Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Daniel H. Pink
2 MILLION CO P IES SOLD WORLDWIDE
D an iel H. P in k is the author of several books, including the N ew York
Times bestselling W hen, To S ell is Human and A W hole N ew M ind. His
books have been translated into 35 languages and have sold more than
2 m illion copies worldwide. He lives in Washington D.C. with his wife
and children.
danpink.com
‘Inspiring’ G uardian
‘D rive is the rare book that w ill get you to think and inspire you to act.
Pink makes a strong, science-based case for rethinking motivation -
and then provides the tools you need to transform your life’
DR MEHMET OZ, co-author of You: The Owner's M anual
When
To S ell is Human
A Whole N ew M ind
Daniel H. Pink
II
СANONGATE
This paperback edition published in Great Britain in 2 0 18 by Canongate Books
canongate.co.uk
W hile the author has made every effort to provide accurate telephone numbers
and Internet addresses at the time of publication, neither the publisher nor
the author assumes any responsibility for errors, or for changes that occur after
publication. Further, the publisher does not have any control over and does not
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Unless otherwise indicated, all illustrations in this book are by Rob Ten Pas
MIX
P aper from
_ _ _ responsible so u rces
Part One
A N ew O p e ra tin g System
"B ut in the first ten years o f this century—a period o f tru ly sta ggerin g
underachievem ent in business, technology, a n d socia l progress — w e’ve
Contents
discovered that this sturdy, o ld operating system doesn 't work nearly
as w ell. It crashes— often a n d unpredictably. It forces people to devise
workarounds to bypass its flaw s. M ost o f a ll, it is p rovin g incom patible
w ith m any aspects o f contemporary business. ”
“In other words, rewards can perform a w eird sort o f behavioral alchem y:
They can transform an interesting task into a drudge. They can turn p la y
into work. ’’
“W hile an operating system centered aroun d rew ards a n d punishm ents has
ou tlived its usefulness a n d badly needs an upgrade, that doesn’t mean w e
should scrap its every piece. ”
X
Contents
Par t T w o
The T h r e e E l e m e n t s
C H A P T E R 4. A u to n o m y 85
“Perhaps it ’s tim e to toss the very w ord ‘m anagem ent’ into the lin gu istic
ash heap alon gside ‘icebox’ a n d ‘horseless carriage. ’ This era doesn’t c a ll for
better management. It ca lls fo r a renaissance o f self-direction. ”
C H A P T E R 5. M a ste ry 10 9
“In our offices a n d our classrooms w e have w a y too much com pliance a n d
w ay too little engagement. The form er m ight g et you through the day, but
only the latter w ill g et you through the night. ”
C H A P T E R 6. Purpose 131
“It’s in our nature to seek purpose. B ut that nature is now being revealed
a n d expressed on a scale that is dem ographically unprecedented and,
u n til recently, scarcely im aginable. The consequences cou ld rejuvenate our
businesses a n d remake our world. ”
Contents
Par t T h r e e
The Type I T o o l k i t
Type I for Parents and Educators: Nine Ideas for Helping Our Kids 174
The Type I Fitness Plan: Four Tips for Getting (and Staying)
Motivated to Exercise 201
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INTRODUCTION
The P u z zl i n g Puzzles o f
H a r r y H a r l o w and Edward Deei
2
T h e P u z z l i n g P u z z l e s o f H a r r y H a r l o w a n d E d w a r d Deei
first was the biological drive. H um ans and other anim als ate to sate
their hunger, drank to quench their th irst, and copulated to satisfy
th eir carnal urges. B ut th at w asn’t happening here. “Solution did not
lead to food, water, or sex gratification ,” H arlow reported.1
B ut the only other known drive also failed to explain the m on
keys’ peculiar behavior. If biological m otivations came from w ith in ,
this second drive came from w ithout— the rewards and punishm ents
the environm ent delivered for behaving in certain ways. This was
certain ly true for hum ans, who responded exquisitely to such exter
nal forces. If you prom ised to raise our pay, w e’d work harder. If you
held out the prospect of g e ttin g an A on the test, w e’d study longer.
If you threatened to dock us for show ing up late or for incorrectly
com pleting a form, w e’d arrive on tim e and tick every box. B ut that
d id n ’t account for the m onkeys’ actions either. As H arlow wrote, and
you can alm ost hear him scratching his head, “The behavior obtained
in this investigation poses some interesting questions for m otivation
theory, since significant learning was attained and efficient perfor
m ance m aintained w ithout resort to special or extrinsic incentives.”
W h at else could it be?
To answer the question, H arlow offered a novel theory— w hat
am ounted to a th ir d drive: “The performance of the task ,” he said,
"provided intrinsic rew ard.” The m onkeys solved the puzzles sim p ly
because they found it g ratifyin g to solve puzzles. They enjoyed it.
The joy of the task was its own reward.
If this notion was radical, w hat happened next only deepened the
confusion and controversy. Perhaps this new ly discovered drive—
H arlow eventually called it “intrinsic m otivation”— was real. B ut
surely it was subordinate to the other two drives. If the m onkeys
were rewarded— w ith raisins!— for solving the puzzles, th ey’d no
doubt perform even better. Yet when H arlow tested th at approach,
the m onkeys actually m ade m ore errors and solved the puzzles less
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A t the tim e, however, the prevailing two drives held a tig h t g rip on
scientific th in k in g. So H arlow sounded the alarm . H e urged scien
tists to “close down large sections of our theoretical jun kyard” and
offer fresher, more accurate accounts of hum an behavior.3 H e warned
that our explanation of w hy we did what we did was incom plete. He
said th at to tru ly understand the hum an condition, we had to take
account of this third drive.
Then he pretty much dropped the whole idea.
R ather than b attle the establishm ent and begin offering a more
com plete view of m otivation, H arlow abandoned this contentious
lin e of research and later became famous for studies on the science
of affection.4 H is notion of this third drive bounced around the p sy
chological literature, but it rem ained on the periphery— of behav
ioral science and of our understanding of ourselves. It would be two
decades before another scientist picked up the thread that H arlow
had so provocatively left on that W isconsin laboratory table.
4
T h e P u z z l i n g P u z z l e s o f H a r r y H a r l o w a n d E d w a r d Deci
T he s ev en p ie c e s o f th e Som a p u z z le u n a ss e m b le d (left) a n d th en fa s h io n e d in to o n e o f
s e v e r a l m illio n p o ssib le co n figu ra tio n s.
For the study, Deci divided participants, m ale and fem ale u n i
versity students, into an experim ental group (w hat I’ll call Group
A) and a control group (w hat I’ll call Group B). Each participated in
three one-hour sessions held on consecutive days.
H ere’s how the sessions worked: Each participant entered a room
and sat at a table on top of which were the seven Soma puzzle pieces,
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H O W TH E TWO G R O U P S W E R E T R E ATED
D ay 1 Day 2 Day 3
6
T h e P u z z l i n g P u z z l e s o f H a r r y H a r l o w and E d w a r d Deci
m ay do w hatever you lik e w hile I’m gon e.” B ut Deci w asn’t really
p lu g g in g numbers into an ancient teletype. Instead, he w alked to
an adjo in in g room connected to the experim ent room by a one-way
window. Then, for exactly eigh t m inutes, he watched what people
did when left alone. D id they continue fiddling w ith the puzzle,
perhaps attem p tin g to reproduce the third draw ing? Or did they do
som ething else— page through the m agazines, check out the center
fold, stare into space, catch a quick nap?
In the first session, not surprisingly, there w asn’t much difference
between what the Group A and Group В participants did during
that secretly w atched eigh t-m in ute free-choice period. Both contin
ued p layin g w ith the puzzle, on average, for between three and a
h alf and four m inutes, su ggestin g they found it at least somewhat
interesting.
On the second day, during which Group A participants were paid
for each successful configuration and Group В participants were not, the
unpaid group behaved m ostly as they had during the first free-choice
period. But the paid group suddenly got really interested in Soma puz
zles. On average, the people in Group A spent more than five m inutes
messing with the puzzle, perhaps gettin g a head start on that third
challenge or gearing up for the chance to earn some beer money when
Deci returned. This makes intuitive sense, right? It’s consistent with
what we believe about motivation: Reward me and I’ll work harder.
Yet w hat happened on the th ird day confirmed D eci’s own suspi
cions about the p eculiar workings of m otivation— and g en tly called
into question a g u id in g prem ise of modern life. This tim e, Deci told
the participants in Group A that there was only enough money to
pay them for one day and that this third session would therefore be
unpaid. Then things unfolded just as before— two puzzles, followed
by D eci’s interruption.
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D uring the ensuing eigh t-m in ute free-choice period, the sub
jects in the never-been-paid Group В actu ally played w ith the puzzle
for a little longer than they had in previous sessions. M aybe they
were becom ing ever more engaged; m aybe it was just a statistical
q uirk. B ut the subjects in Group A, who previously had been paid,
responded differently. They now spent sign ifican tly less tim e p lay
in g w ith the puzzle— not only about two m inutes less than dur
in g their paid session, but about a full m in ute less than in the first
session when they in itia lly encountered, and obviously enjoyed, the
puzzles.
In an echo of what H arlow discovered two decades earlier, Deci
revealed th at hum an m otivation seemed to operate by laws that ran
counter to w hat most scientists and citizens believed. From the office
to the p layin g field, we knew w hat got people go in g. Rewards—
especially cold, hard cash— intensified interest and enhanced per
formance. W h at Deci found, and then confirmed in two additional
studies he conducted shortly thereafter, was alm ost the opposite.
“W hen money is used as an external reward for some activity, the
subjects lose intrinsic interest for the activ ity,” he w rote.’ Rewards
can deliver a short-term boost— just as a jo lt of caffeine can keep
you cranking for a few more hours. B ut the effect wears off—and,
worse, can reduce a person’s longer-term m otivation to continue the
project.
H um an beings, Deci said, have an “inherent tendency to seek
out novelty and challenges, to extend and exercise th eir capacities,
to explore, and to learn .” B ut this third drive was more fragile than
the other two; it needed the righ t environm ent to survive. “One
who is interested in developing and enhancing intrinsic m otiva
tion in children, em ployees, students, etc., should not concentrate on
external-control system s such as monetary rew ards,” he wrote in a
a
T h e P u z z l i n g P u z z l e s o f H a r r y H a r l o w and E d w a r d Deci
follow-up paper.6 Thus began w hat for Deci became a lifelong quest
to rethink w hy we do w hat we do— a pursuit that sometim es put
him at odds w ith fellow psychologists, got him fired from a business
school, and challenged the operating assum ptions of organizations
everywhere.
“It was controversial,” Deci told me one spring m orning forty
years after the Soma experim ents. “Nobody was expecting rewards
w ould have a negative effect.”
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knows and w hat business does. The goal of this book is to repair that
breach.
D rive has three parts. Part One w ill look at the flaws in our
rew ard-and-punishm ent system and propose a new w ay to th ink
about m otivation. Chapter 1 w ill exam ine how the p revailin g view
of m otivation is becom ing incom patible w ith m any aspects of con
tem porary business and life. Chapter 2 w ill reveal the seven rea
sons w hy carrot-and-stick extrinsic m otivators often produce the
opposite of w hat they set out to achieve. (Follow ing that is a short
addendum , Chapter 2a, that shows the special circum stances when
carrots and sticks actually can be effective.) Chapter 3 w ill introduce
w hat I call “Type I” behavior, a way of th in k in g and an approach to
business grounded in the real science of hum an m otivation and pow
ered by our third drive— our innate need to direct our own lives, to
learn and create new th ings, and to do better by ourselves and our
world.
Part Two w ill exam ine the three elem ents of Type I behavior and
show how in dividuals and organizations are using them to improve
performance and deepen satisfaction. Chapter 4 w ill explore auton
omy, our desire to be self-directed. Chapter 5 w ill look at mastery,
our urge to g et better and better at w hat we do. Chapter 6 w ill
explore purpose, our yearning to be part of som ething larger than
ourselves.
Part Three, the Type I Toolkit, is a comprehensive set of resources
to help you create settings in which Type I behavior can flourish.
Here you’ll find everything from dozens of exercises to awaken
m otivation in yourself and others, to discussion questions for your
book club, to a supershort sum m ary of D rive that w ill help you
fake your w ay through a cocktail party. And w h ile this book is
m ostly about business, in this section I’ll offer some thoughts about
w
T h e P u z z l i n g P u z z l e s o f H a r r y H a r l o w and E d w a r d Deci
11
Part One
A New
Operating System
CHAPTER 1
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T h e R i s e a n d F a l l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
T H E T R I U M P H OF C A R R O T S A N D S T I C K S
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and economic arrangem ents that we encounter each day sit atop
a layer of instructions, protocols, and suppositions about how the
w orld works. And m uch of our societal operating system consists of
a set of assum ptions about hum an behavior.
In our very early days— I mean very early days, say, fifty thou
sand years ago— the underlying assum ption about hum an behav
ior was sim ple and true. W e were tryin g to survive. From roam ing
the savannah to gather food to scram bling for the bushes when a
saber-toothed tiger approached, that drive guid ed most of our
behavior. C all this early operating system M otivation 1.0. It w asn’t
especially elegant, nor was it much different from those of rhesus
m onkeys, g ian t apes, or m any other anim als. B ut it served us nicely.
It worked w ell. U n til it d id n ’t.
As humans formed more complex societies, bum ping up against
strangers and needing to cooperate in order to get things done, an
operating system based p urely on the biological drive was inadequate.
In fact, sometim es we needed ways to restrain this drive— to prevent
me from sw iping your dinner and you from stealing m y spouse. And
so in a feat of rem arkable cultural engineering, we slow ly replaced
w hat we had w ith a version more com patible w ith how w e’d begun
w orking and livin g.
A t the core of this new and improved operating system was a
revised and more accurate assumption: H um ans are more than the
sum of our biological urges. That first drive s till m attered— no
doubt about that— but it d id n ’t fully account for who we are. W e
also had a second drive— to seek reward and avoid punishm ent more
broadly. A nd it was from this in sight that a new operating system —
call it M otivation 2.0— arose. (O f course, other anim als also respond
to rewards and punishm ents, but only humans have proved able
to channel this drive to develop everything from contract law to
convenience stores.)
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T h e R i s e a n d F a l l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
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20
T h e R i s e a n d F al l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
f\ /I otivation 2.0 s till serves some purposes w ell. It's just deeply
s V I unreliable. Som etim es it works; m any tim es it doesn’t. And
understanding its defects w ill help determ ine w hich parts to keep
and which to discard as we fashion an upgrade. The glitch es fall into
three broad categories. O ur current operating system has become far
less com patible w ith , and at tim es dow nright antagonistic to: how
we organ iz e w hat we do; how we think about what we do; and how we
do w hat we do.
H o w We O rganize W h a t We Do
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Fire up your home computer, for exam ple. W h en you visit the
W eb to check the weather forecast or order some sneakers, you m ig h t
be using Firefox, a free open-source W eb browser created alm ost
exclusively by volunteers around the world. U npaid laborers who
give away their product? T hat couldn’t be sustainable. The incentives
are all wrong. Yet Firefox now has more than 150 m illio n users.
Or w alk into the IT departm ent of a large com pany anywhere
in the w orld and ask for a tour. That com pany’s corporate com puter
servers could w ell run on Linux, software devised by an arm y of
unpaid program m ers and available for free. Linux now powers one
in four corporate servers. Then ask an em ployee to explain how the
com pany’s w ebsite works. H um m ing beneath the site is probably
Apache, free open-source W eb server software created and m ain
tained by a far-flung global group of volunteers. Apache’s share of the
corporate W eb server m arket: 52 percent. In other words, companies
th at typ ically rely on external rewards to m anage th eir employees
run some of their most im portant systems w ith products created by
nonemployees who don’t seem to need such rewards.
And it ’s not just the tens of thousands of software projects across
the globe. Today you can find: open-source cookbooks; open-source
textbooks; open-source car design; open-source m edical research;
open-source legal briefs; open-source stock photography; open-source
prosthetics; open-source credit unions; open-source cola; and for
those for whom soft drinks won’t suffice, open-source beer.
This new way of organizing what we do doesn’t banish extrinsic
rewards. People in the open-source m ovement haven’t taken vows
of poverty. For many, participation in these projects can burnish
their reputations and sharpen their skills, w hich can enhance their
earning power. Entrepreneurs have launched new, and sometimes
lucrative, companies to help organizations im plem ent and m aintain
open-source software applications.
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T h e Ri s e a n d Fal l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
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T h e R i s e a n d F a l l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
H o w We T h i n k A b o u t W h a t We Do
W hen I took m y first economics course back in the early 1980s, our
professor— a b rillian t lecturer w ith a Patton-like stage presence—
offered an im portant clarification before she’d chalked her first in dif
ference curve on the blackboard. Economics, she explained, w asn’t
the study of money. It was the study of behavior. In the course of
a day, each of us was constantly figuring the cost and benefits of
our actions and then d eciding how to act. Economists studied what
people did, rather than w hat we said, because we did w hat was best
for us. W e were rational calculators of our economic self-interest.
W h en I studied law a few years later, a sim ilar idea reappeared.
The new ly ascendant field of “law and economics” held that precisely
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T h e R i s e a n d F a l l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
licated around the w orld, most people rejected offers of two dollars
and below.7 T hat makes no sense in terms of w ealth m axim ization.
If you take m y offer of two dollars, you’re two dollars richer. If you
reject it, you get nothing. Your cognitive calculator knows two is
greater than zero— but because yo u’re a hum an being, your notions
of fair p lay or your desire for revenge or your sim ple irritatio n over
rides it.
In real life our behavior is far more complex than the textbook
allows and often confounds the idea that w e’re purely rational.
W e don’t save enough for retirem ent even though it ’s to our clear
economic advantage to do so. W e hang on to bad investm ents lon
ger than we should, because we feel far sharper pain from losing
m oney than we do from g ain in g the exact same am ount. Give us
a choice of two television sets, w e’ll p ick one; toss in an irrelevant
third choice, and w e’ll p ick the other. In short, we are irrational—
and predictably so, says economist Dan A riely, author of P redictably
Irra tion a l, a book that offers an en tertaining and en gagin g overview
of behavioral economics.
The trouble for our purposes is that M otivation 2.0 assumes w e’re
the same robotic w ealth-m axim izers I was taugh t we were a couple of
decades ago. Indeed, the very prem ise of extrinsic incentives is that
w e’ll always respond ratio n ally to them . B ut even most economists
don’t believe that anymore. Som etim es these m otivators work. Often
they don’t. And m any tim es, they inflict collateral dam age. In short,
the new way economists th in k about w hat we do is hard to reconcile
w ith M otivation 2.0.
W h a t’s more, if people do things for lunk-headed, backward-
looking reasons, w hy w ouldn’t we also do things for significance-
seeking, self-actualizing reasons? If w e’re predictably irrational— and
we clearly are— w hy couldn’t we also be predictably transcendent?
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H o w We Do W h a t We Do
If you m anage other people, take a quick glance over your shoul
der. T here’s a ghost hovering there. H is nam e is Frederick W inslow
Taylor— remember him from earlier in the chapter?— and he’s w his
pering in your ear. “W o rk,” Taylor is m urm urin g, “consists m ain ly
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T h e R i s e a n d F a l l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
of sim ple, not p articu larly in terestin g, tasks. The only w ay to get
people to do them is to incentivize them properly and m onitor them
carefully.” In the early 1900s, Taylor had a point. Today, in m uch of
the w orld, th a t’s less true. Yes, for some people work rem ains routine,
u n ch allen gin g, and directed by others. B ut for a su rp risin gly large
num ber of people, jobs have become more com plex, more interest
in g , and more self-directed. And that type of work presents a direct
challenge to the assum ptions of M otivation 2.0.
B egin w ith com plexity. Behavioral scientists often divide what
we do on the job or learn in school into two categories: “algo rith
m ic” and “h eu ristic.” A n algo rithm ic task is one in w hich you fol
low a set of established instructions down a sin gle pathw ay to one
conclusion. T hat is, there’s an algorithm for solving it. A heuristic
task is the opposite. Precisely because no algo rithm exists for it, you
have to experim ent w ith possibilities and devise a novel solution.
W orking as a grocery checkout clerk is m ostly algo rithm ic. You do
p retty m uch the same th in g over and over in a certain way. Creat
in g an ad cam paign is m ostly heuristic. You have to come up w ith
som ething new.
D uring the tw entieth century, most work was algo rithm ic— and
not just jobs where you turned the same screw the same way all day
long. Even when we traded blue collars for w h ite, the tasks we car
ried out were often routine. T hat is, we could reduce m uch of what
we d id — in accounting, law, com puter program m ing, and other
fields— to a script, a spec sheet, a form ula, or a series of steps that
produced a rig h t answer. B ut today, in m uch of N orth A m erica, W est
ern Europe, Jap an , South Korea, and A ustralia, routine w hite-collar
work is disappearing. I t’s racing offshore to wherever it can be done
the cheapest. In India, B ulgaria, the Philippines, and other coun
tries, lower-paid workers essentially run the algo rithm , figure out
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T h e R i s e a n d Fal l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
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the U nited States, 33.7 m illio n people telecom m ute at least one day
a m onth, and 14.7 m illio n do so every day— p lacin g a substantial
portion of the workforce beyond the gaze of a m anager, forcing them
to direct th eir own w o rk.12 And even if m any organizations haven’t
opted for measures lik e these, th ey’re generally becom ing leaner
and less hierarchical. In an effort to reduce costs, they trim the fatty
m iddle. T hat means m anagers oversee larger num bers of people and
therefore scrutinize each one less closely.
As organizations flatten, companies need people who are self
m otivated. T hat forces m any organizations to become more lik e, er,
W ikip ed ia. Nobody “m anages” the W ikipedians. Nobody sits around
tryin g to figure out how to “m otivate” them . T h at’s w hy W ikip ed ia
works. R outine, not-so-interesting jobs require direction; non
routine, more interesting w ork depends on self-direction. One b usi
ness leader, who d id n ’t w ant to be identified, said it plainly. W h en he
conducts job interview s, he tells prospective em ployees: “If you need
m e to m otivate you, I probably don’t w ant to hire yo u .”
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T h e R i s e a n d F a l l o f M o t i v a t i o n 2. 0
33
CHAPTER 2
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w e’re prom ising rupees in India, charging shekels in Israel, draw ing
blood in Sweden, or p ain tin g portraits in Chicago.
L E S S OF W H A T WE W A N T
36
Seven Reasons Carr ot s and Sticks (Often) Don't W o r k
but if they were offered wages for the service, that would turn
it into work and then they w ould resign .1
In t r in s ic M o ti v a ti o n
*H er e ’s the tw o-sided defin itio n of the S aw yer Effect: p ractices th at can e ith e r tu rn p lay in to w ork
or tu rn work in to play.
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The researchers divided the children into three groups. The first
was the “expected-aw ard” group. They showed each of these children
a “Good P layer” certificate— adorned w ith a blue ribbon and featur
in g the c h ild ’s name— and asked if the ch ild wanted to draw in order
to receive the award. The second group was the “unexpected-award”
group. Researchers asked these children sim p ly if they wanted to
draw. If they decided to, when the session ended, the researchers
handed each child one of the “Good P layer” certificates. The third
group was the “no-award” group. Researchers asked these children if
they wanted to draw, but neither prom ised them a certificate at the
b eginning nor gave them one at the end.
Two weeks later, back in th e classroom, teachers set out paper
and m arkers during the preschool’s free play period w hile the
researchers secretly observed the students. Children previously in the
“unexpected-aw ard” and “no-award” groups drew just as m uch, and
w ith the same relish, as they had before the experim ent. B ut children
in the first group— the ones who’d expected and then received an
award— showed m uch less interest and spent much less tim e draw
in g .2 The Sawyer Effect had taken hold. Even two weeks later, those
allu rin g prizes— so common in classrooms and cubicles— had turned
p lay into work.
To be clear, it w asn’t necessarily the rewards them selves that
dam pened the children’s interest. Rem em ber: W hen children d id n ’t
expect a reward, receiving one had little im pact on their intrinsic
m otivation. O nly con tin gen t rewards— if you do this, then you’ll get
th at— had the negative effect. W h y? “If-then” rewards require peo
ple to forfeit some of their autonomy. Like the gentlem en drivin g
carriages for money instead of fun, th ey’re no longer fu lly controlling
their lives. And that can spring a hole in the bottom of their m otiva
tional bucket, draining an activity of its enjoym ent.
Lepper and Greene replicated these results in several subsequent
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Seven Reasons Carrots and Sticks (Often) Don't Work
experim ents w ith children. As tim e went on, other researchers found
sim ilar results w ith adults. Over and over again , they discovered
that extrinsic rewards— in particular, contingent, expected, “if-th en ”
rewards— snuffed out the third drive.
These insights proved so controversial— after all, they called into
question a standard practice of most companies and schools— that
in 1999 Deci and two colleagues reanalyzed nearly three decades of
studies on the subject to confirm the findings. “Careful consideration
of reward effects reported in 128 experim ents lead to the conclu
sion that tangib le rewards tend to have a sub stan tially negative effect
on intrinsic m otivation,” they determ ined. “W h en in stitutio ns—
fam ilies, schools, businesses, and athletic teams, for exam ple— focus
on the short-term and opt for controlling people’s behavior,” they do
considerable long-term dam age.3
Try to encourage a kid to learn m ath by paying her for each work
book page she completes— and she’ll alm ost certainly become more
d ilig en t in the short term and lose interest in m ath in the long term.
Take an industrial designer who loves his work and try to get him to
do better by m aking his pay contingent on a h it product— and he’ll
alm ost certainly work lik e a m aniac in the short term , but become
less interested in his job in the long term . As one leading behavioral
science textbook puts it, “People use rewards expecting to gain the
benefit of increasing another person’s m otivation and behavior, but in
so doing, they often incur the unintentional and hidden cost of under
m in in g that person’s intrinsic m otivation toward the activity.”4
This is one of the most robust findings in social science— and
also one of the most ignored. D espite the work of a few skilled and
passionate popularizers— in particular, Alfie Kohn, whose prescient
1993 book, P u n ish ed by R ew ards, lays out a devastating indictm ent
of extrinsic incentives— we persist in tryin g to m otivate people this
way. Perhaps w e’re scared to let go of M otivation 2.0, despite its
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obvious downsides. Perhaps we can’t get our m inds around the pecu
lia r quantum mechanics of intrinsic m otivation.
Or perhaps there’s a better reason. Even if those controlling
“if-th en ” rewards activate the Sawyer Effect and suffocate the third
drive, m aybe they actually g et people to perform better. If th at’s the
case, perhaps th ey’re not so bad. So le t’s ask: Do extrinsic rewards
boost performance? Four economists went to India to find out.
High P e r f o r m a n c e
One of the difficulties of laboratory experim ents that test the im pact
of extrinsic motivators lik e cash is the cost. If you’re goin g to pay
people to perform, you have to pay them a m eaningful am ount. And
in the U nited States or Europe, where standards of liv in g are h igh ,
an in d iv id u ally m eaningful am ount m u ltip lied by dozens of p artici
pants can rack up unsustainably large bills for behavioral scientists.
In part to circum vent this problem , a quartet of economists—
in clud in g Dan Ariely, whom I m entioned in the last chapter— set up
shop in M adurai, India, to gauge the effects of extrinsic incentives on
performance. Because the cost of liv in g in rural India is much lower
than in N orth Am erica, the researchers could offer large rewards
w ithout breaking their own banks.
They recruited eighty-seven participants and asked them to
p lay several gam es— for exam ple, tossing tennis balls at a target,
unscram bling anagram s, recallin g a string of d ig its— that required
m otor skills, creativity, or concentration. To test the power of incen
tives, the experim enters offered three types of rewards for reaching
certain performance levels.
O ne-third of the participants could earn a sm all reward— 4 rupees
(at the tim e worth around 50 U.S. cents and equal to about a d ay’s
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Seven Reasons Ca rr ot s and Sticks (Often) Don't W o r k
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Creativity
For a quick test of problem -solving prowess, few exercises are more
useful than the “candle problem .” Devised by psychologist Karl
Duncker in the 1930s, the candle problem is used in a wide variety of
experim ents in behavioral science. Follow along and see how you do.
You sit at a table next to a wooden w all and the experim enter
gives you the m aterials shown below: a candle, some tacks, and a
book of m atches.
T he ca n d le p ro b lem p re s e n ted .
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Seven Reasons Ca rrots and Sticks (Often) Don't Work
Your job is to attach the candle to the w all so that the wax doesn’t
drip on the table. T h in k for a m om ent about how you’d solve the
problem . M any people begin by tryin g to tack the candle to the
w all. B ut that doesn’t work. Some lig h t a m atch, m elt the side of
the candle, and try to adhere it to the w all. T hat doesn’t work either.
B ut after five or ten m inutes, most people stum ble onto the solution,
w hich you can see below.
T he ca n d le p ro b lem solved.
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Seven Re asons Carr ots and Sticks (Oft en) Don't W or k
N ot alw ays, but a lot of the tim e, when you are doing a piece
for someone else it becomes more “w ork” than joy. W h en I
work for m yself there is the pure joy of creating and I can
work through the n igh t and not even know it. On a com m is
sioned piece you have to check yourself— be careful to do what
the client w ants.8
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Seven Reasons Carrot s and Sticks (Often) Don't W or k
Good B e h a v io r
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*T h e resu lts for the 1 19 m en in the exp erim en t were som ew hat different. T he paym en t had no
s ta tis tic a lly sig n ifican t effect, p o sitive or n egative, on the d ecisio n to g iv e blood.
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Seven Reasons Ca rrots and Sticks (Often) Don't W ork
M O R E OF W H A T WE D O N ’ T W A N T
U n e t h i c a l B e h av io r
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m ig h tily to achieve them — and w ith good reason. Goals work. The
academ ic literature shows that by helping us tune out distractions,
goals can g e t us to try harder, work longer, and achieve more.
B ut recently a group of scholars from the H arvard Business
School, N orthwestern U niversity’s K ellogg School of M anagem ent,
the U niversity of A rizona’s Eller College of M anagem ent, and the
U niversity of Pennsylvania’s W harton School questioned the effi
cacy of this broad prescription. “R ather than being offered as an
‘over-the-counter’ salve for boosting performance, goal settin g should
be prescribed selectively, presented w ith a w arning lab el, and closely
m onitored,” they w ro te.16 Goals that people set for them selves and
that are devoted to attain in g mastery are usually healthy. B ut goals
imposed by others— sales targets, quarterly returns, standardized
test scores, and so on— can sometimes have dangerous side effects.
Like all extrinsic m otivators, goals narrow our focus. T h at’s one
reason they can be effective; they concentrate the m ind. B ut as -we’ve
seen, a narrowed focus exacts a cost. For com plex or conceptual tasks,
offering a reward can b lin ker the w ide-rangin g th in k in g necessary
to come up w ith an innovative solution. Likew ise, when an extrinsic
goal is param ount— p articularly a short-term , m easurable one whose
achievem ent delivers a b ig payoff— its presence can restrict our view
of the broader dim ensions of our behavior. As the cadre of business
school professors w rite, “Substantial evidence dem onstrates that in
additio n to m otivating constructive effort, goal settin g can induce
unethical behavior.”
The examples are legion, the researchers note. Sears imposes a
sales quota on its auto repair staff—and workers respond by over
charging customers and com pleting unnecessary repairs. Enron sets
lofty revenue goals— and the race to m eet them by any means pos
sible catalyzes the com pany’s collapse. Ford is so intent on producing
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Seven Reasons Carr ot s and Sticks (Often) Don't W o r k
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A N N O U N C E M E N T:
F in e f o r C o m in g L a t e
The theory underlying the fine, said Gneezy and R u stich in i, was
straightforw ard: “W hen negative consequences are imposed on a
behavior, they w ill produce a reduction of th at particular response.”
In other words, thwack the parents w ith a fine, and th ey’ll stop show
in g up late.
*T he tine w as per ch ild , so a p arent w ith tw o ch ild ren w o u ld have to pay tw e n ty Israeli shekels
(N S 20 ) for each instance o f tardiness. W h en the exp erim en t w as condu cted , ten Israeli shekels
w as e q u iv a len t to abou t three U .S. dollars.
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Seven Reasons Ca rr ot s and Sticks (Often) Don't W or k
A d d ic t i o n
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Seven Reasons Ca rrots and Sticks (Often) Don't Work
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S h o rt- T e rm T h i n k i n g
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Seven Reasons Ca rr o ts and Sticks (Often) Don't W or k
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w anted a house, the m ortgage broker who wanted a com mission, the
W all Street trader who wanted new securities to sell, the politician
who w anted a buoyant economy durin g reelection— and ignored
the long-term effects of th eir actions on them selves or others. W hen
the m usic stopped, the entire system nearly collapsed. This is the
nature of economic bubbles: W h at seems to be irrational exuberance
is u ltim ately a bad case of extrinsically m otivated m yopia.
By contrast, the elem ents of genuine m otivation th at we’ll explore
later, by their very nature, defy a short-term view. Take mastery. The
objective itse lf is inherently long-term because com plete mastery,
in a sense, is unattainable. Even Roger Federer, for instance, w ill
never fu lly "m aster” the gam e of tennis. B ut introducing an “if-then”
reward to help develop m astery usually backfires. T h at’s w hy school
children who are p aid to solve problems typ ically choose easier prob
lem s and therefore learn less.25 The short-term prize crowds out the
long-term learning.
In environm ents where extrinsic rewards are m ost salient, m any
people w ork only to the point that triggers the reward— and no fur
ther. So if students get a prize for reading three books, m any w on’t
p ick up a fourth, let alone em bark on a lifetim e of reading— just as
executives who hit their quarterly numbers often w on't boost earn
ings a penny more, let alone contem plate the long-term health of
th eir company. Likew ise, several studies show that p ayin g people
to exercise, stop sm oking, or take their m edicines produces ter
rific results at first— but the healthy behavior disappears once the
incentives are removed. However, when contingent rewards aren’t
involved, or when incentives are used w ith the proper deftness, per
formance improves and understanding deepens. Greatness and near
sightedness are incom patible. M eaningful achievem ent depends on
liftin g one’s sights and pushing toward the horizon.
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S ev e n Re a so n s C a r r o t s and Sticks ( O f t e n ) Don't W ork
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CHAPTER 2A
. . . and t h e Special C i r c u m s t a n c e s
W h e n They Do
arrots and sticks aren’t all bad. If they were, M otivation 2.0
C w ould never have flourished so long or accom plished so m uch.
W h ile an operating system centered around rewards and punish
m ents has outlived its usefulness and b ad ly needs an upgrade, that
doesn’t mean we should scrap its every piece. Indeed, doing so would
run counter to the science. The scholars exploring hum an m otivation
have revealed not only the m any glitch es in the traditional approach,
but also the narrow band of circum stances in which carrots and sticks
do th eir jobs reasonably w ell.
The startin g point, of course, is to ensure that the baseline
rewards— w ages, salaries, benefits, and so on— are adequate and fair.
W ith o ut a healthy baseline, m otivation of any sort is difficult and
often im possible.
B ut once th at’s established, there are circum stances where it ’s okay
a n d t h e S p e c i a l C i r c u m s t a n c e s W h e n T h e y Do
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a n d t h e S p e c i a l C i r c u m s t a n c e s W h e n T h e y Do
A las, th at’s not alw ays possible. And this means that som etim es,
even “if-then” rewards are an option.
Let’s put this in sigh t about rewards and routines into practice.
Suppose you’re a m anager at a sm all nonprofit organization. Your
design team created a terrific poster prom oting your group ’s next
b ig event. And now you need to send the poster to tw enty thousand
m em bers of your organization. Since the costs of outsourcing the
job to a professional m ailin g firm are too steep for your budget, you
decide to do the w ork in-house. Trouble is, the posters came back
fr o m the p rin ter much later than you expected and they need to get
in the m ail this weekend.
W h a t’s the best w ay to en list your staff of ten, and m aybe a few
others, in a massive weekend poster m ailin g session? The task is the
very definition of routine: The people p articip atin g m ust roll up
the posters, slide them into the m ailin g tubes, cap those tubes, and
apply a m ailin g label and the proper postage. Four steps— none of
them notably interesting.
One m anagerial option is coercion. If you’re the boss, you
could force people to spend their Saturday and Sunday on this
m ind-num bing project. They m ig h t comply, but the dam age to their
morale and long-term com m itm ent could be substantial. Another
option is to ask for volunteers. B ut face it: M ost people can th in k of
far better ways to spend a weekend.
So in this case, an “if-th en ” reward m igh t be effective. For instance,
you could prom ise a big office-wide party if everybody pitches in on
the project. You could offer a g ift certificate to everyone who par
ticipates. Or you could go further and pay people a sm all sum for
every poster they insert, enclose, and send— in the hope that the
piecework fee w ill boost their productivity.
W h ile such tan gib le, contingent rewards can often underm ine
intrinsic m otivation and creativity, those drawbacks m atter less
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here. The assignm ent neither inspires deep passion nor requires
deep th in k in g. Carrots, in this case, won’t hurt and m igh t help.
A nd you’ll increase your chances of success by supplem enting the
poster-packing rewards w ith three im portant practices:
That's the approach for routine tasks. W h at about for other sorts of
undertakings?
For work that requires more than just clim b in g, rung by rung, up
a ladder of instructions, rewards are more perilous. The best w ay to
avoid the seven deadly flaws of extrinsic m otivators is to avoid them
altogether or to downplay them significantly and instead em pha
size the elem ents of deeper m otivation— autonomy, mastery, and
purpose— that w e’ll explore later in the book. B ut in the workplace,
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and t he Spe ci a l C i r c u m s t a n c e s W h e n T h e y Do
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an d t h e S p e c i a l C i r c u m s t a n c e s W h e n T h e y Do
are less lik e ly to be experienced as the reason for doing the task and
are thus less lik e ly to be d etrim ental to intrinsic m o tivation .”4
Likew ise, A m abile has found in some studies “that the highest
levels of creativity were produced by subjects who received a reward
as a kind of a bonus.”5 So when the poster turns out great, you could
buy the design team a case of beer or even hand them a cash bonus
w ith out snuffing their creativity. The team d id n ’t expect any extras
and g e ttin g them d id n ’t h in ge on a p articular outcome. You’re
sim p ly offering your appreciation for th eir stellar work. B ut keep
in m ind one ginorm ous caveat: Repeated “now th at” bonuses can
q u ick ly become expected “if-th en ” entitlem ents— w hich can u lti
m ately crater effective performance.
A t this point, by lim itin g rewards for nonroutine, creative work to
the unexpected, “now th at” variety, you’re in less dangerous waters.
B ut you’ll do even better if you follow two more guidelin es.
First, consider n on ta n gib le rew ards. Praise and positive feedback are
m uch less corrosive than cash and trophies. In fact, in D eci’s o rig i
nal experim ents, and in his subsequent analysis of other studies, he
found that “positive feedback can have an enhancing effect on in trin
sic m o tivation .”6 So if the folks on the design team turn out a show-
stopping poster, m aybe just w alk into their offices and say, “Wow.
You really did an am azing job on that poster. I t’s goin g to have a
huge im pact on g ettin g people to come to this event. Thank yo u.” It
sounds sm all and sim ple, but it can have an enormous effect.
Second, p rov id e u sefu l in form a tion . A m abile has found that w hile
controlling extrinsic m otivators can clobber creativity, “inform ational
or enabling m otivators can be conducive” to it.7 In the workplace,
people are th irstin g to learn about how th ey’re doing, but only if the
inform ation isn’t a tacit effort to m anipulate their behavior. So don’t
tell the design team: “T hat poster was perfect. You did it exactly
the w ay I asked .” Instead, give people m eaningful inform ation about
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When to Use R ewards: A Simple Flow chart
CHAPTER 3
about rewards, and the psychology departm ent hired him full-tim e.
It gathered more steam in 1975, w hen Deci published a book called
In trin sic M otiva tion . A nd it launched in earnest in 1977, when a stu
dent nam ed R ichard Ryan showed up for graduate school.
R yan, a philosophy m ajor in college, had just m issed being drafted
into the m ilitary. N ursin g a b it of survivor’s g u ilt, he’d been w orking
w ith V ietnam W ar veterans suffering from post-traum atic stress dis
order. A nd h e’d come to the U niversity of Rochester to learn how to
become a better clin ician . One day, in a seminar, a professor brought
up the subject of in trin sic m otivation— and then denounced it w ith
table-pounding ferocity. “I figured th at if there was th at much resis
tance, this m ust be som ething in terestin g,” Ryan told me. He picked
up a copy of D eci’s book, found it com pelling, and asked its author
to lunch. So commenced a rem arkable research collaboration that
continues to this day.
W h en I m et them not long ago, in U of R ’s blocky M eliora H all,
the tw o were a study in both contrast and sim ilarity. Deci is ta ll and
reedy, w ith a pale com plexion and thin, w ispy hair. He speaks in a
q u iet, soothing voice th at rem inded me of the late Am erican ch il
dren’s television host Mr. Rogers. R yan, who has straigh t w h ite hair
parted down the m iddle, is ruddier and more intense. H e presses his
point lik e a skilled litigato r. D eci, m eanw hile, w aits p atien tly for
you to reach his point— then he agrees w ith you and praises your
in sight. Deci is the classical m usic station on your FM d ial; Ryan is
more cable TV. And yet they talk to each other in a cryptic academ ic
shorthand, their ideas sm oothly in sync. The com bination has been
powerful enough to m ake them am ong the most influential behav
ioral scientists of their generation.
T ogether Deci and R yan have fashioned w hat they call “self-
determ in atio n th eo ry” (SDT).
M any theories of behavior pivot around a particular hum an
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Type l a n d Type X
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T H E P O W ER OF T H E A L P H A B E T
These people were significantly more lik ely to develop heart disease
than other patients— even those who shared sim ilar physical attributes,
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Type I and Туре X
exercise regim ens, diets, and fam ily histories. Looking for a convenient
and memorable way to explain this insight to their m edical colleagues
and the wider world, Friedman and Rosenman found inspiration in
the alphabet. They dubbed this behavioral pattern “Type A .”
Type A behavior stood in contrast to— natch— Type В behavior.
U nlike their horn-honking, foot-tapping counterparts, who suffered
from “hurry sickness,” people d isp layin g Type В behavior were rarely
harried by life or made hostile by its demands. In their research,
Friedm an and Rosenman found th at Type В people were just as in tel
lig en t, and frequently just as am bitious, as Type A’s. B ut they wore
their am bition differently. W ritin g about the Type В person (and
using the m ale-centered language common in the day), the cardiolo
gists explained, “He m ay also have a considerable am ount o f ‘d riv e,’
but its character is such that it seems to steady h im , give confidence
and security to him , rather than to goad, irritate, and infuriate, as
w ith the Type A m an .”3 One key to reducing deaths from heart dis
ease and im proving public health, therefore, was to help Type A’s
learn to become a little more lik e Type B ’s.
N early fifty years later, this nom enclature rem ains. The two le t
ters help us understand a complex web of behaviors— and guide us
toward a better and more effective w ay to live.
Around the same tim e that Friedm an and Rosenman were m ak
in g their discovery, another A m erican was pushing frontiers of his
own. D ouglas M cG regor was a m anagem ent professor at M IT who
brought to the job an in terestin g com bination of experiences. H e’d
earned a Ph.D. from H arvard in psychology (rather than in econom
ics or engineering). And in contrast to m ost of his colleagues, he’d
actu ally run an in stitutio n. From 1948 to 1954, he was president of
A ntioch College.
D raw ing on his understanding of the hum an psyche, as w ell as his
experience as a leader, M cG regor began reth inkin g the conventions
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Type I and Type X
TYPE I A N D TYPE X
*A Jas, its im p act was g re ate r in the classroom th an in the boardroom . M an y com panies d id m ove
th e ir practices m ore in the d irectio n o f T heory Y. B u t ta lk to m an y m an agers even today and— in
p rivate— th e y 'll often voice the sam e assu m ptio ns of T heory X th at M cG regor a rtic u la te d in
I9 6 0 .
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largely to signify “extrinsic” and “in trin sic,” but also to pay homage
to D ouglas McGregor.)
To be sure, reducing hum an behavior to two categories sacrifices
a certain am ount of nuance. And nobody exhibits p urely Type X or
Type I behavior every w aking m inute of every liv in g day w ithout
exception. B ut we do have certain, often very clear, dispositions.
You probably know w hat I mean. T h in k about yourself. Does
w hat energizes you— w hat gets you up in the m orning and propels
you through the day— come from the inside or from the outside?
W h at about your spouse, your partner, or your children? How about
the men and women around you at work? If you’re lik e most people
I’ve talked to, you in stan tly have a sense into w hich category some
one belongs.*
I don’t mean to say that Type X people always neglect the inher
ent enjoym ent of w hat they do— or that Type I people resist outside
goodies of any kind. B ut for Type X 's, the m ain m otivator is external
rewards; any deeper satisfaction is welcom e, but secondary. For Type
I’s, the m ain m otivator is the freedom, challenge, and purpose of
the undertaking itself; any other gains are welcom e, but m ain ly as
a bonus.
A few more distinctions to keep in m ind before we go further:
*Y ou can even try this w ith people you don't know. See if yo u agree. E nron’s J e ff S k illin g was
Type X ; B erkshire H a th a w a y’s W arren B uffett is Type I. A n to nio S a lieri w as Type X ; W o lfgan g
A m adeus M ozart was Type I. T he very w ea lth y D onald T ru m p is Type X ; the even w e a lth ie r
O prah W in frey is Type I. F orm er CEO of GE Ja c k W elch is Type X ; In terface G lobal founder
R ay A nderson is Type I. Sim on C o w ell is Type X ; B ruce Sp rin gsteen is T ype I. For a m ore
nuanced view , check out the Type I T o o lkit at the end of the book to find a free onlin e assessm ent
of the catego ry to w hich you belong.
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Type I and Type X
part from universal hum an needs, does not depend on age, gender,
or nationality. The science dem onstrates that once people learn the
fundam ental practices and attitud es— and can exercise them in sup
portive settings— their m otivation, and their ultim ate performance,
soars. A ny Type X can become a Type I.
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Type I and Type X
to becom ing better and better at som ething that m atters. And it
connects that quest for excellence to a larger purpose.
Some m ig h t dism iss notions lik e these as gooey and idealistic,
but the science says otherwise. The science confirms that this sort
of behavior is essential to being hum an— and that now, in a rapidly
changing economy, it is also critical for professional, personal, and
organizational success of any kind.
So we have a choice. W e can clin g to a view of hum an m otivation
that is grounded more in old habits than in modern science. Or we
can listen to the research, drag our business and personal practices
into the tw enty-first century, and craft a new operating system to
help ourselves, our com panies, and our world work a little better.
It won’t be easy. It w on’t happen overnight. So le t’s get started.
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Autonomy
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Autonomy
few w eeks, most people found th eir groove. P roductivity rose. Stress
declined. And although two em ployees struggled w ith the freedom
and left, by the end of the test period G unther decided to go w ith
RO W E perm anently.
“Some people (outside of the com pany) thought I was crazy,” he
says. “They wondered, ‘How can you know w hat your em ployees are
doing if th ey’re not here?’ ” B ut in his view, the team was accom
p lish in g more under this new arrangem ent. One reason: They were
focused on the work itse lf rather than on w hether someone would
call them a slacker for leaving at three p .m . to watch a daugh ter’s soc
cer gam e. And since the b ulk of his staff consists of software devel
opers, designers, and others doing high-level creative work, that was
essential. “For them , it ’s all about craftsm anship. And they need a
lot of autonom y.”
People s till had specific goals they had to reach— for exam ple,
com pleting a project by a certain tim e or rin g in g up a particular
num ber of sales. And if they needed help, G unther was there to assist.
B ut he decided against tyin g those goals to compensation. “That
creates a culture that says it ’s all about the money and not enough
about the w o rk.” Money, he believes, is only “a threshold m otivator.”
People m ust be paid w ell and be able to take care ol their fam ilies, he
says. B ut once a company meets this baseline, dollars and cents don’t
m uch affect performance and m otivation. Indeed, G unther thinks
that in a RO W E environm ent, em ployees are far less lik ely to jum p
to another job for a $ 1 0 ,0 0 0 or even $ 2 0 ,0 0 0 increase in salary. The
freedom they have to do great w ork is more valuable, and harder to
m atch, than a pay raise— and em ployees’ spouses, partners, and fam i
lies are am ong R O W E ’s staunchest advocates.
“More companies w ill m igrate to this as more business owners
m y age come up. M y d ad’s generation views hum an beings as human
resources. T h ey’re the two-by-fours you need to build your house,”
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P L A Y E R S OR P AWNS?
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not autonomy. T hat’s just a sligh tly more civilized form of control. Or
take m anagem ent’s embrace of “flex tim e.” Ressler and Thompson call
it a “con gam e,” and th ey’re right. F lexib ility sim ply widens the fences
and occasionally opens the gates. It, too, is little more than control in
sheep’s clothing. The words themselves reflect presumptions that run
against both the texture of the times and the nature of the human con
dition. In short, m anagem ent isn’t the solution; it’s the problem.
Perhaps it ’s tim e to toss the very word “m anagem ent” onto the
lin g u istic ash heap alongside “icebox” and “horseless carriage.” This
era doesn’t call for better m anagem ent. It calls for a renaissance of
self-direction.
T H E FO U R E S S E N T I A L S
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Task
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has long been critical to their ab ility to create. And good leaders (as
opposed to com petent “m anagers”) understand this in their bones.
Case in point: George N elson, who was the design director at H er
m an M iller, the iconic Am erican furniture m aker, for a few decades.
H e once laid down five sim ple tenets that he believed led to great
design. One of these principles could serve as a rally in g cry for Type
I’s ethic of autonom y over task: “You decide what you w ill m ake.”
Time
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10 0
Autonomy
T e c h n iq u e
W hen you call a custom er service line to com plain about your cable
television b ill or to check the whereabouts of that blender you
ordered, the phone usually rings in a colorless cavern known as a call
center. The person who answers the call, a custom er service represen
tative, has a tough jo b . H e typ ically sits for hours am ong a warren
of cram ped cubicles— headset strapped on, a d iet soda by his side.
The pay is paltry. And the people the rep encounters on the phone—
one after another after another— generally aren’t rin gin g up to offer
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kudos or to ask about the rep’s weekend plans. T h ey’ve got a grip e, a
frustration, or a problem that needs solving. R igh t. Now.
If that w eren’t tryin g enough, call center reps have little decision
latitud e and their jobs are often the very definition of routine. W hen
a call comes in, they listen to the caller— and then, in most cases, tap
a few buttons on their com puter to retrieve a script. Then they follow
that script, sometimes word for word, in the hope of g ettin g the caller
off the lin e as quickly as possible. It can be deadening work, made
drearier still because managers in m any call centers, in an effort to
boost productivity, listen in on reps’ conversations and m onitor how
long each call lasts. L ittle wonder, then, that call centers in the U nited
States and the U K have annual turnover rates that average about 35
percent, double the rate for other jobs. In some call centers the annual
turnover rate exceeds 100 percent, m eaning that, on average, none of
the people working there today w ill be there a year from now.
Tony H sieh, founder of the online shoe retailer Zappos.com (now
part of Amazon.com), thought there was a better w ay to recruit,
prepare, and challenge such employees. So new hires at Zappos go
through a week of train in g. Then, at the end of those seven days,
H sieh m akes them an offer. If they feel Zappos isn’t for them and
w ant to leave, h e'll pay them $ 2 ,0 0 0 — no hard feelings. H sieh is
hacking the M otivation 2 .0 operating system lik e a b rillian t and
benevolent teenage com puter whiz. H e’s using an “if-then” reward
not to m otivate people to perform better, but to weed out those
who aren’t fit for a M otivation 3.0—style workplace. The people who
rem ain receive decent pay, and just as im portant, they have auton
om y over technique. Zappos doesn’t m onitor its custom er service
em ployees’ call tim es or require them to use scripts. The reps handle
calls the w ay they want. T heir job is to serve the custom er w ell; how
they do it is up to them.
The results of this em phasis on autonom y over technique? Turn
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Team
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For exam ple, at the organic grocery chain W hole Foods, the peo
ple who are nom inally in charge of each departm ent don’t do the
h irin g. T hat task falls to a departm ent’s em ployees. After a job can
didate has worked a th irty-d ay trial period on a team , the prospective
team m ates vote on w hether to hire that person full-tim e. A t W. L.
Gore & Associates, the m akers of the GORE-TEX fabric and another
exam ple of M otivation 3.0 in action, anybody who wants to rise in
the ranks and lead a team m ust assem ble people w illin g to work
w ith her.19
The ab ility to put together a pick-up basketball team of com
pany talent is another attraction of 20 percent tim e. These in itiatives
usually slice across the organization chart, connecting people who
share an interest, if not a departm ent. As Google engineer Bharat
M ediratta told T he N ew York T im es, “If your 20 percent idea is a
new product, it ’s usually p retty easy to just find a few like-m inded
people and start coding aw ay.” And when pushing for a more sys
tem ic change in the organization, M ediratta says autonom y over
team is even more im portant. Those efforts require what he calls a
“g ro u p let”— a sm all, self-organized team that has alm ost no budget
and even less authority, but th at tries to change som ething w ith in
the company. For instance, M ediratta formed a testin g grouplet to
encourage engineers throughout the company to im plem ent a more
efficient way to test com puter code. This inform al band of coders, a
team b u ilt autonom ously w ithout direction from the top, “slowly
turned the organization on its ax is.”20
S till, the desire for autonom y can often collide w ith other o b liga
tions. One surprise as A tlassian ran the numbers on its task autonom y
experim ent was that most em ployees came in sub stan tially under the
20 percent figure. The m ain reason? They d id n ’t w ant to let down
their current team m ates by abandoning ongoing projects.
A lthough autonom y over team is the least developed of the four
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T ’s, the ever-escalating power of social networks and the rise of m obile
apps now m ake this brand of autonom y easier to achieve— and in
ways that reach beyond a sin gle organization. The open-source proj
ects I m entioned in Chapter 1‘, in which ad hoc team s self-assemble
to build a new browser or create better server software, are a potent
exam ple. And once again , the science affirms the value of som ething
tradition al businesses have been slow to embrace. A m ple research has
shown th at people w orking in self-organized team s are more satis
fied than those w orking in inherited team s.21 Likew ise, studies by
Deci and others have shown that people h igh in intrinsic m otiva
tion are better coworkers.22 And that makes the possibilities on this
front enormous. If you w ant to work w ith more Type I s, the best
strategy is to become one yourself. Autonomy, it turns out, can be
contagious.
T H E A R T OF A U T O N O M Y
T hink for a m om ent about the great artists of the last hundred
5 years and how they worked— people lik e Pablo Picasso, Georgia
O ’Keeffe, and Jackson Pollock. U nlike for the rest of us, M otivation
2.0 was never their operating system . Nobody told them : You m ust
p a in t th is sort o f picture. You m ust begin p a in tin g p recisely a t eigh t-th irty
A.M. You m ust p a in t w ith the people w e select to work w ith you. A nd you
m ust p a in t th is w ay. The very idea is ludicrous.
B ut you know w hat? It's ludicrous for you, too. W hether yo u’re
fixing sinks, rin gin g up groceries, sellin g cars, or w ritin g a lesson
plan, you and I need autonom y just as deeply as a great painter.
However, encouraging autonom y doesn’t mean discouraging
accountability. W hatever operating system is in place, people m ust
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update the environm ents w e’re in— not only at w ork, but also at
school and at home— and if leaders recognize both the truth of the
hum an condition and the science that supports it, we can return our
selves and our colleagues to our natural state.
“The course of hum an history has alw ays moved in the direc
tion of greater freedom. And there’s a reason for th at— because it ’s
in our nature to push for it ,” Ryan told m e. “If we were just plastic
lik e [som e] people th in k , this w ouldn’t be happening. B ut some
body stands in front of a tank in China. W om en, w ho’ve been denied
autonomy, keep advocating for rights. This is the course of history.
This is w hy u ltim ately hum an nature, if it ever realizes itself, w ill do
so by becom ing more autonom ous.”
10 8
Mastery
— W. H. Auden
States and Great B ritain. M eanw hile, Soviet troops were advancing
on the capital city.
It was tim e to leave. So the foursome boarded a train for Venice,
Italy, where C sikszentm ihalyi’s father, a dip lo m at, was w orking. As
the train rum bled southwest, bombs exploded in the distance. B u l
lets ripped through the train ’s windows, w hile a rifle-toting soldier
on board fired back at the attackers. The ten-year-old crouched under
his seat, terrified but also a little annoyed.
“It struck me at that point that grown-ups had really no idea how
to liv e ,” C sikszentm ihalyi told me some sixty-five years later.
H is train would turn out to be the last to cross the Danube R iver
for m any years. Shortly after its departure, air strikes destroyed H un
g a ry ’s m ajor bridges. The C sikszentm ihalyis were w ell educated and
w ell connected, but the w ar flattened th eir lives. O f the relatives
on the train platform that m orning, more than h alf would be dead
five months later. One of C sikszentm ihalyi’s brothers spent six years
doing hard labor in the U ral M ountains. Another was killed fighting
the Soviets.
“The whole experience got me th in k in g ,” C sikszentm ihalyi said,
recallin g his ten-year-old self. “There has got to be a better w ay to
live than th is.”
F R O M C O M P L I A N C E TO E N G A G E M E N T
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Mastery
unpack. In flow, goals are clear. You have to reach the top of the
m ountain, h it the ball across the net, or m old the clay just righ t.
Feedback is im m ediate. The m ountaintop gets closer or farther, the
ball sails in or out of bounds, the pot you’re throw ing comes out
smooth or uneven.
M ost im portant, in flow, the relationship between w hat a person
had to do and w hat he could do was perfect. The challenge w asn’t too
easy. Nor was it too difficult. It was a notch or two beyond his cur
rent ab ilities, which stretched the body and m ind in a way th at made
the effort itse lf the most delicious reward. That balance produced a
degree of focus and satisfaction th at easily surpassed other, more quo
tid ian , experiences. In flow, people lived so deeply in the m oment,
and felt so u tterly in control, that their sense of tim e, place, and even
self m elted away. They were autonomous, of course. B ut more than
that, they were engaged. They were, as the poet W. H. Auden wrote,
“forgetting them selves in a function.”
M aybe this state of m ind was what that ten-year-old boy was
seeking as th at train rolled through Europe. M aybe reaching flow,
not for a single m om ent but as an ethic for liv in g — m ain tain in g
that beautiful “eye-on-the-object look” to achieve m astery as a cook,
a surgeon, or a clerk— was the answer. M aybe this was the way to
live.
G O L D I L O C K S ON A C A R G O S H I P
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colleagues. They just accom plished less— perhaps because they spent
less of their work tim e in flow.)
And then there’s Jenova Chen, a young gam e designer who, in
20 06 , wrote his MFA thesis on C sikszen tm ih alyi’s theory. Chen
believed that video gam es held the prom ise to deliver quintessen
tial flow experiences, but that too m any gam es required an alm ost
obsessive level of com m itm ent. W h y not, he thought, design a gam e
to bring the flow sensation to more casual gam ers? U sin g his the
sis project as his laboratory, Chen created a gam e in which players
use a com puter mouse to guid e an on-screen am oeba-like organism
through a surreal ocean landscape as it gobblies other creatures and
slow ly evolves into a h igher form. W h ile most gam es require p lay
ers to proceed through a fixed and predeterm ined series of sk ill lev
els, Chen’s allows them to advance and explore any way they desire.
And un like gam es in w hich failure ends the session, in Chen’s gam e
failure m erely pushes the player to a level better m atched to her a b il
ity. Chen calls his gam e flOw. And i t ’s been a huge h it. People have
played the free online version of the gam e more than three m illion
tim es. (You can find it at http://intihuatani.usc.edu/cloud/flowing/).
The paid version, designed for the PlayStation gam e console, has
generated more than 35 0 ,0 0 0 downloads and collected a shelf full
of awards. Chen used the gam e to launch his own firm, thatgam e-
company, b u ilt around both flow and flOw, that q u ickly won a
three-gam e developm ent deal from Sony, som ething alm ost unheard
of for an unknown start-up run by a couple of tw enty-six-year-old
California gam e designers.
Green Cargo, thatgam ecom pany, and the companies em ploying
the patent-cranking scientists typ ically use two tactics that their
less savvy competitors do not. First, they provide employees w ith
w hat I call “G oldilocks tasks”— challenges that are not too hot and
not too cold, neither overly difficult nor overly sim ple. One source
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T H E T H R E E LAWS OF M A S T E R Y
Ma s te ry Is a M i n d s e t
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According to Dweck, R O B E R T B. R E IC H
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goal. B eing able to speak French is a learning goal. “Both goals are
en tirely normal and p retty much universal,” Dweck says, “and both
can fuel achievem ent.”8 B ut only one leads to mastery. In several
studies, Dweck found that g iv in g children a performance goal (say,
g e ttin g a high m ark on a test) was effective for relatively straigh t
forward problems but often inhibited children’s ab ility to apply the
concepts to new situations. For exam ple, in one study, Dweck and
a colleague asked junior high students to learn a set of scientific
principles, g iv in g h alf of the students a performance goal and h alf a
learning goal. After both groups dem onstrated they had grasped the
m aterial, researchers asked the students to apply th eir knowledge to
a new set of problem s, related but not identical to w hat th ey’d just
studied. Students w ith learning goals scored sign ifican tly higher on
these novel challenges. They also worked longer and tried more solu
tions. As Dweck w rites, “W ith a learning goal, students don’t have
to feel that th ey’re already good at som ething in order to hang in
and keep tryin g. After all, their goal is to learn, not to prove th ey’re
sm art.”9
Indeed, the two self-theories take very different views of effort. To
increm ental theorists, exertion is positive. Since increm ental theo
rists believe that a b ility is m alleable, they see w orking harder as a
w ay to g et better. By contrast, says D weck, “the en tity theory . . .
is a system that requires a diet of easy successes.” In this schema,
if you have to work hard, it means you’re not very good. People
therefore choose easy targets that, when h it, affirm their existing
ab ilities but do little to expand them. In a sense, en tity theorists
w ant to look like masters w ithout expending the effort to attain
mastery.
Finally, the two types of th inkin g trig g e r contrasting responses
to adversity— one that Dweck calls “helpless,” the other, “m astery-
oriented.’’ In a study of Am erican fifth- and sixth-graders, Dweck
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M a ste ry Is a Pain
Each sum mer, about tw elve hundred young Am erican men and
women arrive at the U nited States M ilitary A cadem y at W est Point
to begin four years of study and to take their place in the fabled
“long gray lin e .” But before any of them sees a classroom, they go
through seven weeks of Cadet Basic T raining— otherwise known
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M a s te ry Is an A s y m p t o te
From art history, you m ight rem em ber Paul Cezanne, the
nineteenth-century French painter. You needn’t rem em ber m uch—
just that he was significant enough to have art critics and scholars
w rite about him . Cezanne’s most enduring p ain tin gs came late in his
life. And one reason for this, according to U niversity of Chicago econ
om ist D avid Galenson, w ho’s studied the careers of artists, is that he
was endlessly tryin g to realize his best work. For Cezanne, one critic
wrote,
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T H E O XYG EN OF T H E S O U L
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Purpose
and confront the reality that M ick Ja g g e r and crew were rig h t, that
they d id n ’t alw ays g et w hat they wanted.
B ut then the second stage kicks in. In the not-so-distant past,
turn in g sixty m eant that you were som ewhat, ahem , long in the
tooth. B ut at the b eginn ing of the tw enty-first century, anyone who’s
healthy enough to have made it six decades is probably healthy
enough to hang on a fair b it longer. According to U nited N ations
data, a sixty-year-old Am erican man can expect to live for another
tw enty-plus years; a sixty-year-old A m erican wom an w ill be around
for another quarter of a century. In Jap an , a sixty-year-old man
can expect to live past his eighty-second birthday, a sixty-year-old
woman to nearly eigh ty-eigh t. The pattern is the same in m any other
prosperous countries. In France, Israel, Italy, Sw itzerland, Canada,
and elsewhere, if you’ve reached the age of sixty, you’re more than
lik e ly to live into your e ig h ties.1 And this realization brings w ith it
a certain relief. “W h ew ,” the boomer in Toronto or O saka sighs. “I’ve
got a couple more decades.”
B ut the relief q u ickly dissipates— because alm ost as soon as the
sigh fades, people enter the third stage. Upon com prehending that
they could have another twenty-five years, sixty-year-old boomers
look back twenty-five years— to when they were thirty-five— and a
sudden thought clonks them on the side of the head. “Wow. T hat
sure happened fast,” they say. “W ill the next tw enty-five years race
by lik e that? If so, when am I going to do som ething that m atters?
W hen am I goin g to live m y best life? W h en am I goin g to m ake a
difference in the w orld?”
Those questions, which sw irl through conversations takin g place
at boomer kitchen tables around the w orld, m ay sound touchy-feely.
B ut th ey’re now occurring at a rate that is unprecedented in hum an
civilization. Consider: Boomers are the largest dem ographic cohort
in most western countries, as w ell as in places lik e Jap an , A ustralia,
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~F he first two legs of the Type I tripod, autonom y and mastery, are
1 essential. B ut for proper balance we need a third leg— purpose,
w hich provides a context for its two m ates. Autonomous people
w orking toward m astery perform at very high levels. B ut those who
do so in the service of some greater objective can achieve even more.
The most deeply m otivated people— not to m ention those who are
m ost productive and satisfied— hitch their desires to a cause larger
than themselves.
M otivation 2.0, however, doesn’t recognize purpose as a m otiva
tor. The Type X operating system doesn’t banish the concept, but it
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Goals
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Pu r p o s e
Words
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Purpose
Policies
Between the words businesses use and the goals they seek sit the
policies they im plem ent to turn the former into the latter. H ere, too,
one can detect the early tremors of a different approach. For exam
ple, m any companies in the last decade spent considerable tim e and
effort crafting corporate ethics guid elin es. Yet instances of unethical
behavior don’t seem to have declined. V aluable though those g u id e
lines can be, as a policy they can unin tentio n ally move purposeful
behavior out of the Type I schema and into Type X. As Harvard B usi
ness School professor M ax Bazerman has explained:
Say you take people who are m otivated to behave nicely, then
give them a fairly weak set of ethical standards to m eet. Now,
instead of asking them to “do it because it ’s the rig h t th ing
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T H E GOOD L I F E
Each year about thirteen hundred seniors graduate from the U niver
sity of Rochester and begin their journey into w hat m any of their
parents and professors lik e to call the real world. Edward Deci, R ich
ard R yan, and their colleague Christopher N iem iec decided to ask
a sam ple of these soon-to-be graduates about their life goals— and
then to follow up w ith them early in th eir careers to see how they
were doing. W h ile m uch social science research is done w ith student
volunteers, scientists rarely track students after they've packed up
their diplom as and exited the campus gates. And these researchers
wanted to study the post-college tim e frame because it represents a
“critical developm ent period that m arks people’s transitions to their
adult identities and liv es.”14
Some of the U of R students had w hat Deci, R yan, and N iem iec
label “extrinsic aspirations”— for instance, to become wealthy or to
achieve fame— what we m igh t call “profit goals.” Others had “in trin
sic aspirations”— to help others improve their lives, to learn, and to
grow— or what we m igh t think of as “purpose go als.” After these
students had been out in the real world for between one and two years,
the researchers tracked them down to see how they were faring.
The people w ho’d had purpose goals and felt they were attain in g
them reported higher levels of satisfaction and subjective w ell-being
than when they were in college, and qu ite low levels of anxiety and
depression. T h at’s probably no surprise. T hey’d set a personally
m eaningful goal and felt they were reaching it. In that situation,
most of us would lik ely feel p retty good, too.
B ut the results for people w ith profit goals were more com pli
cated. Those who said they were attain in g their goals— accum ulating
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spent tim e w ith young children or rem em ber ourselves at our best—
that w e’re not destined to be passive and com pliant. W e’re designed
to be active and engaged. And we know that the richest experiences
in our lives aren’t when w e’re clam oring for validation from others,
but when w e’re listen in g to our own voice— doing som ething that
m atters, doing it w ell, and doing it in the service of a cause larger
than ourselves.
So, in the end, repairing the m ism atch and b rin gin g our under
standing of m otivation into the tw enty-first century is more than an
essential move for business. It’s an affirmation of our hum anity.
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Part Three
Drive-. T h e Glossary
152
Type I f o r I n d i v i d u a l s :
N ine S t r a t e g i e s f o r A w a k e n i n g
Yo u r M o t i v a t i o n
GI VE Y O U R S E L F A “ F L O W T E S T "
FI RST, A S K A BI G Q U E S T I O N . . .
3 n 1962, Clare Boothe Luce, one of the first women to serve in the
I U .S. Congress, offered some advice to President John F. Kennedy.
“A great m an,” she told him , “is one sentence.” Abraham Lincoln’s
sentence was: “He preserved the union and freed the slaves.” Frank
lin Roosevelt’s was: “H e lifted us out of a great depression and helped
us w in a world w ar.” Luce feared that K ennedy’s attention was so
splintered among different priorities th at his sentence risked becom
in g a m uddled paragraph.
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Type I for Individuals
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TAKE A SAGMEISTER
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Type I for Individuals
G I VE Y O U R S E L F A P E R F O R M A N C E R E V I E W
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GE T U N S T U C K BY G O I N G O B L I Q U E
!Г“ ven the most in trin sically m otivated person sometim es gets stuck.
t_ So here’s a sim ple, easy, and fun w ay to power out of your m en
tal morass. In 1975, producer Brian Eno and artist Peter Schm idt
published a set of one hundred cards containing strategies that helped
them overcome the pressure-packed m om ents that alw ays accompany
a deadline. Each card contains a sin gle, often inscrutable, question
or statem ent to push you out of a m ental rut. (Some examples: W hat
w o u ld y o u r closest fr ie n d d o ? Your m istake w a s a h id d en intention. W hat
is the sim plest solu tion ? R epetition is a fo rm o f change. D on’t a v o id w h a t is
easy.) If you’re w orking on a project and find yourself stym ied, pull
an O blique card from the deck. These brain bombs are a great way
to keep your m ind open despite constraints you can’t control. You
can buy the deck at www.enoshop.co.uk/ or follow one of the T w it
ter accounts inspired by the strategies, such as: http://twitter.com/
oblique_chirps.
MO V E FI VE S T E P S C L O S E R TO M A S T E R Y
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Type I for Individuals
T A K E A PAGE F R O M W E B B E R A N D
A CARD FROM YOUR POCKET
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C R E A T E Y O U R O WN
M O T I V A T I O N A L P OST ER
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Type I for Individuals
To offer you some, er, m otivation, here are two posters I created
m yself:
Type I f o r O r g a n i z a t i o n s :
Ni ne Ways t o I m p r o v e Y o u r C o m pa n y,
Of fi ce , or G r o u p
TRY “ 2 0 P E R C E N T T I M E ”
WITH TRAINING WHEELS
\ / o u ’ve read about the wonders of “20 percent tim e ”— where orga-
s nizations encourage em ployees to spend one-fifth of their hours
w orking on any project they w ant. And if you’ve ever used G m ail
or read Google N ews, you’ve benefited from the results. But for all
the virtues of this Type I innovation, p u ttin g such a policy in place
can seem daun tin g. How much w ill it cost? W h at if it doesn’t work?
If you’re feeling skittish , here’s an idea: Go w ith a more modest
version— 20 percent tim e . . . w ith train in g wheels. Start w ith , say,
Type I for Organizations
ENCOURAGE PEER-TO-PEER
“ NOW T H A T ” REWARDS
CO ND UC T AN A U T O N O M Y A U D IT
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Type I for Organizations
audit can do. And if you include a section in your aud it for employees
to jot down their own ideas about increasing autonomy, you m igh t
even find some great solutions.
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PLAY “ W H O S E P U R P O S E IS IT A N Y W A Y ? ”
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Type I for Organizations
pronouns they use. Do em ployees refer to their com pany as “th ey”
or as “w e”? “T hey” suggests at least some am ount of disengagem ent,
and perhaps even alienation. “W e” suggests the opposite— that
em ployees feel th ey’re part of som ething significant and m eaningful.
If you're a boss, spend a few days listen in g to the people around you,
not only in form al settings lik e m eetings, but in the hallw ays and
at lunch as w ell. Are you a “w e” organization or a “th ey” organiza
tion? The difference m atters. Everybody w ants autonomy, m astery,
and purpose. The th in g is, “w e” can g e t it— but “th ey” can’t.
D E S I G N FOR I N T R I N S I C M O T I V A T I O N
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P R O M O T E G O L D I L O C K S FOR G R O U P S
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Type I for Organizations
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The Zen o f C o m p e n s a t i o n :
Paying People t h e Type I Way
1. E N S U R E I N T E R N A L A N D
EXTERNAL FAIRNESS
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2. PAY M O R E T H A N A V E R A G E
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The Zen of C o m pe nsatio n
3. IF YOU U S E P E R F O R M A N C E M E T R I C S ,
M A K E T H E M W I D E - R A N G I N G , RELEVANT,
A N D H A R D TO G A M E
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Type I f o r Parents and E d u ca t or s:
N ine Ideas f o r H e l p i n g Our Kids
APPLY T H E TH R E E - P A R T TYPE I
T E S T FOR H O M E W O R K
If the answer to any of these questions is no, can you refashion the
assignm ent? A nd parents, are you looking at homework assignm ents
every so often to see w hether they promote com pliance or engage
m ent? Let’s not waste our kid s’ tim e on m eaningless exercises. W ith a
little thought and effort, we can then h o m ew o rk into hom^learning.
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T RY DI Y R E P O R T C A R D S
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Type I for Parents and Educators
GI V E Y O U R K I D S A N A L L O W A N C E
A N D S O M E C H O R E S — B U T D O N ’T
COMBINE THEM
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O F F E R P R A I S E . . . T H E R I G H T WAY
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Type I fo r Parents and Educators
H E L P K I D S SE E T H E BI G P I C T U R E
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C H E C K O U T T H E S E FI VE T Y P E I S C H O O L S
lthough most schools around the w orld are s till b u ilt atop the
A M otivation 2.0 operating system , a num ber of forw ard-thinking
educators have long understood that young people are brim m ing
w ith the th ird drive. Here are five Type I schools in the U nited States
w ith practices to em ulate and stories to inspire.
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Type I for Parents and Educator s
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Type I for Parents and Educ ato rs
| n the U nited States, the homeschooling movem ent has been grow -
I in g at a rem arkable pace over the past tw enty years. And the
fastest-grow ing segm ent of that movem ent is the “unschoolers”—
fam ilies that don’t use a formal curriculum and instead allow their
children to explore and learn w hat interests them . Unschoolers have
been am ong the fi rst to adopt a Type 1 approach to education. They
promote autonom y by allow ing youngsters to decide w hat they learn
and how they learn it. They encourage m astery by allow ing children
to spend as long as th ey’d lik e and to go as deep as they desire on the
topics that interest them . Even if unschooling is not for you or your
kids, you can learn a th in g or two from these educational innovators.
Start by reading John Taylor G atto’s extraordinary book, D um bing
Us D ow n. Take a look at Home E ducation M agaz in e and its website.
Then check out some of the m any other unschooling sites on the
W eb. For more inform ation, go to w ww .unschooling.com and
w w w .sandradodd .com/unschooling.h tm l.
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The Type I R ea di ng List:
Fi f t een Essential Books
In his elegant little book, religious scholar Carse describes two types
of gam es. A “finite gam e” has a w inner and an end; the goal is to
trium ph. An “infinite gam e” has no w inner and no end; the goal is
to keep p layin g. N onw innable gam es, Carse explains, are m uch more
rew arding than the w in-lose ones w e’re accustom ed to p layin g at our
work and in our relationships.
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W h a t’s the difference between those who are p retty good at what
they do and those who are m asters? F ortune m agazine’s Colvin scours
the evidence and shows th at the answer is threefold: practice, prac
tice, practice. B ut it ’s not just any practice, he says. The secret is
“deliberate practice”— h ig h ly repetitive, m en tally dem anding work
th at’s often unpleasant, but undeniably effective.
Type I In sigh t: “If you set a goal of becom ing an expert in your
business, you would im m ed iately start doing all kinds of things you
don’t do now.”
I t’s tough to find a better argum ent for w orking hard at som ething
you love than C sikszentm ihalyi’s landm ark book on “optim al experi
ences.” F low describes those exhilarating moments when we feel in
control, full of purpose, and in the zone. A nd it reveals how people
have turned even the most unpleasant tasks into enjoyable, reward
ing challenges.
Type I In sigh t: “Contrary to w hat we usually believe . . . the best
m oments in our lives are not the passive, receptive, relaxing tim es—
although such experiences can also be enjoyable, if we have worked
hard to attain them. The best moments usually occur when a per
18 6
T h e T y p e I R e a d i n g List: F i f t e e n Es s ent i al Books
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This darkly hilarious debut novel is a cautionary tale for the demor
alizin g effects of the Type X workplace. A t an unnam ed ad agency in
Chicago, people spend more tim e scarfing free doughnuts and scam-
m in g office chairs than doing actual work— all w hile fretting about
“w alk in g Spanish down the h a ll,” office lin go for being fired.
Type I Insight'. “They had taken away our flowers, our sum m er
days, and our bonuses, we were on a wage freeze and a h irin g freeze
and people were flying out the door lik e so m any dism antled dum
m ies. W e had one th ing s till going for us: the prospect of a pro
m otion. A new title: true, it came w ith no money, the power was
alm ost alw ays illusory, the bestowal a cheap shrewd device concocted
by m anagem ent to keep us from m utiny, but when word circulated
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T he T y p e I R e a d i n g List: F if t een Essenti al Books
that one of us had jum ped up an acronym , that person was just a
little quieter that day, took a longer lunch than usual, came back
w ith shopping bags, spent the afternoon speaking softly into the
telephone, and left whenever they wanted that n igh t, w hile the rest
of us sent em ails flying back and forth on the lofty topics of Injustice
and U ncertain ty.”
A N D W IL L IA M D AM O N
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W ith a series of com pelling and gracefully told stories, G ladw ell
deftly takes a ham m er to the idea of the “self-m ade m an .” Success is
more com plicated, he says. H igh achievers— from young Canadian
hockey players to B ill Gates to the Beatles— are often the products of
hidden advantages of culture, tim in g, dem ographics, and luck that
helped them become masters in their fields. R eading this book w ill
lead you to reevaluate your own path. More im portant, it w ill make
you wonder how much hum an potential w e’re losing when so m any
people are denied these advantages.
Type I In sigh t: “It is not how much money we m ake that u lti
m ately m akes us happy between nine-to-five. I t’s w hether our work
fulfills us. If I offered you a choice between being an architect for
$ 7 5 ,0 0 0 a year and w orking in a tollbooth every day for the rest of
your life for $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 a year, which w ould you take? I’m guessing
the former, because there is com plexity, autonomy, and a relationship
between effort and reward in doing creative work, and th at’s worth
more to m ost of us than money. ”
19 0
T h e T y p e I R e a d i n g List: F i f t e e n Es s ent i al Books
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Former teacher Kohn throws down the gau n tlet at society’s blind
acceptance of B. F. Skinner’s “Do this and you’ll g et th at” theory of
behaviorism . This 1993 book ranges across school, w ork, and private
life in its indictm ent of extrinsic m otivators and paints a com pelling
picture of a world w ithout them .
Type I In sigh t: “Do rewards m otivate people? Absolutely. They
m otivate people to get rew ards.”
Kohn has w ritten eleven books on parenting, education, and
behavior— as w ell as scores of articles on th at topic— all of which are
interestin g and provocative. There’s more inform ation on his w eb
site: www.alfiekohn.org.
Once a Runner
B Y JO H N L . P A R K E R , J R .
19 2
T h e T y p e I R e a d i n g List: F if t e e n E ss en t ia l B oo ks
that too was his province). If he could conquer the weakness, the
cowardice in him self, he w ould not worry about the rest; it w ould
com e.”
W h ile m any bosses are control freaks, Sem ler m ig h t be the first
autonom y freak. He transformed the Brazilian m anufacturing firm
Semco through a series of radical steps. He canned m ost executives,
elim inated job titles, let the com pany’s three thousand employees
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set their own hours, gave everyone a vote in big decisions, and even
let some workers determ ine their own salaries. The result: U nder
Sem ler’s (non)command, Semco has grown 20 percent a year for the
past two decades. This book, along w ith Sem ler’s more recent The
Seven-D ay Weekend, shows how to put his iconoclastic and effective
philosophy into action.
Type I In sigh t: “I w ant everyone at Semco to be self-sufficient. The
com pany is organized— w ell, m aybe th at’s not qu ite the righ t word
for us— not to depend too m uch on any in d ivid ual, especially me. I
take it as a point of pride that twice on m y return from long trips m y
office had been moved— and each tim e it got sm aller.”
19 4
Listen t o t h e G ur us:
Six Business T h i n k e r s W h o Get It
DO UG LAS McGREGOR
he called Theory X, assumed that people avoid effort, work only for
m oney and security, and therefore need to be controlled. The second,
w hich he called Theory Y, assumed that work is as natural for hum an
beings as p lay or rest, that in itiative and creativity are widespread,
and that if people are com m itted to a goal, they w ill actually seek
responsibility. Theory Y, he argued, was the more accurate— and
u ltim ate ly more effective— approach.
P E T E R F. D R U C K E R
196
L i s t e n t o t h e G u r u s : S i x B u s i n e s s T h i n k e r s W h o G e t It
M ore In fo : D rucker wrote m any books, and m any have been w ritten
about h im , but a great startin g place is T he D a ily Drucker, a sm all
gem th at provides 366 in sights and “action points” for p u ttin g his
ideas into practice. On the topic of self-m anagem ent, read D rucker’s
2005 H a rva rd B usiness R eview article, “M anaging O neself.” For more
inform ation and access to d ig ita l archives of his w ritin g , check out
w w w .druckerinstitute.com .
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JIM C O LLIN S
19 8
L i s t e n t o t h e G u r u s : S i x B u s i n e s s T h i n k e r s W h o G e t It
CA L I R E S S L E R A N D JO D Y T H O M P S O N
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GARY H A M E L
B ig Id e a: M a n ag em en t is an o u td a te d tech n o lo g y. H am el likens
m anagem ent to the internal com bustion engine— a technology that
has largely stopped evolving. Put a 1960s-era CEO in a tim e m achine
and transport him to 20 1 0 , H am el says, and that CEO “would find a
great m any of today’s m anagem ent rituals little changed from those
that governed corporate life a generation or two ago .” Sm all won
der, H am el explains. “M ost of the essential tools and techniques of
modern m anagem ent were invented by individuals born in the 19th
century, not long after the end of the A m erican C iv il W ar.” The solu
tion? A radical overhaul of this agin g technology.
T ype I In sig h t: “The next tim e you’re in a m eeting and folks are dis
cussing how to w rin g another increm ent of performance out of your
workforce, you m ig h t ask: ‘To w hat end, and to whose benefit, are
our em ployees being asked to give of them selves? H ave we com m it
ted ourselves to a purpose that is tru ly deserving of their in itiativ e,
im agin ation , and passion?’ ”
200
The Type I Fitness P l a n :
Four Tips f o r G e t t i n g (and S t a y i n g )
M o t i v a t e d t o Exercise
D itc h th e tr e a d m ill. Unless you really lik e treadm ills, that is. If
tru d gin g to the gym feels lik e a dreary obligation, find a form of fit
ness you enjoy— that produces those intoxicating moments of flow.
G ather some friends for an informal gam e of tennis or basketball, join
an am ateur league, go for w alks at a local park, dance for a half-hour,
or p lay w ith your kids. Use the Sawyer Effect to your advantage—
and turn your work(out) into play.
202
D r i v e : The Recap
TW ITTER S U M M A R Y *
Carrots & sticks are so last century. D rive says for 21st century work,
we need to upgrade to autonom y, m astery & purpose.
C O C K T A I L PARTY S U M M A R Y 1
*A m ax im u m of 140 characters, as req u ired b y T w itter (see w w w .tw itter.co m ). F eel free to retw eet
this su m m ary or one of yo u r own.
+A m ax im u m of 10 0 w ords, or less th an a m in u te o f ta lk in g .
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CHAPTER-BY-CHAPTER S U M M A R Y
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Drive: T h e Recap
PART O N E . A N E W O P E R A T I N G S Y S T E M
W hen carrots and sticks encounter our third drive, strange things
begin to happen. T raditional “if-th en ” rewards can give us less of
w hat we want: They can extin guish intrinsic m otivation, dim inish
performance, crush creativity, and crowd out good behavior. They
can also give us more of w hat we don’t w ant: They can encourage
unethical behavior, create addictions, and foster short-term th in k
ing. These are the bugs in our current operating system .
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C h a p te r 2a. . . . a nd th e S pecial C i r c u m s t a n c e s
W h e n T h e y Do
Carrots and sticks aren’t all bad. They can be effective for rule-based
routine tasks— because there’s little in trin sic m otivation to under
m ine and not m uch creativity to crush. A nd they can be more effec
tive s till if those g iv in g such rewards offer a rationale for w hy the
task is necessary, acknowledge that i t ’s boring, and allow people
autonom y over how they complete it. For nonroutine conceptual
tasks, rewards are more perilous— p articu larly those of the “if-then”
variety. B ut “now th at” rewards— noncontingent rewards given
after a task is com plete— can som etim es be okay for more creative,
righ t-b rain work, especially if they provide useful inform ation about
performance.
C h a p te r 3. Type I a nd Type X
206
Drive: The Recap
Type I ’s are m ade, not born— and Type I behavior leads to stronger
performance, greater health, and h igh er overall w ell-bein g.
PART TW O . T H E T H R E E E L E M E N T S
C h a p te r 4. A u t o n o m y
C h a p te r 5. M ast ery
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C h a p te r 6. P urp o s e
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D r i v e : The Gl ossary
G oldilocks tasks: The sweet spot where tasks are neither too easy nor too
hard. Essential to reaching the state of “flow” and to achieving mastery.
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M a ste ry a sym p to te: The know ledge that full m astery can never be
realized, w hich is w hat makes its pursuit sim ultaneously allu rin g
and frustrating.
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Drive: The Gl ossary
211
The D ri v e Di scussi on G ui d e:
T w e n t y C o n v e r s a t i o n S t a r t e r s to
Keep You T h i n k i n g and Tal ki ng
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214
The Drive Discussion Guide
215
I
FIND OUT M ORE—
A B O U T Y O U R S E L F A N D T H IS TOPIC
of university libraries. Rob Ten Pas once again used his consider
able talents to craft pictures to enliven m y less considerable words.
Sarah Rainone provided spectacular help pushing the project over
the finish lin e durin g a hot and dreary sum mer. R em em ber all three
of those names, folks. T h ey’re stars.
One of the joys of w orking on this book was having a few long
conversations and interview s w ith M ike C sikszen tm ih alyi, Ed Deci,
and Rich R yan, who have long been heroes of m ine. If there were any
justice in the w orld, all three would w in a Nobel Prize— and if that
justice had a slig h t sense of humor, the prize w ould be in econom
ics. A ny errors or m isinterpretations of th eir work are m y fault, not
theirs.
I t’s about at this point that authors who are parents apologize to
th eir children for m issed dinners. Not m e. I don’t m iss m eals. B ut
I did skip nearly everything else for several months and that forced
the am azing P in k kids— Sophia, Eliza, and Saul, to whom D rive is
dedicated— into a dad-less existence for a w hile. Sorry, guys. Fortu
nately, as you’ve no doubt already discovered, I need you a lot more
than you need me.
Then there’s the threesom e’s mom, Jessica Anne Lerner. As alw ays,
Jessica was the first, last, and most honest sounding board for every
idea I spit out. And as alw ays, Jessica read every word I wrote—
in clud in g m any thousands of them aloud w hile I sat in a red chair
crin g in g at their sound. For these sm all reasons, and m any larger
ones that are none of your business, this gorgeous, graceful woman
leaves me slack-jaw ed— in awe and in love.
220
NOTES
1. Harry F. Harlow, Margaret Kuenne Harlow, and Donald R. Meyer, “Learning M oti
vated by a Manipulation D rive,”Jo u rn al o f Experimental Psychology 40 (1950): 2 31.
2. Ibid., 2 3 3 -3 4 .
3- Harry F. Harlow, “Motivation as a Factor in the Acquisition o f New Responses,”
in Current Theory and Research on Motivation (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
1953), 46.
4. Harlow, in some ways, became part o f the establishment. He won a National Sci
ence Medal and became president o f the American Psychological Association. For
more about Harlow’s interesting life, see Deborah Blum, Love a t Goon P ark: Harry
Harlow and the Science of Affection (Cambridge, Mass.: Perseus, 2002), and Jim Otta-
viani and Dylan Meconis, Wire Mothers: Harry Harlow and the Science o f Love (Ann
Arbor, Mich.: G. T. Labs, 2007).
5. Edward L. Deci, “Effects o f Externally Mediated Rewards on Intrinsic M otivation,”
Jo u rn al o f Personality and Social Psychology 1 8 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 114.
6. Edward L. Deci, “Intrinsic Motivation, Extrinsic Reinforcement, and Inequity,”
Jo u rn al of Personality and Social Psychology 22 (1972): 1 1 9 —20.
Notes
222
Notes
1. Mark Twain, The Adventures of Tom Sawyer (New York: Oxford University Press,
1998), 23.
2. Mark Lepper, David Greene, and Robert Nisbett, “Undermining Children’s Intrin
sic Interest with Extrinsic Rewards: A Test of the ‘Overjustification’ Hypothesis,”
Jo u rn al of Personality and Social Psychology 28, no. 1 (1973): 12 9 —37.
3- Edward L. Deci, Richard M. Ryan, and Richard Koestner, “A Meta-Analytic
Review of Experiments Examining the Effects o f Extrinsic Rewards on Intrinsic
Motivation,” Psychological Bulletin 125, no. 6 (1999): 659-
4. Jonmarshall Reeve, Understanding Motivation and Emotion, 4th ed. (Hoboken, N.J.:
John W iley & Sons, 2005), 143.
5. Dan Ariely, Uri Gneezy, George Lowenstein, and Nina Mazar, “Large Stakes and
Big Mistakes,” Federal Reserve Bank o f Boston Working Paper No. 0 5 - 1 1 , Ju ly 23,
2 00 5 (emphasis added). You can also find a very short summary of this and some
other research in Dan Ariely, “W h at’s the Value of a Big Bonus?” New York Times,
November 20, 2008,
6. “LSE: W hen Performance-Related Pay Backfires,” Financial, Ju n e 25, 2009.
7. Sam Glucksberg, “The Influence o f Streng th o f Drive on Functional Fixedness
and Perceptual Recognition,”Jou rn al of Experimental Psychology 63 (1962): 36—4 1.
Glucksberg obtained similar results in his “Problem Solving: Response Competi
tion Under the Influence of Drive,” Psychological Reports 15 (1964).
8. Teresa M. Amabile, Elise Phillips, and Mary Ann Collins, “Person and Environ
ment in Talent Development: The Case of Creativity,” in Talent Development: Pro
ceedings from the 1 9 9 3 Henry B. and Jocelyn Wallace N ational Research Symposium on
Talent Development, edited by Nicholas Colangelo, Susan G. Assouline, and DeAnn
L. Ambroson (Dayton: Ohio Psychology Press, 1993), 2 7 3 -7 4 .
9- Jean Kathryn Carney, “Intrinsic Motivation and Artistic Success” (unpublished
dissertation, 19 8 6, University of Chicago); J. W. Getzels and Mihaly Csikszent
mihalyi, The Creative Vision: A Longitudinal Study o f Problem-Finding in A r t (New
York: Wiley, 1976).
10. Teresa M. Amabile, Creativity in Context (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996),
1 1 9 ; James C. Kaufman and Robert J. Sternberg, eds., The International Handbook of
Creativity (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 18.
11. Richard Titmuss, The G ift Relationship: From Human Blood to Social Policy, edited
by Ann Oakley and John Ashton, expanded and updated edition (New York: New
Press, 1997).
223
Notes
12. Carl Mellstrom and Magnus Johannesson, “Crowding Out in Blood Donation:
Was Titmuss R ig h t?” Jo u rn al o f the European Economic Association 6, no. 4 (June
2008): 8 4 5 -6 3 .
13. Other research has found that monetary incentives are especially counterproduc
tive when the charitable act is public. See Dan Ariely, Anat Bracha, and Stephan
Meier, “Doing Good or Doing W ell? Image Motivation and Monetary Incentives
in Behaving Prosocially," Federal Reserve Bank o f Boston Working Paper No. 0 7 - 9 ,
August 2007.
14. Bruno S. Frey No/ Ju st fo r the Money: A n Economic Theory o f Personal Motivation
(Brookfield,Vt.:EdwardElgar, 1997),84.
15. Nicola Lacetera and Mario Macias, “Motivating Altruism: A Field Study,” Institute
fo r the Study o f Labor Discussion Paper No. 3 7 7 0 , October 28, 2 008.
16. Lisa D. Ordonez, Maurice E. Schweitzer, Adam D. Galinsky, and Max H. Braver-
man, “Goals Gone W ild: The Systematic Side Effects o f Over-Prescribing Goal
Setting,” H arvard Business School Working Paper No. 0 9 - 0 8 3 , February 2009-
17. Peter Applebome, “W hen Grades Are Fixed in College-Entrance Derby,” New York
Times, March 7 , 2009.
18. Uri Gneezy and Aldo Rustichini, “A Fine Is a Price,” Jo u rn al o f Legal Studies 29
(January 2000).
19. Gneezy and Rustichini, “A Fine Is a Price,” 3, 7 (emphasis added).
20. Anton Suvorov, “Addiction to Rewards,” presentation delivered at the European
W inter Meeting o f the Econometric Society, October 25, 2003.
2 1. Brian Knutson, Charles M. Adams, Grace W. Fong, and Daniel Hommer, “Antici
pation o f Increasing Monetary Reward Selectively Recruits Nucleus Accumbens,”
Jo u rn al o f Neuroscience 21 (2001).
22. Camelia M. Kuhnen and Brian Knutson, “The Neural Basis o f Financial Risk Tak
ing,” Neuron 47 (September 2005): 768.
23. Mei Cheng, K. R. Subramanyam, and Yuan Zhang, “Earnings Guidance and
Mana-gerial Myopia,” SSRN Working Paper No. 8 5 4 5 1 5 , November 2005.
24. Lisa D. Ordonez, Maurice E. Schweitzer, Adam D. Galinsky, and Max H. Braver-
man, “Goals Gone W ild: The Systematic Side Effects of Over-Prescribing Goal
Setting,” H arvard Business School Working Paper No. 0 9 - 0 8 3 , February 2009.
25. Roland Benabou and J e m Tirole, “Intrinsic and Extrinsic M otivation,” Review o f
Economic Studies 70 (2003)-
224
Notes
1. Edward L. Deci, Richard Koestner, and Richard M. Ryan, “Extrinsic Rewards and
Intrinsic Motivation in Education: Reconsidered Once Again,” Review o f Educa
tional Research 7 1, по. 1 (Spring 2 00 1): 14.
2. Dan Ariely, “W h a t’s the Value of a Big Bonus?” New York Times, November 20,
2008.
3- Teresa M. Amabile, Creativity in Context (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 175.
4. Deci, Ryan, and Koestner, “Extrinsic Rewards and Intrinsic Motivation in Education.”
5. Amabile, Creativity in Context, 117 .
6. Deci, Ryan, and Koestner, “Extrinsic Rewards and Intrinsic Motivation in
Education.”
7. Amabile, Creativity in Context , 119-
1. Richard M. Ryan and Edward L. Deci, “Self-Determination Theory and the Facili
tation of Intrinsic Motivation, Social Development, and W ell-Being,” American
Psychologist 55 (January 2000): 68.
2. Meyer Friedman and Ray H. Rosenman, Type A Behavior an d Your Heart (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), 4.
3. Ibid., 70.
4. Douglas McGregor, The Human Side o f Enterprise: 2 5th Anniversary Printing (New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1985), 3 3 -3 4 .
5- Ryan and Deci, “Self-Determination Theory and the Facilitation o f Intrinsic M oti
vation, Social Development, and W ell-Being.”
CHAPTER 4. A U T O N O M Y
225
Notes
226
Notes
19- Paul Restuccia, “W hat W ill Jobs of the Future Be? Creativity, Self-Direction Val
ued,” Boston Herald , February 12, 2 00 7 . Gary Hamel, The Future o f Management
(Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2007).
20. Bharat Mediratta, as told to Julie Bick, “The Google Way: Give Engineers Room,”
New York Times, October 2 1 , 2007.
21. See, for example, S. Parker, T. W all, and P. Hackson, “That’s Not My Job: Devel
oping Flexible Employee W ork Orientations,” Academy o f Management Jo u rn al 40
(1997): 8 9 9 -9 2 9 .
22. Marylene Gagne and Edward L. Deci, “Self-Determination Theory and W ork Moti
vation, "Journal o f Organizational Behavior 26 (2005): 3 3 1—62.
CHAPTER 5. MASTERY
1. Jack Zenger, Joe Folkman, and Scott Edinger, “How Extraordinary Leaders Double
Profits,” C hief Learning Officer, Ju ly 2009.
2. R ik Kirkland, ed., W hat M atters? Ten Questions That W ill Shape Our Future (McKin-
sey Management Institute, 2009), 80.
3. Mihalyi Csikszentmihalyi, Beyond Boredom and Anxiety: Experiencing Flow in Work
an d P lay, 25th anniversary edition (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2000), xix.
4. Ann March, “The A rt o f W ork,” Fast Company, August 2005.
5. This account comes from both an interview with Csikszentmihalyi, March 3, 2009,
and from March, “The A rt o f W ork.”
6. Henry Sauerman and Wesley Cohen, “W hat Makes Them Tick? Employee Motives
and Firm Innovation,” NBER Working Paper No. 1 4 4 4 3 , October 2008.
7. Am y Wrzesniewski and Jane E. Dutton, “Crafting a Job: Revisioning Employees as
Active Crafters o f Their W ork,” Academy o f Management Review 26 (2001): 18 1.
8. Carol S. Dweck, Self-Theories: Their Role in Motivation, Personality, and Development
(Philadelphia: Psychology Press, 1999), 17.
9. Ibid.
10. Angela L. Duckworth, Christopher Peterson, Michael D. Matthews, and Dennis R.
Kelly, “Grit: Perseverance and Passion for Long-Term Goals "Journal o f Personality
and Social Psychology 92 (January 2007): 1087.
1 1 . K . Anders Ericsson, R alf T. Krampe, and Clemens Tesch Romer, “The Role of
Deliberate Practice in the Acquisition of Expert Performance,” Psychological Review
10 0 (December 1992): 363.
12. For two excellent popular accounts o f some of this research, see Geoff Colvin, Tal
ented Is Overrated: W hat Really Separates World-Class Performers from Everybody Else
(New York: Portfolio, 2008), and Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story o f Success
227
Notes
'{New York: Little, Brown, 2008). Both books are recommended in the Type I
Toolkit.
13- Daniel F. Chambliss, “The Mundanity of Excellence: An Ethnographic Report on
Stratification and Olympic Swimmers,” Sociological Theory 1 (1989).
14. Duckworth et al., “G rit.”
15. Dweck, Self-Theories, 4 1.
16. Clyde Haberman, “David Halberscam, 73, Reporter and Author, Dies,” New York
Times, A pril 24, 2007.
17. The passage is quoted in David Galenson, Painting Outside the Lines: Patterns o f Cre
ativity in Modern A r t (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), 53. See
also Daniel H. Pink, “W hat Kind o f Genius Are You?” Wired 14.07 (July 2006).
18. This study is explained in detail in Chapters 10 and 11 of Csikszentmihalyi’s Beyond
Boredom and Anxiety , which is the source of all quotations here.
19. Csikszentmihalyi, Beyond Boredom and Anxiety , 190.
CH APTER 6. PURPOSE
228
Notes
229
INDEX
232
Index
233
Index
234
Index
235
Index
236
Index
237
Index
Mental health, Type I behavior and, 80 207; “flow” and, 129; McGregor
Microsoft, encyclopedia by, 1 5 - 1 7 and, 19 6 ; MBA Oath, 138;
Millennials. See Young adults Montessori schools and, 18 2 ;
Mindset, mastery as, 12 0 —23, 208 and purpose, 134, 135, 136,
Mindset: The New Psychology o f Success, 13 7 , 208; team and, 10 5 ;
Dweck, 121n , 1 8 7 -8 8 technique and, 104
Mission, good work and, 18 9 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 78n
MLab, 200 Mozilla, 24—25
Mondragon Corporacion Cooperativa, 137 MSN Encarta , 15 —17
Money: charitable acts and, 2 2 4 n l3 ; and Mycoskie, Blake, 1 3 5 -3 6
happiness, 140—4 1 ; as motivation,
79, 87, 93, 170 Needs: human, autonomy as, 90;
Monitoring of work, 3 1 - 3 2 psychological, 7 2 -7 3
Montessori, Maria, 182 Negative behavior, motivations and, 35
Montessori Schools, 18 2 —83 Negative effect of rewards, 8—9
Motion, Newton’s law, 3 4 -3 5 Nelson, George, 98
Motivation: beliefs about, 9, 10; Newton, Isaac, 34—35
understanding of, 1 4 5 -4 6 Niemiec, Christopher, 142
Motivation 1.0, 18, 2 10 Nisbett, Robert, 37
Motivation 2.0, 1 8 - 2 1 , 34—35, 145, Nobel Prize in Economics, 26
205, 2 10 ; and accountability, Noncommissioned art, 4 5 - 4 6 , 65
10 7 ; artists and, 10 6 ; behavior Non-employer businesses, 31
type, 77; billable hours, 99; and Noninstrumental activities, 1 2 8 -2 9
compliance, 1 1 1 ; and “flow,” 116 ; Nonprofit organizations, 23
“for-benefit” organizations and, Nonroutine work, 2 10
25; heuristic tasks and, 3 0 - 3 1 ; Nontangible rewards, 67
human irrationality and, 27; and Nonwinnable games, 185
human needs, 72; and intrinsic Norton, Michael, 141
motivation, 23, 28; problems of, “Not only for profit” enterprises, 137
32—33, 3 5 -3 6 ; punishment and, “Now that” rewards, 66—67, 68, 2 10 ;
53; and purpose, 13 3 -3 4 , 135, peer-to-peer, 163
136; and work, 31
Motivation 2 .1, 20, 91 Oblique cards, 158
Motivation 3.0, 77, 89, 206, 2 1 0 ; and Off-site days, organizational, 169
accountability, 107; Atlassian, 93; Office hours, Type I employers, 16 5 —66
autonomy and, 97; billable hours Offshoring of algorithmic tasks, 29 —30
and, 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; compensation, Olympic athletes, motivation, 191
170—73; and engagement, 1 1 1 , Once a Runner, Parker, 19 2 —93
238
Index
239
Index
240
Index
241
Type I behavior, 10, 7 7 - 8 1 , 89, 123,
2 0 1 , 2 0 6 -7 , 2 1 1 ; autonomy and,
94, 98; by bosses, 16 5 —66;
individual, 15 3 —6 1 ; lawyers and,
9 8 ; mastery and, 1 1 1 , 120;
purpose and, 133
Type I Fitness Plan, 2 0 1 - 2
Type I organizations, 101
Type I reading list, 18 5 —200
Type I Toolkit, 10, 1 4 9 -2 0 0
Type X behavior, 7 7 - 8 1 , 12 3 , 206, 2 11 ;
and “flow,” 1 1 6 ; and purpose,
1 3 3 -3 4
2
idex
Zappos.com, 10 2 —3
Zen o f compensation, 1 7 0 -7 3
'42