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ADJUSTING WESTERN RESEARCH TECHNIQUES TO

ACCOMMODATE RESEARCH IN THE INDIGENOUS REALM

Rosemary Chimbala Kalenga

Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Port Elizabeth
rkalenga@nmmu.ac.za

ABSTRACT
This article seeks to adjust Western research techniques to accommodate research in the
indigenous realm. Indigenous knowledge systems require a different approach from
Western methodologies of collecting data. Indigenous people take pride in sharing their
knowledge as they ‘live it’ because it cannot be contested anywhere in the world. Sharing
it with a researcher does not change anything in their context. Indigenous research theory
underpins this assertion. Data was collected through qualitative approaches that involved
individual interviews and focus groups. The findings indicate that indigenous knowledge
systems have their own ways of conducting research through ways that may not be
palatable to Western methodology. This article recommends adjusting Western research
methodologies to suit research in specific native settings. The ‘one size fits all’ is not a
practical way of conducting indigenous research. As such, unless we embrace and
respect the people and their culture, researchers may only prove hypotheses and not the
realities of the phenomenon. Indigenous research methodologies will enhance finding new
worthwhile knowledge.

Keywords: Indigenous Knowledge Systems; Western knowledge systems;

research methodologies.

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

Data presented in this article was part of a larger research project that sought to
locate African Indigenous Leaders Theories (AILT) within the Lamba land on the
Copper belt Province of Zambia in rural Ndola. The researcher chose this specif-
ic location for the following reasons:
• It is the origin of the researcher thus availing intimate understandings of the
tribe and communication.
• The villages were easily accessible.
• The Lamba tribe (abalamŵa) still boast of a high degree of preservation of
their traditions and cultures despite the high impact of modernisation in their
chiefdoms (five cities).
• The stability and respect accorded to the Lamba leadership.
The research approach taken during the study was noticeably different from that
of Western research methods due to the fact that Lamba people (abalam•a)
have a lot of pride in sharing their knowledge as they ‘live it’. The Lamba people
were fully aware and understood that their knowledge cannot be contested
anywhere in the world and that it is rightfully theirs and is proven and tested as
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the best practice. Furthermore, sharing this knowledge with a researcher would
change nothing in their context in terms of understanding and respecting their
ecology, co-existence together with other species, and ancestral spirits. Re-
search was conducted in ways that may not be deemed palatable and the ‘right
ways’ by Western studies, but in order to gain access into the world of the
Lamba people, the researcher made use of approaches as dictated by the
community leaders in order to honour their ancestors and their present leader-
ship. In contrast to Western research methods which clearly differentiate be-
tween the ‘dos’ and ‘don’ts’, the Lamba culture did not respect these methods
and made sure that collection of data was conducted with respect to their cultural
practices, despite the researcher’s agenda and diligence in observing ‘research
ethics’ and research methods. In addition, the researcher had to adhere to tribal
protocol – the way in which things are done in this tribal setting – in order to gain
access to the research field. The researcher therefore had to embrace the
indigenous people and their culture in order to explore the realities of the phe-
nomenon of the lived experiences of the people so as to add a worthwhile
contribution to the existing body knowledge.

LITERATURE REVIEW ON INDIGENOUS RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

According to Kahakalau (2004) for decades indigenous scholars have criticized
the colonizing practices of Western research methodologies. Indeed, Tuhiwai
(1999) and Kawagley (1990) concur, adding that native researchers have not
only the right, but the responsibility to develop their own native methods of
research. However, Tuhiwai (1999) adds that these methods have to be congru-
ent with the native values, traditions and accountable to indigenous communi-
ties. The researcher is of the opinion that there are ways of knowing that might
not be completely understood by Western scholars. Therefore, assuming that
using Western research methodologies in indigenous settings will uncover the
knowledge shared among the natives is a fallacy. It is suggested that to some
extent the knowledge among the indigenous people can only be found by fusing
the two research methods, thereby creating new methods of research for specific
settings. The fact that indigenous knowledge is not considered to be a worth-
while form of knowledge in the Western world has not hindered scholars from
exploring the origin of what we consider to be Euro-centric knowledge. Indeed,
Battiste (2005) points out that starting from the alphabet which is largely Syri-
an/Lebanese, numbers which are largely Mayan, Hindu and Arabic numerals,
the concept of Zero and Algebraic notations and, in general, the Europeanization
of the names of outstanding scientists, devices, scientific documents and pro-
cesses are to undermine equal and fair assessments of global history of
knowledge and endorse them as their own. In addition Battiste (2005) asserts
that indigenous scholars have found that indigenous knowledge is far more than
simply the opposite of Western knowledge. Indeed, as a concept, indigenous
knowledge benchmarks limitations of Euro-centric theory. Furthermore, its
methodology, evidence and conclusions reconceptualises the resilience and self-
reliance of indigenous people and underscores the importance of their own
 ADJUSTING WESTERN RESEARCH TECHNIQUES TO ACCOMMODATE RESEARCH IN THE INDIGENOUS REALM
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philosophers, heritages and educational processes. As such, indigenous

knowledge fills the ethical and knowledge gaps in Eurocentric education, re-
search and scholarship. By bringing the voices and experiences of the cognitive
‘other’ and integrating them into the educational processes, the scholars of
indigenous knowledge hope to create a new, balanced centre and fresh vantage
point from which to analyse Euro-centric education and its pedagogies.
Indigenous knowledge is normally treated as purely normative or spiritual,
ignoring its empirical validity (Nazarea, Robert, Roades, Bontoyan, and Flora,
1998). However, in indigenous knowledge we find expert knowledge keepers,
healers, hunters and ceremonialists. There are also major differences of experi-
ences and professional opinion among the knowledge holders and workers as is
expected of any living, dynamic knowledge system that is continually responding
to new phenomenon and fresh insight (Battiste, 2005). According to Brant-
Catesllano (2000) indigenous knowledge encompasses three processes namely:
Empirical observations, traditional teachings and revelations. With the first
process, empirical observation is not based on quantitative inquiry, but rather it is
indigenous empirical knowledge that is representative of “converging perspec-
tives from different vantage points over time” in real-life situations and settings
(Lavallé, 2009). Traditional teachings include knowledge that has been passed
down through generations and knowledge imparted and acquired through revela-
tion such as dreams, visions and intuitions, which are sometimes considered as
spiritual and are understood as coming from the spirit world and ancestors’
genetics (Battiste, 2005). Such spiritual knowledge cannot be quantified, meas-
ured or observed by physical means and is thus dismissed by Western research.
In indigenous societies, these three sources are considered as equally valid and
interconnected (Lavallé, 2009). However, due to its nature in terms of empirical
observations, traditional teachings and revelations, this knowledge can be
misunderstood and misinterpreted by those who attempt to engage in it from a
‘distance’. However, one needs to ‘live it’ and experience it in order to under-
stand how sophisticated and intricate this knowledge is within these three di-
mensions. For this reason, the knowledge is more intimate and clearer when
explored by researchers who are natives to that specific setting.

INDIGENOUS RESEARCH THEORY

Indigenous research is defined as any study about a uniquely local phenomenon
that examines its local implications and/or its global implications (Kahakalau,
2004). A study can be considered indigenous if it involves at least one construct
or variable unique to a local phenomenon. Furthermore, the quality of an indige-
nous study can be assessed by the novel contribution of such unique construct
or variable in terms of building new theories or revising the existent theories.
Battiste (2005) suggests that the working definition of indigenous research must
include two central features:
Provide a unique phenomenon; and
Provide novel perspectives concerning a local phenomenon.
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Indigenous knowledge is a growing field of inquiry, both nationally and interna-

tionally, particularly for those interested in educational innovations. Furthermore,
this type of knowledge involves understanding the differences between the Euro-
centric and indigenous ways of knowing and including them into a contemporary
modern education. Although indigenous knowledge has always existed, the
recognition and intellectual activation of this knowledge today is an act of em-
powerment by indigenous people. The task for indigenous academics has been
to affirm and activate the holistic paradigm of indigenous knowledge to reveal the
wealth and richness of indigenous languages, worldviews, teachings, and expe-
riences, all of which have been systematically excluded from contemporary
educational institutions and from Euro-centric knowledge systems (Battiste,
2005; Kahakalau, 2004; Tuhiwai, 1999; Kawagley, 1990). It also brings empow-
erment and validation to native scholars, when this knowledge is considered to
be worthwhile, starting from the oral teachings which are passed on from gen-
eration to generation, practical means of survival, traditional medicines and
spirituality.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Why do tensions exist between the Western and indigenous research methodol-
ogies?
How can we bridge the gap between the Western and indigenous research
methodologies?

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND DESIGN

According to Berg (2003: 5) qualitative research helps the researcher to under-
stand and explain the meaning of social phenomena with as little disruption of
the natural setting as possible. A qualitative research design can further be
explained as a multi-perspective approach to social interaction aimed at describ-
ing, making sense of, interpreting, or reconstructing interactions in terms of the
meaning that the participants attach to it (Bogdan and Bicklen, 1998; Berg, 2003;
Creswell, 2003). This research utilized in-depth interviews and focus groups as
the primary method of data collection and observation as a secondary research
method.
One of the semantic constructions frequently identified with qualitative interview
data is a story, as telling stories are considered as a primary way of making
sense of an experience. Indeed Patton (2002) and Holliday (2002) assert that
the underlying premise of qualitative research is a belief that individuals make
sense of their world most effectively by telling stories. This research employed
unstructured interviews in which the participants told their stories of their day-to-
day encounters of native leadership.
The researcher adopted the snowball approach (Leedy and Ormrod, 2013) to
select participants, a process which began by approaching an elderly member of
the target community that the researcher was acquainted with. The man was
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requested to suggest an information-rich nuclear family which would be willing to

be interviewed. Since the Lamba families in villages are related and live in close
proximity, it was easy to access extended family members. After collecting data
from the chosen family, the researcher requested them to suggest village elders
who would be information-rich about indigenous leadership. Furthermore, after
gathering data from the latter participants, he was requested to suggest head-
men accordingly. The same process was used to select chiefs’ councillors and
finally the chiefs themselves. This process was not only logical but also layered
to enable triangulation of data starting from the lowest to the highest echelons of
the Lamba tribe – the Lambas have respect for every level of leadership.
Through snowballing, a total of 26 participants were acquired. The statuses of
the participants were truly representative of all the stratifications of a typical
Lamba community namely family (nuclear and extended), village elders, head-
men, councillors, and chiefs. At the family level, a husband and wife and four
members of the extended family participated. At the village level, six village
elders were selected. At the headman level, six were selected. At the chief’s
council level, six were selected. Finally, two chiefs were selected. The age range
of respondents was between 50-75 years.
One data collection method, namely in-depth semi-structured interviews, was
used in the form of individual face-to-face interviews and focus-group interviews.
The former interviews were held with each of the selected chiefs (two chiefs)
while the latter were conducted with the family, village elders, headmen and
councillors. The researcher chose the specific type of interview for specific
people based on consultations with the target participants whose suggestions
were informed by realities: The collective, inclusive nature of the Lamba commu-
nity and the role of the chief as the overseer of the Lamba nation.
Focus group interviews were informed by the knowledge that group dynamics
can be an important factor in bringing information to the fore. Also, the im-
portance of providing an opportunity for participants to share perceptions, points
of view, experiences, wishes, and concerns cannot be overemphasised (De Vos,
2003). As for the individual interviews, the researcher was aware that power
dynamics dictated that this type of interview would be the most appropriate for
chiefs.

ETHICAL MEASURES
When the focus of investigation is on human participants, ethical implications
must be looked at carefully in terms of what the researcher intends to do with the
participants. The researcher therefore had to consider the ethical responsibilities
associated with qualitative research. Participation was voluntary and participants
were made aware of their right to withdraw from the study at any time, without
explanation or prejudice. Furthermore, the participants were informed of what
was going to happen and the effect the research process would have on them
(Leedy and Ormrod, 2013). In the study, all the stakeholders were given the
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necessary information about the aims, the process as well as the benefits of the
study.

DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

Analysing data collected from an indigenous setting requires an understanding of
peoples’ culture and traditions so as to understand the context from which the
participants are narrating their stories and lived experiences. The Lamba people
have a distinct way of doing things as presented below.

PERMISSION TO ACCESS THE COMMUNITY AND SELECTION OF

PARTICIPANTS
According to Bell and Stevenson (2006) suggest that when negotiating entry in a
research site, permission must be sought. Custodians of the community were
informed about the study and due to its nature regarding leadership, the com-
munity leaders formed part of the focus group to ensure that the knowledge
sought was the knowledge provided by the participants. The custodians also
ensured that each participant actively offer information by having the elders ask
them to do so.
A councillor (Lambert Lumpuma) from chief Malembeka’s village said:
“I have to be part of the focus group because certain knowledge is held by
particular clans, they will add value to the study, but unless I am there to
point them out you might not get the core of what you are looking for.”
He added:
“Abena Nsofu – the elephant clan hold a worth of knowledge on how they se-
cured our villages in the past, they were the trusted guards of the chief and
the people. Since the study is about leadership they should form part of the
focus group in case you need information that pertains to security. I know
who they are in this village, I will bring them.”
He also said:
“We also have the shrine keepers at Kashise village, the rain maker, the one
who attends to the shrine where the skull of Chimpimpi (the father of the
abena Mishish – the hair clan) has been kept. Abena Mishishi – clan people
for that reason can never sleep in Kashise village because they were respon-
sible for his death. They die in their sleep. If you intend going there and
spending a night, clearly establish your clan. We also have Abena Milenda –
the people who take care of the graves of the chiefs, if you need information
on Lamba mysterious information, I will take you to them. They are highly re-
spected leaders of our society.”
The researcher was not aware of the different levels of leadership and was not
expecting to deal with these criteria to gain access to knowledge. In this commu-
nity, shrine keepers and grave attendants form part of leadership and are highly
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respected by the community and they hold information that they alone have
access to.
The participants said:
“We all know what goes on there, but those are the custodians of that
knowledge. They give meaning to everything that happens in our villages. If
there is no rain, they know why and they tell us what to do, and when we
obey, it will rain.”

GIVING A PRESENT TO THE CONTACT PERSON

Whereas in the Western world giving a present to the contact person is consid-
ered as bribery (Cournoyer and Klein, 2000), amongst the Lamba people it is the
opposite. It is considered as a sign of respect for their leaders. The contact
person must be given something that he/she will go and give to the leader that
the research intends to include in the sample (Amafisha kanwa). In return, the
researcher experienced much generosity from the community.
Mr Chimbala Nĝombe said:
“What have you brought for the people you intend to interview? You can’t
come with nothing, it is very disrespectful. You must show respect by bringing
something, if you have nothing, then go back and come back when you are
ready to follow our traditions.”
He added:
“These are chiefs, how can you come empty handed – teti mwise minwe
minwe ku mfumu? For them to give you information… fungulula ukuboko,
nabo baka fungulula uku boko kwabo – open your hand, they will open their
hands too.”
The tradition of offering a gift to the contact person impacts the researcher’s
personal finances as he or she cannot include this in the research budget, as it
would be considered a form of bribery in Western research methodologies.
Consequently, this might negatively affect future research interests in indigenous
knowledge systems.

RECEIVING OF PRESENTS FROM PARTICIPANTS

The Lamba cultural values are very deep in hospitality and generosity. There-
fore, a researcher is considered a visitor and visitors in this culture are obliged to
receive any gifts given to them as it symbolises proof of being well received.
Thus the researcher was served with a meal after every interview session and
something to carry, such as peanuts, honey, etc…
Mr Lumpuma said:
“Food has been served for you to eat before you go. We have packed some
things for you to carry too.”
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He added:
“How would you prove that you were well received if you go back empty
handed (Mukalabila shani ati twalyendele bwino uko twaile ngamu bwelele
minwe minwe)?”
Due to this tradition, after six consecutive days of data collection, the researcher
returned home with three live chickens, a bag of maize, a bucket of jumbo
beans, five litres of honey, and half a bag of peanuts.

PROHIBITION OF ANONYMITY AND CONFIDENTIALITY (LEADERSHIP

RESEARCH)
Anonymity and confidentiality means that the participants’ identity will be hidden
(Creswell, 2003). However, in Lamba culture these concepts mean that the
researcher doubts the validity of the participants’ information. The participants
thus refused anonymity and confidentiality when they were told that their identi-
ties would be concealed.
The dialogue regarding the above-mentioned was as follows:
Participant: “So, who will you say gave you the information?”
Researcher: “I will put a pseudonym.”
Participant: “What is that (Ninshi endo ifyo)?”
Researcher: “I will put another name to hide your identity.”
Participant: “Really? Why will you hide my identity when I am saying what hap-
pens here? Who would argue with the way we do things here? Do you think that
I will be embarrassed of our culture and traditions? Why will you put another
name instead of my name, so credit of this information will go to another person
whose name has been mentioned? Why? Please, whatever I say during this
interview; let it be noted that Chief Mushili (Mr Mpengula), Chief of the Lamba
people said exactly what I said. I do not approve of this confidentiality. If I am
telling lies, then I would not want people to know about that, but if I am telling the
truth, come on! Is that how you people operate? That makes no sense here. We
take pride in the way we do things here. It is information that is tested and
proved to work by our ancestors in this context and it is simply passed on to us,
from one generation to the next and we adapt it accordingly where necessary.
Yes, I know that somebody can read it elsewhere and say that it is nonsense but
here it makes perfect sense. So I am not worried about what anyone in the world
will say about the information I am giving you.”

DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS

Research methodologies in indigenous settings are very contextual as the
values upheld by the tribes emerge and unfold as one conducts the study. The
Lamba values of truthfulness, respect, generosity and hospitality were evident
during this study as were their identity and pride in their culture and traditions.
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Data presented above led to adjustments in the way research methodologies are
conducted in the Euro-centric studies.
Permission to access the community and selection of participants was very
sophisticated. The Lamba participants required the custodians of specific infor-
mation to divulge this knowledge, according to clans and according to the level
of leadership. Although the general Lamba villagers were generous with their
information, the Lamba leadership on councillor level insisted that specific
individuals provide further in-depth information, for example the shrine keepers
and rain makers and leaders of particular clans. The understanding is that the
shrine keepers have a direct connection to the ancestors, and as such their
knowledge of leadership is much more treasured and appreciated and is be-
lieved to be extremely authentic. Given the situation of indigenous knowledge
not being documented, the researcher understood the reasons behind the
referrals. Whereas in Western societies almost all information can be found in
written form, in indigenous settings information is mainly expressed verbally.
A further difference between Western and indigenous research methodologies is
that whereas offering a gift to the main informant is considered a form of bribery
in Western methodology, in the Lamba community, it is expected and valued that
the researcher bring with them a gift. This form of gift giving complicates this
level of the research process if researchers approach the community sans a gift,
in which case they will be sent home and will not receive any information. In
addition, in indigenous settings, the villagers have a responsibility to give gifts to
visitors (quite different from Western research methods whereby participants are
not expected to present the researcher a gift). Furthermore, within this setting,
the villagers also have a responsibility to ensure that the communities’ values
are upheld and that the ancestors are happy in the spiritual dimension. The
ancestral spirits are believed to be around their people all the time and pleasing
them by being kind is an aspect that is never forgotten and thus researchers
cannot enter these settings and attempt to change traditions. For this reason the
researcher feels that one can never fully understand the culture of the people
being researched unless one lives amongst them and practices it.
The concepts of anonymity and confidentiality were not clearly understood by the
participants and they all questioned it as they believed that if the truth is being
told, the one telling the truth must be known and not hidden. The participants
believed this to be an encouraging aspect of truthfulness.
The researchers suggests that research methodologies conducted in a Western
setting should be different from those research methodologies conducted in
indigenous settings as they are both worlds apart. Western methodologies trace
and document their history through written documents whilst the Lamba people
rely on conveying their history verbally, as told by the custodians who are the
leaders or the elderly of the community, who were also told by their elders when
they were younger. Triangulation of data is therefore complex as names men-
tioned in the ‘story’ might change depending on the state of mind of the person
telling the story at that time. However, the story generally retains its essence.
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RECOMMENDATIONS
The article suggests that the ‘one size fits all’ approach to conducting indigenous
research is not a practical one, and recommends adjusting Western research
methodologies to suit research in specific native settings.

CONCLUSION
In future, researchers need to be flexible enough to offer space for unexpected
experiences of the cultures and traditions of people in order for them to under-
stand why certain things happen the way they do, or else the indigenous world
will not be fully understood. It is hoped that a clear understanding of culture and
traditions will assist with resolving the uncertainty and tension that exists be-
tween the Western and Indigenous research methodologies.
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