ANABASIS

Studia Classica et Orientalia

6
8 (2015)
(2017)
Department of Ancient History
History and
and Oriental
Oriental Studies
Studies
Institute
Institute of
of History
History
Rzeszów
Rzeszów University
University

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 REVIEWED BY
Prof. Ryszard Kulesza (Warsaw University)

Editor-in-Chief
Marek Jan Olbrycht
Department of Ancient History and Oriental Studies
University of Rzeszów
Al. Rejtana 16C
35-310 Rzeszów
Poland
email: saena7@gmail.com

Editors
Jeffrey D. Lerner (Wake Forest University, USA) lernerjd@wfu.edu
Sabine
Sabine Müller Müller (UniversityMarburg,
(Philipps-Universität of Kiel, Germany)
Germany)smueller@email.uni-kiel.de
sabine.mueller@taff.uni-marburg.de

Editorial Assistant
Michał Podrazik (Rzeszów University, Poland) email: saena7@gmail.com

EDITORIAL BOARD
Daryoush Akbarzadeh (Iran, ICHTO, Tehran) Valentina Mordvintseva (Russian Federation,
Agustí Alemany (Spain, Autonomous Universi- Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow)
ty of Barcelona) Valery P. Nikonorov (Russian Federation,
Touraj Daryaee (USA, University of California, Russian Academy of Sciences, Sankt-Petersburg)
Irvine) Tomasz Polański (Poland, Jan Kochanowski
Jangar Ilyasov (Uzbekistan, Academy University)
of Sciences) Eduard V. Rtveladze (Uzbekistan, Academy
Erich Kettenhofen (Germany, University of Sciences)
of Trier, prof. em.) Martin Schottky (Germany)
Ryszard Kulesza (Poland, University Rahim Shayegan (USA, University of Califor-
of Warsaw) nia, Los Angeles)
Edward Lipiński (Belgium, University
of Leuven, prof. em.)
Book layout and cover designed by M.J. Olbrycht
with the support of Lidia and Daria Olbrycht (drawings)
Typesetting: Andrzej Lewandowski
The Editor would like to acknowledge the financial support of the Head of the Institute of History,
of the Vice-Rector for Research and International Affairs, and of the Dean of the Faculty of Social
and Historical Sciences of Rzeszów University

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Collectanea Iranica et Asiatica
Iran and Western Asia in Antiquity.
New Perspectives

Edited by Marek Jan Olbrycht

 ANABASIS 8 (2 0 1 7 )
S TUD IA C LAS S IC A E T O RIE NTALIA

CONTENTS

ARTICLES

Edward Lipiński (Belgium)

Lettres de pharaons aux derniers rois d’Ugarit..............................................................................   9

Michał Podrazik (Poland)

The skēptouchoi of Cyrus the Younger..........................................................................................   16

Waldemar Heckel (Canada)

Was Sibyrtios ever Satrap of Karmania?.......................................................................................   38

Marc Mendoza Sanahuja (Spain)

Stasanor of Soloi and the Government of Bactria during the Wars of the Diadochi.....................   44

Daniel T. Potts (USA)

Appointment in Apollonia .............................................................................................................   71

Adalberto Magnelli (Italy), Giuseppe Petrantoni (Italy)

A Note on 7Q19, a Greek Fragment of Jubilees from Qumran?...................................................   90
 
Nikolaus L. Overtoom (USA)
The Parthians’ Unique Mode of Warfare: a Tradition of Parthian Militarism and the Battle of
Carrhae...........................................................................................................................................   95

Seth Richardson (USA)

A Note on the Name “Sinnaces” and Armenian Claims on an Assyrian Royal Background........ 123

Jordi Pérez González (Spain)

Ex Oriente Luxus. Marco teórico sobre la existencia de una red libre de escala y el uso de
superconectores durante el Alto Imperio romano.......................................................................... 128

Ehsan Shavarebi (Austria)

Sakastān in der frühen Sasanidenzeit: Münzprägung und Geschichte.......................................... 160
6 Contents

Robert Sebastian Wójcikowski (Poland)

Helmets, Crowns or Hats? The Headgears on the Early Sasanian Rock Reliefs........................... 178
 
Martin Schottky (Germany)
Vorarbeiten zu einer Königsliste Kaukasisch-Iberiens. 6. Herrscher im Umkreis Petrus des
Iberers............................................................................................................................................ 203

Frank Schleicher (Germany)

Die Gogarene im ausgehenden fünften Jahrhundert. Politische Handlungsspielräume und
religiöser Pragmatismus................................................................................................................. 226

Alireza Askari Chaverdi (Iran)

Fluted Conical Pedestals for Altars from the Persian Gulf Coast: Bardestan................................ 258

Touraj Daryaee (USA)

Middle Persian Graffiti on Sāsānian and Arab-Sāsānian Coins at the American Numismatic
Society............................................................................................................................................ 265

REVIEW ARTICLES

Michał Podrazik (Poland)

Rebellions against the Great King in the Achaemenid Empire: Some Remarks........................... 277

Valentina I. Mordvintseva (Russia)

Sarmatian Treasures Reconsidered. Some Remarks on the New Book by Leo Klein .................. 292

Marek Jan Olbrycht (USA; Poland)

Slipper Coffins and Funerary Practices in Parthia......................................................................... 301

REVIEWS

Luisa Prandi (Italy)

Michael Rathmann, Diodor und seine Bibliotheke. Weltgeschichte aus der Provinz, (Klio –
Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte, Band 27) Berlin-Boston: W. De Gruyter 2016............................ 317

Martin Schottky (Germany)

Jan P. Stronk, Semiramis’ Legacy. The History of Persia According to Diodorus of Sicily,
(Edinburgh Studies in Ancient Persia), Edinburgh: University Press, 2017.................................. 320

Jacek Rzepka (Poland)

Sabine Müller, Die Argeaden. Geschichte Makedoniens bis zum Zeitalter Alexanders des
Großen, Padeborn/München/Wien: Schöningh 2016.................................................................... 325

Abbreviations............................................................................................................................... 328

Addresses of Authors................................................................................................................... 330
ANABASIS 8 (2 0 1 7 )
S TUD IA C LAS S IC A E T O RIE NTALIA

Marek Jan Olbrycht

(Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, USA; Rzeszów University, Poland)

SLIPPER COFFINS AND FUNERARY PRACTICES

IN PARTHIA*

Keywords: Parthia, slipper sarcophagi, Babylonian burials, Arsakid period, Zoroastrianism

Funerary practices in Parthian Iran remain poorly researched mainly due to

a scarcity of sources and poor knowledge of the Parthians themselves. Funerary
rites are, however, well attested in some countries that were part of the Arsakid
Parthian empire. One of them was Babylonia. The book by a German archaeologist,
Christina Heike Richter, entitled Parthische Pantoffelsarkophage (“Parthian Slip-
per-Sarcophagi”),1 is a result of laborious research on material from necropolises of
Babylonia and other regions of Mesopotamia and Iran in the Parthian era. Richter
provides a full description of the use of one of the types of sarcophagi produced in
the Parthian era, namely the Pantoffelsarkophag, and compares its origin and use
against a broad background.
The term Pantoffelsarkophag requires an explanation. In antiquity, pottery sar-
cophagi of various shapes were used in Babylonia and its neighboring countries.
For some of these clay coffins, the German terms Wannensarkophag and Trogsarg
are used.2 The term Wannensarkophag (English: “bathtub sarcophagus”), denotes
a broad container for burials in a contracted position, while the term Trogsarg
(English: “coffin/casket”) denotes containers with bodies lying straight. As a mat-

*
The present article was written thanks to funding from the Gerda Henkel Stiftung (Germany), and
from the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton (USA) that awarded me a membership in 2017/2018.
1
Christina Heike Richter, Parthische Pantoffelsarkophage. Untersuchungen zu einer Sargform
Mesopotamiens im Vergleich mit Tonsärgen von Ägypten über den Mittelmeerraum bis Zentralasien.
AOAT 49. Münster 2011. XXI + 413 S. mit 271 Tafeln und 9 Farbtafeln. Ugarit-Verlag. ISBN 978-3-
86835-027-2. The monograph is richly illustrated (271 black-and-white plates and 9 color plates). The
division into chapters and subchapters is extensive, at times even too detailed verging on lack of clarity.
2
Richter 2011, 7–8.
302 Marek Jan Olbrycht

ter of fact, the German term Pantoffelsarkophag has been created from the English
“slipper coffin”, the name used by a British archaeologist, William Kennet Loftus,
in the 19th century. The first slipper coffins were excavated by Loftus at the site
of ofUruk (Warka) in southern Iraq in 1850.3 The coffins were manufactured from
clay slabs, and glazed using alkaline glazes according to established techniques known in
a series of clay slabs, and glazed using alkaline glazes according to established
Mesopotamia for a long period.4
techniques known in Mesopotamia for a long period.4
Slipper
Slipper coffins
coffins hadhadthe
the length
length ofof
about
about1.5–2.21 m. The
1.5–2.21 m.deceased were usually
The deceased wereburied
usu-
ally
in buried in them
them lying lying
straight. The straight.
majority ofThe majority
slipper coffinsof slipper
have coffins
the form havewith
of a pipe, the form
a largeof
a pipe,
opening with a large
on top, opening
at the head. Thison opening
top, at was
the head.
coveredThis
withopening was covered
a lid. Another term, namelywith
a lid. Another term, namely “lady’s foot sarcophagi”, is used in archaeological
“lady’s foot sarcophagi”, is used in archaeological publications. It refers mostly to bathtubs,
publications. It refers mostly to bathtubs, which were used secondarily as sarcoph-
which were used secondarily as sarcophagi; they were taller than typical slipper coffins; both
agi; they were taller than typical slipper coffins;5 both terms are often confused in
terms are often confused
archaeological in archaeological
publications. 5 publications.
Slipper coffins
Slipper coffinswere
weremainly usedin in
mainly used Parthian
Parthian Babylonia.
Babylonia. Thanks Thanks
to detailedtoresearch,
detailed
research, many
many of them of been
have themdiscovered
have been discovered
at Uruk, Seleukeia at
on Uruk, Seleukeia
the Tigris, on the and
Nippur, Babylon, Tigris,
at
Nippur, Babylon, and at some other sites. In general, Ch. G. Richter gathered
some other sites. In general, Ch. G. Richter gathered data on 1302 slipper coffins documented data
on 1302 slipper coffins documented in excavation sites, and 263 items known only
in excavation sites, and 263 items known only from references made in various publications.
from references made in various publications.

Fig. 1. Slipper coffin. Babylon, Tell Amran site (after Reuther 1926, pl. 87D).
Fig. 1. Slipper coffin. Babylon, Tell Amran site (After Reuther 1926, pl. 87D).
3
Loftus 1857.
4
Middleton/Simpson/Simpson 2008.
5
Richter 2011, 21–32 discusses this term in greater detail.
4
Middleton/Simpson/Simpson 2008.
5
Richter 2011, 21–32 discusses this term in greater detail.

2
Slipper Coffins and Funerary Practices in Parthia 303

In the 19th century, W.K. Loftus discovered a large number of slipper sar-
cophagi at Uruk, abundantly decorated with figurative motifs on the lid.6 Some
of them were glazed. In more recent German excavations (by the German Ori-
ent-Gesellschaft), more slipper sarcophagi were excavated in the Parthian levels.7
The funerary inventory is absent in many cases or reduced to a few items placed
outside next to the feet.8 The slipper sarcophagi (Richter describes 532 items) were
used at Uruk alongside brick tombs and jar burials.9 Excavations conducted at Uruk
have revealed that the coffins were placed under houses, or close to rectangular
mudbrick structures.10

Fig. 2. Parthian slipper sarcophagus from Babylonia. Yale Gallery of Fine Arts, USA
(after Rostovtzeff 1935, fig. 29).

At Nippur, 588 Parthian period slipper sarcophagi are attested, some of them
covered with glaze.11 For Babylon, 36 slipper coffins are documented,12 while at
Seleukeia on the Tigris, a handful (about 16) of slipper sarcophagi were revealed.13
Furthermore, at Mashkan-shapir, 120 slipper coffins were discovered, but the pub-
lication of the excavations is still in the preliminary stage.14
In the archaeological reports pertaining to Susa, one mention of slipper sar-
cophagi is known, namely “sarcophages à glaçure en forme de sabot”, as reported
by R. de Mecquenem in the center of the Royal City.15 However, they were not

 6
Loftus 1857, 203-205. See also Curtis 1979, Pls. 1-2.
 7
See Finkbeiner 1982, 162 and Fig. 1.
 8
Pedde 1995, 160-190, Pls. 233-259.
 9
Richter 2011, catalog numbers U1-U532.
10
Pedde 1995.
11
Peters 1897, 214-216, 226-230; McCown/Haines 1967, 118, 128–129, 131, Pl. 160B; McCown/
Haines/Biggs 1978, 53, Pl. 40-41; 57: 6 and Pls. 75-76; Keall 1970; Lawson 2006; 2006b; Richter
2011, catalog numbers N1-N588.
12
Reuther 1926, 249-265, PL 87D; Richter 2011, catalog numbers B1-B36. At Babylon, anthro-
poid sarcophagi predominate.6
13
lnvemizzi 1967, 22-23 and fig. 11; Messina 2006, figs. 166-170; Richter 2011, catalog num-
bers S1-S16.
14
Stone/Zimansky 2004, 65, 69 and 346; Figs. 33, 39 and 299.
15
de Mecquenem 1943, 64.
304 Marek Jan Olbrycht

illustrated. R. Boucharlat and E. Haerinck published information on slipper sar-

cophagi (“sarcophages-pantoufles”) at Susa. They state that at least three lids of
such coffins are kept in the local Susa Museum, without any knowledge of their
exact provenance. They are oval plates (about 50 cm long and 6 cm thick), without
glaze.16 In Richter’s view, finds of slipper coffins from Susa are not certain.17 How-
ever, Susa had many connections with Babylonia and local use of slipper coffins
would come as no surprise.
The origin of slipper coffins is slightly disputable. Clay coffins were manufac-
tured by a few peoples long before the Parthians, namely in Mesopotamia, south-
ern Anatolia, and the Levant from the second half of the 2nd millennium B.C. to
the 3rd century A.D. In the Achaemenid and Seleukid periods, anthropoid pottery
coffins were manufactured in Babylonia and southwestern Iran.18 “Bathtub” coffins
were widespread in Mesopotamia, the Persian Gulf area, and Palestine, from the
late Assyrian to the Achaemenid periods.19 Of singular importance are the tombs
discovered on the Spring Cemetery at Persepolis. Some of the 31 burials (with
skeletons deposited in clay coffins and in pits), may date to the later Achaemenid
period, others may belong to Hellenistic-Parthian times.20 Most probably, burials in
pottery coffins were considered to be an acceptable Zoroastrian rite. Ch. G. Richter
denies a connection between the use of slipper coffins and clay sarcophagi in Mes-
opotamia and in Iran before the Parthians.21 In Anatolia, several types of clay cof-
fins were used from the Late Achaemenid period (4th century B.C.) to the Roman
period. However, Ch. G. Richter does not observe any connections between Par-
thian slipper coffins and Anatolian sarcophagi.22
In all likelihood, the shape of the slipper coffins originates from clay anthropoid
coffins but it is not certain how such interactions came into being. Richter assumes
that a significant inspiration for slipper coffins was taken from Ptolemaic Egypt.
Egyptian anthropoid coffins were already used in the Egypt’s Late Period. The
question that arises is how the alleged Egyptian inspirations reached Babylonia. It
seems that intensive trading contacts of Babylonia with the harbors of Egypt, as
well as overland contacts through Nabataea and Palmyra may have contributed to
cultural influences concerning the shape of sarcophagi used in Babylonia. But the
Western Asian tradition of burials in anthropoid sarcophagi and other pottery coffins
cannot be dismissed completely in this respect. However, it is not only the shape
that is central in this case, but also the funerary rite itself. Did it result from the
customs practiced in Iran, which was, at that time, dominated by Zoroastrianism?
16
Boucharlat/Haerinck 2011, Fig. 27.
17
Richter 2011, 69-70, 74.
18
Reuther 1926, 251-252, pl. 87C; Richter 2011, 210.
19
Elayi 1988; Middleton/Simpson/Simpson 2008, 36.
20
Schmidt 1957, 117-23; Wiesehöfer 1994, 83-4.
21
Richter 2011, 212.
22
Richter 2011, 213.
Slipper Coffins and Funerary Practices in Parthia 305

The issue of funerary practices of ancient Parthians is disputable, because their

empire was inhabited by different peoples, which had varying traditions of burying
the deceased. The Parthians themselves were, in general, Zoroastrians. However,
the interpretation of the requirements of the Zoroastrian religion with respect to
burying the dead is, in some aspects, arguable.
The rite of inhumation was quite rare in Iran from the early Iron Age onwards
and this fact may be explained by the increasing predominance of Zoroastrian
principles.23 Traditional Zoroastrian funerary rites included the principle that for-
bade burial of corpses in the earth, cremation or placing them in water. The pol-
luting elements of the deceased had to be prevented from coming into direct con-
tact with earth, fire or water. In one of the Avestan writings (the Vidēvdād 6.44-51)
Ahura Mazda orders that corpses should be placed on mountain tops in order to
be devoured by dogs and birds. A similar ritual is described by Herodotus (1.140)
who reports that the Persians have the dead bodies mangled by birds and dogs.
This Zoroastrian principle is given expressis verbis for the Parthians by Iustinus
who claims that corpses are exposed to be torn and cleaned by birds or dogs; the
bare bones they at last bury in the ground (41.3.5): Sepultura vulgo aut avium aut
canum laniatus est; nuda demum ossa terra obruunt.
Generally, the exposure of corpses (preferably on mountain tops) resulted from
Zoroastrian beliefs. However, it was not possible everywhere to find secluded moun-
tain tops or completely uninhabited areas. There were also other, local customs
that modified the Zoroastrian doctrine, and this is why variants of burials appeared,
whose meanings are disputable. For an example, royal tombs of the Achaemenids
at Naqsh-e Rostam were carved in stone. Similarly, the tomb of Cyrus the Great
is a tall structure built from stone blocks. We know that Cyrus’ body had been
embalmed before it was placed in the tomb. Thus, for the Achaemenids, any contact
with the deceased was prevented by placing the bodies of the rulers in sarcophagi
and, additionally, in stone chambers.24 Such burials could most probably be con-
sidered orthodox in Zoroastrianism. Apart from that, stone-cut cists or troughs in
various regions of Iran were used.25 In southern Iran, burials in rock cairns were
widespread in Parthian and Sasanian times.26
In Zoroastrian religion, an equally significant act was the practice of excarnation
and the burial of the cleaned bones into a variety of receptacles. Western Iran wit-
nessed the use of pottery jars as containers for human bones. In the area of Bushehr,
several sites provided evidence for pottery jars and lidded ossuaries carved from
limestone used as containers for human bones, broadly datable to the Sasanian age.27

23
Huff 2004, 594.
24
Huff 2004, 602; Hintze 2017, 92.
25
Huff 2004, 603–618.
26
Simpson/Molleson 2014, 77–79.
27
Simpson/Molleson 2014, 80-84.
306 Marek Jan Olbrycht

Fig. 3. New Nisa (Turkmenistan). Parthian necropolis at the city walls (after
Krasheninnikova 1978, plan on p. 117).

In the Parthian city of New Nisa (Turkmenistan), reconnaissance excava-

tions were carried out in a necropolis located in the northeastern part of the city,
at the city wall, next to a peristyle building. The area of the Parthian necropolis
is badly ruined by ravines and later pits, so it is difficult to draw a clear picture
of funerary structures and the burial rites.28 The New Nisa necropolis consisted
of massive rectangular structures built of sunbaked bricks (11.5 × 5.5, 9 × 6, 8
× 5 m), inside of which were one or two vaulted funerary chambers measuring
approximately 2 × 3 m to 2.3 × 3.2 m.29 The walls and floors were covered with
special red plaster. In some chambers a pavement of thin terracotta slabs was dis-
covered. The excavators unearthed the remains of funerary decorations, like small
gold appliques, probably worn on garments of the deceased. Archaeologists have

28
Krasheninnikova 1978; Pilipko 2018, 205-209.
29
Pilipko 2018, Figures 191–194.
Slipper Coffins and Funerary Practices in Parthia 307

Fig. 4. New Nisa (Turkmenistan). Ruins of ancient and medieval city

(photo by M.J. Olbrycht).

Fig. 5. New Nisa (Turkmenistan). Area within city walls (photo by M.J. Olbrycht).

discovered poorly preserved bones, bronze, and iron nails (possibly from wooden
coffins), a sword, a dagger, arrowheads, a mirror, metal parts of a belt, and a coin
of Orodes II (c. 57-37 B.C.).30 The New Nisa necropolis was constructed in the
late 3rd–early 2nd century B.C. and was used well into the late Parthian period,
possibly even to early Sasanian times.31
30
Details in Pilipko 2018, 209.
31
Pilipko 2018, 209 cites the unpublished diaries of M.I. Viazmitina, Yu.F. Buriakov, and L.M.
Rutkovskaia, who assumed that the cemetery may have been used until the early Sasanian period.
308 Marek Jan Olbrycht

In one of his studies F. Grenet stated that there are Parthian royal tombs in the
New Nisa necropolis, but this hypothesis is not justified.32 The excavated tombs
belonged to wealthy Parthians. The royal tombs had to be located in a more secluded
place because of the special, almost divine status of the Arsakid rulers. The absence
of undisturbed graves with their sparse inventory do not allow for any persuasive
conclusion about the burial rites at New Nisa. Some researchers claim that the
human corpses were originally deposited in chambers.33 But it seems more probable
that the chambers served to store the excarnated bones.34 The New Nisa necropolis
demonstrates that the Parthians buried their dead within the city area in a secluded
cemetery including a number of funerary buildings.
At Shahr-e Qumis near Damghan (Parthia proper, northeastern Iran), 140 frag-
ments of the bones of one person were discovered in a sealed, secluded room on
the second floor of a building.35 This mysterious tomb was located within the set-
tlement area.
Pottery coffins retained their popularity in western Iran into the Arsakid age.
The Parthian period clay coffins are known from Kangavar and Ekbatana in Media
(western Iran); their shape partly imitates a human silhouette.36 While clay coffins
occurred at Susa, researchers usually have only been able to find lids with a relief
in the shape of a face; as a rule, the coffins had an anthropoid shape. Clay coffins
were also discovered at Tappeh Bulahya near Susa. Some coffins from the Perse-
polis Spring Cemetery may have been used in the Parthian period.37
The tombs from Gelalak (near Shushtar) come from the 1st and 2nd centuries
A.D. In the period between the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century
A.D., brick underground crypts were constructed, in which box coffins with a glazed
surface were deposited.38 In the later phase, by the turn of the 2nd and the 3rd cen-
turies A.D., surface tombs were constructed, and in one of them, painted fragments
of a clay casket were discovered. Additionally, at Gelalak, a wooden coffin was
discovered that imitated clay coffins.39
At Kilizu (Kakzu) in Adiabene (Iraq), a number of burials from the Parthian period
have been excavated. Ceramic sarcophagi with a blue-green glaze and relief decoration
(including a frontal nude female figure in an arched niche and grapes) are attested.40
In this context, it is worth considering Armenia, which was under the strong
influence of Zoroastrianism in the post-Achaemenid and Parthian period. In the

32
Grenet 1984, 92, n. 20.
33
Rapoport 1971, 16.
34
Marushchenko 1949, 182. Pilipko 2018, 209 seems to support Marushchenko’s view.
35
Hansman/Stronach 1970.
36
Richter 2011, 6.
37
Richter 2011, 7; Boucharlat/Haerinck 2011.
38
Rahbar 1999.
39
Richter 2011, 7.
40
Furlani 1934; Anastasio 2008.
Slipper Coffins and Funerary Practices in Parthia 309

necropolis in Artaxata (3rd century B.C. – 3rd century A.D.) one clay coffin of an
anthropoid shape was discovered.41 Furthermore, many earthen graves with bu-
rials in pithoi (large vessels) were excavated.42 Similar pithoi were found in east-
ern Azerbaijan (Iran).43
While the shape of Parthian slipper sarcophagi could partially have been mod-
elled on older Mesopotamian, western Iranian as well as Egyptian coffins, the
decorations on the Parthian coffins were produced locally, combining Babylonian
motifs, including images of a naked goddess. A unique feature involved using
a blue-green glass glaze. The decoration of slipper coffins shows a similarity to
cloths wrapped around the bodies of the deceased. The ornaments on slipper coffins
imitate the patterns of fabrics. It seems that the similarities to Egyptian mummies
are secondary. The dead were most probably wrapped in special cloths. Remains
of fabrics have been found in tombs in At-Tar near Karbala in Mesopotamia (Iraq)
and in Palmyra (Syria).44
The decoration of a slipper coffin is usually fairly simple. The dominating
motive is a naked woman-goddess, made from a form especially common at Nip-
pur, while in Babylon it is the so-called “collar” motif that was most often used.
Depictions are primarily frontal. Some sarcophagi have a glazed cover. At Uruk,
the most common motif is that of a warrior. Undoubtedly, this motif is connected
with the status of the buried persons, who must have been Parthian soldiers, perhaps
also officials, with their families.45 The motif occurs in several variants, but a war-
rior always has a fairly long sword at his left side. The attire is a typical Parthian
one, with a vest with a large triangle neckline, encircled with a sash.46 Apart from
Uruk, the motif of a soldier is present on perhaps only a single coffin from Nippur
(N583), but without a photo of the coffin it is impossible to confirm this assumption.
The exact place where slipper coffins with the dead were buried in Babylonian
cities is an important consideration. Extramural burials were typical of the Hellenes
and other foreigners, but not for the local Babylonian population.47 Native Bab-
ylonians buried the dead within the city, sometimes even under the floor of their
houses. At Babylon, Uruk, and Nippur, slipper coffins were discovered near the
walls of buildings, but we often do not know whether these buildings were inhab-
ited or lay in ruins. In two areas of Seleukeia, that is, Piazza degli Archivi and Tell
‘Umar, slipper coffins were buried when the lots were not used for residential pur-
poses. Seleukeia was a large city with a number of house blocks. Some of them

41
Khachatrian 1981, plate 5.2.
42
Khachatrian 1981; Richter 2011, 7.
43
Haerinck 1983, 132, illustration 21.
44
Richter 2011, 209.
45
Richter 2011, 125–127.
46
Variants from Uruk, e.g., Richter 2011, Pl. 238, 3; 239, 1, 239, 3)
47
Richter 2011, 75.
310 Marek Jan Olbrycht

provide a stratigraphy and pottery chronology for the entire Arsakid period.48 The
Seleukid archive building was destroyed in the last quarter of the 2nd century B.C.
In its ruins, a cemetery was established during the Arsakid period (Levels III – I).
Many of the houses contained burials beneath their floors. The old, Mesopotamian
ritus of intramural burials implies that most of Arsakid Seleukeia’s inhabitants were
Orientals. The city of Nippur expanded in the 1st century A.D. and its development
was clearly supported by the policies of Parthian kings, particularly by Vologases
I (50-79) and Pakoros II (79-110). A fortress with round towers was built next to
the Enlil ziggurat.49
The chronology of Parthian slipper coffins in Babylonia is particularly inter-
esting. Slipper coffins from Babylon and Seleukeia are the oldest (beginning from
the second half of the 1st century A.D.), while those from Uruk, Nippur and Mash-
kan-shapir (30 km north of Nippur) are slightly younger. The analogies with the
constructions at Uruk allow for dating the tombs with slipper coffins to 50–170
A.D. In Nippur, the tombs with slipper coffins start from Phase III of the fort, that
is, from the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. At Nippur, slipper coffins were used
in the first half of the 2nd century A.D., presumably till the beginning of the 3rd
century A.D.50 Slipper coffins from Seleukeia belong to Level III, 141 B.C. - A.D.
43, but stratigraphic data imply that they are not older than the first half of the 1st
century A.D.51 The oldest slipper coffins come from the end of Level III, which
ended around A.D. 43, after the rebellion in the city was suppressed. The dating of
the slipper coffins at Seleukeia is a key matter for historical consideration.
While it is possible that slipper coffins were still used in the early Sasanian
era, we cannot be certain. In this connection, the excavators recovered a lid with
an image of a Parthian warrior sporting a hairstyle called korymbos. However, this
hairstyle became fashionable in the 2nd century A.D. in Parthia, and is not particu-
larly characteristic of the early Sasanian era.52
Slipper coffins contain few finds, such as small ornaments, pearls, small con-
tainers and rich ornaments including gold coverings for eyes, lips, and face. It is
possible that these were graves of Parthian officials from the army and the admin-
istration.53 However, there are no ethnic indications in the burials.
Richter claims that slipper coffins show no links to Zoroastrianism.54 It seems
however that Zoroastrians may have perceived such tombs as acceptable as the corpses
enclosed in the coffins would not have polluted the earth or water. The Parthians prac-
ticed intramural burials in New Nisa, and it is not surprising that they adhered to
48
Debevoise 1934; Valtz 1984.
49
Keall 1970; Olbrycht 1998, 129.
50
Richter 2011, 75.
51
Richter 2011, 75.
52
Olbrycht 2013, 86.
53
Richter 2011, 212.
54
Richter 2011, 212.
Slipper Coffins and Funerary Practices in Parthia 311

the same ritus while staying in Babylonia. The only novelty was the slipper coffins,
a local invention adopted by the Parthians (officials with their retinues, soldiers) that
were settling down in Babylonia in the 1st century B.C. under Artabanos II, Vardanes
and Vologases I and later on in the 2nd - early 3rd centuries A.D.
Regrettably, Richter does not refer to a detailed analysis of the political situation
in Babylonia in the 1st century A.D. Typical slipper coffins appeared at Seleukeia
and Uruk in the first half of the 1st century A.D. These burials were connected with
a greater involvement of the Parthians in Babylonia under Artabanos II (A.D. 8/9-
39/40). It seems that slipper coffins were introduced in Babylonia together with
eastern Parthians arriving there as soldiers, governors with their retinues, and other
officials under Artabanos II and his successors.55 The new type of coffins allowed
for maintaining Zoroastrian funerary rules. Vologases I (A.D. 50-79) re-established
an intense policy in Babylonia related to the inflow of the Parthians to cities such
as Nippur, Meshkan-shapir, and Uruk.56

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Slipper Coffins and Funerary Practices in Parthia 313

Abstract
Funerary practices are well attested in some countries that belonged to the Arsakid Parthian
Empire. One of them was Babylonia. The book by a German archaeologist, Christina Heike Rich-
ter, entitled Parthische Pantoffelsarkophage (“Parthian Slipper-Sarcophagi”) is devoted to one of
the types of sarcophagi produced in the Parthian era, namely the Pantoffelsarkophag, and compares
its origin and use against a broad background. Typical slipper coffins appeared at Seleukeia on the
Tigris and Uruk in the first half of the 1st century A.D. These burials were connected with a greater
involvement of the Parthians in Babylonia under Artabanos II (A.D. 8/9-39/40). It seems that slip-
per coffins were introduced in Babylonia together with eastern Parthians arriving there as soldiers,
governors with their retinues, and other officials under Artabanos II and his successors. Vologases I
(A.D. 50-79) and Pakoros II (A.D. 79-110) continued an intense policy in Babylonia related to the
inflow of the Parthians to cities such as Nippur, Babylon, Meshkan-shapir, and Uruk.
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S TUD IA C LAS S IC A E T O RIE NTALIA

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330 Abbreviations

ANABASIS 8 (2 0 1 7 )
S TUD IA C LAS S IC A E T O RIE NTALIA

Addresses of Authors

Alireza Askari Chaverdi Jordi Pérez González

Shiraz Fine Arts University, Iran Universitat de Barcelona, Spain
askari_chaverdi@yahoo.com jperezg@ub.edu

Touraj Daryaee Giuseppe Petrantoni

University of California, Irvine, USA Sapienza University of Rome, Italy
tdaryaee@uci.edu petrantonigiuseppe@virgilio.it

Waldemar Heckel Michał Podrazik

University of Calgary, Canada Rzeszów University, Poland
ptrogus@fastmail.com mippo@interia.pl

Edward Lipiński Daniel T. Potts

Brussels, Belgium New York University, USA
elip@telenet.be daniel.potts@nyu.edu

Adalberto Magnelli Luisa Prandi

University of Florence, Italy University of Verona, Italy
amagnelli31@hotmail.com luisa.prandi@univr.it

Marc Mendoza Sanahuja Seth Richardson

Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain University of Chicago, Oriental Institute, USA
mendo_coldhill@hotmail.com seth1@uchicago.edu

Valentina I. Mordvintseva Jacek Rzepka

Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia University of Warsaw, Poland
v_mordvintseva@mail.ru j.a.rzepka@uw.edu.pl

Marek Jan Olbrycht Frank Schleicher

Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, USA; University of Jena, Germany
Rzeszów University, Poland frank.schleicher@uni-jena.de
saena7@gmail.com
Martin Schottky
Nikolaus L. Overtoom Angerweg 3
University of New Mexico, USA Pretzfled 91362
nikolausovertoom@yahoo.com Germany
Addresses of Authors 331
Ehsan Shavarebi Robert Sebastian Wójcikowski
Universität Wien, Austria Jagiellonian University, Poland
ehsanshavarebi@gmail.com nalecz1@interia.pl