experiments were performed on the living and frequently con
scious human being, who often died from the results.
Medicine has nothing to do with poli

tics— . . . and therefore it can and
should be practiced for the good of
suffering humanity under all govern
ments.’ If the doctors of Petersburg
/sic/ or Moscow /rather than German
and NS doctors/ had sought m y help
I would have acceded.^
H e r e again Jung demonstrated his "unpolitical" ignorance,
Medicine in a totalitarian state v/as just as politxcized. as
every other area of life. The purpose of Gleichschaltung
was to bring medicine, education ^ cetera under the political
a n d ideological control of National Socialism,
Unfortunately (from Jung's point of view), all of
his efforts to set up a truly international society came to
nought, and his letters for these years (1933— 1940) show an
increasing irascibility at finding himself "president" of what
was essentially a two-nation (Swiss and German) "international','
society of psychotherapists. Even Jung did not manage to
found a Sv;iss branch of the Allgemeine Gesellschaft until
January, 1935» and for the remaining year of his presidency
h e wrote letters to the Swedes, the Dutch and the English

2
pleading for a little cooperation. The fact was that the
^Jung, CW 10, "A Rejoinder," p. 539*
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. p. 136.

84
German branch went its own way and paid little attention
t o its putative "leader,"
Was Jung an anti-semite? I suspect that like most
Germans, Jung "merely" fell prey to "notions of race," As
Masse indicates, this did not necessary imply racism, at least
i n its most extreme form. The idea that the Jew was devoid
o f "true inwardness" pervaded German thought throughout the
nineteenth century. There was the suggestion that Jews were
incapable of attaining B i l d u n g . that they were overly ration
alistic, that they valued the "material" to excess, that they
were "mechanistic." Social Darwinism reinforced these views
b y implying that the Jews could not change even if they wished
to do so.
But why should this , . . view of the

Jew have such importance? The answer
is that in German intellectual devel
opment the emphasis came increasingly
to be on 'feeling* and on the 'inner
man and his condition,* This emphasis
is part of Volkish thought, . . . The
Volk was a spiritual ideal. . . . The
soil, the native landscape provided
constant inspiration, and the inner-
directedness of man's individual soul
was thought to be analogous to the soul
of the Volk, Through such ideas many
Germans rejected materialism in any form
and envisaged man and society as filled
with irrational a n d spiritual forces.!-
The Germans (and by this I mean any European whose
native language was German) projected their fears of indus
trialization, increasing technology and urbanism onto the Jew.
^Mosse, Germans and J e w s , p. 36.

85
He created the bleak industrial landscape. He was the
"middle-man" out to such the blood of good German peasants.
He had no "soul."
Jung partook of these "typical" views about the Jew.
In a letter of 2 March 1934, he wrote in reply to a Dr. Pupato*s
question about his editorial in the December, 1933 Zentral
blatt .
The question I broached regarding the

peculiarities of Jewish psychology
does not presuppose any intention on
my part to depreciate Jews, but is merely
an attempt to single out and formulate
the mental idiosyncrasies that disting
uish Jews from other people. . . ,
It is my opinion that the peculi

arity of the Jews might explain why
they are an absolutely essential sym
biotic element in our population. If
there actually were no differences
between them and other people, there
would be nothing to distinguish them
at all and then there would also be
nothing in the characteristic influ
ence, amply attested by history, which
they have exerted on their environment.
It must after all be supposed that a
people which has kept itself more or
less unadulterated for several thou
sand years and clung unto its belief
in being 'chosen* is psychologically
different in some way from the rela
tively young Germanic peoples whose
culture is scarecely more than a thou
sand years old,
A few months later in June of 1934 Jung wrote to one of his
disciples, a Jew, Gerhard Adler; Adler had written Jung a
letter "expressing concern about certain passages in 'The
State of Psychotherapy Today.*"
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. pp. 147-148.

86
Best thanks for your detailed letter,

the tenor of which I find completely ac
ceptable, I have pointed out in several
places in my article that Freud does not
appear to me as the typical exponent of
the Jewish attitude to the unconscious. . . .
Nevertheless there is something typically
Jewish about his attitude, which I can
document with your ov/n words : 'When a
Jew forgets his roots, he is doubly and
triply in danger of mechanization and
intellectualization.' With these words
you have laid your finger on exactly
what is typically Jewish.!
Adler, like many Jews, had fallen prey to a sort of Judaized

2
Blut und Boden mysticque.
Jung further remarked:
It is typically Jewish that Freud can

forget his roots to such an extent,
/p'reud was not a practicing Je\^. It
is typically Jewish that the Jews can
utterly forget that they are Jews des
pite the fact that they know they are
Jews. That is what is suspicious about
Freud's attitude and not his material
istic, rationalistic view of the v/orld
alone. Freud cannot be held responsible
for the latter. In this respect he is
simply a typical exponent of the ex
piring 1 9 th century, just like Haeckel,
Dubois-Reymond, or that Kraft und S toff
ass Buechner. These people, however,
are not as completely rootless as the
Jewish rationalist, mine/ for
which reason they are also much more
naive and therefore less dangerous.
So when I criticize Freud's Jewishness
I am not criticizing the Jews but rather
that damnable capacity of the Jew, as
exemplified by Freud, to deny his own
nature. Actually you should be glad
that I think so rigorously, for then
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. p. l64.

2
The effect of this mystique has been examined in a chap
ter of Germans and J ews (Mosse) entitled "The Influence of the
Volkish Idea on German Jewry."
87
I speak in the interests of all Jews

want to find their way back to their
own nature, I think the religious
Jew of our time should summon up the
courage to distinguish themselves clear
ly from Freud, because they need to
prove that spirit is stronger than blood.
But the prejudice that whoever criticizes
Freud is criticizing the Jews always dem
onstrates to us that blood is thicker
than spirit, and in this respect anti-
Semitism has in all conscience l e a m t
much from the Jewish prejudice.!
In a slightly earlier letter (26 May 1934) to James Kirsch,
Jung had written:
With regard to my opinion that the

Jews so far as we can see do not create
a..cultural form of their own, this opin
ion is based on 1 . historical data,
2 . the fact that the specific cultural
achievement of the Jew is most clearly
developed within a host culture, where
he very frequently becomes its actual
carrier or its promoter, , . . I sim
ply cannot discover anyting anti-
Semitic in this opinion.^
Jung then began a long exposition/lament over the fact that
the Jews suffered from a "Christ complex."
The existence of this complex makes

for a somewhat hysterical attitude of
mind which has become especially notice
able to me during the present anti-
Christian attacks upon myself. The mere
fact that I speak of a difference between
Jewish and Christian psychology suffices
to allow anyone to voice the prejudice
that I am an anti-Semite. , . . This
hypersensitivity is simply pathological
and makes every discussion practically
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. pp. 164-165; of. with

a letter to B. Cohen dated 26 March 1934, p. 154-155*
Îbid., p. 161.
88
impossible. As you know, Freud previ

ously accused me of anti-Semitism b e
cause I could not abide his soulless
materialism. The Jew directly solicits
anti-Semitism with his readiness to scent
out anti-Semitism everywhere. . . . In
the great majority of cases I have got
along very well with my Jewish patients
and colleagues.!
To place these remarks in their proper context, it
should be remembered that by the 8th of April 1933 the National
Socialists had taken away from the Jews "two fundamental
civic rights; the right to a free choice of profession, and

2
the right to freedom of movement." On 7 April 1933, the
Civil Service Lav; had been pased; this law deprived civil
servants v/ho h a d one Jewish grandparent of their jobs--"more
than 2000 non-Aryan scientists and professors were driven
out o f office" under this act; later amendments to the act
drove out further "non-Aryan" civil servants. On 25 April
1933, an act for "Preventing Overcrowding in German Schools
and Colleges" v/as promulgated; this act forbade "non-Aryan"
students to exceed more than a certain percentage of the
student population (a percentage which was constantly re
duced) in German colleges and schools. On 14 July 1933 a-
"Law for Averting Hereditarily Diseased Progeny" was passed.
This was a decree which allowed the government to sterilize
nine categories of people, who, according to Nazi racialist
thought suffered from hereditary diseases (hereditary blind-
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1960. pp. l6l-l62,

2
Hans Bucheim et a l . , Anatomy of the SS State, (New
York: Walker & Co., I 9 6 8 ), p. 2 5 ,
89
ness, deafness, pronounced alcoholism, et cetera), without
their permission. On 24 November 1933» Hitler lent his weight
to the passage of an anti-vivisectionist law which levied
fines or even sentences of imprisonment against researchers
who used laboratory animals in their work. On that same
day an amendment v/as made to the law of l4 July, The gov
ernment thereafter had the right, even the duty, to sterilize
"habitual criminals."
Jung demonstrated the depths of his romanticism in
a n essay entitled "Wotan" written in 1936. The essay opened
with a quotation from a typically romantic/irrationalist
source, which would late in World War II, serve Goebbels
as a solace, the "Prohecies of Nostradamus." The prophecy
Jung chose translates as;
In Germany shall divers sects arise.

Coming very near to happy paganism.
The heart captivated . . . -,
Shall open the gate to pay the true tithe.
Jung began as he did rather frequently when discussing
Germany, to compare what the "Movement of the Godless" (mean-
in the Russian Communists) had done in Russia and implying
in effect that whatever they did the Germans could not possible
be any worse. Then ensued an impressionistic evocation of
the awakening of Wotan "like an extinct volcano, to new a c
tivity" in Germany. He described the G e r m a n Jugendbewegung ,
with an enthusiasm found only in the middle-aged, as "faith-
^Jung, CW 10, "Wotan," p. l?9n.

90
fui votaries of the roving god" slaughtering "sheep in
honor of his /iSfotan*^ resurrection." He continued
The Hitler movement literally brought

the whole of Germany to its feet, from
five-year-olds to veterans, and p r o
duced the spectacle of a nation mi
grating from one place to another, .
Wotan the wanderer was on the move.
For Germans the v/ords "great migration" held a spiritual and
voelkisch symbolism. The migration of the Aryans from India
to Northern Europe is supposed to have made them more self-
reliant, sturdier, truer to the soil than any other "race^"
Wo tan v/as described as
the god of storm and frenzy, the un-

leasher of passions and the lust for
battle; moreover he is a superlative
magician and artist in illusion who
is versed in all secrets of an occult
nature,^
Nietzsche, Ludwig Klagges, Stefan George, all anticipated the
resurrection or helped to evoke this god.
After an excursion into Nietzsche's poetry Jung pro
pounded the following theory as the true explanation of what
was going on in Germany.
We are always convinced that the m o d

e m world is a reasonable world, basing
our opinion on economic, political, and
psychological factors. But if we may
forget for a moment that we are living
in the year of Our Lord 1936, and, lay
ing aside our well-meaning, all-too-
human reasonableness, /can we not/ find
Wotan quite suitable as a causal h y
pothesis. In fact I venture the heret
ical suggestion that the unfathomable
^Jung, CW 10, "Wotan," p. 180.
Îbid., p. 182.
91
depths of Wotan's character explain

more of National Socialism than all
three reasonable factors put together.
There is no doubt that each of these
factors explains an important aspect
of what is going on in Germany, but
Wotan explains yet more, . . .
Perhaps we may sum up this general

phenomenon as Ergriffenheit— a state
of being seized or possessed, . . .
Wotan is an Ergreifer of men, and u n
less one wishes to deify Hitler— which
has indeed actually happened— he is
really the only explanation.
Jung argued his case for Wotan as the basic causal factor
"behind" National Socialism by saying that while "gods are
without doubt personifications of psycich forces" those "psy
chic forces" were just as real as economic or political fac
tors in causing people to act in a particular way. This
would be a relatively "acceptable" argument if he had left it
there but he did not. Instead he went back to his discussion
of "possession" and argued that
The impressive thing about the German

phenomenon is that one man, who is ob
viously 'possessed,' has infected a
whole nation to such an extent that
everything is set in motion and has
started rolling on its course towards
perdition".
The implication here seems to have been that the Germans were
possessed of the devil. This was an implication he would
return to after the end of the war. Meanwhile, Jung con
tinued in his office as president of the Allgemeine Gesellschaft.
On the other hand, a few paragraphs later Jung argued
^Jung, CW 10, "Wotan," pp. 184-185»

92
that Wotan
is a fundamental attribute of the Ger

man psyche, an irrational psychic fac
tor which acts on the high pressure of
civilization like a cyclone and blows
it away. Despite their crankiness, the
Wotan-worshippers seem to have judged
things more correctly than the wor
shippers of reason. Apparently every
one had forgotten that Wotan is a Ger
manic datum of first importance, the
truest expression and unsurpassed per
sonification of a fundamental quality
that is particularly characteristic of
the Germans,!
The implication seemed to be that one cannot and quite possibly
should not attempt to resist that "Dionysic madness." This
was reinforced later in the essay when Jung wrote:
The 'German Christians' are a contra

diction in terms and would do better
to join Hauer's 'German Faith Movement.'
These are decent and well-meaning
people who honestly admit their Ergrif-
fenheit and try to come to terms with
this new and undeniable fact. . . .
One cannot read Hauer's book without

emotion, if one regards it as the tragic
and really heroic effort of a conscien
tious scholar who, without knowing how
it happened to him, was violently sum
moned by the inaudible voice of the Er-
greifer and is now trying with all his
might, and with all his knowledge and
ability, to build a bridge between the
dark forces of life and the shining
v/orld of historical ideas, But what do
all the beauties of the past from to
tally different levels of culture mean
to the man of today v/hen confronted with
a living and unfathomable tribal god
such as he has never experienced before.
They are sucked like dry leaves into the
roaring whirlwind, and the rhythmic alli-
^Jung, CW 10, "Wotan," p. 186 ,

93
terations of the Edda become inextri

cably mixed up with Christian mystical
texts , . . Hauer himself is ergriffen
by the depths of meaning in the primal
words laying at the root of the Ger
manic languages, . . . I would therefore
advise the German Faith Movement to
throw aside their scruples. Intelligent
people will not confuse them with crude
Wotan-worshippers... . . There are people
in the German Faith Movement who are in
telligent enough not only to believe
but to know that the god of the G ermans
is Wotan and not the Christian God.
This is a tragic experience and no
disgrace. It has always been terrible ^
to fall into the hands of a living god.
The German Christians, founded at Easter 1933» were a
National-Socialist backed movement inside the Protestant
Church, Its aim was to coordinate church and state. The
German Faith Movement was founded by Jakob Wilhelm Hauer, a
missionary to India and then a professor of Sanskrit and
Oriental languages at Marburg and Tuebingen. For a time
these two movements were linked. Hauer's group, however,
became increasingly pagan so that in the spring of 1 9 3 6 both
Hauer and his principle associate. Count Ernst von Reventlow,
resigned from the German Christians.
By then the movement's outlook approx

imated that of Ludendorff's second wife,
Mathilde, whose writings— e,g. the n o
torious Erloesung von Jesu Christo.
1 9 3 1 (4 7 th ed., 1 9 3 6 7 — enjoyed an aston
ishingly wide sale. Exerpt from a
pamphlet issued by the movement early
in 1 9 3 7 : 'This Jesus is the enemy of
all Germans, the enemy of blood and
race. Sacred alone is German faith
sacred is birth, not baptism, sacred
^Jung, CW 10, "Wotan," pp. 191-192.

94
alone is marriage, not the priest's

blessing . * 1
Thus Jung was advising National Socialist German Christians,
who according to his own footnote in this article were only
attempting to " eliminate all vestiges of the Old Testament

2
from Christianity," to join with a movement which was b e
coming even more pagan, more racist and more irrational
than they.
Jung concluded this essay with the following para
graph and a long quote from the E d d a ;
If we apply our admittedly peculi

ar point of view consistently, we are
driven to conclude that Wotan must, in
time, reveal not only the restless, vio
lent, stormy side of his character, but
also his ecstatic and mantic qualities—
a very different aspect of his nature.
If this conclusion is correct. National
Socialism would not be the last word.
Things must be concealed in the back
ground v/hich we cannot imagine at p r e
sent, but we may expect them to appear
in the course of the next few years or
decades. Wotan's reawakening is a
stepping back into the past; the stream
was dammed up and has broken into its
old channel. But the obstruction will
not last for ever; . . . the water will
overleap the obstacle. Then at last
we shall know what Wotan is saying when
he 'murmurs with Mirmir's head.*3
In less poetic language, Jung, like many conservatives inside
and outside Germany, expected the National Socialists to be
^Wheaton, Prelude to Calamity, p. 534n.

2^
^Jung, CW 10, "Wotan," p. I 90 .
Îbid., p. 192.
95
tamed, expected that the drummer would at least drum less
loudly, that once the omelet had been cooked it would be
eaten in peace.
It has been claimed--particularly with regard to his
essay "The State of Psychotherapy Today"--that Jung could
not have been aware of what was going on inside Germany
and thus simply "blundered." Yet note the following dates;
in the December 1933 issue of the Zentralblatt Jung's edi
torial accepting the presidency of the Allgemeine Gesellschaft
appeared along with Goering's Manifesto; on 2 7 February 1934
Dr. G . Bally, a Sv;iss psychiatrist, published, in the Neue
Zuercher Zeitung his "attack" on Jung's editorial; on 13 and
l4 March 1934 Jung replied (also in the N eue Zuercher Z e itung)
to Dr. Bally.^ Nevertheless, Jung persisted in publishing
his "introductory article" ("The State of Psychotherapy T o
day") in the first issue of the Zentralblatt 1934. He re
buked the German group for its impertinanee in having p u b
lished Goering's Manifesto against his wishes by refusing to
allow them to reprint his article in the special German

2
issue of the Zentralblatt. In response to this article, Jung
received letters from James Kirsch, a Jungian psychologist,
( 2 6 May 1 9 3 4 , 29 September 1934); Gerhard Adler, a disciple
( 9 June 1 9 3 4 ) and G.E. Benda, a Berlin psychiatrist, (I 9 June
^ e e above, pp. 77-79» 82-83, 85-86.
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. p. 152.

96
1 9 3 4 ) Judging from his replies to these letters those men
pointed out to Jung the obvious "pseudo-Nazi" or racist im
plications which his views seemed to express, or could be
made to express with very little editing. Moreover, the
article created such a stir that three articles discussing
Jung's statements appeared in the Juedische Rundschau (pub
lished in Berl i n ) ; one by James Kirsch ( 2 9 May 1934) one by
Erich Neuman, another disciple (15 June 1934) and one by
Gerhard Adler ( 3 August 1934) who would later edit Jung's
Collected Works and his Let t e r s . The suggestion that Jung
was ignorant of the implications of his works was patently
absurd. He published "Wotan" in the Neue Schweizer Rund
schau in March 1936.
The lines in "The State of Psychotherapy Today" which
are most often objected to are the following:
Freud and Adler have beheld very clearly

the shadow that accompanies us all. The
Jews have this peculiarity in common with
women; being physically weaker, they have
to aim at the chinks in the armour of
thier adversary, and thanks to this tech
nique which has been forced on them
through the centuries, the Jews them
selves are best protected where others
are most vulnerable. Because, again, of
their civilization more than twice as
ancient as ours /Italics mine/, they
are vastly more conscious than we of
human weaknesses, of the shadow-side
of things, and hence in this respect
much less vulnerable than we are. Thanks
to their experience of an old culture,
they are able, while fully conscious
of their frailties, to live on friendly
and even tolerant terms with them.
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. pp. I 6 O-I 6 3 and 171-172;for

Kirsch; pp. 164-165 for Adler; and pp. I 6 7 -I 68 for Benda.
97
whereas we are still too young not to

have 'illusions' about ourselves. More,
over, we have been entrusted by fate with
the task of creating a civilization— and
indeed we have need of it— and for this
*illusions' in the form of one-sided
ideals, convictions, plans, etc. are
indispensable. As a member of a race
with a three-thousand-year-old civili
zation, the Jew, like the cultured
Chinese, has a wider area of psycholog
ical consciousness than we. /The pre
vious sentence is nearly always used by
Jung's,admirers to prove he was not
anti-Semitic/. Consequently it is in
general less dangerous for the Jew to
put a negative value on his unconscious.
The "Aryan" unconscious, on the other
hand, contains explosive forces and
seeds of a future yet to be b o m , and
these may not be devalued as nursery
romanticism without psychic danger.
/Cf. Mueller van den Bruck, Hitler,
etc./, The still youthful Germanic p e o
ples are fully capable of creating new
cultural forms that still lie dormant
in the darkness of the unconscious of
every individual— seeds bursting with
energy and capable of mighty expansion.
The Jew, who is something of a nomad,
has never yet created a cultural form
of his own and as far as we can see never
will, since all his instincts and talents
require a more or less civilized nation
to act as host for his development.!
It should be remembered that one of Hitler's favorite m e t a
phors was that the Jew was a parasite on the host culture of
G ermany.
The only conclusion one can draw is that Jung allowed
his romanticism and conservatism to carry him away; that Jung,
too, was a victim of Ergriffenheit. At best, Jung showed an
insensitivity of such appalling proportions that it would
^Jung, CW 10, "The State of Psychotherapy Today,"

pp. 165-166,
98
almost be more charitable to accuse him of moronic stupidity.
Perhaps the allegation he made against the Nazis after the
war was over applied to Jung as well, that is, that they were
prey to nseudologia phantastica, "that form of neurosis which
is characterized by a. peculiar talent for believing one's own
lies."^
In an interview in January 1939 he made a typically
conservative suggestion (cf. the Cliveden Set), The West,
he said, might be spared the horrors of Nazi terrorism if

2
Hitler's "aggressive libido" could be turned towards Russia,
But Jung, in spite of "Nazi terrorism," remained president of
the Allgemeine Gesellschaft until sometime during the fall of
1940. In a letter to J, H, van der Hoop, president of the
Dutch group of the Allgemeine Gesellschaft. Jung discussed
his resignation. Jung first tendered his resignation in July
1 9 3 9 , but he was persuaded to rescind this and to continue
his efforts to make the society more international in char
acter, It became clear, however, that the Germans intended
that the society become more pro-German. They supported the
admission of Italian, Hungarian and Japanese groups. Jung
complained
I have now endeavored for more than

a year to get the necessary documents
from these groups but in no case have
I succeeded. One of them hasn't even
been constituted as yet, the other hasn't
^Jung, CW 10,"After the Catastrophe," p. 2 04.
^Jung, Letters : 1906-1950. p. 286n.

99
sent in its statutes, and the third

hasn't replied at all. Meanwhile P r o f ,
Goering has been pressing for the ac
ceptance of the three groups. Since I
have not succeeded in carrying out the
task allotted to me within a reasonable
period, I have felt justified in handing
this task back to the Society and m a k
ing my resignation final,!
He goes on in a planitive tone telling van der Hoop that the
Germans have accused him of making the Zentralblatt an "organ
of m y school"; b u t 'that if the number of papers were counted
which had come from his pen and those of his pupils, it would
be clear that this was not so. Furthermore, Goering accused

2
him of being too "old" to guide a "young" society.
In the remainder of his letters written during the
war years, Jung barely acknowledged the existence of Germans.
Once in a letter of 22 September 1944 he referred to the
Germans and Russians as Antichristian, and on occasion he
complained about rationing, or the claustrophobia he felt at
being shut up in Sv/itzerland.
Germany surrendered to the Allies on ? M a y 1945. On
11 M a y 1 9 4 5 Jung published an article in the Zurich paper
Weltwoche entitled "The Postwar Psycich Problems of the G e r
mans." In a letter of 2 5 May 1945 he discussed his basic
ideas about "collective guilt" and in June 1945, in the Neue
Schweizer Rundschau, he published "After the Catastrophe."
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. pp. 286-28?.
Îbid., p. 287.
100
Germany's collective guilt consists in

the fact that it was undoubtedly the
Germans who started the war and com
mitted the unspeakable atrocity of the
concentration camps. In so far as they
were Germans and such things happened
inside the German frontier, all Germans
are befouled., Furthermore, all Euro
peans are besmirched by these happenings
since they took place on European soil.
As to the psychopathic inferiority

of the Germans, such happenings betray
an alarmingly high degree of instability.
10^ is putting it very low. I reckon
with the same percentage among the Swiss.
What is Germany's debt to Europe? "Col
lective guilt" raises just this ques
tion; What is Germany's debt to Europe
after everything she has done in these
3 0 years? . . . It is therefore impossible
for the individual German simply to
shake off this obligation by laying
the blame on others, for instance the
wicked Nazis.!
Jung declared that the Europeans, too, must accept
their share of "collective guilt." Did Jung accept his share
of collective guilt? It is doubtful. In "After the Catas
trophe" published less than a month after the German surrender
Jung attempted to show that ^ knew how evil the Germans were
all along and implied that he should be "exempt" from "guilt."
Long before 1933 there was a smell

of burning in the air, and people were
passionately interested in discovering
the locus of the fire and in tracking
dov/n the incendiary. And when denser
clouds of smoke were seen to gather
over Germany, and the burning of the
Reichstag gave the signal, then at last
there v/as no mistake where the incendiary,
evil in person, dwelt.^
^Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. pp. 369-370.
^Jung, CW 10, "Catastrophe," p. 1 9 9 »

101
Furthermore,
The terrible things that have

happened in Germany, and the moral down
fall of a 'nation of eighty millions,»
are a blow aimed at all Europeans. . . .
Who are we to imagine that it couldn't
happen here? We have only /Italics mine/
to multiply the population of Switzerland
by twenty to become a nation of eighty
millions, and our public intelligence
and morality would then automatically be
divided by twenty in consequence of the
devastating moral and psychic effects
of living together in huge masses. Such
a state of things provides the basis
for collective crime, and it is then
really a miracle if the crime is not
committed! (italics mine.) Do we seri
ously believe that we would have been
immune?
The above indictment (continued below) could have been written
by any "Germanic critic" or Blut und B o d en novelist, e.g.
Lagarde, Langbehn, Diederichs, George, Spengler, Keyserling,
Riehl, Freytag, Rosenberg, Jung then expanded his indictment
of urbanism.
It should be clear to everyone that such

a state of degradation can come about
only under certain conditions. The most
important of this is the accumulation of
urban, industrialized masses— of people
torn from the soil, engaged in one-sided
employment, /is Jung assuming that some
employment is not one-sided?/ and lacking
every healthiest instinct, even that of
self-preservation. Loss of the instinct
of self-preservation can be measured in
terms of dependence on the State, which
is a bad symptom. Dependence on the
State means that everybody relies on ,
everybody else ( State) instead of himself.
Jung then compared the citizen who has lost his "instinct" of
^Jung, CW 10, "Catastrophe," pp. 200-201.

102
self preservation to a sick animal "demoralized and degen
erate," saying that "nothing short of a catastrophe can
bring him back to health." Jung completed this diatribe
against dependence on the State by saying that "with the best
will in the world we cannot build a paradise on earth, and
even if we could, in a very short time we would have degen
erated in every w a y ."^
For several pages Jung valiantly attempted to dis
sociate himself from the charge of having succumbed to Nazi
romantic magic, stating that in 1 9 3 7 he had come to the c o n
clusion that, "when the final catastrophe came, it would be
far greater and bloodier than I had previously /italics mine/

2
supposed."
When discussing "collective guilt" later in the essay
he indicted all of Europe's population as mentally i l l :
the diagnosis of its /Germany's/ mental

condition extends to the whole nation,
indeed to the whole of Europe, whose
mental condition, for some time past
has hardly been normal. Whether we
like it or not we are bound to ask;
What is wrong with our art, that most
delicate of all instruments for re
flecting the national psyche? How
are we to explain the blatantly patho
logical element in m o d e m painting?
Atonal music? The far-reaching influ
ence of Joyce's fathomless Ulysses?
Here we already have the germ of what
was to become a political reality in
Germany.3
Jung shared with most conservatives, including Hitler, an
abhorence of m o d e m (entartete) art, atonal music, which the
^Jung, CW 10, "Catastrophe," pp. 201-202

Îbid., p. 204.
Îbid., p. 210.
103
Nazis forbade to be played since it was "unGerman" and harm
ful to the V o l k , and "unrealistic" fiction.
Jung described, in a manner reminiscent of Wilde,
MacDonald, Lord Dunsany, Tieck and many other romantic story
tellers, "faeries'" withdrawal from the world.
For the first time since the dawn of

history we have succeeded in swallowing
the whole of primitive animism into
ourselyes, and with it the spirit that
animated nature. Not only v/ere the
gods dragged down from their planetary
spheres and transformed into chthonic
demons, but, under the influence of
scientific enlightenment even this band
of demons, which at the time of Para
celsus still frolicked happily in moun
tains and woods, in rivers and human
dwelling-places, was reduced to a mis
erable remnant and finally vanished
altogether. From time immemorial n a
ture was filled with spirit. Now, for
the first time, we are living in a
lifeless nature bereft of gods.!
H e then argued that the Germans were possessed seemingly because
they were too rational!
The mere act of enlightenment may have

destroyed the spirits of nature, but
not the psychic factors that correspond
to them, such as suggestibility, lack
of criticism, fearfulness, propensity
to superstition and prejudice--in
short, all those qualities which make
possession possible.2
Jung remarked that the Germans with
their Christianity forgotten, . . .

sold their souls to technology, ex
changed morality for cynicism, and
^Jung, CW 10, "Catastrophe," p. 211.
Îbid., p. 211.
104
dedicated their highest aspirations to

the forces of destruction. Certainly
everybody else is doing much the same
thing, but even so there really are
chosen people who have no right to do
such things because they should be
striving for higher treasures, 1
Maybe the Germans were predestined to

this fate, for they showed the least
resistance to the mental contagion
that threatened every European. But
their peculiar gifts might also have
enabled them to be the very people to
draw helpful conclusions from the pro
phetic example of Nietzsche.2
Jung, like the majority of German romantics and conservatives,
interpreted Nietzsche in accordance with his own romantic
predilections, re-inforced by Frau Foerster-Nietzsche*s
interpretations.
The Germans, according to Jung, were then suffering
the consequences of having signed a pact with the Devil.
Nevertheless, their terrible "fate" might give them a "unique

3
opportunity" to turn "their eyes inv/ard to the inner man."
From the Germans Jung turned to the Europeans who he said must
as individuals find for themselves "spiritual renewal" in
order to l e a m to "live in spite of evil,"
The eternal truths cannot be

transmitted mechanically; in
every epoch they must be born
anew from the human p s y c h e . 4
Thus endeth the lesson.
^Jung, CW 10, "Catastrophe," p. 213.
Îbid., p. 2 1 2 .
Îbid., p. 2 1 6 .
Îbid., p. 2 1 7 .
105
Jung had fallen prey to every conservative image of
the Jew, though not every racist argument. The Jew, he said,
suffered from "soulless materialism." The Jew, he wrote,
had no genuine link to the soil— v/hich implied somehow that
he lacked a oui. The Jew was "still" a nomad. The Jew was
a virus/parasite feeding on a society or culture (though
Jung did not draw the racist conclusion that this disease on
the body politic should be destroyed). The Jew was "urban,"
a nd as such, less human than those attached to the soil. Those
views were held by Jung as early as I 9 I 8 , and were demonstrated
in his essay of that year "The Role of the Unconscious."^
His views remained unchanged in the years to come.
Jung was a collaborator. There was no necessity ex
cept his own inner compulsions, for him to become a collaborator,
He let his vanity, his jealousy of Freud, his v/ill-to-power
control him. In its essentials Jung's behavior differed very
little from that of Cardinal Pacelli (later Pope Pius XII),
Both men felt they v/ere genuinely doing the best they could
for their respective constituencies and for "civilization"
by giving official recognition to the National Socialist state.
Moreover, they v/elcomed the Nazis' anti-Communism as a counter
poise to the liberal, levelling, urban and unreligious ten
dencies of modern society. The Concordat was signed in
September of 1933 in the hopes that Catholics would be better
treated than might otherwise be possible. Jung accepted the
^See Appendix D.
106
presidency of the Allpêmeine Aertzliche Gesellschaft fuer
Psychothérapie for similar reasons in the spring of 1933»
He hoped to keep psychiatry alive inside Germany. What is
damning is that neither of those men repudiated his views
when experience clearly showed that the Nazis would not honor
their agreements, Jung, ultimately, did resign from his
presidency, but primarily as the result of the G erman pres
sures on him to do* so. Thus Jung supported and gave standing
in the outside world to a government of unparailed inhumanity.
He did not, by refusing this presidency or b y resiging in
a public and well-publicized manner, give German psychia
trists an obvious way to register their resentment (not their
opposition or resistance) against the regime. Rather, he was
instrumental in hastening the Gleichschaltuna of German
psychiatry.
This thesis has attempted to demonstrate that these
men, in spite of their bizarre or humanistic or psychological
or scientific trappings were all typical examples of German
conservatism as it had developed after 18?0,
They were all neo-romantics who, under the impact of
Social Darwinism, felt obligated to deck their thought with
scientific tags "proving" their mystical visions. None of
them seems to have realized that it was impossible to prove
a mystic vision, that it was unlikely that a dream could be
converted into a reality.
The infusion of German ideas about Social Darwinism

107
into late nineteenth-century thought and culture resulted
in Jung formulating his concepts of the collective unconscious
and the archetype. It contributed to Keyserling's hopes for
a "pure" race. It caused Steiner to spend his whole life
attempting to disprove the idea, that Man had evolved from
"lower" animals. Yet all these men fought certain positivist
implications of Darwinism. They believed that the brain was
not merely physical, but that something resided there, and
this immaterial something (spirit) created the material.
As a heuristic device this theory was not wholly without value,
but they were unv/illing to hold their hypothesis in suspension.
They had to "prove" it so they could believe it. All of
them believed not so much in the existence of consciousness
as in the existence of the unconscious (where for them re
sided "true" spirit).
All of those men viewed industrializtion as "nothing

*
but" a bleak process, a bleaching agent destroying the color
of life, a levelling agent destroying the variety and interest
of life. They wanted magic. They wanted perfection, purity,
wholeness. They v/anted a conservative (aristoractic) utopia.
They alv/ays assumed, of- course, that in any such utopia they
would be v/elcome, praised, glorified, deified. They sought
Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. p. l42n, "Nothing but"

a term frequently used by Jung to denote the common habit of
explaining something unknown by reducing it to something apparent
ly known and thereby devaluing it. It was borrowed from William
James, Pragmatism (1 9 0 7 ), p. I 6 : "What is higher is explained
what is lov/er and treated forever as a case of 'nothing but'--
nothing but something else of a quite inferior sort."
108
for what some philosophers refer to as "apodictic certainty"^-
that is an absolutely certain certainty— they attempted to
find certainty (truth, essence etc.) outside process (time).
When they found no certainty anyv/here, they were incapable
of believing that it had never existed. They remembered it
as having existed during their childhood. They continued
to seek it. They undertook "1^ q ueste. B u t they had no
intellectual self-discipline (nor even a truly religious
self-discipline). They had yearning, nostalgia, a vague
uneasiness in the face of the " m o d e m . " They had a capacity
for belief, but could not or would not undertake the unremit
ting self-examination of their own preconceptions, of their
own precritical stance, that might have enabled them to live
with themselves. They were, in the end, cowards. They hoped
to hypostatize synthesis, not understanding that synthesis
must of necessity posit its opposite, and once again become
"merely" thesis. They sought certainty, and could never face
losing what little certainty they possessed, the certainty
that someone (the Devil) had robbed them of their "home."
^ e e Appendix E.
APPENDIX A
"Ode on Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early

Childhood"
The child is father of the man;

A n d I could wish my days to he
Bound each to each by natural piety
There v/as a time when meadow, grove and stream.

The earth, and every common sight
To me did seem
Appareled in celestial light,
The glory and the freshness of a dream.
It is not nov/ as it hath been of yore; —
Turn wheresoe'er I may,
By night or day,
The things which I have seen I now can see no more
But yet I know, where'er I go,

That there hath passed away a glory from the earth,
--But there's a Tree, of many, one,

A single Field which I have looked upon,
Both of them speak of something that is gone,
The Pansy at my feet
Doth the same tale repeat:
Whither is fled the visionary gleam?
Where is it now, the glory and the dream?
109
110
Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting:

The Soul that rises with us, our life's Star,
Hath had elsewhere its setting.
And cometh from afar;
Not in entire forgetfulness,
And not in utter nakedness.
But trailing clouds of glory do we come
From God, who is our home;
Heaven lies about us in our infancy'.
Shades of the prison-house begin to close
Upon the growing Boy,
But he behods the light, and whence it flows
He sees it-in his joy;
The Youth, who daily farther from the east
Must travel, still is Nature's priest,
And by the vision splendid
Is on his way attended;
A t length the Man perceives it die away.
A n d fade into the light of common day.
Oh, joyI that in our embers

Is something that doth live,
That nature yet remembers
VJhat v/as so fugitive I
The thought of our past years in me doth breed
Perpetual benediction: not indeed
For that v/hich is most worthy to be blest;
Not for these I raise

The song of thanks and praise;
But for those obstinate questions
Of sense and outward things.
Fallings from us, vanishings;
Blank misgivings of a Creature
Ill
Moving about in worlds not realized,

High instincts before which our mortal nature
Did tremble like a guilty thing surprised:
But for those first affections,
Those shadowy recollections,
Which, be they what they may.
Are yet the fountain light of all our day,
Are yet a master light of all our seeing;
Uphold us, cherish, and have power to make
Our noisy years seem moments in the being
Of the eternal Silence: truths that wake
To perish never;
Which neither listlessness, nor mad endeavor,
Nor Man nor Boy,
N o r all that is a t 'enmity with joy,
Can utterly abolish or destroy!
Hence in a season of calm weather
Though inland far we be,
Our Souls have sight of that immortal sea
Which brought us hither,
Can in a moment travel thither,
And see the Children sport upon the shore.
And here the mighty waters rolling evermore.
10
What though the radiance v/hich v/as once so bright

Be nov/ forever taken from my sight,
Though nothing can bring back the hour
Of splendor in the grass, of glory in the flov/er;
We will grieve not, rather find
Strength in what remains behind;
In the primal sympathy
Which having been must ever be;
In the soothing thoughts that spring
Out of human suffering;
In the faith that looks through death.
In years that bring the philosophic mind.
11
APPENDIX B
The following is taken from Jung's autobiography Memories

D r e a m s , Reflections. pp. IO-I 5 .
These ruminations of mine led to my first conscious

trauma. One hot summer day I was sitting alone, as usual,
on the road in front of the house, playing in the sand. The
road led past the house up a hill, then disappeared in the
wood on the hilltop. So from the house you could see a stretch
of the road. Looking up, I saw a figure in a strangely broad
hat and a long black garment coming down from the wood. It
looked like a man wearing women's clothes. Slowly the figure
drew nearer, and I could now see that it really was a man
wearing a kind of black robe that reached to his feet. At
the sight of him I was overcome fear, v/hich rapidly grew into
deadly terror as the frightful recognition shot through m y
mind: "That is a Jesuit," Shortly before, I had overheard
a conversation between my father and a visiting colleague con
cerning the nefarious activities of the Jesuits. From the
half-irritated, half-fearful tone of my father's remarks I
gathered that "Jesuits" meant something specially dangerous,
even for my father. Actually I had no idea what Jesuits were,
but I was familiar with the word "Jesus"from my little prayer.
The man coming down the road must be in disguise, I

thought; that was why he wore women's clothes. Probably he
had evil intentions. Terrified, I ran helter-skelter into
the house, rushed up the stairs, and hid under a beam in the
darkest c o m e r of the attic. I don't know how long I remained
there, but it must have been a fairly long time, because, when
I ventured dov/n again' to the first floor and cautiously stuck
m y head out of the window, far and wide there was not a trace
of the black figure to -be seen. For days afterward the hellish
fright clung to my limbs and kept me in the house. An d even
when I began to play in the road again, the wooded hilltop was
still the object of my uneasy vigilance. Later I realized,
of course, that the black figure was a harmless Catholic priest.
At about the same time--I could not say with absolute

certainty whether it preceded this experience or n o t — I had the
earliest dream I can remember, a dream which was to pre
occupy me all my life. I was then between three and four
years old.
112
113
The vicarage stood quite alone near Laufen castle,

and there v/as a big meadow stretching back from the sexton's
farm. In the dream I was in this meadow. Suddenly I dis
covered a dark, rectangular, stone-lined hole in the ground,
I had never seen it before. I ran forward curiously and peered
down into it. Then I saw a stone stairway leading down.
Hesitantly and fearfully, I descended. At the bottom was a
doorway with a round arch, closed off by a green curtain.
It was a big, heavy curtain of worked stuff like brocade, and
it looked very sumptuous. Curious to see v/hat might be hidden
behind, I pushed it aside, I saw before me in the dim light
a rectangular chamber about thirty feet long. The ceiling
was arched and of hewn stone. The floor was laid with flag
stones, and in the center a red carpet ran from the entrance
to a low platform.' On this platform stood a wonderfully rich
golden throne. I am not certain, but perhaps a red cushion
lay on the seat. It was a magnificent throne, a real king's
throne in a fairy tale. Something was standing on it which
I thought at first was a tree trunk twelve to fifteen feet
high and about one and a half to two fee thick. It was a huge
thing, reaching almost to the ceiling. But it was of a curious
composition: it v/as made of skin and naked flesh, and on top
there was something like a rounded head with no face and no
hair. On the very top of the head v/as a single eye, gazing
motionlessly upward.
It was fairly light in the room, although there were

no windows and no apparent source of light. Above the head,
however, was an aura of brightness. The thing did not move,
yet I had the feeling that it might at any moment crawl off
the throne like a worm and creep toward me. I was paralyzed
with terror. A t that moment I heard from ouside and above
me my mother's voice. She called out, "Yes, just look at him.
That is the man-eater!" That intensified my terror still more,
and I av/oke sweating and scared to death. For many nights
afterward I was afraid to go to sleep, because I feared I
might have another dream like that.
This dream haunted me for years. Only much later did

I realize that what I had seen was a phallus, and it was de
cades before I understood that it was a ritual phallus. I
could never make out whether my mother meant, "That is the
man-eater," or "That is the man-eater." In the first case
she would have meant that not Lord Jesus or the Jesuit was the
devourer of little children, but the phallus ; in the second
case that the "man-eater" in general was symbolized by the
phallus, so that the dark Lord Jesus, the Jesuit, and the
phallus were identical.
The abstract significance of the phallus is shown by

the fact that it was enthroned by itself, "ithyphallically"
(. . . , upright). The hole in the meadow probably represented
a grave. The grave itself was an underground temple whose
114
green curtain symbo.ized the meadow, in other words the m y s

tery of Earth with her covering of green vegetation. The
carpet was blood-red. What about the vault? Perhaps I had
been to the Munot, the citadel of Schaffhausen? This is not
likely, since no one would take a three-year-old child up
there. So it cannot be a memory-trace. Equally, I do not
know where the anatomically correct phallus can have come
from. The interpretation of the orificium urethrae as an eye,
with the source of light apparently above it, points to the
etymology of the word phallus ( . . . , shining, bright).
At all events, the phallus of this dream seems to be

a subterranean God "not to be named," and such it remained
throughout my youth, reappearing whenever anyone spoke too
emphatically about Lord Jesus. Lord Jesus never became quite
real for me, never quite acceptable, never quite lovable, for
again and again I would think of his underground counterpart,
a frightful revelation which had been accorded me without my
seeking it. The Jesuit's "disguise" cast its shadow over the
Christian doctrine I had been taught. Often it seemed to me
a Solemn masquerade, a kind of funeral et which the mourners
put on serious or mournful faces but the next moment were
secretly laughing and not really sad at a l l . Lord Jesus seemed
to me in some ways a god of death, helpful, it is true, in that
he scared av/ay the terrors of the night, but himself uncanny,
a crucified and bloody corpse. Secretly, his love and kind
ness, which I alv/ays heard praised, appeared doubtful to me,
chiefly because the people who talked most about "dear Lord
Jesus" wore black frock coats and shiny black boots which
reminded me of burials. They were my father's colleagues
as well as eight of my uncles--all parsons. For many years
they inspired fear in me--not to speak of occasional Catholic
priests who reminded me of the terrifying Jesuit who had irri
tated and even alarmed my father. In later years and until
my confirmation, I made every effort to force myself to take
the required positive attitude to Christ. But I could never
succeed in overcoming my secret distrust.
The fear of the "black man," which is felt by every

child, v/as not the essential thing in that experience; it was,
rather, the reco^.ition that stabbed through my childish brain:
"That is a Jesuit." So- the important thing in the dream was
its remarkable s],mibolic setting and the astounding interpre
tation: "That is the man-eater." Not the child's ogre of a
man-eater, but the fact that this was the man-eater, and that
it was sitting on a golden throne beneath the earth. For my
childish imagination it was first of all the king who sat on
a golden ghrone; then, on a much more beautiful and much
higher and much more golden throne far, far away in the blue
sky, sat God and Lord Jesus, with golden crowns and white
robes. Yet from this same Lord Jesus came the "Jesuit," in
black woman's garb, with a broad black hat, down from the wooded
hill. I had to glance up there every so often to see v/hether
115
another danger might not he approaching. In the dream I v/ent

down into the hole in the earth and found something very-
different on a golden throne, something non-human and under-
worldly, which gazed fixedly upward and fed on human flesh.
It was only fifty years later that a passage in a study of
religious ritual burned into my eyes, concerning the motif
of cannibalism that underlies the symbolism of the Mass, Only
then did it become clear to me how exceedingly unchildlike,
how sophisticated and oversophisticated was the thought that
had begun to break through into consciousness in those two
experiences. Who was it speaking in me? Whose mind had
devised them? What kind of superior intelligence was at work?
I know every numbskull will babble on about "black man,"
"man-eater," "chançe," and "retrospective interpretation,"
in order to banish something terribly inconvenient that might
sully the familiary picture of childhood innocence. Ah,
these good, efficient, healthy-minded people, they always
remind me of those optimistic tadpoles who bask in a puddle
in the sun, in the shallowest of waters, crowding together
and amiably wriggling their tails, totally unaware that the
next morning the puddle will have dried up and left them
stranded.
Who spoke to me then? ..Who talked of problems far

beyond my knowledge? Who brought the Above and Below together,
and laid the foundation for everything that was to fill the
second half of my life with stormiest passion? Who but that
alien guest who came from above and from below?
Through this childhood dream I was initiated into the

secrets of the earth. What happened then was a kind of burial
in the earth, and many years were to pass before I came out
again. Today I know that it happened in order to bring the
greatest possible amount of light into the darkness. It was
an initiation into the realm of darkness. My intellectual
life had its unconscious beginnings at that time.
APPENDIX C
The following is taken from Jung's autobiograph Memories.

D reams, Reflections. pp. 20-23; "compulsion neurosis."
. . . . In our garden there was an old wall built of large

blocks of stone, the interstices of which made interesting
caves. I used to tend a little fire in one of these caves,
with other children helping me; a fire that had to b u m for
ever and therefore had to be constantly maintained by our
united efforts, v/hich consisted in gathering the necessary
wood. No one but myself was allowed to tend this fire. Others
could light other fires in other caves, but these fires were
profane and did not concern me. My fire alone was living and
had an unmistakable aura of sanctity.
In front of this wall was a slope in which was embedded

a stone that jutted out--my stone. Often, when I was alone,
I sat dovm on this stone, and then began an imaginary game that
went something like this : "I am sitting on top of this stone
and it is underneath." But the stone also could say "I" and
think: "I‘am lying here on this slope and he is sitting on
top of me." The question then arose: "Am I the one who is
sitting on the stone, or am I the stone on which he is sitting?"
This question alv/ays perplexed me, and I would stand up,
wondering who was v/hat now. The answer remained totally u n
clear, and my uneertainty was accompanied by a feeling of
curious and fascinating darkness. But there was no doubt
whatsoever that this stone stood in some secret relationship
to me. I could sit on it for hours, fascinated by the puzzle
it set me.
Thirty years later I again stood on that slope. I

was a married man, had children, a house, a place in the world,
and a head full of ideas and plans, and suddenly I was again
the child v/ho had kindled a fire full of secret significance
and sat down on a stone without knowing v/hether it was I or
I was it. I thought suddenly of my life in Zurich, and it
seemed alien to me, like news from some remote world and time.
This was frightening, for the world of my childhood in which
I had just become absorbed was eternal, and I had been wrenched
from it and had fallen into a time that continued to roll
onward, moving farther and farther away. The pull of that
other v/orld was so strong that I had to tear myself violently
from the spot in order not to lose hold of my future.
116
117
I have never forgotten that moment, for it illuminated

in a flash of lightning the quality of eternity in my child
hood. What this meant was revealed soon afterward, in my
tenth year. My disunion with myself and uncertainty in the
world at large led me to an action which at the time was quite
incomprehensible to me, I had in those days a yellow, var
nished pencil case of the kind commonly used by primary-sohool
pupils, with a little lock and the customary ruler. At the
end of this ruler I now carved a little manikin, about two
inches long, with frock coat, top hat, and shiny black boots.
I collored him black with ink, sawed him off the ruler, and
put him in the pencil case, where I made him a little bed, I
even made a coat for him out of a bit of wool. In the case I
also placed a smooth, oblong blackish stone from the Rhine,
which I had apinted with water colors to look as though it
were divided into an upper and lower half, and had long carried
around in my trouser pocket. This was his stone. All this
was a great secret. Secretly I took the case to the forbidden
attic at the top of the house (forbidden because the floorboards
were worm-eaten and rotten) and hid it with great satisfaction
on one of the beams under the roof— for no one must ever see
it! I knew that not a soul would ever find it there. No
one could discover my secret and destroy it. I felt safe, and
the tormenting sense of being at odds with myself was gone.
In all difficult situations, whenever I had done something
wrong or my feelings had been hurt, or when my father's irri
tability or my mother's invalidism oppressed me, I thought
of my carefully bedded-down and wrapped-up manikin and his
smooth, prettily colored stone. From time to time— often at
intervals of weeks--I secretly stole up to the attic when I
could be certain that no one would see me. Then I clambered
up on the beam, opened the case, and looked at my manikin and
his stone. Each time I did this I placed in the case a little
scroll of paper on which I had previously written something
during school hours in a secret language of my own invention.
The addition of a new scroll always had the character of a
solemn ceremonial act. Unfortunately I cannot remember what
I wanted to communicate to the manikin. I only know that m y
"letters" constituted a kind of library for him. I fancy,
though I cannot be certain, that they may have consisted of
sayings that particularly pleased me.
The meaning of .these actions, or how I might explain

them, never worried me. I contented myself with the feeling
of newly v/on security, and was satisfied to possess something
that no one knev/ and no one could get at. It was an inviolable
secret which must never be betrayed, for the safety of my
life depended on it. Why that was so I did not ask myself.
It simply was so.
This possession of a secret had a very powerful form

ative influence on my character; I consider it the essential
factor of my boyhood. Similarly, I never told anyone about
the dream of the phallus ; and the Jesuit, too, belonged to
118
realm which I knew I must not talk about. The little wooden
figure with the stone was a first attempt, still unconscious
and childish, to give shape to the secret. I was always a b
sorbed by it and had the feeling I ought to fathom it; and
yet I did not know what it was I was trying to express, I
always hoped I might be able to find something— perhaps in
nature— that would give me the clue and show me where or what
the secret was. At that time my interest in plants, animals,
and sentes grew. I was constantly on the lookout for something
mysterious. Consciously, I was religious in the Christian
sense, though always with the reservation: "But it is not so
certain as all that*." or, "What about that thing under the
ground?" And when religious teachings v/ere pumped into me and
I was told, "This is beautiful and this is good," I would
think to myself: "Yes, but there is something else, something
very secret that people don't know about."
The episode with the carved manikin formed the climax

and the conclusion of my childhood. It lasted about a year.
Thereafter I completely forgot the whole affair until I was
thirty-five. Then this fragment of memory rose up again from
the mists of childhood with pristine clarity. While I was
engaged on the preliminary studies for my book Wandlungen und
Symbole der Libido (Symbols of Transformation), I read about
the cache of soul-stones near Arlesheim, and the Australian
churingas. I suddenly discovered that I had a quite definite
image of such a stone, though I had never seen any reproduc
tions. It was oblong, blackish, and painted into an upper and
lower half. This image was joined by that of the pencil
box and the manikin. The manikin v/as a little cloaked god
of the ancient world, a Telesphoros such as stands on the m o n
uments of Asklepios and reads to him from a scroll. Along
with this recollection there came to me, for the first time,
the conviction that there are archaic psychic components which
have entered the individual psyche without any direct line
of tradition. My father's library--which I examined only very
much later--contained not a single book which might have trans
mitted any such information. Moreover, my father demonstrably
knew nothing about these things.
When I v/as in gland in 192 0, I carved out of wood two

similar figures v/ithout having the slightest recollection of
that childhood experience. One of them I had reproduced
on a larger scale in stone, and this figure now stands in my
garden in Kuesnacht. Only while I was doing this work did
the unconscious supply me with a name. It called the figure
Atmavictu— the "breath of life." It v/as a further development
of that fearful tree of my childhood dream, which was now r e
vealed as the "breath of life," the creative impulse. Ulti- i
mately, the manikin was a kabir, wrapped in his little cloak,
hidden in the kista, and provided with a supply of life-foree,
the oblong black stone. But these are connections which
119
■became clear to me only much later in life. When I was a

child I performed the ritual just as I have seen it done
by the natives of Africa; they act first and do not know
what they are doing. Only long afterv/ard do they reflect
on v/hat they have done.
APPENDIX D
The following are excerpts from "The Role of the Unconscious"

written in I 9 I 8 . Primarily its purpose was to refute Freudian
psychology and to suggest Jungian alternatives. (CW 10,
P P • 3“2 8 .)
(para. 1 3 , p. 10. ) V
This unconscious, buried in the structure of the
brain and disclosing its living presence only through the
medium of creative fantasy, is the sunranersonal uneonscious.
It comes alive in the creative man, it reveals itself in the
vision of the artist, in the inspiration of the thinker, in
the inner experience of the mystic. The suprapersonal uncon
scious, being distributed throughout the brain-structure, is
like an all-pervading, omnipresent, omniscient spirit. It
knows man as he always was, and not as he is at this moment;
it knows him as myth. For this reason, also, the connection
with the suprapersonal or collective unconscious means an ex
tension of man beyond himself; it means death for his personal
being and a rebirth in a new dimension, as was literally enacted
in certain of the ancient mysteries. It is certainly true
that without the sacrifice of man as he is, man as he was--
and always will be--cannot be attained. And it is the artist
who can tell us most about this sacrifice of the personal
man, if we are not satisfied with the message of the Gospels,
(para. 14-, pp. 1 0 -1 1 )

It should on no account be imagined that there are such
things as inherited ideas, Of that there can be no question.
There are, however, innate possibilities of ideas, similar
to the Kantian categories. Though these innate conditions
do not produce any contents of themselves, they give definite
form to contents that have already been acquired. Being a
part of the inherited structure of the brain, they are the
reason for the identity of symbols and myth-motifs in all parts
of the earth, , . .
(para. I 6 , p. 1 2 )
. . . . A mere fifty generations ago many of us in
Europe v/ere no better than primitives. The layer of culture,
this pleasing patina, must therefore be quite extraordinarily
thin in comparison with the powerfully developed layers of
the primitive psyche. But it is these layers that form the
collective unconscious, together with the vestiges of animality
that lose themselves in the nebulous abyss of time.
12 0
121
(para. 1 ?, pp. 1 2 -1 3 )
Christianity split the Germanic barbarian into an
upper and a lower half, and enabled him, by repressing the
dark side, to domesticate the brighter half and fit it for
civilization. But the lower, darker half still awaits redemp
tion and a second spell of domestication. Until then, it
will remain associated with the vestiges of the prehistoric
age, with the collective unconscious, which is subject to a
peculiar and ever-increasing activation. As the Christian
view of the world loses its authority, the more menacingly
will the "blond beast" be heard prowling about in its under
ground prison, ready at any moment to burst out with devas
tating consequences. When this happens in the individual it
brings about a psychological revolution, but it can also
take a social form.
(para. 13, p. 1 3 )
In my opinion this problem does not exist for the
Jews, The Jew already had the culture of the ancient world
and on top of that has taken over the culture of the nations
amongst whom he dwells. He has tv/o cultures, paradoxical as
that may sound. He is domesticated to a higher degree than
we are, but he is badly at a loss for that quality in man which
roots him to the earth and draws new strength from below.
This chthonic quality is found in dangerous concentration in
the Germanic peoples. Naturally the Aryan European has not
noticed any signs of this for a very long time, but perhaps he
is beginning to notice it in the present war; and again, p e r
haps not. The Jev/ has too little of this quality--where has
he his own earth underfoot? The mystery of earth is no joke
and no paradox. One only needs to see how, in America, the
skull and pelvis measurements of all European races indianize
themselves in the second generation of immigrants. That is
the mystery of the American earth.
(para. 1 9 , pp. 1 3 -1 ^)
The soil of every country holds some such mystery. We
have an unconscious reflection of this in the psyche: just
as there is a relationship of mind to body, so there is a re
lationship of body to earth. I hope the reader will pardon
m y figurative way of speaking, and will try to grasp what I
mean. It is not easy to describe, definite though it is.
There are people--quite a number of them--who live outside and
above their bodies, who float like bodiless shadows above
their earth, their earthy component, which is their body.
Others live wholly in their bodies. As a rule, the Jew lives
in amicable relationship with the earth, but without feeling
the pov/er of the chthonic. His receptivity to this seems to
have weakened with time. This may explain the specific need
of the Jev/ to reduce everything to its material beginning; he
needs these beginnings in order to counterbalance the dangerous
ascendency of his tv/o cultures. A little bit of primitivity
does not hurt him; on the contrary, I can understand very well
that Freud's and Adler's reduction of everything psychic'., to
122
primitive sexual wishes and power-drives has something about

it that is beneficial and satisfying to the Jew, because it
is a form of simplification. For this reason, Freud is p e r
haps right to close his eyes to my objections. But these
specifically Jewish doctrines are thoroughly unsatisfying to
the Germanic mentality; we still have a genuine barbarian in
us who is not to be trifled with, and whose manifestation is
no comfort for us and not a pleasant way of passing the time.
Would that people could l e a m the lesson of this warI The
fact is, our unconscious is not to be got at with over-ingen
ious and grotesque /sexual/ interpretations. The psycho
therapist with a Jewish background awakens in the Germanic
psyche not those wistful and whimsical residues from the time
of David, but the barbarian of yesterday, a being for whom
matters suddenly become serious in the most unpleasant way.
This annoying peculiarity of the barbarian was apparent also
to Nietzsche--no doubt from personal experience--which is why
he thought highly of the Jewish mentality and preached about
dancing and flying and not taking things seriously. But he
overlooked the fact that it is not the barbarian in us who
takes things seriously--they become serious for h i m . . He is
gripped by the daemon. And who took things more seriously
than Nietzsche himself?
(para. 2 1 , p. 1 5 )
The role of the unconscious is to act compensatorily
to the conscious contents of the moment. By this I do not mean
that it sets up an opposition, for there are times when the
tendency of the unconscious coincides with that of conscious
ness, namely, when the conscious attitude is approaching the
optimum. The nearer it approaches the optimum, the more the
autonomous activity of the unconscious is diminished, and the
more its value sinks until, at the moment v/hen the optimum is
reached, it falls to z e r o . We can say, then, that so long
as all goes well, so long as a person travels the road that
is, for him, the individual as well as the social optimum,
there is no talk of the unconscious. The very fact that we
in our age come to speak of the unconscious at all is proof
that everything is not in order. This talk of the unconscious
cannot be laid entirely at the door of analytical psychology;
its beginnings can be traced back to the time of the French
Revolution, and the first signs of it can be found in Mesmer.
It is true that in those days they did not speak of the un
conscious but of "animal magnetism." This is nothing but a
rediscovery of the primitive concept of soul-force of soul-
stuff, awakened out of the unconscious by a reactivation of
archaic forms of thought.. . . .
(para. 42, p. 2 5 )
The fact of projection was first recognized from
disturbances of psychological adaptation. Later, it was
recognized also from what promoted adaptation, that is to say
from the apparently positive qualities of the object. Here
it was the valuable qualities of the subject's own person
ality which he had overlooked that appeared in the object and
made it especially desirable.
123
(para. 44, pp. 26-27)

We find this phenomenon /projection/ beautifully
developed in primitive man. The country he inhabits is at
the same time the topography of his unconscious. In that
stately tree dwells the thunder-god; this spring is haunted
by the Old Woman; in that wood the legendary king is buried;
. . . . All kinds of objects and signs mark these places, and
pious awe surrounds the marked spot. Thus does primitive
man dwell in his land and at the same time in the land of his
unconscious. Everywhere his unconscious jumps out at him,
alive and real. How different is our relationship to the
land we dwell ini . . . A whole world of feeling is closed
to US; it lives on in the unconscious. The further we remove
ourselves from it with our enlightenment and our rational
superiority, the more it fades into the distance, but is
made all the more potent by everything that falls into it,
thrust out by our one-sided rationalism. This lost bit of
nature seeks revenge and returns in faked, distorted form,
for instance as a tango epidemic, as Futurism, Dadaism, and
all the other crazes and crudities in which our age abounds.
(para. 45, p. 2 ?)
. . . . Where are. the superior minds, capable of reflection,
today? If they exist at all, nobody heeds them; instead
there is a general running amok, a universal fatality against
whose compelling sway the individual is powerless to defend
himself. And yet this collective phenomenon is the fault of
the individual as well, for nations are made up of individ
uals. Therefore the individual must consider by what means he
can counteract the evil. Our rationalistic attitude leads us
to believe that we can work wonders with international organ
izations, legislation, and other v/ell-meant devices. But in
reality only a change in the attitude of the individual can
bring about a renewal in the spirit of the nations. Every
thing begins with the individual.
(para. 46, p. 2 7 )
. . . . We must begin by breaking it /the power principle/ in
ourselves. Then the thing becomes credible. We should listen
to the voice of nature that speaks to us from the unconscious.
Then everyone will be so preoccupied with himself that he
v/ill give up trying to put the world to rights.
APPENDIX E
In the footnote explaining this letter is the following:

"This letter reached Prof. Baur-Celio, in the form reproduced
here, without beginning or end. It is in answer to the ques
tion whether Jung possessed any 'secret knowledge' surpassing
his written formulations." The letter is dated 3 0 January
1934. (Letters, pp. l 4 0-142)
I cannot leave your "question of conscience" unans

wered. Obviously I speak only of what I know and what can be
verified. I don't v/ant to addle anybody's brains with my
subjective conjectures. Beyond that I have had experiences
which are, so to speak, "ineffable," "secret" because they
can never be told properly and because nobody can under
stand them (I don't know whether I have even approximately
understood them myself), "dangerous" because 99^ of humanity
would declare I was mad if they heard such things from me,
"catastrophic" because the prejudices aroused by their telling
might block other people's way to a living and wondrous m y s
tery, "taboo" because they are an ____ /Greek word meaning
holy (numinous) precinct or sanetuary/ protected by ______
/Greek word meaning fear of the gods (or d e m o n s ^ as
faithfully described by Goethe:
Shelter gives deep cave.

Lions around us stray.
Silent and tame they rove.
And sacred honours pay
To the holy shrine of love.
And already too much has been said— my public might be fa
tally infected by the suspicion of "poetic licence"--that
most painful aberration!
Can anyone say "credo" when he stands amidst his ex

perience, ________ /Greek phrase meaning, in faith trusting
the terrifying apparition/, when he knows how superfluous
"belief" is, when he more than just "knows," when the exper
ience has even pressed him to the wall?
I don't want to seduce anyone into believing and thus

take his experience from him. I need my mental and physical
health in fullest measure to hold out against what people call
124
125
"peace," so I don't like boosting my experiences. But one

thing I will tell you: the exploration of the unconscious
has in fact and in truth discovered the age-old timeless
wav of initiation. Freud's theory is an apotropaic attempt
to block off and protect oneself from the perils of the
"long road"; only a "knight" dares "la queste" and the "aven-
tiure." Nothing is submerged for ever— that is the terrifying
discovery everyone makes who has opened that portal. But the
primeval fear is so great that the world is grateful to Freud
for having proved "scientifically" (what a bastard of a s c i
ence!) that one has seen nothing behind it. Now it is not
merely ray "credo" but the greatest and most incisive experi
ence of my life that this door, a highly inconspicuous side-
door on an unsuspicious-looking and easily overlooked foot-
path— narrow and indistinct because only a fev/ have set
foot on it--leads to the secret of transformation and renewal.
/Jung now quotes Matthew 7: 13-15 in Latin.

The following is from the King James version.^
13: Enter ye in at the strait gate;

for wide is the gate, and broad is the
way, that leadeth to destruction, and
many there be which go in thereat;
14: Because strait is the gate, and
narrow is the way, which leadeth unto
life, and few there be that find it.
15: Beware of false prophets, which
come to 2/ou in sheep's clothing, but
inv/ardly they are ravening wolves.
Now you v/ill understand why I prefer to say "scio'

and not "credo"--because I don't want to act mysterious.
But it would infallibly look as though I were acting mys
terious if I spoke of a real, living mystery. One i£ mys
terious when one speaks of a real mystery. Therefore better
not speak of it in order to avoid that evil and confusing
look. Like all real life it is a voyage between Scylla and
Charybdis.
It should be noted in this context that Steiner wrote
a book entitled The Way of Initiation and that he wrote,
produced and directed four "Mystery Plays."

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128
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" 1 9 1 4 and 1 9 2 0 ." The Living Age 307 (20 November

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" 1 2 5 (April 1 9 2 0 ): 5 5 6 -5 6 3 .
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Literature 3 (4 December 1 9 2 6 ): 378.
"A Philosopher's View of the War," The Atlantic

"Monthly 117 (February 1 9 1 6 ) ; 145-153.
"Reflections of a Philosopher Living Abroad."

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l44 (November I 9 2 9 ): 605-608.
"Spain and Europe." The Living Age 330 (28 August

"1 9 2 6 ): 4 4 8 -4 5 0 .
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Bosardi, Alessandro de. "The School of Wisdom at Darmstadt."

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(12 June 1 9 2 9 ): 7 1 2 .
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_________ . Die Sprache als Quell der Seelenkunde. Stuttgart:

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Merezhkovskii, D . S . The Forerunner: The Romance of Leonardo

de V i n c i . London: Constable, I 9 2 9 .
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V I T A
The author, Charlene Hoffman Shults, is the daughter
of Rev, Melvin and Kathleen (Miller) Hoffman. She was born
on 6 July 19^9 in El Reno, Oklahoma,
Her elementary education was obtained in the elementary
schools of Shawnee and El Renq Oklahoma, Secondary education
was obtained at Waurika and Putnam City High Schools. She
graduated from Putnam City High School in 196?.
She attended Oklahoma Baptist University and grad
uated cum laude in 1 9 7 3 .
She attended the University of Lousiville from 197^
to 1977. While in attendance at U of L she worked as an
administrative assistant and collections processor at the
University Archives and Historical Research Center, During
1 9 7 3 -7 6 she was a research assistant in the History Department,
and she received the Dale Fellowship in History for the academic
year 1976-1977.
She has been married to Terrance Glenn Shults since
1 May 1 9 7 0 .
143

Keyserling, Steiner, Jung, Exemplars of Pseudo-Rational Thought in Germany Between The Wars.

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5. PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as

University Microfilms International

MASTERS THESIS 13-10,332

SHULTS, Charlene Hoffman

Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan4S106

Exemplars of Pseudo-rational Thought in Germany

Charlene Hoffman Shults

Division of the Social Sciences

Exemplars of Pseudo-rational Thought in Germany

Charlene Hoffman Shults

by the Following Reading Committee:

This thesis will attempt to demonstrate that

Rudolf Steiner (I8 6 I-I 9 2 5 )» Hermann Graf Keyserling

(1880-1946) and Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961) in spite

of their bizarre or psychological or scientific trappings,

in spite of the fact, that they came from the periphery

of the German language area, were all typical examples

and exponents of German conservatism as it had developed

To James Edward Sutton, whose generosity with his

time enabled me to amass the necessary hours to graduate in

European history, and whose ironic humor braced me to finish

To Charles F, Breslin, who introduced me to the

philosophy of history and thus to an awareness of my own

KEYSERLING, STEINER, J U N G ............................. 1

APPENDIX A .............................................. 109

APPENDIX B ........................ . . 112

APPENDIX D ................................................. 120

APPENDIX E ................................................. 124

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................ 126

Jung, Keyserling and Steiner all held similar romantic

visions of childhood, in spite of, or perhaps because of their

own unhappy and essentially solitary (alienated) childhoods.

They bewailed all their lives the loss of the "visionary

dream." Not surprisingly all three men interpreted and

retold their childhood memories in a typically romantic

fashion. For example, all three claim to have had aspecial

(mystical/natural) understanding of animals— not unlike cer­

tain saints whose affinity for animals was taken as a sign

of their "chosenness." Each man recast his childhood so that

the "Faustian" and "Paracelsian" elements were obvious. All

of them appear to have read Faust at an extraordinarily

young age, and been profoundly impressed. Rather than de-

mythologize or demystify their childhood these men chose to re-

C. G. Jung, Letters ; 1906-1950. ed. Gerhard Adler

able to regain the unity of the mystic vision, the primordial

unity of man and nature.

In spite of their frequently idealized descriptions

of childhood all of them had at best unpleasant childhoods

and at worst plainly terrifying experiences that "marked"

visions^ throughout his childhood, and at one point seems to

stay in a sanitarium. He had a series of psychosomatic

illnesses which culminated in a lengthy absence from school

since he invariably fainted when he tried to study.^ Steiner

also saw spirits as a child and felt dreadfully misunderstood

and alienated when he discovered that his classmates did not

Jung, a pastor's son, Steiner, a practicing Catholic

until late adolescence, a n d , :to a lesser extent, Keyserling

were mystics who found the established church insufficiently

"exciting" or rather found it stripped of all its "magic"

^For an example see Appendix B,

■'^C. G. Jung, Memories. D r e a m s , Reflections, ed. Aniela

(mystical/natural) understanding of animals— not unlike cer

Theory. Both of them were violently and long-windedly a n t i

psychology did not become well-known until I 9 2 1 with the p u b