8 - Practice - Skills - in - Social - Work - and - Welfare - More - Th... - (Part - I - Learning - Practice - Skills Theory - and - Context)

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PREPARING TO WORK WITH ABORIGINAL

AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER PEOPLES:
DECOLONISATION FOR SOCIAL WORK
PRACTICE
Lorraine Muller
CHAPTER OBJECTIVES
• To explore the opportunities of decolonisation as a framework

for practice
• To develop the basic skills of observation, reflection and
clarification
• To stimulate ongoing personal reflection
• To promote active critical learning in order to challenge myths
of colonisation
Copyright © 2016. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.
• To encourage respectful engagement with people from

different cultures, particularly Indigenous peoples
This chapter presents a brief outline of Indigenous knowledge, and

Indigenous Australian Social-Health Theory. Drawing on the notion of
research as pedagogy put forward by Dr Linda Payi-Ford, students will
be encouraged to seek knowledge and inform themselves about the
peoples they will work with—in this case, Australia’s Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander peoples.
Alternative narratives contrary to negative stereotypes are embed-
ded in the social script of Australia. The basic aim of this chapter is to
84
Maidment, J., & Egan, R. (Eds.). (2016). Practice skills in social work and welfare : More than just common sense. Taylor & Francis Group.
Created from ballarat on 2023-09-14 11:11:34.
Preparing to work with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples
encourage students of social work to consider non-populist histories

and world-views, to reflect on their own assumptions, and to be open
to change. Anticipated outcomes are that students may then be able to
respectfully engage, and begin to work respectfully, with Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander peoples. Skills learned are also relevant to working
with clients and colleagues from diverse backgrounds.
Decolonisation offers a framework to help students embark on their
personal learning journey to develop the basic skills of observation,
reflection and clarification—skills that will enhance their professional
practice.
BACKGROUND
The Australian myth of European colonisation is one of (almost)
peaceful settlement, and of Australia’s first peoples being primitive
hunter-gatherers with no permanent housing, no farming and a limited
social structure.
In contrast, early European explorers’ journals reveal that Indigenous
Australians had permanent housing, villages with stone houses and foot-
paths, and farming with grain storage systems of more than a tonne
(Gammage 2011). Before colonisation, Indigenous Australians travelled
and traded across the continent using established tracks, sharing goods,
knowledge and technologies (Kerwin 2006). Social structure was
sophisticated and governed by law; women and men were intrinsically
equal, with independent and interdependent roles (Atkinson 2002).
Children were protected, and crimes against them were punishable by
death (Robertson 2000).
In textbooks, we Indigenous Australians are cast as clients, victims
or perpetrators, and not as colleagues, leaders or knowledge holders.
Our educational institutions use theoretical perspectives and literature
grounded in Western knowledge: they remain stubbornly Eurocentric.

During my undergraduate studies, in collaboration with colleagues, the
need to document the theory that informs our praxis was identified so
that our future students and allies could draw on our knowledge. I was
honoured to undertake this task as my doctoral research. This study
showed that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the helping
professions draw on a significant body of knowledge that runs parallel
to, but is selectively informed by, Western knowledge: Indigenous
Australians Social-Health Theory (Muller 2014b).
Questions arose from the Social-Health project that propelled me
into further study, this time into mainstream non-Indigenous Australian
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LEARNING PRACTICE SKILLS—THEORY AND CONTEXT
culture, from an Indigenous point of inquiry. These two studies form

the basis of this chapter.
GUIDE TO LEARNING
Early in my research endeavours, an Elder stressed on me the need
for observation, reflection and clarification (Muller 2014b: 5). I was
instructed to quietly observe, then reflect on how what I saw fitted
with the knowledge I already had, and to clarify what I had learned
along with any aspects I identified as ‘different’ or ‘new’ with relevant
knowledge-holders. Knowledge-holders became evident through obser-
vation and respectfully asking questions. This reinforced my circular
learning experience and gave my work depth and clarity with the guid-
ance of those who shared their knowledge with me.
Circular learning (Muller & Gair 2013) is used in this chapter.
Learning is layered and cyclical, and through this process a learner can
gain deeper understanding from the same story, narrative or document;
the more they learn, and the more they progress through the observa-
tion, reflection and clarification process, the more they learn.
Linda Payi-Ford (2005: 194–9) identifies five interwoven pedagogical
principles used by Indigenous educators: Narrative, Relationality,
Discursiveness (circular learning), Political Integrity and Indigenist
research. Narrative is the use of storying to convey knowledge.
Relationality—building connections by sharing a bit about oneself—is
important, as Indigenous Australians actively look for similarities and
connectedness when interacting with other peoples. Selective sharing
of one’s own experiences can reflect some understanding and provide
examples to which the other person can relate (Muller 2014b: 196).
Decolonisation is a political process because it challenges the ideology
and politics of colonisation: it requires political integrity. Indigenist
research privileges Indigenous voices; it privileges our ways of being,

our ways of knowing and our ways of doing. Research as pedagogy—
critical research—is also applicable as a method of teaching and
learning that is particularly relevant when seeking to work respectfully
with Indigenous Australians, or with people generally.
KEY PRINCIPLES
To work respectfully with Indigenous Australian peoples, and peoples
who are different from themselves, students need to critically analyse
their preconceived assumptions and be open to learning how to make
connections with people based on respect.
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Respect
Respect is a key concept when working with Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander peoples. Learning to work respectfully with people is an
asset for those in the human services, such as social work.
As Indigenous Australians use it, respect is based on the inherent
equality of each person (even though my current search is showing that
while that may be stated, it is not necessarily the case for many non-
Indigenous people, where some people are more equal/deserving than
others). Appreciating its use and context lays the foundation for basic
manners to be learned.
Respect, for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples:
refers to a multiplicity of rules that dictate behaviour, towards self, others,

and Country; it also dictates the complex recognition of knowledge,
moral behaviour and Eldership or Seniority. Respect also informs, but is
not limited to, childrearing practices and social interactions within and
between groups and peoples. Respect is a thread that is entangled with
ancient Law, philosophy, spirituality, and that informs an appropriate
code of conduct. (Muller 2014b: 166)
Equality
Respect is based on the fundamental ‘truth’ that all people are equal. To
give an example, a professor’s soul (for want of a better word) is equal
to that of a person living rough. Issues such as behaviour, responsibil-
ities and age are recognised, but the basic essential worth of each
individual is the same.
Reciprocity
Mutual benefit is expected, based on the concepts of respect and

equality outlined above. Rather than being an impost, such reciprocity
encourages respectful sharing.
There can be a power imbalance when social workers and those
in other helping professions are working with clients. Reciprocity
helps to even out any imbalance by encouraging respectful dialogue
and exchange of power. Asking oneself what you can exchange when
engaging with a client places an emphasis on seeking value in the
other’s words along with thoughtfulness in your own. Reciprocity acts
as an incentive to listen more respectfully to what is being shared with
you, so you can reciprocate with sharing appropriately your relevant
professional knowledge.
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History
Knowledge and use of history are a feature of Indigenous ways of
working. Select, relevant and thoughtful use of history is important, as
it sets the context for discussion and demonstrates that you have taken
the time to become informed.
Spirituality
Spirituality is a significant aspect of Indigenous Australians’ world-view, and
their private and professional lives. Spirituality incorporates aspects of what
is known as the Dreaming (Muller 2014b). I do not discuss the Dreaming
in depth in this chapter, except in this brief mention so that students can
be aware of its importance. It is worth being conscious that a worker does
not have to believe in, agree with or understand the intricacies of another’s
spirituality or spiritual beliefs in order to respect the importance of them to
the person. Case study 6.1 shows how this might work.
Case study 6.1

A young Aboriginal man who was raised on Country was diagnosed
with a mental illness. When he complained that he was hearing
voices, some that said terrible things, his non-Indigenous mental
health workers put it down entirely to his illness. In discussion
with the young man’s parents and an Indigenous Australian social
worker, the lad was helped to decipher which voices were from his
illness and which were from family members who had passed, in a
way that respected his spiritual beliefs. Through this engagement
with spirituality, the lad was able to allocate the negative voices
to his illness and the positive ones to the spirits of his loved ones,
because people like his Granny would never have spoken to him in
such a nasty way. His Granny and others were the positive voices he
heard. Country would never tell him to self-harm.
The mental health team did not have to believe in the spiritual
entities the young man did, but by respecting the youth’s spirituality
they were able to use it positively in the treatment of his illness.
CULTURAL SUPERVISION
Aboriginal researcher Professor Dawn Bessarab (2013) identifies that
accessing an Indigenous supervisor is imperative for all people—
Indigenous and non-Indigenous—who work with Aboriginal and Torres
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Strait Islander people. Such supervision, which Bessarab prefers to call

an ‘academic yarn’, is vital in order for Indigenous students and workers
to provide culturally safe and effective support informed by Indigenous
world- views, experiences and political history. She notes that such
supervision fills a requirement for both groups to help them negotiate
the political and cultural issues that emerge with their interaction and
to assist them to develop further. Expanding Bessarab’s assertion of the
need for cultural supervision to cover a wider context, it can be reasoned
that a cultural supervisor is equally necessary when working with any
people from a different culture than your own.
RACISM
The First Peoples of Australia continue to be the most marginalised and
most likely group to experience racism in our society. Racism forms the
backdrop of Indigenous Australians’ lives. Its effects permeate through
all aspects of life, including the workplace. Pervasive racism directly
impacts on the health, well- being and opportunities of Indigenous
Australians (Muller 2014b).
An alarming rate of racist views against Indigenous Australians in our
current society was revealed in Beyondblue’s Discrimination Against
Indigenous Australians report of the views of non-Indigenous people,
undertaken by TNS Social Research (2014). Racism towards Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander peoples is somewhat normalised in Australia
and, even if unintentional, it is a reality of Australian culture. This means
that new settlers, with a desire to fit in to the dominant culture, can
accept the social normality of racism that is inherent in Australian main-
stream culture.
Racism is complex, and is given expression through overt, covert
and structural discrimination. Racism can be very sophisticated in its
application. Many—maybe most—non-Indigenous people are not racist,

but their world-views are constructed within the social script based on
colonisation, whereby Indigenous Australians are considered the lowest
of the classes.
In order to work respectfully with Indigenous Australians, or people
from different cultures, the myths of colonisation need to be examined
critically in a way that is free of guilt and blame. In his now-famous
‘Redfern Speech’, then Prime Minister Paul Keating (1992) noted that,
‘Down the years, there has been no shortage of guilt, but it has not
produced the responses we need . . . what we need to do is open our
hearts a bit.’
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Decolonisation offers a respectful way to achieve this opening of

our hearts, because it acknowledges that the process of colonisation has
impacted on both Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.
DECOLONISATION: A FRAMEWORK FOR LEARNING

Engaging with the decolonisation process, students are encouraged
to find counter-narratives to the common coloniser myths about
Indigenous Australians—this will transfer across to their social work
learning.
A brief explanation of colonisation is needed to set the context of
decolonisation. To do this, I draw on the five stages of colonisation,
developed collaboratively by Poka Laenui and the now late Dr Virgilio
Enriques, written about by Laenui (2000). This process includes:
(1) denial and withdrawal; (2) destruction/eradication; (3) denigration/
belittlement/insult; (4) surface accommodation/tokenism; and (5) trans-
formation/exploitation. Laenui suggests these stages are evident in all
colonised countries. The stages are not sequential, and people can move
between them. The way the stages of colonisation can be applied to
Australia is shown in the box.
Colonisation
1. Denial and withdrawal is where the colonisers deny Indig-
enous peoples’ culture and moral values. In Australia’s case,
Indigenous peoples’ very humanity was denied and withdrawn
in the process of colonisation. Colonisers either denied that
Indigenous Australians were human, or withdrew their human-
ity by classifying them as not-quite human.
2. Destruction/eradication includes the destruction of culture,

social systems and, in Australia’s case, peoples. Murder, mas-
sacres, forced removal and eugenic breeding programs aimed
at assimilation have all been utilised in the colonisation of
Australia.
3. Denigration/belittlement/insult is when Indigenous culture,
languages, practices, knowledge and beliefs are denigrated and
rendered invisible and valueless, and replaced by the coloniser’s
model.
4. Surface accommodation/tokenism occurs when remnants of
the surviving culture are given token regard. In this stage, the
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‘noble savage’ concept and others’ definition of what consti-

tutes a ‘real’ Indigenous person are created.
5. Transformation/exploitation is where the remnant culture is
transformed and exploited by the dominating colonial society.
Indigenous art is one example of this stage.
Colonisation is not a past event; it is current and ongoing. Indigenous

Australians continue to experience denial of their culture and identity,
with demands to conform to ‘mainstream’ non- Indigenous culture.
References to colonisation as a current event are unnecessary because
examples are common in news articles and online forums. Encouraging
the reader to find examples for themselves is what Linda Payi-Ford
means by ‘research as pedagogy’, so that a student becomes an active
learner seeking to expand their knowledge, rather than a passive
learner relying on one person’s written works. Comments in response
to articles on Indigenous Australians posted to respected websites such
as The Conversation (http://theconversation.com/au) and The Drum
(www.abc.net.au/news/thedrum) offer insight into the ongoing action
of colonisation. Finding out for oneself by following different threads of
inquiry is a positive learning experience.
Exercise 6.1
Review some of the current online commentary on Indigenous
topics and reflect on the attitudes displayed. It is worth noting
whether the site is moderated because some extreme views are not
displayed.
A Google search on Aboriginal art may lead to knowledge on significant

cultural sites currently under attack from mining, construction and civil
works, such as the art on the Burrup Peninsula in Western Australia.
This case demonstrates the current and ongoing phase of destruction
and eradication of Aboriginal culture and artefacts. Similarly, the level
of surface accommodation and tokenism is clearly evident in everyday
Australian events. This can sometimes be referred to as being polit-
ically correct, including things like ‘Welcome to Country’, because it is
expected but not necessarily heartfelt.
To provide an example, the 2000 Olympic Games ceremony
paraded carefully crafted examples of Indigenous Australia on a world
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stage, portraying a positive image of inclusiveness and respect, ignor-

ing the many reports, studies and statistics that say otherwise. In the
Olympic example, Indigenous culture was transformed and exploited,
appropriated for the benefit of portraying the coloniser society in a
positive light.
Colonisation—particularly its policies of eugenics and assimila-
tion—has meant that many Indigenous Australians are now linked
socially, genetically and emotionally, positively and or negatively, to
the settler peoples (Muller 2014b: 65). Non-Indigenous Australians have
also been impacted by the internalisation, and perhaps a subtle and
subliminal perpetuation, of the colonisation process, by the ‘truths’
that enabled Indigenous Australians to be seen as inferior. How else
could good citizens allow the current state of health and well-being of
Indigenous Australians to have occurred, and to continue?
A LEARNER’S JOURNEY TOWARDS DECOLONISATION

To work respectfully with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples,
as colleagues and allies, individuals must commit to their own journey
of internal decolonisation, to explore the assumptions of colonisation
that influence their world-view. They need to understand and reflect on
the role that colonisation has had in their lives because, as Laenui (2000:
1) points out, ‘colonisation and decolonisation are social processes even
more than they are political processes’.
Just as colonisation has had an effect on each of our lives, decol-
onisation offers a framework to unpick its damage and open the
possibility of a positive future where healing and harmony might be
found. Deborah Bird Rose, a non-Indigenous researcher and long-term
ally, refers to ‘decolonisation’ as ‘the unmaking of the regimes of vio-
lence that promote the disconnection of moral accountability from time
and place’ (2004: 214).

Colonisation was not caused by Indigenous Australians; therefore
decolonisation is not an Indigenous issue—it is the responsibility of
all Australians. Change at a structural level requires that the subtle and
internalised myths and ideologies of colonisation are challenged at a
personal level. This requires honest introspection and individual com-
mitment to change.
Laenui (2000), in addition to the five stages of colonisation, also
identified five stages of decolonisation: (1) rediscovery and recovery;
(2) mourning; (3) Dreaming; (4) commitment; and (5) action. Collating
the knowledge shared in my Social-Health study, using Laenui’s stages
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of decolonisation as a research framework modified for an Australian

context, an additional stage of decolonisation was identified: a stage
of healing/forgiveness—reclaiming well- being and harmony became
evident. This is a phase of self-care, where resilience is nurtured and
healing occurs, that nestles between the mourning phase and the
Dreaming phase (Muller 2014b). The six stages of decolonisation are
outlined in the box. These stages are integrated: they are not sequential
or separate, and people move between them, sometimes overlapping
phases and being in more than one stage at a time.
Decolonisation
1. Rediscovery and recovery is a starting phase, used for redis-
covering history, recovering traditional practices, languages
and reconnecting with Country and kin. It is a time of renewed
sense of identity, of recovering knowledges. People arrive at this
stage through curiosity, accident, desperation, escape, coinci-
dence, fate or spirituality.
2. Mourning is where the feelings of anger and injustice are given
time for expression in order for the healing to begin. Laenui
(2000) cautions that some people can become lost in this phase,
unable to move towards healing.
3. Healing/forgiveness—reclaiming well-being and harmony is
a central stage of decolonisation; it is a phase of healing and
regaining strength to engage with the other stages. This is where
time is taken for self-care, engaging in reflection, cultural and
spiritual renewal and revitalisation: it is a time for the reclaiming
of well-being and harmony.
4. Dreaming is a stage of strengthening and revaluing our phi-
losophy and knowledge. Laenui (2000) sees this phase as the
most crucial for recovery, describing it as a period for building

the Master Recovery Plan. In an Australian context, this is more
about drawing on the ancient and contemporary wisdom of our
peoples: the Dreaming.
5. Commitment draws on the Dreaming phase, and is an oppor-
tunity for commitment to a particular direction, a personal
direction towards action.
6. Action called for in this phase is proactive, not reactive. This is
not the responsive action to challenge injustices, or action to
ensure survival; it is not punitive action—it is positive action.
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ENGAGING WITH DECOLONISATION

Our history makes a depressing read, especially if one accepts the col-
onisers’ version. However, rediscovery of history using the decolonising
process provides us with a story of strength, resilience and adaptation.
Beginning with the foundational phase of rediscovery and recovery,
researching counter-narratives that contradict the negative historical
portrayal of Indigenous Australians, can begin to undo the myths that
have supported the righteousness of colonisation.
Indigenous Australians in the helping professions selectively use
their knowledge of the history of dispossession, oppression, violence
and eugenic policies enacted in the process of colonisation in their
praxis. A word of caution is necessary here, because the term ‘history’
is used carefully, selectively and thoughtfully: without proper consider-
ation, it can result in further trauma. Knowledge of history is important
when working alongside Indigenous Australians because it aids critical
analysis of preconceived assumptions, enabling a better understanding
of the social, political and historical environment that has constructed
the structural inequities present in Australia today.
Rediscovering history can be a positive experience, as early explor-
ers’ journals detail their sighting of villages and farming. Historian Bill
Gammage, in his book, The Biggest Estate on Earth (2011), draws on
these journals and early art of the settlers to detail the extensive farming
practices in Australia before colonisation. Technology has made some of
these journals readily available online. When reading these, it is worth
remembering the era in which these were written, and the assump-
tions made based on the particular social norms and world-views of the
authors.
Exercise 6.2
Review some of the explorers’ journals online at <http://gutenberg.
net.au/explorers-journals.html> with a particular focus on housing
and farming. Reflect on how this differs from what you have known
before reading these accounts and how issues such as the authors’
world-views influence the works.
Some of the stories encountered in the rediscovery phase can be disturb-

ing, and generate strong emotions such as anger, disbelief, despair and
grief. One particularly brutal story taken from the journal of G.A. Robinson,
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Chief Protector of Aboriginals, May to August 1841, impacted heavily

on me (Muller 2014b: 20). This is where I found myself in the mourn-
ing stage because these emotions needed time and care to be worked
through. Re-entering the rediscovery stage in conjunction with the healing
stage, searching for accounts of allies who fought against the barbarity of
colonisation, helped me to move through the mourning stage.
The mourning stage is one of reflection on how the knowledge
gained in the first stage fits with your understanding of the world and
what you have read in your social work course. It is where time is taken
out to think through the challenges and internal conflict that can arise
from the new knowledge. Some people can get stuck in this phase,
unable or unwilling to move on, preferring to hold onto views that are
counter to what has been learned. It is by engaging with the previous
and the following stage that healing can begin.
Healing/forgiveness—reclaiming well-being and harmony does not
mean abandoning the right to justice, or forgetting past wrongs; instead,
it is being able to achieve peace of mind. ‘Reclaiming well-being’
reinforces the belief that well-being is our normative state, and reflects
the ordered and civil society that was ours before colonisation. This is
the stage where a person might find harmony within themselves and
with others. This phase of healing and forgiveness is a pivotal stage of
decolonisation, Indigenous Australian Social-Health Theory, and central
to social and human service work.
As one submission to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Healing Foundation Development Team (2009) stated:
Healing to me also means cleansing my mind from the memories of

traumatic events, and realising that whatever took place was beyond my
control and wasn’t my fault. (2009: 27)
Recalling Paul Keating’s words in his historic Redfern Speech (1992),

that guilt is not what is needed for ill-deeds committed by others, is
relevant for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in the healing
phase. A refusal to focus on negative emotions such as guilt opens up
opportunities to dream, to imagine and to find a better path for the
future.
Commitment is needed, however, if the regimes of violence
associated with colonisation are to be unmade and connections with
moral accountability and decolonisation achieved (Rose 2004: 214).
Commitment demands action, the final stage of decolonisation. Action is
necessary because, if the previous stages of decolonisation are engaged
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with and no action is taken, the process simply becomes a more sophis-
ticated form of colonisation. Colonisation is an ongoing process, it is
being refined and hidden, and has become quite sophisticated and
covert, as a white South African male medical specialist identified in
a personal conversation with me. The following is an example of the
subtle and covert nature of modern colonisation.
While identifying that the non-Indigenous population must tackle
negative attitudes towards Indigenous people, and calling for educators
to do more, Pedersen et al. (2004: 240) added a warning that ‘they
would have to be careful not to polarize opinions or cause backlash
effects’.
Exercise 6.3
• Reflect on the caution not to polarise opinions so as to avoid
backlash and how this reinforces that any action remains
dependent on the goodwill of the dominant settler society. How
does this fit within a decolonisation framework?
• Reflect on the conditional acceptance of challenging attitudes.
Shifting the research lens to explore mainstream non- Indigenous

Australian culture helps uncover additional factors at play when people
engage in the process of decolonisation. Using an Indigenous method
of inquiry, in order to provide context to the focus of my study, people
were presented with a list of conversation-promoting questions before
agreeing to participate. Honouring the need for reciprocity (although
the participants in this study were not Indigenous), in return for agree-
ing to share their knowledge and insight with me, I shared relevant
knowledge with them. Participation in my study proved challenging,
as people questioned their cultural assumptions so they could explain

them.
Regan Forrest (2012b) shared some of her reflection on participat-
ing in the research project on her blog.
Since I participated in this research project, I’ve been giving ‘Indigenous–

mainstream’ relations a fair bit of thought. As there are stages of
colonisation, so there are stages of decolonisation. So where do I fit in
to this decolonisation process? I consider myself relatively ignorant of
Indigenous culture and world-view. But how do I learn more? I have
fears of asking inappropriate questions, saying the wrong thing, or
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inadvertently causing offence. And I suspect I’m far from the only one.
But we need to collectively work past this barrier if we are to work
closer towards reconciliation. For this reason I’ve found being involved
in Lorraine’s research personally enriching.
In personal communication with me, Regan Forrest suggested that there

are ‘parallel phases’ experienced as non-Indigenous mainstream people
engage with decolonisation. With input from others’ research conver-
sations, the initial five stages proposed by Forrest were fleshed out to
be six parallel phases of decolonisation that can be encountered by the
coloniser society (see box). These stages are not necessarily sequential
or separate.
Colonisers’ six parallel phases of decolonisation

1. Denial/blame is where there is a refusal to accept that discrim-
ination and cultural barriers continue to impact on the lives of
Indigenous Australians. Statements such as ‘Everyone is equal
under the law now’, ‘They have only themselves to blame’ and
‘They haven’t sorted themselves out by now, perhaps there
really is something inferior about them’ are expressed in this
stage (Forrest 2012a).
2. Guilt/shame is the phase where strong feelings are experienced
because of the atrocities of the past and the complicity of the
colonisers. This is an unpleasant stage that can lead to wanting
to find answers or solutions (Forrest 2012a). It is worth remind-
ing the reader of Paul Keating’s assertion that guilt had not
achieved the responses we need: ‘Guilt is not a very construc-
tive emotion. I think what we need to do is open our hearts a
bit’ (Keating 1992).

3. Withdrawal/helplessness occurs when people cannot envis-
age ways to ‘fix’ the past and or to ease feelings of guilt.
When encountering this phase, people can simply withdraw
from further engagement with the issue. In this stage, people
can experience a fear of doing the wrong thing or offending
someone that leads to feelings of helplessness, inaction and
withdrawal. Regan Forrest (2012a) notes that ‘from the outside
this may look very similar to the first stage of Denial, but it
comes from a very different place of intent’: it comes from feel-
ings of helplessness. Some people can get stuck in this phase
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and exit from the decolonisation process, or it can result in

people returning to the denial or guilt phases.
4. Demanding is the stage where the coloniser shifts the onus
onto the colonised with demands that they fix the ‘problem’.
This occurs when people are unable or unwilling to engage in
the work that decolonisation requires. At this point, people can
absolve themselves of any responsibility and exit from engaging
with decolonisation.
5. Interaction is an exciting and challenging phase where reaching
out to the colonised to facilitate dialogue and mutual understanding
occurs. Courage and respect are necessary in this stage, as there
may be blunders and misunderstandings. Sometimes these errors
may discourage the colonisers and cause them to retreat back to
the third stage (Forrest 2012a). Respect is crucial during the interac-
tion period, because by acting with respect misunderstandings can
be clarified, mistakes apologised for and friendships forged.
6. Reconciliation is the stage where true reconciliation is achieved
and decolonisation has occurred from the perspective of both
coloniser and colonised. This stage is the goal of decolonisation.
The insight into settler experiences of engaging with decolonisation set

out above demonstrates that the process requires genuine commitment,
action and effort. Some readers will opt out due to the first three stages
of the parallel phases of decolonisation, perhaps to return again later. It
is, however, the fourth, parallel, stage that this chapter addresses.
Expectations that non-Indigenous Australians are entitled to demand
that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people teach them how to work
with Indigenous Australians fall into the demanding phase. Researchers
have been observed to use the knowledge gained by such demands
to become experts on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples

while the Indigenous people who shared their knowledge remain as
simple informants (Muller 2014a: 127–8). Demanding that Indigenous
Australians ‘fix the problem’ with expectations that Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people should provide how-to-work-with guides
abrogates individuals’ responsibilities for their learning and actions.
Knowledge gained by actively researching a topic is, as mentioned
earlier, what Linda Payi-Ford (2005) identifies as a respectful method of
pedagogy, of teaching and learning. It is an individual’s responsibility
to seek learning; it is not the responsibility of Indigenous people to
educate each individual.
98
However, respectful seeking of knowledge can be very productive,

providing the inquirer presents as good-spirited, as in the interaction
phase. Respect is the key component when seeking advice and guid-
ance from an Indigenous colleague, and that includes commitment
to independent opportunities for learning. Utilising the basic skills
of observation, reflection and clarification mentioned earlier in this
chapter, respectful questions can be raised about topics where greater
understanding is sought. This approach also generates reciprocal learn-
ing, as points of inquiry are framed in the context of the knowledge
seeker’s world-view.
An example of how the interactions stage works: a non-Indigenous
colleague of mine sought my help to better understand what she had
observed while sitting in on an employment interview panel. The panel
had Indigenous and non-Indigenous interviewers, and the applicants
were predominantly Indigenous. Because the interviews were con-
ducted in a very different way from what she had experienced, my
colleague’s previous experiences of such processes had to be explained,
followed by what she had witnessed and the differences she noted.
From this, I gained insight into the cultural norms expected by non-
Indigenous people in an employment interview. I was able to inform
my colleague that the aspects of the interview consistent with what she
would call ‘group work’ were using Indigenous ways of working. The
use of examples to set the context for each interview question differed
greatly from the more adversarial approach to which she was accus-
tomed. Discussion then flowed on issues of how our notion of respect
was demonstrated between all parties in the interview process.
Table 6.1 outlines the phases of colonisation and decolonisation
referred to in this chapter.
Exercise 6.4: Reflective questions

1. Identify the different stages of colonisation and decolonisation
that you recognise in Table 6.1.
2. Reflect on a stage of colonisation/decolonisation you would feel
comfortable in writing a paragraph about—something that reso-
nates with you. This could be a point of interest you found while
in the rediscovery/recovery phase, or about your understanding
of a particular stage.
3. Reflect and act on topics you would like to find out more infor-
mation about.
99
Table 6.1 Phases of colonisation and decolonisation
Colonisation— Decolonisation— Colonisers’ six

five phases six phases parallel phases of
(Laenui 2000) decolonisation
1 Denial and 1 Rediscovery and 1 Denial
withdrawal recovery
2 Destruction/ 2 Mourning 2 Guilt/shame
eradication
3 Denigration/ 3 Healing and 3 Withdrawal/
belittlement/ forgiveness Helplessness
Insult
4 Surface 4 Dreaming 4 Interaction
accommodation/
Tokenism
5 Transformation/ 5 Commitment 5 Demanding—the
exploitation colonised to fix the
problem
6 Action 6 Reconciliation
CONCLUSION
Social workers are part of the society in which they live; their world-
view is constructed from their interactions with family, friends, media,
school curricula and so on. Recognising that each person is individual,
this chapter has focused on the preparation for developing skills to
work with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in a way that is
respectful and effective.
The aim of this chapter has been to encourage the consideration

of alternative narratives to negative stereotypes of Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander peoples by inspiring readers to reflect on their
own assumptions, and to be open to change. I would like to see social
workers who are able to respectfully engage with clients and colleagues
by accepting the challenge to seek out opportunities to learn and reflect
on their independently sourced knowledge.
While this chapter focuses on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
peoples, the same process can be applied to social work in general prac-
tice. If you get it right for Indigenous Australians, you will get it right
when working with anyone.
100

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6

PREPARING TO WORK WITH ABORIGINAL

• To explore the opportunities of decolonisation as a framework

• To encourage respectful engagement with people from

This chapter presents a brief outline of Indigenous knowledge, and

encourage students of social work to consider non-­populist histories

grounded in Western knowledge: they remain stubbornly Eurocentric.

culture, from an Indigenous point of inquiry. These two studies form

research privileges Indigenous voices; it privileges our ways of being,

refers to a multiplicity of rules that dictate behaviour, towards self, others,

Mutual benefit is expected, based on the concepts of respect and

Case study 6.1

Strait Islander people. Such supervision, which Bessarab prefers to call

application. Many—maybe most—non-­Indigenous people are not racist,

Decolonisation offers a respectful way to achieve this opening of

DECOLONISATION: A FRAMEWORK FOR LEARNING

2. Destruction/eradication includes the destruction of culture,

‘noble savage’ concept and others’ definition of what consti-

Colonisation is not a past event; it is current and ongoing. Indigenous

A Google search on Aboriginal art may lead to knowledge on significant

stage, portraying a positive image of inclusiveness and respect, ignor-

A LEARNER’S JOURNEY TOWARDS DECOLONISATION

and place’ (2004: 214).

of decolonisation as a research framework modified for an Australian

most crucial for recovery, describing it as a period for building

ENGAGING WITH DECOLONISATION

Some of the stories encountered in the rediscovery phase can be disturb-

Chief Protector of Aboriginals, May to August 1841, impacted heavily

Healing to me also means cleansing my mind from the memories of

Recalling Paul Keating’s words in his historic Redfern Speech (1992),

Shifting the research lens to explore mainstream non-­ Indigenous

as people questioned their cultural assumptions so they could explain

Since I participated in this research project, I’ve been giving ‘Indigenous–

In personal communication with me, Regan Forrest suggested that there

Colonisers’ six parallel phases of decolonisation

bit’ (Keating 1992).

and exit from the decolonisation process, or it can result in

The insight into settler experiences of engaging with decolonisation set

to become experts on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples

However, respectful seeking of knowledge can be very productive,

Exercise 6.4: Reflective questions

Table 6.1 Phases of colonisation and decolonisation

Colonisation— Decolonisation— Colonisers’ six

The aim of this chapter has been to encourage the consideration

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encourage students of social work to consider non-populist histories

application. Many—maybe most—non-Indigenous people are not racist,

Shifting the research lens to explore mainstream non- Indigenous